,//K r .VI!.nJi/i'f- st - 
 
J 
 
 HERODOTUS, 
 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK, FOR THE USE OF 
 GENERAL READERS; 
 
 WITH SHORT EXPLANATORY NOTES. 
 
 SAM TAYLOR. 
 
 LONDON: 
 HOLDSWORTH AND BALL, 
 
 18, ST. PAUL'S CHURCH YARD. 
 
 MDCCCXXIX. 
 
M* 
 
 45" 
 
 I. T, HINTON, 8, WARWICK SQUARE 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The rapid and extensive diffusion of general knowledge, 
 which at the present moment is taking place, brings with it 
 naturally a higher estimate both of the quality and quantity 
 of information that should belong to a good education, and 
 necessitates also some changes in the methods of study. While 
 the lower classes are becoming familiar with subjects of which, 
 a few years ago, many in the middle ranks of society had 
 scarcely any knowledge, these, if they would retain their 
 relative position injJM^^^of intelligence, must pursue the 
 several branchesw^ I u ^considerably beyond the limits 
 of a scanty initiM He acquaintance with elements, 
 
 and musj; havej i u Rs of a more elaborate kind. 
 
 This process 1MB ' K already strikingly displayed 
 
 itself in the dejjM M ^listory ; and of late immense 
 masses of original documents have been brought from their 
 concealments, given to the public, and eagerly perused, 
 which formerly were scarcely known, except to a small class 
 of students. 
 
 The spirit of quicken^ 1 , curiosity will, no doubt, soon 
 pervade every department of this, as well as of other stu- 
 dies; and ere long, a common course of historical reading 
 must include the perusal — not merely of modern compilations ; 
 but of the principal historians of antiquity. That an acquaint- 
 ance with the original writers is the only efficient and satis- 
 factory method of becoming correctly and familiarly informed 
 of the condition of mankind in remote times, will not be 
 
 a 2 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 questioned by any one who is competent to give an opinion 
 on the subject. Compilations must always have their 
 use ; and if no more is desired than a mere knowledge of 
 events, conveyed in the pleasing amenities of modern style, 
 and accompanied by a few necessary explanations, then the 
 English reader need wish for nothing better than what he 
 already possesses in this kind. 
 
 But whoever turns from the pages of even the most exact 
 modern writers, to those of the ancient historians, will feel as 
 if he had actually traversed the interval of centuries. — Nothing 
 reminds him of the great changes which have taken place in 
 the sentiments and manners of mankind during the intervening- 
 ages : the style, the opinions, the allusions, are all in har- 
 mony with the period to which the narrative belongs. Even 
 those defects of method, and those trivial digressions, or excres- 
 cences of style, which the modern compiler carefully exscinds 
 from his well-digested pages, contribute very perceptibly to 
 assist the imagination in its efforts to realize the interesting 
 scenes of ancient story. In truth, during a continued perusal 
 of these original works, the impression spontaneously formed 
 upon the mind is so strong that it requires more effort, often, 
 to dissolve the illusion, than to maintain it. 
 
 The history of Greece, during yj^^faeperiod of its splen- 
 dour, has been transmitted to^fl ft^L m a f° rm as 
 admirable as the subject is infl ' iPmode well be- 
 comes the matter ; and to I HyJ e ' * ne Greek 
 historians add the substantial^ ill |P^ty : a praise, 
 by the way, which can in a veryi Be be allowed to 
 those of Rome. The poems of HojPr^Hro deserves to take 
 the first place among historians, as well as the first among 
 poets, depict the early stage of Grecian advancement on that 
 course in which they were to surpass all other nations of an- 
 cient, if not of modern times. An interval, not illustrated by 
 any extant contemporary writer of history, then occurs, during 
 which many great changes took place in national manners, and 
 in the institutions and political situation of particular states. 
 The hiatus is, however, to some extent, filled up by the allu- 
 sions and incidental notices of the writers about to be named, 
 who, while shedding a flood of light upon their own times, 
 illumine, more or less clearly, the preceding ages, and enable 
 
PREPACK. V 
 
 the inquirer to trace back the course of events with tolerable 
 satisfaction. At length, two or three compilers of annals, whose 
 collections have long since perished, prepared the way for 
 the introduction of a new style of historical composition ; and 
 just at the moment when the signal events of the Persian in- 
 vasion might still be gathered from the lips of many who had 
 shared in the glory of repelling the barbarian ; and when time 
 enough had elapsed to give to a historian the advantage of a 
 calm review of evidence, a writer appeared peculiarly fitted 
 by the qualities of his mind for compiling a narrative of facts 
 so extraordinary that, if recounted by a writer less eminent for 
 simplicity and ingenuousness of manner, they could hardly have 
 gained credence. 
 
 Herodotus, with an ardour in the pursuit of knowledge 
 very rarely equalled, when in early life he devoted himself to 
 the task of collecting the scattered materials of universal 
 history, did not think himself qualified for the work, until he 
 had visited every country to which the Greeks of his time 
 had access ; — every where examining documents, conversing 
 with the learned, and collating connected evidence. The fruits 
 of his industry we have before us ; and it may confidently be 
 affirmed that, after every exception has been admitted which 
 the most sceptical co ticis m can substantiate, there will re- 
 main, in the nineJflj ^Herodotus, a mass of information 
 more extensiv^ fend instructive, than is to be 
 found in any other author ^kntiquity. Unaffected, unam- 
 bitious, mellifluous, perspicuous, in his style ; bland, candid, 
 and gay, in his temper ; laborious in his researches ; judicious, 
 for the most part, in his decisions ; and apparently free from 
 sinister intentions and national prejudices — he holds up a 
 mirror in which is seen, without obscurity, or distortion, the 
 face of nature — the wonders of art — the revolutions of empire, 
 and the characters of statesmen. This great writer brings 
 down the history of Greece to the end of the year 479, before 
 the Christian era, when the Persians were compelled for ever 
 to abandon their long-cherished hope of crushing liberty in its 
 birth place. 
 
 The history of Greece is then taken up by the contem- 
 porary and rival of Herodotus — Thucydides, whose account 
 of the first two and twenty years of the Peloponnesian war 
 
 a 3 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 stands yet pre-eminent among works, ancient and modern, 
 of the same class, for those substantial excellencies which make 
 history the best teacher of political and military wisdom. Far 
 less various, amusing, and attractive than Herodotus, he is 
 more vigorous, more grave, and much more fraught with that 
 solid instruction which those seek for who have to qualify 
 themselves for public life. To Thucydides succeeds Xenophon, 
 not inferior to either of his predecessors. His history of 
 Greece — which however is the least finished of his writings — 
 brings the series of events to the battle of Mantinaea, B. C. 
 363. From this date, the history of Greece is to be gleaned, 
 in the first place, from the orators, philosophers, and dramatic 
 writers of the times ; and then from the compilers of a later 
 age ; especially from Diodorus of Sicily, Plutarch and 
 Arrian. 
 
 But, from the three admirable writers first named, whose 
 entire works do not exceed the compass of as many volumes, 
 the substance of ancient history may be acquired : — and 
 acquired, while taste is gratified and cherished, the imagination 
 enriched by the painting of splendid scenes and splendid cha- 
 racters, and the understanding invigorated by converse with 
 writers who, in intellectual energy, have never been sur- 
 passed. ^ 
 
 It must, however, be acknojM Bhat some serious 
 
 difficulties have hitherto stood |H la popular use 
 
 of the ancient historians. Not indeed that there has been 
 a lack of translations — or, in ^ome instances, of able trans- 
 lations ; but these, without perhaps an e Btion, have been 
 executed for the benefit of a comPCratifRy small class of 
 readers ; and they are, in several important respects, abso- 
 lutely unfitted for general perusal. At the time when the 
 existing versions of the classical historians were executed — 
 or we might even say at a much later period, that demand did 
 not exist which is now in activity for works of this kind. 
 Goldsmith's Histories of Greece and Rome were deemed to 
 convey an ample measure of historical information to all but 
 those who were to receive a finished education ; and it was for 
 the convenience, almost exclusively of the learned, that such 
 translations were made. But the improvements that are taking 
 place in education create a want which those early translations 
 
PREFACE. vii 
 
 can by no means supply, and though left in possession of 
 their fair fame, they cannot be made to subserve a purpose 
 never contemplated by their authors, and for which they are 
 utterly unsuited. These assertions may be substantiated 
 in the instance of the celebrated work now offered to the 
 English reader. — 
 
 Herodotus has been known to the English public till of late 
 through the medium of two translations only.* The first was 
 that of Little&ury, published nearly a century ago. Whether 
 actually derived from the Greek cannot be ascertained ; but if 
 so, it must have been done under the guidance of a faulty Latin 
 version, and in fact abounds with misinterpretations of the 
 author's meaning. Indeed it is but fair to say that the 
 requisite means for fully understanding Herodotus were 
 not, at that time, in existence; and nothing less than the 
 most extensive learning, and the utmost industry, could then 
 have ensured a tolerable measure of -success in so difficult a 
 task. Besides its many errors, the version of Littlebury is 
 extremely unattractive in its style — is deformed by un- 
 couth expressions, and, if considered as a popular work, is 
 liable to the capital objection of admitting many gross 
 phrases. 
 
 Beloe, whose translation of Herodotus has passed through 
 several editions^J^ ttbed to have made more use of 
 Larcher's French than of the Greek original. Be this as it 
 may, while his version is much more vague and paraphrastic 
 than that of his predecessor^Puittlebury, he has fallen into 
 almost as many errors. — The rule of translation, which he 
 quotes with approbation from Lord Bolingbroke, is one that 
 admits of very wide deviations from the original, both in the 
 rendering of words, and in the construction of sentences ; and 
 it has ■ led him to give such a version of the most antique 
 of the ancient historians as might, apart from its subject, be 
 
 * There is extant an English translation of the first two books, 
 dated 1584. A literal translation of Herodotus by a " Graduate of the 
 University," and apparently intended to assist those who wish for such 
 aid in reading the Greek, issued from the Oxford press four years ago ; 
 and another, by Peter Edmund Laurent, more recently : neither of them, 
 whatever may be their merits, meets the intention of the present 
 translation. . 
 
 a 4 
 
Vlll PREFACE. 
 
 mistaken for a neat and smooth compendium of modern his- 
 tory. A certain facility of style recommends the work ; but 
 no one who refers to the original can allow it the praise of 
 presenting a veritable resemblance of Herodotus : it is 
 moreover burdened with a mass of notes, a large proportion 
 of which are absolutely impertinent to the subject ; and are 
 ii) themselves scarcely amusing. Beloe also, like Littlebury, 
 admits phrases which must interdict the perusal of his trans- 
 lation in a family. 
 
 After grappling with the great and almost innumerable 
 difficulties which belong to a task of this kind, I am far 
 too sensibly impressed with their magnitude and amount 
 to indulge the hope of having obtained complete success. 
 Instead of professing any such hope, I will merely say that 
 I have diligently availed myself of every kind of aid that has 
 come within my reach ; and have most scrupulously laboured 
 to put the English reader as fully in possession of the sense 
 and style of Herodotus, as the idioms of our language would 
 admit : loose and paraphrastic renderings I discard ; and 
 would rather sometimes seem uncouth, than not retain the 
 significant turns and emphatic phrases of my author** Indeed 
 the analogies between the Greek and English languages are so 
 many and striking, that they often invite an absolutely literal 
 rendering. Or even when the constn ^^^kpf the Greek is 
 unlike that of our own tongue, the differei e is not so great 
 as to necessitate an entire departure from the ancient model ; 
 while, by retaining these HelUpc forms, the reader is per- 
 
 * Larcher, whose translation will, of course, be consulted by every . 
 one who wishes to make himself master of Herodotus, and whose 
 notes comprise the substance of all that is most important in the com- 
 mentaries of* his predecessors, seems to make no attempt at a charac- 
 teristic rendering of the original : on the contrary, he sedulously modifies 
 and modernises whatever is most antique, and most Grecian in his 
 author. His version is in fact an annotator's paraphrase — comprising 
 and amplifying every particle of his author's meaning. It ought in justice 
 to be remembered, that the genius of the French language is infinitely 
 remote from that of the Greek, and can never adapt itself to the style 
 of the great writers of antiquity. A French Homer, or a French He- 
 rodotus, is as like the original as the Hectors and Caesars and Catos of 
 the stage in the last century were, in their costumes, like the warriors of 
 Greece and Rome. 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 petually reminded of the age and country, the history of which 
 he is reading. Thus in our authorized and excellent version 
 of the Scriptures, innumerable forms of speech are admitted 
 which, though they are far from being properly English, har- 
 monize well with our modes of expression ; and at the same 
 time preserve that air of antiquity which could not be 
 lost without immense damage to the moral influence of the 
 writings. 
 
 In adapting my author to the purposes of general perusal — 
 in making the history of Herodotus a family book, it 
 was indispensable to modify some phrases, and even to omit 
 a few sentences which, if rendered as former translators 
 have done, must have restricted the work, as hitherto it has 
 been restricted, within a comparatively narrow circle. In 
 effecting these somewhat difficult modifications, the least pos- 
 sible deviation from the original has been admitted ; and I 
 think I may confidently say, that not a phrase has been dropped 
 which any right-minded reader would wish to have been re- 
 tained. No assurance of this kind can, I am aware, be satis- 
 factory to a prurient taste ; but those whose taste is unhappily 
 of that sort, would find exceedingly little to gratify it in 
 Herodotus : and it is not to be endured that, in deference to 
 the corrupted habits of mind of some persons, an author so 
 instructive and entertaining should be confined to the shelves 
 of scholars, solely on account of a few blemishes which 
 belong, not so much "to the author, as to his age, and which 
 himself, had he lived in our times, would have been most 
 careful to avoid. 
 
 Herodotus professes his fondness for the digressive style 
 (see pp. 279, 551) and in fact, a large portion of the work 
 consists of matter almost entirely foreign to the course of the 
 narrative, and which, though managed on a profound prin- 
 ciple of combination,* might, without injury to the story, be 
 
 * The history of Herodotus has been not improperly called an Epic 
 in prose : he evidently keeps the Homeric poems in view as a model ; 
 and it would be not difficult to exhibit a systematic arrangement of parts 
 much more artificial than a common reader may on a first perusal sup- 
 pose. In this respect Herodotus was a more accomplished master of the 
 art of composition than Thucydides, or even Xenophon, and is perhaps 
 without a rival. 
 
X ( PREFACE. 
 
 separated from it. Many of these digressions are in them- 
 selves highly interesting and important, and contain the 
 results of those exact and laborious researches on subjects of 
 all kinds which our author prosecuted in the course of his 
 extensive travels. They will, therefore, not less than the 
 history itself, command the attention of the intelligent reader ; 
 and the more so as the truth and accuracy of most of these 
 descriptive passages have of late been established by the con- 
 current testimony of modern travellers. But a considerable 
 number of our author's digressions are of a kind that can 
 scarcely interest any except the learned ; and a few must be 
 acknowledged to possess scarcely the slenderest claim upon 
 the perusal of a modern reader. As, these extrinsic portions 
 of the work, whether more or less important in themselves, 
 are perfectly separable from the narrative, and in fact divert 
 and embarrass attention, and may with great advantage 
 be read apart, they are distinguished throughout by 
 crotchets, and a smaller type. By this means, moreover, the 
 bulk of the volume has been considerably diminished. In 
 effecting this plan, a perfect uniformity was not practicable ; 
 for there are some digressions which, though not in themselves 
 very important, could not properly be separated from the nar- 
 rative : on the other hand, some port ions of the history, those 
 relating to the early affairs of Gree( , for instance, though 
 not less important than the main narrative, are not at all 
 connected with it, and are inserted by Herodotus with so 
 little regard to the order of time, that they tend to create 
 confusion, unless the reader is already familiar with Grecian 
 history. 
 
 Each book is, in the present translation, subdivided into 
 sections of convenient length, so far as the subject contained in 
 them would admit ; at the same time, in the hope that the 
 translation may be used by those who wish for aid in the 
 perusal of the Greek, there is subjoined, at the corner of each 
 page, a reference to the sections of the Greek text. By means 
 of these the intermediate sections may always be ascertained 
 without difficulty. For the most part, two sections of the 
 Greek text belong to each page of the translation. 
 
 No ancient author more invites annotation than Hero- 
 dotus ; for his various descriptions of countries and nations, 
 
preface;. XV 
 
 and his innumerable allusions, are susceptible of abundant 
 illustration, and this sort of comment has in fact been largely, 
 yet not too copiously, bestowed upon him,* and will continue 
 to be bestowed; for hardly a traveller returns from Greece 
 or from Asia, without bringing some notices which serve to 
 establish or explain our author's assertions ; so that the decla- 
 ration of Boerhaave is even more proper in our own times 
 than it was in his; that " hodiernae observationes probant fere 
 omnia magni viri dicta." But it must be obvious to every 
 one, that illustrations of this kind, attended as they must 
 always be, with the discussion of many doubtful points, can 
 never be condensed within a small compass ; and must, at the 
 least, exceed the bulk of the text. They are therefore neces- 
 sarily excluded by the plan of the present work, in which 
 the convenience of general readers, chiefly, is consulted. On 
 the other hand, there are innumerable explanations of names 
 and terms which, though they may be needed by the unlearned 
 reader, he will much more commodiously obtain by consulting 
 a classical dictionary — that of Lempriere, for example, than 
 by referring perpetually to notes : and even, in the most con- 
 densed form, such notes must have filled many sheets. There 
 are, however, some lesser obscurities which demand expla- 
 nation in passing : these are either subjoined to the page, 
 or reserved to the end of the volume. It should be added 
 that as, after a few sheets had gone to press, it was found 
 that the work would exceed first calculations, all means that 
 might save space were adopted, and the references to the after 
 Notes avoided : these are not numerous, and will be readily 
 found as they occur. The final Notes are preceded by a few 
 general hints, applicable to a multitude of passages, and 
 which therefore it may be well to peruse in the first 
 instance. 
 
 The Maps will, it is hoped, be found to contain all the names 
 
 * Major Rennell's elaborate work, see p. 719, deserves always to be 
 singled out from the mass of commentaries on Herodotus : I must 
 however be allowed to express regret that this learned, though in the 
 common acceptation of the term, unlearned writer, has relied implicitly 
 upon the correctness of Beloe's translation. In not a few instances the 
 Major's acute and ingenious reasonings would have been materially 
 modified had he used a better version, or consulted the original. 
 
Xll PREFACE. 
 
 most important to the intelligence of the narrative. In his 
 account of the twenty Satrapies of the Persian Empire, pp. 
 235 — 237, and elsewhere, when speaking of the countries 
 and nations of Asia, Herodotus introduces some names 
 which either occur in no other ancient author, or which are 
 not so described as to afford the means of determining their 
 locality. Conjectural reasonings have been advanced by 
 annotators, with the view of settling these doubtful points ; 
 but such hypotheses rest, for the most part, on exceedingly 
 slender grounds, and I have thought it more candid to omit 
 the names altogether, than to insert them, almost at random.* 
 Some also of the less important names mentioned in the his- 
 tory have necessarily been omitted in Maps on so small a 
 scale. The towns, especially of Thessaly, Phocis, Doris, 
 Boeotia, and Attica, could find space only on a map of large 
 dimensions. 
 
 When the first sheets went to press, I hesitated on the ques- 
 tion of the orthography of Greek names ; and almost deter- 
 mined to abandon entirely the latinized forms, and to adhere 
 uniformly to the Greek. But in a work intended for general 
 readers, I felt reluctant to deviate so greatly from common 
 usage, although supported by the example of a few highly 
 respectable modern writers. Nothing in fact can be much 
 more absurd than, when two languages are before us, both 
 equally accessible, and when the one has quite as near an 
 affinity to our own pronunciation as the other, to derive the 
 names belonging to the one from the modes of the other. 
 The consequence of this practice has been to introduce in- 
 numerable anomalies, and a great degree of uncertainty where, 
 if the other method had been observed, few need have existed, 
 and a ready means would have been at hand for determining 
 every doubt. A reformation in this respect will certainly 
 take place ere long ; especially as the Latin language is fast 
 ceasing to be the medium of acquiring a knowledge of Greek.f 
 
 * The name Pactyica, is perhaps an exception to the rule here pro- 
 fessed, of admitting none, the locality of which is doubtful ; there are 
 however strong, if not conclusive reasons, for placing it where it stands 
 in the map, on the western side of the Indus. 
 
 t By what terms the daemons of Grecian mythology are designated, 
 is indeed a matter of extremely small importance ; yet as these names 
 
PREFACE.' XUl 
 
 Besides the many anomalies which common usage has 
 introduced into the orthography of Greek names, some 
 diversity has sprung up in the hands of the copyists of 
 Herodotus; so that, in not a few instances, the same name 
 is differently spelt in different parts of the history. More- 
 over, in a work of considerable extent, and so replete with 
 proper names, in the orthography of which an error, if once 
 admitted, easily escapes detection, it is perhaps excusable 
 that a few should, even after a careful revision of the sheets, 
 be found to exist. These oversights, it is hoped, are not nu- 
 merous, or very important : the most considerable are named 
 in a list of corrections, and great care has been taken in 
 preparing and revising the Index, with the view of its forming 
 a standard, wherever diversity or error in the body of the work 
 may be detected. Where a number of references are made 
 under a word, if one of them contains that kind of specific 
 information which a reader consulting an index is likely to re- 
 quire, he will find it indicated by the direction — see page, &c. 
 For such particulars as are to be collected from ancient 
 authors, relative to Herodotus and his writings, I beg to 
 refer the reader to a volume recently published, in which 
 the genuineness and authenticity of the history are established 
 in illustration of a general argument. Yet, in consigning 
 my translation of this celebrated work to the perusal of a 
 class of readers hitherto little acquainted with its merits and 
 importance, I cannot refrain from reminding them that, 
 
 have become indissolubly associated with those of the illustrious men 
 whose unhappiness it was to reverence such divinities, and must there- 
 fore by this connexion be held in perpetual remembrance, it would be as 
 well to give them their original appellations. No good reason can be 
 assigned why Zeus, Hera, Aphrodita, Athena, Ares, Hephaistos, Po- 
 seidon, Dionysos, Artemis, Hermes, &c. should be called Jupiter, Juno, 
 Venus, Minerva, Mars, Vulcan, Neptune, Bacchus, Diana, Mercury. 
 These needless translations serve only to remove from our familiarity a 
 language incomparably more worthy of the labour of acquisition than the 
 one which, till of late, has stood as interpreter to every people of 
 Europe. This injurious intervention is fast falling into disuse, and its 
 complete removal Avill probably be attended by a much more widely 
 diffused acquaintance with the worthier tongue, than has hitherto been 
 thought desirable. 
 
XIV PREFACE. 
 
 besides a fund of information on a great variety of subjects, 
 more or less interesting, it contains a narrative, undoubt- 
 edly authentic, of the great conflict to the successful issue 
 of which the modern nations of Europe are directly in- 
 debted for their own possession of all that is valuable in phi- 
 losophy, poetry, art, and civil liberty. More than once 
 within the limits of authentic history, and once even in our 
 own times, there has stood in opposition on the field of war, 
 on the one side the enslaved myriads of a brutal despotism, 
 and on the other, the champions of intelligence and liberty : 
 and the chance of battle — rather should we say the disposing 
 hand of Him who rules among the nations, has in an hour 
 determined the fate of mankind for many succeeding ages. 
 On these memorable occasions, if lawless ambition had 
 triumphed, the spark of mind must have been extinguished, 
 and the germ of improvement destroyed. Such a crisis for 
 the human family was brought to its issue in the fields 
 of Plataea and in the straits of Salamis. There the light 
 of knowledge, the splendours of art, and the substantial be- 
 nefits of freedom, were preserved from threatening destruc- 
 tion for the advantage of all succeeding times. It may even 
 be added that, although the divine wisdom might doubtless 
 have found other meaus of accomplishing its designs, yet 
 was it in fact by the preservation of the independence of 
 Greece, when almost crushed beneath the Asiatic hordes, 
 that the western world was held in preparation for the dif- 
 fusion of Christianity. To affirm that true religion is de- 
 pendent absolutely upon the previous existence of know- 
 ledge and liberty were absurd, and contrary to facts. Ne- 
 vertheless it is certain — and it forms a bright article in the 
 correlative evidence of the truth of the system contained in 
 the Scriptures, that Christianity has ever loved to walk in 
 the track of intelligence; and has shrunk away from the 
 haunts of ignorance and oppression. This association seems 
 so intimate, so natural, that when we contemplate the vast 
 regions of the earth that are still oppressed by ferocious 
 despotisms, shrouded by ignorance, and defiled by impure 
 superstitions, it is hard to resist the belief that the three 
 evils must be dispelled together ; and that whether religion, 
 
PREFACE. XV 
 
 science, or liberty, is to lead the way, the companion blessings 
 shall presently follow on the same path. 
 
 It would seem a chimerical alarm to anticipate another 
 universal crisis of civilization ; or to suppose that, at a second 
 Thermopylae, the myriads of Asia are again to press upon the 
 little band of the champions of freedom. — This may never be. 
 Nevertheless it is a fact, highly deserving of consideration, 
 that the proportion of the civilized to the uncivilized mass of 
 the human family is scarcely, if at all larger now than it was 
 in the age when Themistocles headed the one party, and 
 Xerxes ruled the other; — that the uncivilized millions of 
 mankind have not advanced a step in the path of improvement 
 since that age ; but have rather retrograded ; and perhaps it 
 might be added that these millions are now almost as much at 
 the disposal of the enormous ambition of a semi-barbarous 
 power as they were when the bones of every people of Asia 
 whitened the way between Athens and the Hellespont. 
 
By the same Author, 
 
 THE PROCESS OF HISTORICAL PROOF, 
 
 Exemplified and Explained, with Observations on the Peculiar Points 
 
 of the Christian Evidence, 
 
 8vo. 9s. 
 
 In this volume, the genuineness and authenticity of the History of Herodotus 
 are established in illustration of the method of conducting arguments of this kind ; 
 and particulars are given relating to his Life and Writings. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE TRANSMISSION OF ANCIENT BOOKS 
 TO MODERN TIMES ; 
 
 or a Concise Account of the Means by which the 
 
 Genuineness and Authenticity 
 
 of Ancient Historical Works are ascertained : with an 
 
 Estimate of 
 
 the comparative Value of the Evidence usually adduced in support of the 
 
 Claims of the Jewish and Christian Scriptures, 
 
 8vo. 8s. 
 
EPITOME OF THE HISTORY. 
 
 The principal subject of the work is the deliverance of Greece from 
 the danger which so long threatened it of subjugation by the Persian 
 kings. But to render the narrative of the invasion of Greece fully intel- 
 ligible, it was necessary first to describe the rise and advancement of 
 that vast empire, with the collected forces of which the Greeks had to 
 contend. This design leads the author back to the most remote age of 
 Asiatic history; yet, in order to open the path before his readers 
 gradually, he commences, not with the history of the more distant 
 nations, but with that of a kingdom with the affairs of which the Greeks 
 were in some measure acquainted : accordingly, 
 
 BOOK I, 
 
 After a short exordium referring to the ancient animosities between 
 the people of Asia and of Greece, opens, p. 3, with the history of the 
 Lydian Kingoom, commencing with the story of Gyges, ancestor of 
 Croesus, who usurped the throne of his master, Candaules. Then follow 
 the reigns of Ardys, Sadyattes, and Alyattes (6 — 8) interrupted by the 
 story — half fabulous, of Arion (9). The history of Croesus succeeds 
 (10) whose conquests in Asia Minor are described (11). The mention of 
 the growing splendour of Sardis, capital of Lydia, introduces an account 
 (perhaps founded on facts) of an interview between Solon, the Athenian 
 legislator, and Croesus (12 — 15); which is followed by the story of the 
 death of Atys, son of Croesus (15 — 19). 
 
 Crcesus, aroused from his sorrow by the growing power of the Per- 
 sians under Cyrus, consults the oracles of Greece, Asia, and Africa 
 (19 — 23) ; and obtains an answer which impels him to invade the Persian 
 territory. He first solicits aid from the Greeks : this circumstance 
 
 b 
 
XV111 EPITOME OF 
 
 introduces a digression (23) containing the early history, first of the 
 Athenians, under Pisistratus — called the tyrant; and then of the Lace- 
 daemonians, (27 — 30) under Lycurgus, the legislator. Having formed 
 a treaty with the Spartans, Croesus invades Cappadocia (31) and is 
 presently opposed by Cyrus (34) who compels him to retire to Sardis 
 (35) and following his retreat, defeats him under the walls of the city 
 (37). Croesus, shutting himself up there, is made prisoner, and be- 
 comes a pensioner upon the bounty of the Persian kings (38—44). Our 
 author then gives a brief account of Lydia, and of the manners of the 
 people (44—46). 
 
 The history of Cyrus is introduced by that of the Assyrians, and of 
 the Medes, under Dejoces (46 — 49) to whom succeeds Phraortes, 
 Cyaxares — during whose reign the Scythians invade Media (50) and 
 Astyages, of whom Cyrus was the grandson, by his daughter Mandane. 
 The story of the birth and education of Cyrus (51 — 60) is of very 
 doubtful authenticity. Cyrus having attained manhood, moves the 
 Persians to revolt from the Medes under Astyages, succeeds in his 
 rebellion (60 — 64) and thus transfers the supreme power in Asia from 
 the Persians to the Medes. Herodotus then describes very particularly 
 me manners, religion, and customs of the Persians (64—68). 
 
 Cyrus having conquered Lydia, reduces all the Greeks of Asia Minor 
 to obedience : of these, both Ionians and JEolians, some account is given 
 (68 — 72) introductory to a narrative of the successes of Harpagus, the 
 Persian general, in overcoming the several settlements of the Greeks 
 on the continent (72 — 84). 
 
 Meanwhile Cyrus in person had vanquished the whole of Upper Asia — 
 the countries between the Euphrates and the Indus. Of these conquests 
 Herodotus particularizes only that of Assyria ; and first describes 
 Babylon, the capital of that country, with its prodigious buildings, men- 
 tioning some particulars of its history (84 — 90) and then narrates the 
 extraordinary means by which the city was captured (90 — 92) and 
 describes the wealth and manners of the Babylonians (92 — 96). 
 
 Cyrus, after reducing Babylon, carries his arms against the Massa- 
 getes, a people of eastern Scythia; in which expedition he perishes, 
 with a large part of his army (97 — 103). In this narrative are inserted 
 an account of the Caspian sea, and its tributary rivers (97) and a de- 
 scription of the manners of the Massagetes. 
 
 BOOK II, 
 
 Announces the accession of Cambyses„ son of Cyrus, who resolves 
 upon attempting the conquest of Egypt, of which country the history 
 and description occupies the entire book. This copious description 
 
THE HISTORY. XIX 
 
 is introduced by notices of the antiquity of the people, and their superior 
 attainments (104 — 106). After giving a general survey of the country, 
 its aspect, and extent (106 — 108) our author describes the Nile, and 
 mentions the various opinions that have been given concerning its inun- 
 dations, and its rise (108 — 119). An entertaining account of the man- 
 ners and superstitions of the Egyptians follows (119 — 131); then a 
 description of the animals peculiar to the Nile and its banks, including 
 the Crocodile, the Hippopotamus, the Phoenix, &c. (131 — 135). The habits 
 and usages of the Egyptians are then more minutely described (135 — 
 143) ; after which a sketch of the remote history of Egypt is given, in- 
 cluding the names of its sovereigns — Menes, Nitocris, Moeris, Sesostris, 
 Pheron, Proteus, Rampsinitus, Cheops, Chephren, Mycerinus, Asychis, 
 Anysis, Sethon (143 — 167). This sketch — probably containing some 
 particles of truth, includes a disquisition concerning the people ot 
 Colchis (145) ; another relating to Helen and the Trojan war (149 — 153) 
 and a description of the Pyramids (157 — 159) ; of the temple of Bubastis 
 (163) ; with conjectures on the Egyptian and Grecian mythologies 
 (166, 167). 
 
 The middle period of Egyptian history rests on better evidence, and 
 commences with the reigns of the twelve kings, the constructors of the 
 Labyrinth, near the lake of Moeris (167 — 170). These were supplanted 
 by one of themselves — Psammitichus, assisted by certain Ionians and 
 Carians (171 — 174) : he was succeeded by Necho, and he by Psaminis- 
 Our author here describes the magnificent temple of Latona (173), and 
 introduces an anecdote of the Elians. The later period of Egyptian 
 history commences with the reign of Apries, dethroned .by his general 
 \masis(176 — 185). The distinctions of caste are described (178), the 
 ^mple of Minerva (179), with a digression relating to the Greeks of 
 &sia (183) and to the people of Cyrene (184). 
 
 BOOK III, 
 
 Resumes the narrative of the invasion of Egypt by Cambyses, and the 
 preparations for it, including a treaty with the Arabians (186 — 190). 
 Psammenitus, son of Amasis, opposes the Persians, is vanquished, 
 insulted, and put to death by Cambyses (190 — 194) who conducts him- 
 self outrageously towards both the living and the dead (194) and madly 
 undertakes an expedition against the Ethiopians, whose manners are 
 described (195 — 199). On his return he mortally wpunds Apis, com- 
 missions Prexaspes to murder his brother, Smerdis, and commits other 
 violences (200—206). 
 
 A digression contains the story of Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, and 
 that of Periander, tyrant of Corinth (207— 216). 
 
 b 2 
 
XX EPITOME OF 
 
 While Cambyses lingered in Egypt, his throne was usurped by two 
 Mages, whom he had left in charge of his palace. The news of the 
 conspiracy occasions his death, at Ecbatana in Syria (217 — 221). The 
 Mages, successful in their enterprise, enjoy dominion six months; but 
 their fraud is at length discovered, and themselves slain by seven con- 
 federate princes (221 — 229), who hold consultation on the form of 
 government to be established, and at length confer the supreme power 
 upon one of their number — Darius, son of Hystaspes (229 — 234). The 
 first care of the new king was to distribute the empire into twenty 
 prefectures — called Satrapies, of which, and the tribute rendered by 
 each, a particular account is given (234 — 238) followed by a miscel- 
 laneous description of the produce of several countries, especially of 
 India, Arabia, Ethiopia, and Europe (238 — 244). 
 
 Intaphernes, one of the seven princes who had conspired against the 
 Mages, on pretext of an outrage committed in the palace, is put to death 
 with his family (245). The story of Polycrates is resumed, and his 
 tragical fate narrated, to which succeeds that of his destroyer Orcetes 
 (246 — 250). Darius, at the instigation of his wife, despatches a Greek 
 physician, named Democedes, and who eludes him, to explore the coasts 
 of Greece, preparatory to an invasion of that country (251 — 257); and 
 presently afterwards reduces Samos, and confers the island upon 
 Syloson, brother of Polycrates (257—262). Meanwhile the Babylonians 
 revolt and are invested : after a long siege Babylon is taken by the 
 self-devotion of Zopyrus (262 — 267). 
 
 BOOK IV. 
 
 After the capture of Babylon, Darius undertakes an expedition 
 against the Scythians, the narrative of which is introduced by a copious 
 and authentic account of the geography of the country, of the man- 
 ners and superstitions of the people, and of the nations beyond them 
 (268 — 301, and 307 — 313) including a digression on the geography of 
 the three continents (282—286). 
 
 Darius advances against the Scythians through Thrace, by bridges 
 constructed over the Ister (301 — 307) and after a long pursuit of the 
 enemy, who constantly retires before him, is at length compelled to 
 retreat precipitately, having lost a large part of his army (313 — 325). 
 
 About the same time a Persian army penetrated as far as Barca and 
 Cyrene, in Libya, at the solicitation of Pheretima, wife of Battus. 
 Our author first gives the history of those colonies (325 — 336) and then 
 a description of Libya, and its various nations (336 — 346). The Persians 
 accomplish by stratagem the cruel revenge of Pheretima, who soon 
 afterwards herself perishes miserably (346—349). 
 
THE HISTORY. XXI 
 
 BOOK V. 
 
 After the return of the army from Scythia, the Persians, under 
 Megabazus, extend their conquests in Thrace, of which country the 
 several nations are described (350 — 353). Darius takes occasion to 
 vanquish and transport the Paeonians from Europe to Asia (353 — 356); 
 and sends ambassadors to Amyntas, king of Macedonia; these, in 
 revenge of their insolence, perish by the hand of Alexander, son of the 
 king (356—358). 
 
 Histijeus, tyrant of Miletus, who in recompence of his services had 
 received a government in Thrace, is recalled, and detained in honour- 
 able captivity at Susa, whence he finds means to instigate a revolt of the 
 Ionian states, under the management of his nephew Aristagoras. 
 This rebellion, after a long struggle, destructive to the Greeks of Asia, 
 is quashed, and its authors, Histiaeus and Aristagoras, meet their fate 
 (359 — 421). The narrative of the Ionian war includes digressions 
 relating to — Sparta, and its king Cleomenes, to whom Aristagoras applied 
 in vain for aid (367 — 374); then to Athens, where he was more success- 
 ful. The Athenian factions, under the Pisistratids and the Alcmaeonids, 
 are described (375 — 384) as well as the war between Athens and 
 jEgina (385 — 390,) and the attempts of the Lacedeemonians against the 
 liberties of the former (390—397). The Athenians, at the solicitation 
 of Aristagoras, send a force to aid the lonians, and conjointly with them, 
 burn Sardis, which event determines Darius to invade Greece, and 
 serves as a pretext for all the outrages afterwards committed by the 
 Persians under Xerxes (397 — 409). The lonians are joined by the 
 Cyprians, who however share the same fate (401 — 405). 
 
 BOOK VI, 
 
 Continues the narrative of the Ionian war, terminated by the fall of 
 Miletus (409—417). The Samians, who had taken part in the rebellion, 
 escaped from the vengeance of Persia by settling themselves at Zancla 
 in Sicily (419). 
 
 The victorious Persians reduce Chios, Lesbos, Tenedos, and the towns 
 of the Chersonese, which hitherto had been governed by Mii/tiadks, 
 an Athenian (421 — 425) who, on this occasion, returns to Athens (426). 
 These successes encourage Darius to make an attempt upon Greece ; 
 but the army sent out under the command of Mardonius, penetrates 
 no further than Macedonia, and retires with dishonour (427, 428). 
 Heralds are now despatched to try the dispositions of the several states 
 of Greece, some of which render the customary tokens of submission 
 to the Persian monarch ; thus Greece became divided against itself. 
 
XX11 EPITOME OF 
 
 A long digression contains the history of the rivalries of the Spartan 
 kings, Demaratus and Cleomenes, issuing in the banishment of the 
 former, who took refuge at the Persian court ; and in the death of the 
 latter by his own hands (430 — 443). The affairs of JEgina lead Leo- 
 ttchides, the successor of Demaratus, to Athens, where he recounts 
 the story of Glaucus (444—448). 
 
 Meanwhile Darius prepares for a second invasion of Greece ; and an 
 expedition, under the command of Datis and Artaphernes, crosses 
 the iEgaean sea, reduces Naxos, and Eretria, in Eubcea, lands in Attica, 
 and takes up its position on the field of Marathon (448 — 452). Here 
 the Persians are opposed by a body of Athenians and Plataeans, who, 
 under the command of Miltiades, rout the barbarians with great 
 slaughter, and drive the survivors on board their fleet (452 — 461). The 
 suspicious conduct of the Alcmaeonids on this occasion, introduces a 
 history of that powerful family (461—465). The Persians having 
 retired to their own seas, Miltiades undertakes an enterprize against 
 Paros, in which failing, he is capitally accused to the Athenians, and 
 condemned to pay an enormous fine ; but dies of a wound received in his 
 late attempt (466— 4T0). 
 
 BOOK VII. 
 
 Darius preparing to renew the war upon Greece, is diverted by the 
 revolt of the Egyptians ; but dies when about to set out at the head of 
 his army (471 — 473) and is succeeded by his son, Xerxes. The young 
 king, at the instigation of Mardonius, aud contrary to the better counsels 
 of hi6 uncle Artabanus, determines to prosecute his father's intentions 
 against the Greeks of Europe, and issues orders for collecting forces 
 from every nation under his sway (473 — 486). While the levies are 
 making, Xerxes causes a canal to be cut through the neck of the isthmus 
 of Mount Athos, to obviate the necessity of doubling the dangerous 
 headland (486) : at the same time bridges are constructed across- the 
 Hellespont for the passage of the land forces (487). 
 
 When all is in readiness, the Persian monarch marches at the head 
 of an innumerable barbarian rout from Critallis in Cappadocia, and 
 proceeds through Sardis, to Abydos, on the Hellespont, where the 
 bridges had been a second time formed ;— the first having been broken 
 up by a storm (486 — 494). Before passing the current which divides 
 Europe from Asia, the vain king reviews his motley host and fleet, which 
 covered all the shores, and takes occasion to moralize with his uncle 
 Artabanus (495 — 500) and the next day passes the bridge of barges, 
 and all having reached Doriscus in Thrace, the army is numbered ; and 
 our author specifies the several nations mustered in the army and 
 fleet, describing particularly their various costumes, and naming the 
 generals and commanders (501—515). After the review, Xerxes held 
 
THE HISTORY. XXlll 
 
 a dialogue with Demaratus, the ex-king of Sparta, who attended him on 
 the expedition (515 — 518). The army then advances through Thrace, 
 Macedonia, and Thessaly, till it reaches the pass of Thermopylae ; 
 meanwhile the fleet moves along the coast at an equal rate (518—528) ; 
 at the same tinuj heralds are sent throughout Greece to demand the 
 submission of the several states (528 — 531). 
 
 The Greeks now prepare to oppose the invader, and the Athenians, 
 as a necessary measure, send to ask advice of Apollo at Delphi, who 
 gives them first an answer fraught with horrors, and then a mitigated 
 reply, containing a couched intimation of which, as interpreted by 
 Themistocles, they take advantage (531—536). The Greeks, con- 
 voked in a general assembly, first compose all differences among them- 
 selves, and then despatch embassies to solicit aid from the Argives, 
 the Syracusans, the Corcyrseans, and the Cretans (536 — 551). The 
 account of these embassies includes the history of Gelon, tyrant of 
 Syracuse (541—543). 
 
 At the request of the Thessalians, the Greeks send a body of troops to 
 occupy the pass of Tempe ; from which they presently retire, leaving 
 the Thessalians to make terms with the invader (551 — 553). It is 
 then resolved to despatch a small force to defend the nearer pass of 
 Thermopyl^;, and to station the fleet at Artemisium, on the northern 
 extremity of Euboea (553 — 555). The two armies being now about to 
 encounter, Herodotus calculates the numbers of the barbarian host 
 (557, 558). The vast superiority of the Asiatic fleet is presently reduced 
 by a storm, fatal to a large number of vessels (559 — 561): The pass of 
 Thermopylae is occupied by a small body of Greeks, under the command 
 of I«EONiDAs,king of Sparta: these are vainly attacked by the Persians, 
 Medes, and Saces, until being circumvented and surrounded on all sides, 
 the Spartans, three hundred in number, with Leonidas, who alone 
 remained at their post, are all slain (563 — 581). 
 
 BOOK VIII, 
 
 Commences with an enumeration of the Grecian fleet, assembled at 
 Artemisium, under the command of Eurybiades (583). The barbarian 
 fleet being stationed on the opposite main, at Aphetae, several engage- 
 ments take place : and though the Greeks acquire some confidence, and 
 much credit, they at length resolve to retire, and to take position nearer 
 to their homes. During this time a detachment of ships, sent round the 
 island to inclose the Greeks, is destroyed in a storm (583 — 591). Xerxes 
 e men on board the fleet by a trickish exhibition of the 
 slain at The; lopylae (592) and advances through Phocis and Bceotia 
 towards Athens, having on the way despatched a body of troops to 
 nder the temple of Apollo ; but the presumptuous attempt 
 is repulsed by extraordinary means (594— 598). 
 
XXIV EPITOME OF 
 
 The fleet of the confederate Greeks now takes up its station in the 
 straits around Salami s, where fierce altercations ensue among the chiefs, 
 and where they are retained only by the stratagems and management 
 of Themistocles (598 — 602). Meanwhile the Athenians abandon their 
 city, which, after a short resistance on the part of a few who remain, is 
 occupied by Xerxes (602 — 604). Differences among the Grecian chiefs 
 are now renewed (606 — 607), while Xerxes holds a council of war at 
 Phalerum (699 — 611). The Peloponnesians, influenced by a selfish and 
 blind policy, think only of defending their peninsula (612, 613) and to 
 prevent their defection from the confederacy, Themistocles uses a stra- 
 tagem which biings on an engagement between the two fleets at 
 Salamis, in which the barbarians sustain a signal and irreparable 
 defeat. On this occasion Aristides "the just" gives proof of his 
 patriotism (614—624). 
 
 Xerxes, seized with dismay equal to his previous presumption, medi- 
 tates a retreat, and is persuaded to retire, leaving a chosen body of the 
 army under the command of Mardonius,to achieve the conquest of Greece. 
 The monarch, followed by a starving mob of Asiatics, reaches and crosses 
 the Hellespont in safety (624—637). Meanwhile the Grecian fleet 
 attacks Andros, and obtains money from some of the islands (632 — 637). 
 After dividing the spoils, and dedicating a tythe to the gods, they deny 
 to Themistocles the honours which all confess are due to him, and which 
 the Spartans alone have the grace to render (638). 
 
 A body of the Persian army under Artabazus attacks Palene during 
 the winter; but is discomfited, and rejoins the army cantoned in 
 Thessaly (639—641). The shattered remains of the Asiatic fleet retire 
 to Samos for the winter (642). 
 
 On the approach of spring both parties prepare to renew the contest, 
 The Grecian fleet commanded by Leotychides is assembled at iEgina; 
 while Mardonius, who had passed the winter in Thessaly, first sends to 
 consult the Grecian oracles on the event of the war (643), and then 
 despatches Alexander, king of Macedonia — the history of whose family 
 forms the subject of a digression (645, 646) — to Athens, with the hope of 
 detaching the Athenians from the confederacy. This measure alarms 
 the fears of the Spartans; but the firm and indignant reply of the 
 Athenians to the proposals of the common enemy, and to the base sus- 
 picions of their ally, convince the one that he has nothing to hope, and 
 the other that they have nothing to fear, from the irresolution or selfish- 
 ness of that people (647—651). 
 
 BOOK IX. 
 
 The Athenians, feeling it to be impracticable to defend their city, once 
 again abandon it ; and Mardonius advancing without opposition through 
 
THE HISTORY. XXV 
 
 Bceotia and Attica, fixes his head quarters in it, and thence sends a 
 second proposition to the Athenians, now assembled at Salamis; but 
 this is rejected with violent indignation (652 — 654) ; though the sinister 
 and selfish behaviour of the Spartans gives reason to believe that they 
 would abandon their allies as soon as it should seem safe to do so (655). 
 At length their fears are awakened, and they despatch a body of troops 
 from Peloponnesus to oppose the invader in Bceotia : these are followed 
 by the other Peloponnesians, and a force of considerable strength draws 
 towards the centre of war (655 — 662) until the two armies look each 
 other in the face from the opposite banks of the Asopus, on the northern 
 side of which river Mardonius had constructed a fortified camp. During 
 several days the Persian cavalry annoys the Greeks, who with difficulty 
 maintain their ground ; but a general action is avoided by both parties : 
 meanwhile the right of precedence is hotly contended for by the 
 Tegeans and Athenians; and accorded to the latter by the suffrage 
 of the Spartans, whose right of preference is acknowledged by all 
 (662-667). 
 
 At length the line is formed on both sides; but afterwards deranged, 
 and again restored, through the fears of the Lacedaemonians (667 — 670). 
 The story of Tisamenus, and then that of Hegesistratus — both diviners, 
 form parentheses in this part of the narrative (670 — 673.) Ten days 
 pass, during which the omens on both sides discourage offensive warfare ; 
 meanwhile movements and perplexities take place among the Greeks, 
 who are hardly retained in front of the enemy (673 — 680), but a reso- 
 lution is agreed to for occupying a station near Plat;ea. In effecting 
 this change of position a Spartan, named Amompharetus, displays, first 
 his contumacy, then his irresolution ; the consequences of which, and the 
 withdrawment of the Greeks from their ground, bring on a general 
 engagement, in which, after some obstinate fighting, the Persians are 
 utterly routed, Mardonius slain, and the confused host driven pre- 
 cipitately within their fortified camp (680 — 688) which however is pre- 
 sently forced by the Greeks, who effect an almost entire destruction of 
 their unresisting enemies ; one division only of the army, under 
 Artabazus, having made good a timely retreat (688 — 690). Incidents 
 connected with the battle close the narrative of this signal day 
 (691—698). 
 
 On the same day a battle not much less important takes place between 
 the Greeks and Barbarians at Mycale', on the coast of Ionia. The 
 Grecian fleet, at the solicitation of certain Samians > had moved across 
 the Icarian sea, in pursuit of the Persians, who, on their approach, 
 hauled their vessels ashore, and surrounded them with a palisado. The 
 Greeks, under Leotychides, effect a landing, attack and defeat the 
 Persians, destroy the fleet, collect a large booty, and depart (698 — 708) 
 sailing towards the Hellespont, where they separate — the Pelopon- 
 nesians returning home ; while the Athenians besiege Sestus, which at 
 length they reduce, and inflict signal vengeance upon the flagitious 
 
 C 
 
XXvi EPITOME OF THE HISTORY. 
 
 Artayctes : then collecting the remains of the raft by which Xerxes 
 had crossed the Hellespont, they return to Greece, laden with wealth, 
 trophies, and glory (711 — 715). 
 
 Meanwhile Xerxes, first at Sardis, and afterwards at Susa, loses the 
 recollection of his defeat amid incestuous amours, and blots out the 
 remembrance of the destruction of his people with the blood of his 
 family (708-711). 
 
 CHRONOLOGY 
 
CORRECTIONS. 
 
 Page Liue - 
 
 19 14 read Aba, and at p. 595, and 643 
 
 21 7 If the common reading is followed — rpia yifXiTakavru, it should be 
 rendered " one talent and a half," but Schweigheeuser and Gaisford 
 adopt the reading Tpirov rifxiTaXavrov, which means " three 
 and a half talents :" see Matthia, sect. 143. 
 25 last line, r. Tyrrhenians 
 272 17 r. Agathyrsus 
 343 22 for on the roof, r. over the house 
 366 24 r. Myus 
 369 25 r, Elis, and p. 370, 1. 2. 
 376 24 place inverted commas at the end of the line, after Teleboes," 
 
 and omit them after Cadmus. 
 432 2 from the bottom, r. Pythions 
 450 in the verse, for them, r. then 
 463 3 from the bottom, r. Trapezus 
 524 5 r. Therma * 
 
 527 last line, for the descendants of the Aleuads of Thessaly, r. the sons of 
 Aleuas, who were Thessalians 
 
BOOK I. 
 
 CLIO. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE LYDIAN KINGDOM. 
 
 Herodotus of Halicarnassus publishes bis researches 
 
 in order to prevent the achievemgrts of men from fading 
 
 in the oblivion of time, ^ "lest %e great and admirable 
 
 exploits both of Greeks and Barbarians should fail of 
 .1 i -• » 
 
 t> „,f lr uue renown. He also proposes to explain the 
 
 occasions of the wars which have been carried on be- 
 tween them. 
 
 The Persian historians impute the origin of the dissen- 
 sion to the Phoenicians. For these people coming from B* C. 
 the shores of what is called the Red Sea {Indian Ocean) 
 and settling upon the borders of this Sea (the Mediter- 
 ranean) in the country they now inhabit, presently under- 
 took long voyages, carrying on the commerce of Egypt 
 and Assyria, with the surrounding countries. Among 
 other places they touched at Argos, at that time the prin- 
 cipal city of Greece, where they exposed their cargo for 
 sale during five or six days, in which time they found 
 purchasers for the greater part of their goods. At length 
 a number of women came down to the shore, among whom 1687. 
 was Io, the daughter of king Inachus ; — the Greeks give 
 her the same name. While these women stood about the 
 stern of the ship, pr chasing such things as pleased them 
 best, the Phoenician encouraging each other, sprang upon 
 
 B 
 
2 EARLY HISTORY OF 
 
 them, and though the greater part escaped, they took Io, 
 with some others, whom they carried on board, and im- 
 mediately set sail for Egypt. Thus, according to the Per- 
 sians, was Io carried to Egypt :— the Greeks* relate the 
 story otherwise ; but the former, affirming this to have 
 been the origin of the animosity between the two nations, 
 add that some time afterwards, certain Greeks whom they 
 do not name, but who were probably Cretans, landing at 
 Tyre, in Phoenicia, seized Europa, daughter of the 
 B- C. kins- : — this was only an even retaliation : — but not yet 
 
 1582 ... 
 
 satisfied, they committed a second injury, for sailing m a 
 ship of war to M&, on the Phasis, a city of Colchis, after 
 concludino- some other affairs, they^ seized Medea, 
 
 1349. daughter of vLa. king. When the king of Colchis sent 
 ambassadors to Gree«^^ demanding his daughter, and 
 satisfaction for the injtrry, be received for answer that, 
 as no amends had been made to the king- <of Argos, none 
 should be made to him. 
 
 In the next age, as the same authors affirm, Alexander, 
 (Paris) son of Priam, having heard these accounts, and 
 wishing to take a wife by force from Greece, which he 
 
 1290. believed he might do with impunity, carried away Helen. 
 When .the Greeks sent ambassadors to demand Helen, and 
 reparation, the Trojans reminded them of the seizure of 
 Medea, for which they had rendered no amends ; and re^ 
 proached them for asking for reparation which, in a like 
 case they had refused to give. Hitherto nothing had taken 
 place but these mutual violences ; but when the Greeks 
 carried war into Asia, before any invasion of Europe had 
 been attempted, they became the authors of deeper in- 
 ' juries. And though, as these Persian authors affirm, the 
 seizure of women is a wrong; to avenge it so seriously is a 
 folly unbecoming wise men, who should not think women who 
 have been thus carried off worthy of much concern ; for it 
 
 * According to some copies, the Phoenicians. 
 
 (3) 
 
1270. 
 
 THE LYDIAN KINGDOM. 3 
 
 is manifest that without some consent on their part, they 
 would not have been taken. And the Persians declare 
 that with themselves, no regard has ever been paid to such 
 losses. While the Greeks, for the sake of a Lacedaemonian 
 woman, raised a vast army, and invading Asia, overthrew 
 the kingdom of Priam. From that time the Persians 
 have always regarded the Greeks as their enemies ;— for 
 they claim Asia and all its nations as their own — consider- 
 ing Europe and Greece as forming a separate world. 
 
 Such is the account given by the Persians, who assign b. c 
 the taking of Troy as the cause of their hostility to the 
 Greeks. As for Io, the Phoenicians tell a different story, 
 denying that any force was used by them towards her, and 
 affirming that she left Argos in a Phoenician vessel to hide 
 her own dishonour, and to skreen herself from the dis- 
 pleasure of her parents. For my own part, without 
 attempting to decide which of these accourits is true, I 
 shall, having named him whom we well know to have 
 been the first author of the wrongs sustained by the 
 Greeks, proceed in my history, relating the affairs of 
 various states — the small as well as the great ; remember- 
 ing that most of those which once were flourishing, are 
 now decayed ; while those which in our own times have 
 risen to eminence, were formerly quite inconsiderable. 
 Impressed therefore with the instability of human affairs, 
 I shall pay equal regard to all. 
 
 Croesus the Lydian, and son of Alyattes, was master B. C. 
 of the nations included within the Halys, which river, 
 rising in the south, and separating Syria from Paphla- 
 gonia, runs northward till it empties itself into the 
 Euxine. This Croesus was the first of the Barbarians 
 known to have reduced some of the Greeks under his 
 yoke, obliging them to pay tribute; while he formed 
 (6) b 2 
 
4 EARLY HISTORY OP 
 
 alliances with others of them. For he, having reduced 
 • the Ionians, the iEolians, and the Dorians of Asia, to 
 bondage, entered into a treaty with the Lacedaemonians. 
 Before the reign of Croesus all the Greeks were free : 
 for the invasion of Ionia by the Cimmerians at a more 
 remote period, was only a predatory incursion, not fol- 
 lowed by the conquest of cities. 
 
 The kingdom (of Lydia) which was formerly possessed 
 by the family of the ' Heraclidae, passed into that of 
 Croesus — called Mermnades — in the manner presently to 
 be related. Candaules, named by the Greeks Myrsilus 
 king of Sardis, sprung from Alcaeus, son of Hercules. 
 For Agron, son of Ninus, grandson of Belus, and great 
 grandson of Alcaeus, was the first of the Heraclidae who 
 reigned in Sardis, as Candaules, son of Myrsus was the 
 last. Those who reigned in this country before Agron 
 sprung from Lydus, son of Atys, from whom the people, 
 before called Maeonians, received their present name — 
 Lydians. From this primitive race the Heraclidae — de- 
 scended from Hercules, and a bond- worn an of Jardanus — 
 after administering the government, obtained it for them- 
 From selves, at the command of an oracle. This race possessed the 
 1221' throne in a direct line of succession of two and twenty gene- 
 *° 6 rations, extending through a period of five hundred and 
 five years ; till it ended in Candaules, son of Myrsus. 
 
 This Candaules passionately loved his wife, whom he 
 believed to be the most beautiful of women. He had 
 often boasted of her beauty to Gyges, son of Dascylus, 
 an officer who enjoyed much of his confidence and favour, 
 and whom he consulted on the most important occasions. 
 At length — for the evil day of Candaules was come, he. 
 proposed to Gyges to conceal himself in the queen's bed- 
 chamber. Gyges endeavoured to dissuade the king from 
 his purpose, reminding him that a woman with her gar- 
 ments lays aside her modesty ; and that by such an act he 
 should violate those dictates of universal experience which 
 
 (8) 
 
THE LYDIAN KINGDOM. D 
 
 ■all ought to respect, and which confine every man to what 
 is his own. In vain Gyges, who feared the mischief that 
 might accrue to himself, used these arguments ; the king 
 persisted in his purpose, and obliged his officer to conceal 
 himself in the chamber : he was however perceived by the 
 queen, who instantly resolving to avenge upon her hus- 
 band the insult she had received, concealed her emotions 
 of shame and anger. But early in the morning, she sent 
 a confidential servant to command the attendance of Gyges', 
 who ' supposing the queen ignorant of what had taken 
 place, came as he was wont to do when so called for. On 
 his appearing before her she thus addressed him :— 
 " Gyges, I offer to your choice two paths : — either kill 
 Candaules, and take me and the kingdom ; or die instantly 
 yourself, lest the future commands of Candaules should 
 lead you into yet greater crimes." Gyges stood awhile in 
 amazement at the proposal, and then besought the queen 
 not to oblige him to such a choice ; but not being able to 
 move her from her purpose, and perceiving that in truth 
 he must either kill his master or be killed, he determined 
 to preserve his own life. — " Since," said he, " you compel 
 me to kill my lord, tell me how we must approach him." 
 " The place," replied the queen, " shall be that in which 
 you were concealed ; and the time of the attempt when he 
 sleeps." The plot being formed, and night arrived, Gyges, 
 to whom no other means of preserving his life was left, 
 followed the queen to the royal chamber ; and having re- 
 ceived from her a dagger, was concealed in the place he had 
 before occupied behind the door. As soon as Candaules 
 slept, Gyges gently approached the bed, and slew him ; — 
 thus obtaining the wife and the kingdom of his master. 
 The fate of this prince is •commemorated in the verses of 
 Archilochus, the Parian, who lived in the same age. 
 
 Having thus ascended the throne, Gyges was confirmed 
 in his authority by the decision of the Delphic oracle : 
 for the Lydians, resenting the death of Candaules, took 
 (13) b 3 
 
6 EARLY HISTORY OF 
 
 up arms, but at length agreed with the partizans of Gyges- 
 to abide by the determination of the oracle, and to obey 
 him rather than restore the kingdom to the Heraclidae, 
 if he should be declared to be king of the Lydians. The 
 response of the Pythian established Gyges on the throne ; 
 but in giving her reply she pronounced, that in the fifth 
 generation from Gyges the Heraclidas should be avenged. 
 This prediction was disregarded by the Lydians and their 
 kings till it was confirmed by the event.* 
 
 The Mermnades having by these means supplanted the 
 Heraclidae, Gyges, as soon as he was well settled on the 
 throne, sent not a few presents to Delphi. The greater 
 part of his offerings were of silver, and still remain at that 
 place : he also dedicated an immense quantity of gold, of 
 which metal there were six vessels, weighing thirty ta- 
 lents, and which deserve to be particularly mentioned : 
 these are laid up in the treasury of the Corinthians ;f or 
 rather, to be more correct, in that of Cypselus, son of 
 Eetion. Excepting Midas, son of Gordius, king of 
 Phrygia, Gyges is the first of the Barbarians recorded to 
 have dedicated offerings at Delphi. This Midas sent 
 there the royal throne from which he had administered 
 justice — a piece of work worthy of being inspected ; it is 
 placed along with the Gygean cups. The Delphians give 
 to these offerings an appellation derived from the name of 
 the donor. Gyges, upon assuming the government, at- 
 tacked Miletus and Smyrna ; and took Colophon : — no 
 other exploits worthy of record marked his reign, which 
 lasted thirty-eight years. 
 B. c. Ardys, the son of Gyges, claims a passing notice : he 
 
 conquered the Prienians, and invaded the territory of 
 Miletus. During his reign the Cimmerians, driven from 
 their country by the Scythian Nomades, entered Asia, 
 
 * See Note. 
 
 t In the temple of Delphi there were several compartments or cells, 
 containing the offerings of cities or of opulent individuals. 
 
 (15) 
 
THE LYDIAN KINGDOM. , 7 
 
 and captured the whole of Sardis, except the capital. 
 After a reign of forty-nine years, Ardys was succeeded B - c « 
 by his son, Sadyattes, who reigned twelve years, and who 617. 
 was followed by Alyattes. This prince made war with 
 Cyaxares, grandson of Dejoces, and with the Medes ; he 
 also expelled the Cimmerians from Asia — took Smyrna, a 
 colony from Colophon, and invaded the Clazomenians, 
 from whom, however, he retired disappointed, and signally 
 discomfited. His other memorable actions are these : — He 
 carried on the war begun by his father with the Milesians in 
 the following manner ; as often as the fields were loaded 
 with the fruits of summer he invaded the country: his 
 army marched to the sound of pipes, harps, and flutes ; 
 both of the martial and of the dulcet sort. As he entered 
 the Milesian territory, he neither overthrew nor burned the 
 farm-houses, nor removed the fences ; but he totally de- 
 stroyed (or pillaged) the fruits of the trees, and of the 
 fields; and then returned, without besieging the city; 
 which it would have been vain to attempt, as the Mile- 
 sians were masters of the sea ; and he left them their 
 houses that they might continue to cultivate their lands, 
 and so prepare for him a future spoil. This kind of war 
 was carried on during eleven years, in the course of which 
 the Milesians suffered two signal discomfitures; one at 
 Limeneum, in their own territory ; the other in the plains 
 of the Maeander. Of the eleven years' war, six belonged 
 to the reign of Sadyattes, who commenced it, and five to 
 that of his son Alyattes, who, as I have said, vehemently 
 prosecuted it. Of all the Ionians, none aided the Mile- 
 sians in this war except the Chians, who took this occasion 
 to requite the assistance they had received from the Mile- 
 sians in their war with the Erythraeans. In the twelfth 
 year of the war, it happened that when the corn (of the 
 Milesians) was set on fire by the (Lydian) army, a violent 
 wind carried the flames to a temple of Minerva, at 
 Assesos, which was burned to the ground. No notice 
 (19) b 4 
 
8 EARLY HISTORY OP 
 
 was taken of this accident at the time ; but after the re- 
 turn of the army to Sardis, Alyattes fell ill, and not pre- 
 sently recovering, he sent messengers to Delphi, either 
 on the advice of his friends or for his own satisfaction, to 
 inquire of the god concerning his sickness. The Pythian 
 refused, however, to give a response to his messengers till 
 he should have rebuilt the temple of the Assesian Minerva, 
 in the Milesian territory, which had been burnt. This, 
 as I remember, is the account given of the affair by the 
 Delphians ; but the Milesians add, that Periander, son of 
 Cypselus, (tyrant of Corinth) having learned the reply 
 of the oracle, sent the intelligence to Thrasybulus, then 
 tyrant of Miletus, to whom he was bound by the ties of 
 friendship and hospitality, that he might take his mea- 
 sures accordingly. 
 
 When the reply of the oracle was announced to 
 Alyattes, he instantly sent a herald to Miletus, to propose 
 a truce with Thrasybulus and the Milesians, during the 
 time required for rebuilding the temple. But Thrasybulus, 
 being previously informed of the reply of the oracle, and 
 aware of the intentions of Alyattes, devised the follow- 
 ing artifice to deceive him : — he caused all the corn in 
 the city, from both the public and private granaries, to be 
 brought into the market ; and then directed the people, 
 upon a signal given, to abandon themselves to all kinds of 
 feasting and revelry. This he did that the Sardian herald, 
 seeing this store of provision, and the people living in 
 plenty, might report it to Alyattes. And so it happened : 
 for the herald, having witnessed this scene, and delivered 
 the message of the Lydian to Thrasybulus, returned to 
 Sardis, and, as I have been informed, the report he gave 
 was the real and only cause of the peace that ensued : for 
 Alyattes, who had supposed that a famine prevailed at 
 Miletus, and that the people were reduced to the utmost 
 wretchedness, was quite taken by surprise on hearing from 
 the herald an account so different. A peace, therefore, 
 
 (22) 
 
THE LYDIAN KINGDOM. 9 
 
 was soon afterwards concluded, binding the parties to 
 friendship and mutual support. Alyattes built two tem- 
 ples to Minerva, at Assesus, in place of the one destroyed ; 
 and recovered his health. Thus terminated the war be- 
 tween Alyattes and Thrasybulus. 
 
 [This Periander, son of Cypselus, who informed Thrasy- 
 bulus of the answer of the oracle, was, as we have said, tyrant 
 of Corinth ; and the Corinthians give an account, confirmed 
 by the Lesbians, of a most extraordinary occurrence which 
 fell under his notice. — I mean the arrival of Arion, the Me- 
 thymnian at Taenarus, borne by a dolphin. Arion was un- 
 rivalled in his time as a performer on the harp ; and the first, 
 so far as we know, who composed dithyrambics, and taught 
 them at Corinth. This Arion having, as they relate, passed 
 some time with Periander, sailed for Italy and Sicily, whence, 
 when he had accumulated a large fortune, he wished to 
 return to Corinth. At Tarentum, he hired a Corinthian 
 vessel ; for he had not so much confidence in any people as in 
 the Corinthians. But the crew, as soon as the vessel was 
 well out at sea, formed the design of throwing him overboard, 
 that they might seize his treasures. As soon as he knew 
 their purpose, he had recourse to entreaties, offering them all 
 his money if they would only spare his life : but the sailors," 
 unmoved by his prayers, offered him no other alternative 
 but that of killing himself, in which case they would bury him 
 on shore, or of casting himself instantly into the sea. Re- 
 duced to this extremity, Arion asked that he might be per- 
 mitted to clothe himself in his attire ; and, standing on the 
 quarter deck, to sing ; promising that when he had finished 
 he would destroy himself. The sailors pleased to hear the 
 most celebrated performer of the age, retired to the lower 
 deck : he then, putting on all his vestments, and taking his 
 harp, and standing upon the farthest part of the stern, per- 
 formed the Orthian ode : the moment he concluded, he threw 
 himself with all his rich vestments into the sea. The crew 
 continued their course to Corinth ; but Arion, as the story 
 goes, was received on the back of a dolphin, and carried to 
 (24) 
 
10 HISTORY OF CROESUS. 
 
 Thenar us, and having gained the land, proceeded in the same 
 vestments to Corinth, where he narrated what had happened. 
 Periander not giving credit to this tale, held Arion in close 
 custody, and meanwhile watched for the sailors. When they 
 arrived at Corinth, calling them before him, he inquired whe- 
 ther they had any thing to relate concerning Arion, to which 
 they replied that they had left him well and prosperous at 
 Tarentum in Italy. — Just as they spoke, Arion, clad in the 
 very dress in which he had cast himself into the sea, appeared 
 before them : — they, confounded, could no longer deny their 
 guilt. Such is the story related both by the Corinthians and 
 the Lesbians ; and there is at Taenarus a small brazen statue, 
 dedicated by Arion, which represents a man seated on a 
 dolphin.] 
 
 b 5 ' 6 q' Alyattes the Lydian, some time after the termination 
 
 of the Milesian war, died, having reigned fifty-seven years. 
 He was the second of his family that sent offerings to 
 Delphi, where, on his recovery from sickness, he dedi- 
 cated a large silver vase, with an inlaid iron salver. This 
 is one of the most curious of all the gifts at Delphi : — it 
 was the work of Glaucus the Chian, who invented this 
 method of inlaying iron. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 HISTORY OF CRffiSUS. 
 
 Croesus, son of Alyattes, succeeded to the kingdom in 
 the thirty-fifth year of his age. The Ephesians were the 
 first of the Greeks against whom he turned his arms. It 
 was on this occasion, while besieged by him, that the 
 Ephesians devoted their city to Diana — stretching a cord 
 from her temple, which stood at the distance of seven 
 stadia,* to the walls of the old city. After reducing the 
 
 * See Note. 
 
 (26) 
 
HISTORY OF CRffiSUS. 11 
 
 Ephesians, he attacked in turn all the states of Ionia and 
 iEolia — some on one pretext, some on another ; — alledging 
 plausible grounds of quarrel where he could find such, 
 and the most frivolous if no better could be produced. 
 Having therefore subdued all the Greeks of Asia, and 
 obliged them to pay tribute, he formed the design of con- 
 structing a fleet for the purpose of attacking the islanders. 
 But while these preparations were in progress, Bias of 
 Priene, or as some say, Pittacus of Mitylene, arrived at 
 Sardis, and when asked by Croesus what news there might 
 be from Greece, gave an answer which prevented the 
 completion of the naval armament ; for he thus spoke : — 
 "The islanders, O king, are collecting a body of ten 
 thousand horse, with which to attack you at Sardis." 
 " May the gods," replied Croesus — credulous with hope, 
 " put it into the hearts of the islanders to attack the sons 
 of the Lydians with horse !" To which Bias replied, 
 " You have great reason, O king, for so earnestly wishing 
 to catch the islanders on horseback, on the continent ; 
 and do you imagine that they were less pleased when they 
 heard that you were building a fleet to invade them, by 
 which means they might meet the Lydians on the seas, 
 and avenge the cause of the continental Greeks, whom you 
 have subjugated?" Croesus was both pleased with this 
 reply, and convinced by the inference it contained ; and 
 in consequence, not only desisted from his naval pre- 
 parations, but concluded a treaty with the Ionians of the 
 islands. 
 
 In the course of time Croesus subdued all the nations 
 inhabiting the countries within the river Halys, except 
 the Cilicians and the Lycians. These nations were the 
 Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandinians, Chalybians, 
 Paphlagonians, Thracians — as well the Thynians as the 
 Bythynians, the Carians, Ionians, Dorians, iEolians, and 
 Pamphylians. These conquests, and the acquisitions made 
 by Croesus to the Lydian kingdom, raised Sardis to the 
 (29) 
 
12 HISTORY OF CRCESUS. 
 
 most flourishing condition ; and it became the resort of 
 all those Grecian sages who were able to visit it. Among 
 these was Solon the Athenian, who, having at the request 
 of his countrymen, digested a code of laws for them, 
 exiled himself for ten years ; alleging, when he set sail, 
 that he wished to see the world. But his real motive was, 
 that he might not be called upon to alter any of his laws, 
 which none of the Athenians could do ; for they were 
 bound by a solemn oath to observe his institutions during 
 that term. Solon travelling therefore for these real and 
 professed reasons, first visited Amasis, king of Egypt, and 
 afterwards came to Sardis, where he was entertained by 
 Croesus in the palace. After three or four days, the 
 king's officers, at the command of their master, conducted 
 Solon through the treasuries, exhibiting to him all the 
 wealth they contained. When he had inspected all, and 
 had witnessed the perfect adaptation of every arrange- 
 ment to the king's convenience, he was thus addressed by 
 Croesus : — " Athenian friend, the fame of your wisdom, 
 and of the travels you have undertaken for the enlarge- 
 ment of your knowledge has reached us ; and I now wish 
 to hear whom, of all the men you have seen, you consider 
 as the most happy." This question he put, hoping to hear 
 himself named as the happiest of men. But Solon, with- 
 out flattery, and regardful only of truth, replied, " Tellus, 
 the Athenian :" Croesus, surprised at this answer, eagerly 
 inquired on what account he judged this Tellus to be the 
 happiest of men. "Tellus," replied Solon, "saw his 
 country flourish — he had sons and grandsons, robust and 
 virtuous, who all survived him ; and having lived thus 
 prosperously, according to our notions, he finished his 
 course gloriously ; for in a battle between the Athenians 
 and their neighbours at JUleusis, after aiding to defeat the 
 enemy, he died bravely, and was buried on the spot by the 
 Athenians, at the public cost, and his memory has been 
 held in honour." 
 
 (30) 
 
HISTORY OF CRCESUS. 13 
 
 On hearing this account of the felicity of Tellus, 
 Croesus, not doubting that he should hold at least the 
 second place after the Athenian, asked who might be next 
 to Tellus, the happiest of men. " Cleobis and Biton," 
 replied Solon; "they were Argives, enjoying a competent 
 fortune, and endowed with such strength of body, that 
 both obtained the prize in the athletic games. Besides 
 which, it is related of them, that, on the occasion of a fes- 
 tival of Juno, celebrated by the Argives, at which their 
 mother was to be present, it happened that the oxen that 
 were to have drawn her carriage to the temple were 
 delayed in the field beyond the appointed hour : the young 
 men, therefore, urged by the necessity of the moment, 
 yoked themselves to the carriage, and drew their mother 
 a distance of five and forty stadia, to the temple. This 
 action, witnessed by the assembly, was worthily concluded ; 
 and in the instance of these youths, the deity signified that 
 it is better for a man to die than to live. As the citizens 
 who thronged the place admired the vigour of the youths, 
 and the women blessed the mother who had such sons, 
 she, delighted with the action and the praise — standing 
 before the image, (of the goddess) prayed that her sons, 
 Cleobis and Biton, might, for this dutiful service, receive 
 that which was best for man. Having uttered this 
 prayer, the sacrifice and feast were celebrated ; after 
 which, the two young men fell asleep in the temple, and 
 rose no more. The Argives thinking them the best of 
 men, dedicated their statues at Delphi." To these, 
 therefore, Solon attributed the second place of felicity. 
 But Croesus, now irritated, exclaimed, " Athenian ! dost 
 thou then so contemn our felicity, as not to account us 
 equal even to these humble individuals?" "O Croesus," 
 answered Solon, "You have put this question, which in- 
 volves the true condition of man on the earth, to one who 
 knows full well that the divinity* is envious and changeful : 
 * Or — fortune. 
 
 (32) 
 
14 HISTORY OF CR03SUS. 
 
 for in an extent of life there is much to be met with which 
 opposes our wishes, and much to be suffered. If we fix 
 the term of human life at seventy years, which we reckon 
 to contain 26,250 days,* there is not one of these days the 
 events of which are precisely the same as those of another. 
 — How liable, therefore, O Croesus, is man to misfortune ! 
 I see you indeed possessed of immense wealth, and the 
 king of many people ; but I cannot answer your question 
 till I shall have learned that you have finished your course 
 prosperously : for the rich is not happier than he who pos- 
 sesses only his daily bread, unless it happens to him to end 
 his life well. And, in fact, we see that many of the 
 wealthiest are the most unhappy ; while those whose lot is 
 humble, are truly fortunate. The unhappy rich excel the 
 happy poor in two things only— but the latter may excel 
 the former in many. — The rich may gratify various desires, 
 and may sustain, without injury, many losses. But the 
 poor, besides that he has little to lose, may enjoy many 
 blessings — he may possess sound health, and strength, and 
 personal advantages, may be exempt from calamities, may 
 be blessed in his. children ; and if to these felicities be 
 added a desirable death, we have then the man you seek, 
 and one worthy to be called — happy : — before his death, 
 we may say of a man that he is fortunate; but must 
 delay to call him happy." " Yet even this happiness is 
 only comparative ; for, as no country contains every ad- 
 vantage, but wants something in which others abound, so 
 neither does the lot of any one comprise every possible 
 good; but if distinguished in some respects, is deficient 
 in others. By the term a happy man, we mean one, who, 
 after enjoying a greater number of these goods than 
 others, finishes his course well. Such, O Croesus, is my 
 judgment. But we must ever look to the end of things; 
 
 * An involved, and probably corrupted, computation of tbe number 
 of days in the life of man is here introduced, of which I think it sufficient 
 to give the substance. 
 
 (32) 
 
HISTORY OF CRffiSUS. 15 
 
 for often it happens that God, after showing prosperity to 
 a man, visits him with a complete reverse." 
 
 On hearing this discourse, Croesus dismissed Solon 
 without thanks or respect, considering him as a man of 
 rude understanding, who, disregarding present advantages, 
 would look at nothing but the future. 
 
 After the departure of Solon, Croesus received a severe 
 rebuke of divine vengeance as a reproof, it may be sup- 
 posed, of his presumption, in thinking himself the happiest 
 of men. The disaster which was about to .fall upon his 
 son was indicated to him, some time before it happened, 
 in a dream. .Croesus had two sons, one of whom was ren- 
 dered incapable by being dumb ; but the other, named 
 Atys, excelled those of his age in every accomplishment. 
 It was this son of whom Croesus dreamed that he was to 
 perish by the stroke of a dart. / Reflecting upon this 
 dream, and terrified by its import, he sought a wife for his 
 son, and no more sent him out, as he was wont, at the 
 head of the army: and he caused all darts, spears, and 
 weapons of every kind to be removed from the public 
 halls, and laid up in the armouries, lest they should fall upon 
 the youth. While the nuptials of his son were celebrating 
 there arrived at Sardis an unfortunate Phrygian, of royal 
 birth, charged with a crime, from which, presenting him- 
 self at the palace, he entreated Croesus to absolve him, 
 according to the rights of the country. This request 
 Croesus complied with ; — the rites of absolution are nearly 
 the same among the Lydians as among the Greeks. 
 Having done so, Croesus inquired of the stranger who he 
 was — from what part of Phrygia he came thus as a sup- 
 pliant, and what man or woman he had slain. To which 
 he replied ; — " O king, I am the son of Gordius, and the 
 grandson of Midas : — my name is Adrastus : unintention- 
 ally I killed my brother, and I come here, banished and 
 deprived of every thing by my father." " You are then," 
 said Croesus, "the offspring of my friends; and you come 
 (35) 
 
J6 HISTORY OF CR(ESUS. 
 
 to friends : — while you stay here, you shall want nothing'. 
 As for this misfortune, bear it as lightly as you can, and 
 you will be no loser." Adrastus therefore was entertained 
 in the palace of Croesus. 
 
 About the same time it happened that a boar of extra- 
 ordinary size infested Mount Olympus in Mysia, and sally- 
 ing from his retreat wasted the labours of the Mysians ; 
 who often going out against him, received more injury 
 from him than they were able to inflict in return. At 
 length the ' Mysians sent messengers to Croesus, who thus 
 spoke : — " O king, a boar of prodigious size has appeared 
 in our country, which ravages our fields, and which, with 
 our utmost endeavours, we are unable to take ; we beseech 
 you, therefore, to send your son, with his choice band of 
 youths and dogs, that we may expel him from the coun- 
 try." Thus they prayed. But Croesus, remembering the 
 import of his dream, replied, " Mention my son no more ; 
 for I will not send him with you ; — besides, he is but just 
 married. I will, however, send with you a select band 
 of Lydians, and the whole hunting pack ; and I will 
 charge them as they go, to use their utmost diligence in 
 aiding you to drive the beast from the country." As the 
 Mysian messengers retired with this answer, the son of 
 Croesus entered ; and being informed of their request, 
 and of his father's refusal, thus addressed the king : " O 
 my father, once it was my pride and pleasure to win glory 
 in war, and in hunting ; but now you shut me up from 
 both ; though you have seen in me neither fear nor slug- 
 gishness : and now how can I show myself in public ? 
 what must I seem to be to the citizens? how must I 
 appear in the eyes of my young wife ? or what sort of 
 man will she think herself joined to ? Therefore either 
 suffer me to go out against this beast, or convince me that 
 you do better in thus restraining me." 
 
 " My son," replied Croesus, " it is not because I have 
 seen cowardice or any other fault in you, that I thus act ; 
 
 (38) 
 
HISTORY OF CRCESUS. 17 
 
 but I am influenced by a dream, in which it was declared 
 to me, that you had but a short time to live, and that you 
 were to perish by an iron weapon. Therefore it is that I 
 have bound you in matrimony ; and therefore that I do 
 not send you in these expeditions — watching over you, if 
 by any means I may, at least during- my life, withdraw 
 you from danger. And are you not my only son ? for my 
 other son, deprived of hearing, is to me as if he were 
 not." " \es," said the youth, " I complain not of your 
 watchfulness, after the vision you have seen ; but I must 
 remind you of what you have failed to perceive in the 
 import of the dream, which you say declared that I should 
 perish by a weapon of iron : but what weapons, or what 
 hands to wield them, has a boar? Why then do you 
 fear? If it had been said by a tooth, or such like thing, 
 then you would have done well to have kept me at home. 
 But you may safely send me now, when it is not with men 
 that we are to fight." " You have convinced me," said 
 Croesus, " of the meaning of the dream; — I change 
 my purpose, and consent to send you to the field." He 
 then sent for Adrastus the Phrygian, whom he thus 
 addressed : " Adrastus, when you were oppressed with 
 ills, with which I do not reproach you, I absolved you : — I 
 gave you a home and maintenance : — you owe me there- 
 fore a return of kindness ; and I pray you become the 
 guardian of my son in this expedition, in case robbers 
 should attack you by the way. You will besides have 
 opportunity to distinguish yourself in a manner becoming 
 your family and your personal valour." To this Adrastus 
 replied, " I should not, O king, willingly have joined an 
 expedition of this sort; for it is not seemly for one, 
 loaded as I am with calamity, to mix and vie with the 
 happy; and hitherto I have secluded myself; but since 
 you demand my services, which indeed I owe you, I am 
 ready to do* what you require. Expect, therefore, the 
 (42) c 
 
18 HISTORY OF CRCESUS. 
 
 safe return of your son, whom you commit to me, if my 
 watchfulness can preserve him." 
 
 The party of huntsmen set out therefore with their 
 dogs, and arriving at Mount Olympus, sought and found 
 the boar ; and as they all surrounded the beast, throwing; 
 their lances at him, it happened that Adrastus, the un- 
 fortunate Phrygian, throwing also his weapon, missed his 
 aim, and struck the son of Croesus. This stroke of the 
 lance-head fulfilled the dream. — A messenger ran to 
 Sardis, and announced to Croesus the fight and the death 
 of his son. Croesus distracted by the death of his son, 
 which was the more grievous to him because inflicted by 
 the man whom he had absolved, bitterly lamented his 
 calamity, and invoked Jupiter the Expiator, declaring 
 the wrong he had suffered from this stranger. He invoked 
 also the same deity as the god of hospitality and friendship ; 
 inasmuch as the man whom he had unwittingly entertained, 
 and to whom he had committed his son, was now the mur- 
 derer of his son, and his worst enemy. 
 
 The Lydians now arrived, bearing the dead body, and 
 followed by the homicide ; who, standing by the corpse, 
 and extending his hands, delivered himself up to Croesus, 
 and intreated that he might be killed upon the body; 
 declaring, that having forfeited his first absolution by a 
 second misfortune, he ought no longer to live. But 
 Croesus, touched with compassion, though suffering under 
 so heavy a domestic affliction, thus addressed him: — 
 " Stranger, I have every right to vengeance, since you 
 have condemned yourself to death; yet, except as the 
 unwilling cause, you are not the author of this calamity ; 
 but some god, who announced to me the coming evil." 
 Croesus then interred his son with due honours. But 
 Adrastus, son of Gordius, and grandson of Midas, the 
 slayer of his own brother, and of (the son of) his expiator, 
 went in the dead of night to the sepulchre, and deeming 
 
 (45) 
 
CR(ESUS CONSULTS THE ORACLES. 19 
 
 himself to be of all men he had known, by far the most 
 miserable, killed himself upon the grave. During two 
 years, Croesus remained in the deepest grief for the loss 
 of his son. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 CRCESUS CONSULTS THE ORACLES. 
 
 At the expiration of that time the grief of Croesus was 
 diverted, and his thoughts occupied by the growing pros- 
 perity of the Persians, under Cyrus, son of Cambyses, 
 who had overthrown the government of Astyages, son of 
 Cyaxares. Croesus meditated the means of checking this 
 growing power, before it should be still farther augmented ; 
 and while forming this design, he resolved to consult the 
 oracles of Greece, as well as that of Libya. He des- 
 patched his messengers, therefore, some to Delphi, some 
 to Abas of the Phocians, some to Dodona ; he also sent 
 messengers to the oracle of Amphiaraus, to that of Tro- 
 phonius, and to the temple of Branchus, near Miletus : — 
 these were the Grecian oracles consulted by Croesus. 
 He sent also to the Libyan Amnion. His first object 
 was to try these oracles, and then, if he found their 
 answers true; to inquire whether he should attack the 
 Persians. When he despatched these messengers, he 
 directed them to reckon a hundred days from the time of 
 their leaving Sardis; and all on the hundredth day to 
 put this .question to the several oracles: " What may 
 Croesus, son of Alyattes, king of the Lydians, now be 
 doing V and to bring back the answers in writing. The 
 answers of the other oracles are not recorded ; but when 
 (47) ' c 2 
 
. 20 CRQ5SUS CONSULTS THE ORACLES. 
 
 the Lydian messengers entered the temple at Delphi, and 
 put to the god the question enjoined them, the Pythian 
 thus replied in hexameters : — • 
 
 The seas I measure, and the sands compute; 
 And know the purpose of the dumb and mute. 
 E'en now my sense enhales commingled fumes — 
 A lamb and tortoise which the heat consumes. 
 A brazen cauldron holds the boiling mass; 
 And o'er the whole is placed a lid of brass. 
 
 This answer was brought back to Crcesus, who, when the 
 other messengers had arrived, examined all together ; some 
 he disregarded; but when he heard that brought from 
 Delphi, he adored and confessed its truth ; and esteemed 
 the answer of the Delphic oracle, which had discovered 
 his employment at the time, to be the only one divinely 
 inspired ; for on the appointed day, after the departure 
 of the messengers, he devised an employment which he 
 thought the most improbable, and the least easily guessed 
 that could be imagined : — he cut up together and cooked 
 a tortoise and a lamb, in a brazen cauldron covered with 
 a lid of brass. So much for the answer of the Delphic 
 oracle. What was the response obtained by the Lydians 
 who consulted, with the due forms, the oracle of Am- 
 phiaraus, I know not ; but it is said to have been acknow- 
 ledged by Croesus not to be false.* 
 
 After this, Croesus sought to propitiate the Delphic 
 god by immense sacrifices ; for he offered three thousand 
 head of cattle of each kind proper to this god. He also 
 raised a vast pile, consisting of couches embossed with 
 gold and silver, golden goblets, and vestments, and cloaks 
 of purple, which were all given to the flames — hoping by 
 these means to win the god to his interests : — he moreover 
 
 a^evcec — probably so expressed in general, comprehensive terms, 
 as might seem not contradictory to the fact; and yet so vague as not to 
 allow it to be compared with the Delphic answer. 
 
 (50) 
 
CROESUS CONSULTS THE ORACLES. 21 
 
 commanded all the Lydians to offer whatever they seve- 
 rally possessed, proper for the purpose. 
 
 [After the sacrifices, a great quantity of gold having been 
 melted, he ordered it to be coined into a hundred and seven- 
 teen semi-plates, each a palm in thickness, six palms in 
 length, and three in width : four of these were of refined 
 gold, and weighed each two talents and a half : the rest of 
 pale gold, weighing two talents. He also caused a lion of 
 pure gold to be made of ten talents' weight. This lion, when 
 the temple of Delphi was burned, fell from the semi-plates on 
 which it rested, and now lies in the Corinthian cell, having 
 lost in the flames, three talents and a half of its weight. 
 With these offerings, Croesus sent also two large goblets, (or 
 cisterns,) the one of gold,* the other of silver,! of which the 
 first was placed on the right hand, and the other on the left, 
 as one enters the temple ; but these also were moved after the 
 fire, the golden goblet being placed in the Clazomenian cell ; 
 the silver goblet stands in a corner of the vestibule, and is 
 used for mixing wine by the Delphians in the Theophanian 
 festival. These goblets are affirmed, and I think with truth, 
 by the Delphians, to be the work of Theodorus, the Samian ; 
 for the workmanship is of no ordinary kind. He sent also 
 four silver tubs, now standing in the Corinthian cell ; — and 
 two basins, one of gold, the other of silver, for the lustral 
 water. That of gold bears an inscription, purporting that it 
 was the offering of the Lacedaemonians ; but this is not true, 
 for it was engraved upon the basin to gratify the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, by a certain Delphian, whose name, though known to 
 me, I conceal. But the boy, from whose hand the water 
 flows, was the gift of the Lacedaemonians. Many other 
 articles of less note were sent by Croesus ; among which were 
 some round silver plates, and a female figure, three cubits 
 high, said to be that of his pastry-cook. He also presented 
 his wife's necklaces and girdles. To the temple of Amphia- 
 
 * Weighing 85 talents, and 12 minas. 
 t Of which the contents were 600 anaphoras. 
 
 (52) c 3 
 
22 CRCESUS CONSULTS THE ORACLES. 
 
 raus, of whose virtue and sufferings he had heard,* Croesus 
 sent a shield of gold, and a spear— head and shaft all of 
 gold : these gifts were in my time to be seen at Thebes, in the 
 temple of the Ismenian Apollo.] 
 
 The Lydians charged to convey the gifts above-men- 
 tioned, were instructed by Croesus to inquire of the 
 ^oracles, whether he should make war upon the Persians ; 
 and whether he should employ auxiliaries. When, there- 
 fore, the messengers had arrived, and had presented the 
 offerings, they put this question to the oracles : " Croesus, 
 king of the Lydians, and of other nations, esteeming 
 these to be the only true oracles among men, has sent 
 presents worthy of the discovery you made; and now 
 inquires whether he shall make war upon the Persians, 
 and whether he shall join foreign forces to his own." The 
 two oracles gave a like answer— both predicting, that if 
 Croesus attacked the Persians, he would dissolve a great 
 power ; and advising him to seek the friendship of the 
 most powerful of the Greeks. 
 
 Delighted with these answers of the oracles, Croesus 
 indulged the confident hope that he should overthrow 
 the kingdom of Cyrus. He sent again to Delphi, and 
 having informed himself of the number of the Delphians, 
 he bestowed upon each of them two staters of gold. In 
 return, the Delphians conferred upon Croesus and upon 
 the Lydians, for ever, a right of precedence in inquiring 
 at the oracle — immunity from tribute — the chief seats in 
 the temple, and the liberty of citizenship to whosoever of 
 them wished to take up that privilege. After having 
 thus gratified the Delphians, Croesus now fully persuaded 
 of the veracity of the oracle, was fain to satiate himself 
 with it; and sent to consult it a third time. On this 
 occasion his inquiry was, " Whether he should hold the 
 
 * Sec Note. 
 
 (55) 
 
CR03SUS CONSULTS THE ORACLES. 23 
 
 monarchy long?" To this question the Pythian thus 
 replied : — 
 
 O Lydian, haste thy flight, what time a mule, 
 With regal state, in Media's lands shall rule ; — 
 O'er rocky Hermon flee; — nor stay for shame; 
 But life accept^ and take a coward's name. 
 
 With these verses Croesus was more pleased than with 
 the others ; for he did not imagine that a mule would 
 ever reign over the Medes ; and supposed, therefore, that 
 neither he nor his posterity would ever lose the dominion. 
 He next inquired which of the states of Greece were 
 the most powerful, in order that he might form an alliance 
 with them ; and found that the Lacedaemonians and Athe- 
 nians still held, as they had long held, the highest rank. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 A DIGRESSION,^ RELATING TO EARLY GRECIAN 
 HISTORY. 
 
 [The Lacedaemonians were of the Doric, the Athenians of 
 the Ionic race, formerly called Pelasgians and Hellenians, 
 of whom the former had never migrated, the latter often. 
 For in the time of king Deucalion) the Hellenians inha- 
 bited the region of Phthiotis ; but under the reign of Dorus, 
 son of Hellenus, they possessed the country called Histiaeotis, 
 beneath Ossa and Olympus ; from which being driven by the 
 Cadmaeans, they dwelt near mount Pindus: thence they 
 passed to Dryopis, and afterwards entered the Peloponnesus, 
 were they were called Dorians. What language the Pelas- 
 gians spoke, I cannot certainly determine ; but if a conjecture 
 were hazarded, one should conclude that it was a barbarous 
 (foreign) tongue. This opinion is supported by the fact, that 
 the remains of the Pelasgians who inhabit Cretona, a city 
 beyond the Tynhenians (or Thermaeans) and who formerly 
 (57) c 4 
 
24 PISISTRATUS. 
 
 were neighbours to the Dorians, inhabiting the country now 
 called Thessaliotis, speak a language altogether different 
 from that of any of the surrounding people. The same may 
 be said of those Pelasgians who founded the cities of Placia 
 and Scylace on the Hellespont ; but who once lived with the 
 Athenians; — and of the inhabitants also of other Pelasgian 
 towns who have changed their name : — all these people speak 
 the same language, which is unintelligible to their neighbours. 
 If this conjecture be well founded, it will follow that the 
 Athenians, who were of Pelasgian origin, lost their original 
 language, and adopted that of the Hellenians, when they came 
 among that people ; while the other Pelasgians have retained 
 their dialect without alteration. The Hellenians have, in my 
 opinion, always spoken the same language. Few and feeble 
 when they separated themselves from the body of the Pelas- 
 gians, they augmented their numbers and strength by incor- 
 porating other tribes of Barbarians, which the Pelasgians not 
 doing, have never increased. 
 
 Of these two states, as Croesus was informed, that of the 
 Athenians was then distracted under the tyranny of Pisis- 
 tratus, son of Hippocrates. To Hippocrates, the father of 
 Pisistratus, while, as a private person, he witnessed the 
 Olympic games, there was presented a great prodigy. Having 
 sacrificed, the cauldrons, filled with the flesh and water, boiled 
 and overflowed without fire. Chilon the Lacedaemonian, 
 being present, and observing the prodigy, advised Hippocrates 
 either not to marry, or if he had a wife, to put her away ; or 
 if he had a son, to disown him. But he rejected this advice ; 
 and some time afterwards this Pisistratus was born to him, 
 who, on the occasion of a contest between the Athenians of 
 the coast, headed by Megacles, son of Alcmeon, and those of 
 the plains, under the conduct of Lycurgus, son of Aristolaides, 
 raised a third faction, with the view of seizing the supreme 
 power. Having collected some seditious persons under pre- 
 text of protecting the Highlanders, he practised the following 
 stratagem: — He first wounded himself and his mules, and 
 drove his car into the market place, as if he had just escaped 
 from his enemies, who had attempted to destroy him on -his 
 
 (59) 
 
PISISTRATUS. 25 
 
 way into the country. He then entreated the people that a 
 guard might be afforded him : — he had before gained their 
 favour, by having captured Nisaea, in the war with the people 
 of Megara. Thus deceived, the Athenians granted him a band 
 of chosen men, armed with clubs instead of spears. With the 
 aid of these attendants, he took possession of the citadel. This J£ C. 
 gained, he ruled the Athenians ; yet he neither displaced the 
 magistrates, nor changed the laws ; but guided the state in its 
 wonted course with credit and success. 
 
 Ere long, however, the factions of Megacles and that of 
 Lycurgus uniting their efforts, expelled Pisistratus, before he 
 had well established his sway in Athens. But those who had 
 united against him soon disagreed among themselves : — at 
 length Megacles, wearied with these disorders, proposed to 
 Pisistratus to marry his daughter as the price of his restoration 
 to the government. Pisistratus listening to this proposal, 
 accepted the condition, and covenanted with Megacles. The 
 two then devised a scheme for restoring Pisistratus, which to 
 me seems in the last degree absurd. The Greeks have indeed 
 always been distinguished from their barbarous neighbours by 
 their intelligence and by their aversion to all senseless prac- 
 tices; but this trick was played off upon the Athenians, who 
 are regarded as the princes of wisdom among the Greeks. 
 There was a woman of Poeania, named Phya, of great beauty, 
 and wanting only three finger's breadth of being four cubits 
 high. This woman, being habited in complete armour, and 
 placed in a car ; and having been instructed to assume her 
 most becoming ornaments and graces, they conducted into 
 the city, preceded by heralds, who, on their entrance, were to 
 make a proclamation to this effect : — ■" Receive, O Athenians, 
 with good will Pisistratus, whom Minerva herself honours 
 above all men, by leading him into her own Acropolis." This 
 was repeated by those around; and presently the rumour 
 spread through the town, that Minerva was leading back Pi- 
 sistratus : — the citizens persuaded that the woman was the very 
 divinity herself, adored her, and admitted the tyrant. 
 
 Pisistratus being reinstated in the tyranny by the above- 
 mentioned device, fulfilled his contract, by marrying the 
 (61) 
 
26 PISISTRATUS. 
 
 daughter of Megacles. But as he had sons grown up, and as 
 the Alcraseonidse were held to be disgraced, he refused to live 
 with his wife. Megacles provoked by this insult, reconciled 
 himself with his former adversaries ; and Pisistratus, informed 
 of the plot which was hatching against him, withdrew from 
 Attica to Eretria, where he consulted with his sons- on the 
 state of his affairs. In this council, the opinion of Hippias 
 prevailed, who advised that the lost tyranny should be re- 
 covered. They therefore collected forces from the cities which 
 had formerly regarded them favourably. Among those who 
 furnished them with money, the Thebans were the most 
 liberal. To be brief, all was soon in readiness to effect their 
 return : for a body of Argive mercenaries arrived from the 
 Peloponnesus, and a Nasian, named Lygdamis, met them 
 unsolicited with a supply of money and troops. Advancing 
 therefore from Eretria, they returned to Attica in the eleventh 
 year after their exile, and occupied the field of Marathon : 
 here having encamped, they were presently joined by numbers 
 of their former friends from the city and from the vicinity — 
 persons for the most part who preferred a tyranny to liberty. 
 By these accessions their forces were much increased. While 
 Pisistratus was collecting supplies, and even after he possessed 
 himself of Marathon, the Athenians took little notice of his 
 movements ; but when they learned that he had left his station 
 there, and was advancing towards the city, they determined to 
 oppose his progress. With all their forces, therefore, they 
 moved out to prevent his return. Meanwhile, Pisistratus and 
 his followers, on their march from Marathon towards the city, 
 came in sight of the enemy by the temple of the Pallenian 
 Minerva, near to which he pitched his camp. There he was 
 met by Amphilytus, an Acarnian, and vaticinator, who deli- 
 vered to him, as from Heaven, the following verses : — 
 
 " The throw is made — the net expanded wide: 
 By night the tunnies to the snare shall glide." 
 
 Thus divinely inspired he sang ; Pisistratus understanding 
 the oracle, said he accepted the omen, and forthwith led his 
 army against the enemy. The Athenian citizens were just 
 
 (63) 
 
LYCURGUS. 27 
 
 then dining, and from dinner were about to play at dice, or to 
 sleep. Pisistratus therefore falling suddenly upon these put 
 them to flight; and as they fled, adopted a well-imagined 
 plan to prevent their rallying ; for setting his sons on horse- 
 back, he directed them to overtake the fugitives, and in his 
 name command them to be of good courage, and return, every 
 one to his house. The Athenians yielding to his will, Pisis- 
 tratus a third time established himself in the tyranny, now 
 strengthened by the presence of many auxiliaries, and by re- 
 sources drawn from the country itself, and from the river 
 Strymon. The children of those Athenians who had the most 
 resolutely resisted his return, he took as hostages, sending 
 them to Naxos, which he had before subdued and placed 
 under the administration of Lygdamis. After this, at the 
 instigation of an oracle, he purified the island of Delos, com- 
 manding all the graves that happened to be within sight of the 
 temple to be opened, and the bodies to be removed, and car- 
 ried to some other spot in the island. Thus reigned Pisistratus 
 at Athens — many of the citizens having fallen in battle, while 
 many, adhering to the Alcmeeonidse, abandoned their native 
 land. Such was the account which Croesus received concern- 
 ing the Athenians. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians, as he was informed, having passed 
 through great calamities, had just obtained the ascendency in 
 a Avar with the Tegeans. The Spartans, while governed by 
 Leon and Hegesicles, though in their other wars always suc- 
 cessful, fought the Tegeans invariably with disadvantage. — In 
 earlier times, they lived under laws worse in themselves than 
 those of any other people of Greece, and such as separated them 
 very much from their neighbours. But they at length ob- 
 tained better institutions in the following manner : — Lycurgus, 
 a man approved among the Spartans, coming to Delphi, was 
 thus addressed by the Pythian the instant he entered the 
 edifice : — 
 
 Thou com'st Lycurgus, to my well-stored fane, 
 Beloved of Jove, and all Olympus' train. — 
 Doubtful if now a man or god I hail ; — 
 Yes, yes, Lycurgus, more divine than frail ! 
 
 (65) 
 
 B.C. 
 
 884. 
 
28 THE LACEDEMONIANS. 
 
 There are persons indeed who affirm that the Pythian de- 
 livered to him those laws and institutions which are now ob- 
 served at Sparta. But the Lacedaemonians themselves relate, 
 that Lycurgus, while tutor to the sons of his brother Leobotas, 
 king of Sparta, brought them from Crete. As soon as he was 
 constituted guardian (of his nephews) he changed all the laws, 
 and took care that those framed by himself should not be 
 transgressed. He next regulated military affairs, establishing 
 the Enomatiae, the Triacades, and the Syssitia : he also insti- 
 tuted the Ephori, and the senate. In this way the Lacedae- 
 monians changed their laws for the better. Lycurgus, after 
 his death, was. regarded as a divinity — a temple being erected 
 to his honour. From this time, having a fertile and well- 
 peopled country, they rapidly increased in power and wealth : 
 and not long content with inactivity, and believing themselves 
 to be superior to the Arcadians, they consulted the oracle of 
 Delphi on the project of reducing all Arcadia. They were 
 thus answered by the Pythian : — 
 
 Ask ye Arcadia? — 'tis too much to give: 
 
 Arcadia's many sons on acorns live, 
 
 And will repulse you : — yet I grudge not all ; 
 
 But grant thy foot on Tegea's plains to fall 
 
 In merry dance. — To you I grant again, 
 
 O'er her fair fields to stretch the measuring chain.* 
 
 The Lacedaemonians receiving this response, abstained from 
 attacking the other Arcadians, and invaded only the Tegeans, 
 carrying with them many fetters, for relying upon the guileful 
 answerf of the oracle, they believed themselves sure of subduing 
 the Tegeans. But being vanquished in battle, those who were 
 taken alive were bound with the fetters themselves had 
 brought : and with the chain (or cord) of servitude, they mea- 
 sured the fields of the Tegeans. These fetters were, in my 
 remembrance, preserved at Tegea, where they were seen sus- 
 pended in the temple of the CElean Minerva. Thus unfortunate 
 were the Lacedaemonians in their former war with the Tegeans : 
 
 axoivog— properly a cord, formed of twisted rushes. 
 + KijDCijXor — not sincere. 
 
 (W) 
 
THE LACEDEMONIANS. 29 
 
 — but in the time of Croesus, Ana:£andrides and Ariston, then 
 reigning at Sparta, they obtained the mastery in the following 
 manner : — Having hitherto always been beaten by the Tege- 
 ans, they sent to inquire of the Delphic oracle " which of the 
 gods they must propitiate in order to obtain a victory over the 
 Tegeans." The Pythian replied this should happen when 
 they had brought the bones of Orestes, son of Agamemnon to 
 Sparta. Not being able by any means to discover the grave 
 of Orestes, they sent messengers again to ask the god — Where 
 Orestes was buried ? To this demand the Pythian replied— 
 
 Within Arcadia is a level ground, 
 O'er which two winds by narrow limits bound, 
 Incessant strive. — There, forms to forms oppose; — 
 Stroke follows stroke, by oft repeated blows. 
 Beneath that teeming earth Orestes lies ; 
 Possessed of him, Tegea's glory dies. 
 
 After receiving this reply, the Lacedaemonians continued the 
 search, but in vain, till it happened that the wished-for dis- 
 covery was made by a Spartan, named Lichas — one of those 
 called the benefactors — a title conferred every year upon five 
 seniors in the cavalry : these persons being required in the 
 first year after their discharge from the service, to perform the 
 duty of state messengers. This Lichas then, partly by chance, 
 and partly by sagacity, found at Tegea what was sought for. 
 At this time, some intercourse being maintained between the 
 Lacedaemonians and Tegeans, Lichas, entering a smith's shop 
 at Tegea, and watching the workman, expressed his admi- 
 ration at the performance ; upon which the smith, resting a 
 moment from his toil, said, "Do you admire this? — You 
 would wonder still more, Laconian stranger, were you to see 
 what I have seen — for lately, while digging a well in this 
 court, I met with a coffin, seven cubits long; and when, not 
 believing that men were ever taller than they are now, I 
 opened it, I found a body proportioned to the size of the 
 coffin: — 1 measured it, and then restored it to its place." 
 Lichas revolving this account in his mind, conjectured that this 
 was the body of Orestes, of which the oracle had spoken ; for 
 it seemed to him that the description agreed with the facts. — 
 (68) 
 
30 CRCESUS MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. 
 
 The smith's double bellows produced the winds spoken of :— 
 the anvil and hammer were the two opposed forms, and there 
 was the stroke upon stroke— prefiguring also the mischiefs 
 inflicted upon man by iron. With this idea, therefore, he 
 returned to Sparta, and related the whole to the Lacedaemo- 
 nians ; but they, on the ground of a pretended crime, con- 
 demned him to banishment. He returning to Tegea, told his 
 misfortune to the smith, from whom after some dispute, he 
 hired the court, and forthwith digging up the coffin, collected 
 the bones, with which he returned to Sparta :— from that time 
 their attacks upon the Tegeans were always successful : — 
 they had already subdued the greater part of the Pelo- 
 ponnesus.] 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 CROESUS MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. — THE FALL OF 
 SARDIS. 
 
 Croesus having therefore informed himself of the con- 
 dition of these two states, sent ambassadors to Sparta, 
 bearing gifts, and instructed to propose a treaty of alliance 
 in war. The message they were charged to deliver was 
 as follows : — " We have been sent by Croesus, king of 
 the Lydians, and of other nations, to say to you, Lace- 
 daemonians, that he has been admonished by the god to 
 form a Greek alliance ; and having learned that you are 
 chief among the Greeks, he therefore invites you to friend- 
 ship, and co-operation, without fraud or deceit." The 
 Lacedaemonians, who had before heard of the answer 
 given by the oracle to Croesus, were gratified by the 
 arrival of the Lydians; and formed a solemn treaty of 
 friendship and co-operation with him, who, indeed, had 
 
 (69) 
 
CRCESUS MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. 31. 
 
 some time before conferred a favour upon them : for when 
 they sent to Sardis to purchase gold for the statue of 
 Apollo, which now stands on Mount Thorna, in Laconia, 
 he made them a present of as much as they needed. On 
 this account, therefore, and because he had preferred 
 them to the other Greeks, they acceded to the alliance. 
 And not only did they promise to grant the aid required 
 of them, but they caused a brazen vessel, ornamented 
 round the rim with a wreath of embossed figures, and 
 capable of containing three hundred amphoras, to be 
 formed, and sent as a present to Croesus ; — this vessel 
 never reached Sardis ; for, as the Lacedaemonians affirm, 
 while it was on the way, the Samians, hearing of its 
 arrival near their island, despatched a ship of war, and 
 seized it. But the Samians deny this, and affirm that the 
 Lacedaemonians, who carried the cup, having been de- 
 layed on the way till they heard that Sardis was taken, 
 and Croesus in captivity, sold it in Samos, to some private 
 persons, by whom it was consecrated in the temple of 
 Juno : perhaps these Lacedaemonians, on their return to 
 Sparta, declared that they had been robbed of the cup by 
 the Samians.* 
 
 Croesus, therefore, mistaking the meaning of the 
 oracle, invaded Cappadocia, in the hope of overthrowing 
 Cyrus, and the Persian power. While preparations were 
 making for this Persian war, a certain Lydian, named 
 Sandanis, at that time esteemed for his wisdom (and since 
 his having given this advice still more celebrated) thus 
 counselled Croesus : — " You are preparing, O king, to 
 attack a people who wear leather trowsers, and, indeed, 
 nothing on their backs but leather ; who eat, not what 
 they would, but what they can get from their rough soil ; 
 who drink, not wine, but water ; who have no figs, nor 
 any other delicacies. If, then, you vanquish them, what 
 
 * A theft that could be concealed was no crime at Sparta. 
 
 (71) 
 
 i 
 
32 TFIE LACEDAEMONIANS. 
 
 can you take from those who possess nothing. But if you 
 are vanquished, think what you cast away ! For when 
 they shall have tasted our good things, they will hold them ; 
 nor ever be driven back. As for me, I thank the gods 
 who have not inspired the Persians with the desire to 
 attack the Lydians !" But Croesus was not to be so. 
 persuaded. It is true, that the Persians, before their 
 conquest of Lydia, possessed nothing delicate or ex- 
 cellent. 
 
 The Cappadocians, by the Greeks called Syrians, were, 
 before the establishment of the Persian power, subject to 
 the Medes ; but, at this time, to Cyrus. The boundary 
 between the kingdoms of Media and Lydia, was formed 
 by the river Halys, which, rising in the mountains of 
 Armenia, runs through Cilicia; after which it has the 
 Matinians on the right, and the Phrygians on the left : 
 passing by these, and turning towards the north, it divides 
 Cappadocia from Paphlagonia. Thus this river includes 
 nearly the whole of Lower Asia, from the sea of Cyprus 
 to the Euxine ; and it runs across the neck, or narrowest 
 part of Asia (Minor) where the distance (from sea to sea) 
 is not more than may be passed over in five days by a 
 swift traveller. 
 
 Croesus was impelled to invade Cappadocia, partly by 
 the wish to include that country within the bounds of his 
 dominion ; but, encouraged by the oracle, he was chiefly 
 instigated by the hope of avenging Astyages upon Cyrus. 
 For Astyages, son of Cyaxares, king of the Medes, and 
 brother-in-law of Croesus, had been vanquished, and was 
 now held in captivity by Cyrus. [During the reign of 
 Cyaxares, son of Phraortes, and grandson of Dejoces, a 
 band of rebel Scythian Nomades took refuge in Media, 
 and were favourably received by him ; and at length so 
 much regarded, that some Median boys were committed to 
 their care, to learn the Scythian language, and the use of 
 the bow. After a time it happened that these Scythians, 
 
 (74) 
 
CROESUS MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. 33 
 
 who when sent out to hunt had always hitherto been suc- 
 cessful, returned from the field without having taken any 
 thing. Cyaxares, who, as it appears, was of an angry temper, 
 dismissed them contumeliously. They, resenting the in- 
 dignity, resolved to take one of the youths committed to 
 their care, and cutting him up, to prepare the flesh as 
 they were accustomed to cook their game, and to send it 
 as such to Cyaxares, and then instantly to seek protection 
 from Alyattes, at Sardis. This, they effected, and Cy- 
 axares, with his guests, partook of the flesh, while the 
 Scythians escaped. Alyattes refusing to surrender the 
 Scythians to the demand of Cyaxares, war was com- 
 menced, and carried on during five years between the 
 Lydians and the Medes with various fortune ; once in this 
 war, a battle was fought by night. In the sixth year of 
 the war, the advantages being evenly balanced, it hap- 
 pened that while the two armies were hotly engaged, the 
 day suddenly became dark. This change of day into B.C. 
 night had been foretold to the lonians by Thales the 
 Milesian, who had named the year in which it would 
 take place.* Both Lydians and Medes seeing this change 
 of day to night, desisted from fighting, and both became 
 desirous of peace. This was effected by the invention of 
 Syenuesis, king of Cilicia, and of Labynetus, king of 
 Babylon, who urged the conciliation, and proposed a 
 matrimonial alliance ; for without the bond of some firm 
 necessity, conventions are not often permanent; and it 
 was arranged that Alyattes should give his daughter, 
 Aryenis, in marriage to Astyages, son of Cyaxeres. 
 Oaths of alliance are taken among these nations in the 
 same manner as among the Greeks ; with this addition, 
 that they cut the skin of their arms, and lick each other's 
 blood. 
 
 Cyrus therefore, as I shall hereafter more fully narrate, 
 
 * See Note. « 
 
 (75) d 
 
 585. 
 
34 CRCE9US MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. 
 
 having vanquished and detained in captivity Astyages, 
 his maternal grandfather, hereby afforded to Croesus a 
 ground of quarrel, who, sending as we have said, to 
 Delphi, received the ambiguous answer which he confi- 
 dently interpreted in his own favour, and so invaded the 
 Persian territory. 
 
 Arriving at the river Halys, Croesus transported his army 
 by bridges, then existing ; — this, at least, is my opinion. 
 But the current report among the Greeks is, that while 
 Croesus deliberated on the means of passing the river, 
 (there being, as they say, no bridges at that time,) Thales 
 the Milesian, who was then in the camp, effected the 
 passage by diverting the stream from its course, on the 
 left hand of the army, and causing it to flow on the 
 right, through a deep canal which he led in a semicircular 
 form behind the camp ; so that the waters being divided, 
 were easily fordable on both sides. Some say that the 
 old channel was left entirely dry ; but if so, how did the 
 army pass the stream on its return ? 
 
 Croesus advancing with his army, arrived in the part 
 of Cappadocia, called Pteria, the most considerable 
 district of that country, bordering upon Sinope, a city 
 near the Euxine : here he pitched his camp, and ravaged 
 the lands of the Syrians, whom, without any pretext, he 
 expelled from their homes ; he took also the city of the 
 Pterians, as well as all the neighbouring towns, and re- 
 duced the inhabitants to slavery. 
 
 Meanwhile Cyrus, assembling his army, and leading 
 with him all the forces of the countries through which 
 he passed, advanced to oppose Croesus. But before he 
 pushed his army forward, he sent heralds to the Ionians, 
 urging them to revolt from Croesus. But the Ionians, 
 refused to comply with this request. Cyrus, however, 
 came up, opposing his camp to that of Croesus ; and in 
 the Pterian territory, the two armies essayed their utmost 
 strength in several skirmishes : at length a sharp conflict 
 
 (76) 
 
CRCESUS MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. 35 
 
 took place, in which great slaughter was sustained on B.C. 
 both sides; but night ended the battle, before either 
 party had obtained any decided advantage. 
 
 Croesus now thinking his army, (which was found to be 
 much inferior in numbers to that of Cyrus,) too small, and per- 
 ceiving on the next day that Cyrus did not attempt to follow 
 him, set out for Sardis, intending to require the Egyptians 
 to fulfil their covenant ; for he had contracted an alliance of 
 mutual support with Amasis, king of Egypt, before that 
 which he formed with the Lacedaemonians. He resolved, 
 at the same time, to send to the Babylonians, with whom 
 he had formed a league, and who were then governed by 
 Labynetus, to ask their aid, and to summons the Lacedae- 
 monians also, to be ready at the appointed time. With 
 these allies, and with his own collected forces, he proposed, 
 early in the following spring, again to attack the Per- 
 sians. Entertaining these designs, he arrived at Sardis, 
 and despatched heralds to his allies, to require their 
 attendance at the end of five months. He also dismissed 
 the whole of his mercenaries, not imagining that Cyrus, 
 with whom he had contended on such even terms, would 
 advance upon Sardis. 
 
 At this time, while Croesus was thus engaged, the 
 whole district around the city was filled with serpents ; 
 upon which the horses, ceasing to graze, followed and 
 devoured them. This was regarded by Croesus, and 
 justly, as a prodigy ; he therefore instantly despatched the 
 sacred messengers, to consult the diviners of Telmessus ; 
 but before they returned from the voyage, Croesus was in 
 captivity. The reply of the Telmessian diviners was 
 to this effect : that Croesus might expect a foreign army 
 to invade his territory, who should subdue the natives ; — 
 " for," said they, " serpents are the offspring of the 
 earth; but the horse belongs to warfare, and transition." 
 When the Telmessians gave this answer, Croesus was 
 
 d 2 
 (78) 
 
36 CR(ESUS MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. 
 
 vanquished ; but of what had taken place at Sardis, these 
 diviners were then ignorant. 
 
 Cyrus being informed of the retreat of Croesus, after 
 the battle in Pteria, and of his design to disband his 
 army, took the resolution of advancing with all speed 
 towards Sardis, before the Lydian forces could be a 
 second time collected. This plan was no sooner devised 
 than put in execution ; and entering Lydia at the head 
 of his army, he became the herald of his own arrival to 
 Croesus. Croesus, in the perplexity produced by this 
 unexpected position of his affairs, did not fail to lead the 
 Lydians into the field — and no people of Asia, in that 
 age, were more valiant or warlike than the Lydians. 
 Their mode of fighting was on horseback, with long spears ; 
 and they were accomplished horsemen. 
 
 The Lydian army was drawn out upon an extended 
 and bare plain, in front of the city. This plain is watered 
 by several rivers, among which is the Hyllus ; this, with 
 the others, joins the principal stream, called the Hermus, 
 which, flowing from the mountain sacred to Cybele, 
 empties itself into the sea, near Phocaea. When Cyrus 
 saw them drawn up in order of battle, he feared to en- 
 counter this body of cavalry, and by the advice of Har- 
 pagus, a Mede, he had recourse to the following artifice. 
 He collected all the camels employed in carrying the 
 provisions and baggage of the army, and discharging 
 them of their loads, set men upon them, accoutred as 
 horsemen, and ordered them to take place in front of the 
 army, opposite to the cavalry of Croesus ; behind the 
 camels he placed his infantry ; and behind these the whole 
 of his cavalry. He then commanded his men to give no 
 quarter to any of the Lydians, except to Croesus, whom 
 they were to spare, even if he should resist after being 
 taken. The camels were placed in front for. this reason, 
 that a horse is terrified at a camel, nor can endure either 
 
 (80) 
 
CRCESUS MAKES WAR WITH CYRUS. 37 
 
 the sight or smell of one. By this device, therefore, he 
 hoped to render useless the cavalry of Croesus, on which 
 the Lydian placed his chief dependence. As the armies 
 approached each other, the horses snuffed the scent of the 
 camels, saw them, and instantly turned about ; thus was 
 the hope of Croesus dashed. Yet were not the Lydians 
 dismayed ; but understanding the cause of what had 
 happened, they dismounted, and engaged the Persians on 
 foot ; a great slaughter took place on both sides, during a 
 continued conflict. At length the Lydians gave way, and 
 shutting themselves within their walls, were besieged by 
 the Persians. 
 
 Thus Sardis was invested, and Croesus, supposing that 
 the siege would be of long duration, despatched other 
 messengers from the* citadel, to summon his allies. His 
 first messengers had required their attendance at Sardis in 
 five months ; but now he besought their instant aid. 
 
 Croesus sent among others, to the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 [They were then engaged in a quarrel with the Argives, rela- 
 tive to a place called Thyrea, of which, though it stood within 
 the territories of the Argives, the Lacedaemonians had taken 
 possession. For to the Argives belonged all the country west- 
 ward to Malea, with the island of Cythera, and those adjoining. 
 The Argives, advancing to defend their possessions, they were 
 met by the Lacedaemonians, when a conference took place, and 
 it was agreed — That three hundred men on both sides should 
 fight, and that the place in question should be adjudged to 
 the victors ; the rest of both armies retiring to their homes, 
 that they might afford no aid to the combatants. This being- 
 arranged, they severally retired ; leaving the selected number 
 to engage. An equal fight was maintained, until three only 
 of the six hundred remained — two Argives, named Alcenor 
 and Chromius, and of the Lacedaemonians, Orthryacles. 
 When night came on, the two Argives returned to Argos ; 
 while Orthryades, plundering the bodies of the Argives, re- 
 moved their arms to his camp, and i-emained upon the field. 
 (82) d 3 
 
38 THE FALL OF SARDIS. 
 
 The next day, when the result was known, the two armies 
 approach, and both claim the victory : the Argives, because 
 more of their party than of the other survived ; the Lacedae- 
 monians, because the surviving Argives had fled, while their 
 man stood his ground, and took the spoil of the enemy. At 
 length they flew to arms, and after many had fallen on both 
 sides, the Lacedaemonians prevailed. Since that time, the 
 Argives, who before wore their hair long, kept it short ; 
 having solemnly vowed that no Argive should let his hair 
 grow, nor any woman wear gold, till Thyrea should be re- 
 covered. The Lacedeemonians, on the contrary, who before 
 cut their hair short, ordained that it should be suffered to 
 grow. It is said that Orthryades, the sole survivor of the 
 three hundred, ashamed to return to Sparta, killed himself at 
 Thyrea. It was while these things were taking place at 
 Sparta, that the Sardian ambassador arrived, intreating aid 
 for Croesus, who was besieged. Notwithstanding the present 
 state of their affairs, they listened to the ambassador, and 
 made preparations to afford the help demanded. But just as 
 all things were ready, and the fleet about to sail, another 
 messenger arrived, announcing that Sardis was taken, and 
 Croesus made captive. They therefore, after lamenting the 
 misfortune of the king, desisted from the expedition.] 
 
 Sardis was taken in the following manner : — the siege 
 had lasted fourteen days, when Cyrus sent a horseman 
 through his army, promising a reward to the man who 
 should first mount the walls. After many had made the 
 attempt without success, a Mardian, named Hyrseades, 
 undertook to ascend the citadel, where the wall was 
 unguarded ; for such was the steepness of this part of 
 the fortification, that it was deemed absolutely impregna- 
 ble. The Telmessians* had declared that if a lion were 
 
 * The inhabitants of Telmessus, a town of Caria, who practised 
 divination.— Herodotus calls this lion the son of Melesj by one of his 
 women, whether he intends to affirm a prodigy, or only that the child's 
 name was Lion, is doubted by the critics. 
 
 (84) 
 
SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF CR02SUS. 39 
 
 carried round the walls, Sardis would be impregnable. 
 But Meles, a former king- of the Sardians, when he car- 
 ried a lion round the walls, scorned to carry it round this 
 part, which he thought an enemy could never ascend. 
 This side of the citadel is opposite to Mount Tmolus. 
 Hyraeades, the Mardian, had seen the preceding day a 
 Lydian descend at this part to recover a helmet which 
 had fallen over the wall, and having watched the manner 
 of his ascent, he resolved to attempt the same ; this he 
 effected, and being followed by many others, Sardis was 
 taken and pillaged. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF CRCESUS. 
 
 We must now pursue the history of Croesus : — he had 
 as we have already mentioned, a son, who though in other 
 respects not deficient, was dumb. During his prosperity, 
 the father had used for his relief every means in his 
 power; and among other things, bethought himself of 
 sending to consult the oracle of Delphi. To his inquiries, 
 the Pythian thus replied : — 
 
 O man unwise, of Lydia's realms the king, 
 Wish not his voice within thy halls to ring ! 
 Better for thee that pleasure to forego ; — 
 * The day he speaks, shall be a day of woe ! 
 
 When the fortifications were taken, a Persian, not 
 knowing Croesus, was about to kill him ; and he, seeing 
 himself invaded, and not caring to survive his misfortunes, 
 would have met the stroke of death. But his speechless 
 (85) d 4 
 
40 SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OP CRCESUS. 
 
 son, seeing the Persian approach, moved with fear and 
 agony, cried out, " Man, kill not Croesus !" These were 
 his first words ; and from that time forward he continued 
 to speak. Thus was Sardis, after fourteen days' siege, 
 taken by the Persians ; and Croesus, who had reigned as 
 many years, became their captive ; and thus, according to 
 the oracle, he put an end to a great empire — namely, 
 his own. 
 
 The Persians led Croesus before Cyrus, who having 
 caused a great pile of wood to be raised, ordered his 
 captive to be fettered and placed upon it ; and with him 
 fourteen Lydian youths. This he did, either intending 
 to offer a sacrifice to some god ; or to fulfil a vow ; or 
 perhaps, having heard of the piety of Croesus, he wished 
 to see if any one of the demons would save him from being 
 burned alive. Croesus, as he stood upon the pile, not- 
 withstanding his present misery, recollected the saying of 
 Solon, as if spoken by a god — " That none of the living 
 could be called happy." Revolving these words, he broke 
 forth from his silence, and with a groan thrice pronounced 
 the name of Solon. Cyrus hearing this, commanded the 
 interpreters- to ask him who it was he invoked : — they 
 approached and put the question ; he for some time kept 
 silence ; but being urged, he said, — " A man, whose 
 words I had rather all tyrants should hear, than myself 
 possess the greatest treasures." This answer seeming 
 obscure, he was again asked his meaning ; and to their 
 continued importunity he at length replied, " That Solon, 
 the Athenian, having formerly visited him, had viewed all 
 his felicity with contempt; and that what he had then 
 said was not only now verified, in his own case, but that 
 it was equally true of all mankind ; and especially of those 
 who think themselves more happy than other men." As 
 Croesus thus spoke, the flames ascended around the pile : 
 meanwhile Cyrus, having heard what Croesus had said, 
 relented, and reflecting that he, a mere man, was corn- 
 er 
 
SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF CROESUS. 41 
 
 mitting to the flames, alive, a man who lately was not 
 inferior to himself in felicity, fearing also the vengeance 
 of Heaven, and recollecting, moreover, the instability of 
 human affairs, commanded that, with all haste, the fire 
 should be extinguished, and Croesus and those with him 
 released. But those who endeavoured to execute this 
 command were unable to quell the fire. 
 
 Then, as the Lydians relate, Croesus being informed 
 that Cyrus had relented, and seeing the men not yet able 
 to vanquish the flames, cried out, invoking Apollo, whom 
 he besought, if ever any of his gifts had been acceptable, 
 now to appear, and deliver him from the impending misery. 
 As thus with tears he invoked the god, suddenly a serene 
 and tranquil sky was covered with clouds, and a tempest 
 arising with vehement rain, the fire was quenched. Cyrus 
 learning by this event that Croesus was a good man, and 
 in favour- with Heaven, commanded him to be brought 
 from the pile, and thus addressed him : — " Croesus, who 
 persuaded you to invade my territory, making yourself 
 my enemy, rather than friend?" To which he replied, 
 " O king, this enterprise, so fortunate for you, so disas- 
 trous to me, is attributable to the god of the Greeks, who 
 incited me to make war. For who is so devoid of under- 
 standing as (freely) to prefer war to peace, in which fa- 
 thers bury their sons, instead of sons their fathers ; — but 
 thus it pleased the gods to ordain." 
 
 Cyrus releasing Croesus, seated him near himself, and 
 with much observance, admired him, as did all who stood 
 around. Meanwhile he, absorbed in thought, kept silence. 
 At length, turning round, and seeing the Persians devas- 
 tating the city of the Lydians, he said, " O king! shall I 
 tell you what I think, or remain silent?" Cyrus com- 
 manding him to take courage, and to speak freely, he 
 went on; — "What is this crowd so eagerly doing?" 
 — " Pillaging your city, and spoiling your treasures." — 
 To which Crcesus replied, " Not my city— not my trea- 
 (88) 
 
42 SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF CROESUS. 
 
 sures do they spoil ; for these things are no longer mine ; 
 but they are bearing off and driving away your's." Cyrus 
 took the hint, and dismissing the attendants, asked him 
 what he thought best to be done. " Since," said Croesus, 
 " the gods have made me your slave, it is just, if I see 
 any thing to your advantage, to point it out to you. The 
 Persians, by nature impatient of controul, are yet unac- 
 quainted with riches ; if you wink at their thus seizing 
 and holding treasures, you have nothing to expect but 
 that he who shall make himself the most rich, will excite 
 seditions against you. Now, therefore, if it please you 
 to follow my advice, place spearmen at all the gates, who 
 shall tell those who are carrying away goods, that a tenth 
 of all must be consecrated to Jupiter. Thus you will 
 avoid being hated by them for seizing their plunder ; and 
 they, believing you do only what is right, will cheerfully 
 comply." 
 
 Cyrus, well satisfied with this advice, gave orders to 
 his attendants accordingly ; and then thus addressed 
 Croesus : " Your words and actions are fitting a man of 
 kingly dignity — ask what you would now most wish to 
 be done." " O monarch," said he, " you will best please 
 me by allowing me to send these fetters to the god of the 
 Greeks, whom above all the gods I have honoured, and 
 ask if it is his custom to deceive those who deserve best 
 at his hands." Cyrus, wishing to know the reason of 
 this taunting accusation, Croesus recounted to him fully 
 all he had done, repeating the responses of the oracles, 
 and mentioning especially the gifts he had made, and how, 
 incited by the divine answer, he had attacked the Per- 
 sians ; so saying, he again made his request, that he might 
 be permitted to reproach the god with these things. 
 Cyrus smiling, replied, " This, Croesus, you shall obtain 
 of me ; and whatever else at any time you may ask." 
 Croesus, therefore, having this permission, sent some 
 Lydians to Delphi, instructing them to lay the fetters 
 
 (90) 
 
SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF CRffiSUS. 43 
 
 upon the threshold of the temple, and to demand, " if it 
 were not a shame, by such responses, to have incited 
 Croesus to make war upon the Persians, with the hope 
 of overthrowing the power of Cyrus ; of which war these 
 fetters were the first-fruits ?" Such was to be the demand ; 
 and also, "if to be ungrateful were the custom of the 
 Grecian gods?" 
 
 When the Lydians arrived and delivered their message, 
 the Pythian is said to have replied : " That even the god 
 could not avert the decree of fate. That Croesus, the 
 fifth in descent, suffered for the sin of his progenitor, 
 who being a servant (spearman) of the Heraclidae, con- 
 sented to the guile of the woman, and slew his master, 
 taking possession, without right, of his place and honour. 
 That yet Apollo had endeavoured to defer the fall of 
 Sardis till the next generation ; but that he had not been 
 able to move the fates, who would no further yield to his 
 solicitation than, as a special favour to Croesus, to place 
 the taking of Sardis three years later than otherwise it 
 would have happened. " Let Croesus, therefore know, 
 that he is a captive three years later than the fates had 
 decreed," and then remember, that he had rescued him 
 when about to be burned. As to the response, Croesus 
 had no right to complain ; for Apollo had foretold that if 
 he invaded the Persians, he would overthrow a great 
 empire : and if upon this he had wished to be better in- 
 formed, he should have inquired again, whether his own 
 empire or that of Cyrus was intended. Wherefore, as 
 he had neither understood the oracle, nor asked for its 
 meaning, he might take the blame to himself. That 
 neither had he understood the intimation given him by 
 Apollo in what was said of the mule — for Cyrus was 
 this mule, who was born of parents of different nations — 
 and of a mother of the better condition, and a father of 
 the worse ; — for she was a Mede, daughter of Astyages, 
 king of the Medes ; but he a Persian, and therefore a 
 (91) 
 
44 SUBSEQUENT HISTORY OF CR<ESUS. 
 
 subject of the Medes; an* though in all respects inferior, 
 had married his mistress." In this way the Pythian re- 
 plied to the Lydians, who returning to Sardis, reported 
 the answer to Croesus ; and he, in hearing it, acknowledged 
 himself to be in the wrong, and not the god. Such is the 
 history of the Lydian empire, and of the first subjugation 
 of Ionia. 
 
 [Besides the gifts already ^mentioned, which Croesus sent 
 into Greece,* there were others : for example, at Thebes, in 
 Bceotia, there is a golden tripod,* dedicated by him to the 
 Ismenian Apollo; at Ephesus, there are golden heifers, and 
 many columns; then, in the Pronean temple, at Delphi, 
 there is a large shield of gold — all which Were to be seen in 
 my time ; many others have been lost, among which are the 
 gifts he presented to the Branchidae, at Miletus, equal in 
 weight, as I am told, and similar to those he sent to Delphi. 
 The presents he dedicated at the temples of Delphi and 
 Amphiaraus, were from his personal property, and the first- 
 fruits, as it were, of his paternal possessions. The others 
 were furnished from the treasures of an enemy, who before 
 the accession of Croesus, endeavoured to place Pantaleon on 
 the Lydian throne This Pantaleon was the son of Alyattes, 
 and so the brother of Croesus, but not by the same mother ; 
 for the latter was the son of a Carian, the former of an Ionian 
 wife of Alyattes. When, by the appointment of his father, 
 Croesus ascended the throne, he put his adversary to death 
 by torture, and his goods, which before he had devoted to 
 the gods, he consecrated in the manner and at the places 
 above-mentioned. So much for these offerings.] 
 
 Lydia contains little worthy of record beyond other 
 -countries, if we except the gold dust which descends from 
 Mount Tmolus. It possesses, however, one work of art, 
 equalled only by the buildings of Egypt and Babylon; 
 
 * Or to the Greeks — either iu Greece or the colonies. 
 
 (93) 
 
CUSTOMS OF THE LYDIANS. 45 
 
 this is the sepulchre of Alyattas, the father of Croesus ; 
 the base of the sepulchre consists of immense stones, 
 upon which is raised a tumulus of earth. The work was 
 performed by hucksters, labourers, and girls of the lower 
 cMer. There were standing in my time on the upper 
 part of the sepulchre five pillars, upon which were en- 
 graved an account of the work severally performed by 
 each division ; and it appeared that the part executed by 
 the women was the largest. The circumference of the 
 monument measures six stadia, and two plethra; the 
 width is thirteen plethra. Adjoining the sepulchre is a 
 vast lake, named Gygean, and said by the Lydians to be 
 inexhaustible. 
 
 [The usages of the Lydians are similar to those of the 
 Greeks, except that they have less regard to female virtue. 
 They are the first people, so far as we know, who coined 
 money of gold and silver ; and they also were the first shop- 
 keepers. The Lydians, moreover, claim to be the inventors 
 of the games, now known among themselves and the Greeks, 
 and which were first practised when they established the 
 Tyrrhenian colony, of which they give the following account. 
 In the reign of Atys, son of Menes, there happened a great 
 scarcity of corn throughout Lydia : for some time the people 
 patiently endured the famine ; at length, as it was not re- 
 lieved, they sought some remedy ; one proposing one scheme, 
 another a different one. Among these devices, was the inven- 
 tion of several games, such as cubes, bowls, dice, and many 
 other sports ; to the invention of chess they do not pretend. 
 With these pastimes they diverted their miseries— playing the 
 whole of every alternate day, that they might not think of 
 food : thus they passed eighteen years, and even then, the 
 evil not abating, but being rather aggravated, the king 
 divided his people into two parts, and cast lots for one part 
 to stay at home, and for the other to quit the country ; him- 
 self retaining the command of those whose lot it was to stay, 
 and appointing his son, Tyrrhenus, king of those who were 
 (94) 
 
4G THE ASSYRIANS AND MEDES. 
 
 to remove. The exiles proceeded to Smyrna, where they 
 constructed ships, and putting their effects on board, set sail 
 in search of a living and a home ; after touching on several 
 shores, they at length arrived at Umbria, where they built 
 towns, and have ever since remained ; only changing t\,?. 
 name of Lydians for that of Tyrrhenians. The Lydians, as 
 we have seen, became subject to the Persians.] 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF THE ASSYRIANS AND MEDES — 
 DEJOCES — THE SCYTHIANS. 
 
 We must now inquire who this Cyrus was, who van- 
 quished Croesus ; and by what means the Persians became 
 masters of Asia. And as there are some of the Persians 
 who do not seem disposed to exaggerate the exploits of 
 Cyrus ; but rather confine themselves to simple truth, I 
 shall follow only the authority of such writers, though 
 not ignorant that three distinct accounts of this personage 
 are abroad.* 
 From The Assyrians had ruled the Upper Asia during a 
 1231 period of five hundred and twenty years, when the Medes, 
 *° who were the first to rebel, revolted from them. This 
 nation, in struggling with the Assyrians for their liberties, 
 behaved like valiant men, and at length shaking off the 
 yoke, established their freedom. Other nations afterwards 
 followed the example of the Medes. 
 
 These various nations, spread over the continent, for 
 some time followed severally their own institutions ; but 
 were at length again reduced under one tyranny ; which 
 
 * See Note. 
 
 (96) 
 
DEJOCES. 47 
 
 happened in the following manner: — Among the Medes 
 there was a sage, named Dejoces, son of Phraortes, who 
 aspiring to the kingly dignity, devised the means of 
 accomplishing his wishes. The Medes inhabited separate 
 villages : Dejoces, already reputed for his wisdom in his 
 own neighbourhood, laboured with increased assiduity to 
 administer justice at home. And this he did while dis- 
 orders of every kind prevailed throughout Media ; know- 
 ing well that right must ever contend against wrong. 
 The Medes of his own district, observing his conduct, 
 chose him for their judge, and he, still affecting power, 
 was always just and upright. In this course of conduct, 
 he won no little praise from his countrymen ; so that at 
 length the inhabitants of other districts, hearing that 
 Dejoces alone executed strict justice, and having often 
 suffered under partial decisions, gladly brought their 
 causes to be adjudged by him ; and in the end they sub- 
 mitted to none but him. 
 
 The number of applicants daily increasing — for it was 
 found that here right determined every issue — Dejoces 
 perceived that all was now in his own power. He therefore 
 ceased to sit in judgment as hitherto, or to pronounce 
 decisions, declaring it to be injurious to his own affairs 
 to neglect them, day after day, while employed in arbi- 
 trating other men's disputes. In consequence, violence 
 and wrong again prevailed through the land, even more 
 than heretofore. The Medes calling an assembly, deli- 
 berated upon the present state of their affairs, and as I 
 suppose, it was chiefly the friends of Dejoces who offered 
 their advice. " Truly," said they, " if we follow this 
 course it will not be possible longer to live where we do. 
 Come then, and let us appoint a king, by which means the 
 country will be well governed, and we shall be able to 
 apply ourselves to our concerns, and no more be driven 
 from our homes by injustice." It was therefore deter- 
 mined that they should submit themselves to a king. 
 (97) 
 
48 ECBATANA. 
 
 B.C. They next debated upon whom they should appoint; 
 
 700, and the merits of Dejoces being discussed, and his praises 
 pronounced by all, he was at length chosen. When thus 
 elected, he commanded that a palace, suited to the kingly 
 dignity, should be constructed ; and that he should have 
 a body guard of spearmen. With these commands the 
 Medes complied, building for him a spacious and well 
 fortified edifice, upon a spot chosen by himself; and they 
 allowed him to select whom he would among the Medes 
 for his guard. Possessed now of supreme power, he 
 compelled the Medes to build one city so excellently 
 adorned, that the other towns might be less regarded. 
 In this also they were obedient, constructing a fortress 
 both extensive and strong — the same which is now called 
 Ecbatana. Of this city, one wall circumvented another ; 
 and each rose by the height of its battlements above the 
 one beyond it. The ground, which was a circular hill, fa- 
 voured this construction; but it owed still more to the 
 labours bestowed upon the work. The orbicular walls 
 were seven in number; within the last stood the royal 
 palace and the treasuries. The largest of the walls 
 nearly equalled the circumference of Athens : the battle- 
 ments of this outer wall were white, those of the second 
 black, of the third purple, of the fourth blue, of the 
 fifth orange ; all the battlements being thus covered with 
 a pigment. Of the two last walls, the battlements of the 
 one was plated with silver, those of the other with 
 gold.* 
 
 Such was the munition constructed for himself by 
 Dejoces, around which he placed the habitations of the 
 people. All these works being finished, he first established 
 the custom which forbids the people to approach the 
 royal presence — all business being transacted by messen- 
 gers ; the king himself was seen by no one. He moreover 
 
 * See Note. 
 
 (99) 
 
DEJOCES — CYAXARES. 49 
 
 declared it to be indecent to laugh or spit in his pre- 
 sence; or indeed in the presence of each other. These 
 grave usages he established with the intention of inspiring 
 his former companions — men as well born and as valiant 
 as himself — with the notion that he whom they never 
 looked upon, was a being of a superior order ; by which 
 means they would cease to vex themselves at his eleva- 
 tion, or to plot against him. Having made these regula- 
 tions, and confirmed himself in his tyranny, he adminis- 
 tered justice with rigour. The causes were sent in to 
 him in writing, which he returned in like manner, with 
 his decisions : other affairs were managed with appropriate 
 forms. If any one was reported to have committed 
 wrong, he was sent for, and received a punishment worthy 
 of the offence. For the purpose of giving effect to his 
 administration, he appointed spies and listeners in all 
 parts of his dominions. 
 
 Thus Dejoces united under his sway the Median 
 people, comprehending the Busae, the Paraetaceni, the 
 Struchates, the Arizanti, the Budi, and the Magi. 
 
 Dejoces dying after a reign of fifty- three years, was 
 succeeded by his son Phraortes ; who not content to 
 govern the Medes only, attacked the Persians, who were 
 the first to submit to the Median rule. After this, finding 
 himself at the head of these two nations, both of whom 
 were powerful, he passed from people to people, till he 
 had subdued all Asia. At length his invading army 
 reached the Assyrians — the Assyrians, I mean, of Nineveh, 
 who formerly ruled all the surrounding nations, but were 
 now abandoned by their allies, though they still maintained 
 at home a prosperous condition. In this expedition 
 Phraortes perished, with a large part of his army, after 
 reigning two-and-twenty years. To him succeeded his 
 son, Cyaxares, who is said to have surpassed his pro- 
 genitor in valour. He was the first in Asia who dis- 
 tributed armies into companies, and placed apart the 
 (103) e 
 
 o 
 
50 THE SCYTHIANS. 
 
 several kinds of arms — the spearmen, the archers, and 
 the cavalry, which before his time fought promiscuously. 
 It was while this king was making war with the Lydians, 
 that, in the midst of a battle, day was changed into night. 
 Cyaxares acquired to himself the whole of Asia, beyond 
 the river Halys. Collecting, therefore, the forces of all 
 the nations under his command, he attacked Nineveh, to 
 revenge the death of his father, wishing to rase that city 
 from the earth. He vanquished the Assyrians in the 
 field, but while he besieged Nineveh, a vast army of 
 Scythians came upon him, led by their king, Madyas, son 
 of Protothyas. These Scythians, having expelled the 
 Cimmerians from Europe, followed the fugitives into 
 Asia, and at length arrived in the Median territory. 
 
 From the lake Masotis, to the river Phasis, and to 
 Colchis, is a distance which a good walker might pass 
 over in thirty days. It is however not so far from Colchis 
 to Media, which countries are separated only by the 
 Saspirians. But the Scythians, instead of coming by 
 that route, made a circuit, and passed over the high 
 ground, having Mount Caucasus on their right : there 
 meeting with the Medes, and fighting them, they got the 
 mastery, and possessed themselves of all Asia. They 
 then advanced towards Egypt. When they arrived in 
 the Syrian Palestine, they were met by Psammetichus, 
 king of Egypt, who by gifts and intreaties prevailed upon 
 them to proceed no further. Retracing their steps, 
 therefore, they arrived at Ascalon, a city of Syria, which 
 the great body of the Scythians passed without committing 
 any violences ; but a few of them, hanging in the rear, 
 plundered the temple of Venus, queen of Heaven. This, 
 as I find by inquiry, is the most ancient of all the temples 
 of the goddess ; for even that in Cyprus, as the Cyprians 
 acknowledge, was derived from (formed upon the model 
 of) this. And the temple of Cythera was erected by 
 Phoenicians from this part of Syria. The Scythians who 
 
 (105) 
 
HISTORY OP CYRUS. 
 
 spoiled this temple at Ascalon were, in consequence of 
 the sacrilege, visited by the goddess with a disease which 
 was entailed also upon their posterity ; as may even now be 
 seen by those who visit Scythia. The Scythians held 
 their conquests in Asia during a period of eight-and- 
 twenty years, in which time, by their violence and negli- 
 gence, all order was subverted. 
 
 Instead of exacting certain taxes, they plundered 
 individuals at pleasure, and marauding through the 
 country, seized whatever they could take of private 
 property. At length Cyaxares and the Medes, inviting 
 the greater part of them to an entertainment, made them 
 drunk, and then slew them ; thus they recovered in full 
 the dominion they had lost. The Medes then took 
 Nineveh, (as I shall relate in another place,*) and reduced 
 the Assyrians, except those of Babylonia. After this, 
 Cyaxares died : his reign, including the time of the 
 Scythian rule, lasted forty years. 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 HISTORY OF CYRUS. 
 
 Cyaxares Avas succeeded by Astyages, who had a daughter 
 named Mandane. This Mandane had a dream which, as 
 explained by the Magi— the interpreters of dreams, gave 
 her father great alarm. She was then of marriageable 
 
 * No such relation appears in the course of the history. Hence it 
 has been supposed that Herodotus wrote some work which has not come 
 down to modern times; or he might at this time propose to write some 
 such account of the Assyrian empire. 
 
 (107) b 2 
 
52 HISTORY OF CYRUS. 
 
 years ; but he, fearing the presage, instead of uniting her 
 to a Mede of rank suited to her birth, married her to a 
 Persian, named Cambyses, a man of a quiet temper, and 
 though of a good family, regarded by Astyages as inferior 
 almost to the lowest of the Medes. 
 
 In the first year after the marriage of Mandane to 
 Cambyses, Astyages saw another vision; he thought a 
 vine sprang from his daughter which covered all Asia. 
 Having again consulted the interpreters, he sent for 
 Mandane from Persia, that the expected birth of a child 
 might take place at home. When she arrived, he had 
 her strictly guarded, resolving to destroy her offspring : 
 for the Magian interpreters had declared the dream to 
 portend, that the son of his daughter should displace him- 
 self from the throne. To guard against this, Astyages, as 
 soon as Cyrus was born, sent for Harpagus, a man with 
 whom he was intimate, whom, of all the Medes, he thought 
 most trust- worthy, and who managed all his affairs. 
 " Harpagus," said he, " I commit to you an affair in 
 which, if you are remiss, or betray me by employing 
 others, the consequences will fall upon yourself. Take 
 then the infant son of Mandane, carry it home, destroy 
 and bury it in the mode you shall think best." To this 
 Harpagus replied, " O king, hitherto you have seen in 
 me no want of subserviency, and we will ever be careful 
 not to offend you. If you wish this to be done, be it so : 
 my part is to serve you assiduously." 
 
 Harpagus having thus replied, received the babe, 
 adorned for burial, returned weeping to his house ; where 
 he repeated to his wife what had passed between Astyages 
 and himself. " And what," said she, " do you propose 
 to do ?" " Not," replied he, " to execute the command 
 of Astyages : — no, were he to become more mad and 
 unreasonable than he is, I am not the man to yield to his 
 will, or to make myself the instrument of such a murder. 
 There are indeed many reasons why I should not destroy 
 
 (109) 
 
HISTORY OF CYRUS. 53 
 
 the babe, which indeed is allied to me; besides, As tyages 
 is old, and has no son ; if then, after his death, the 
 sovereign authority should descend to his daughter, whose 
 son he now wishes me to destroy, what can I expect but 
 to incur the greatest danger 1 Yet for my own safety it 
 is necessary that the boy should die ; but some of the 
 king's own people, and not I, or mine, must perpetrate 
 the murder." So saying, he instantly despatched a mes- 
 senger, to bring one of the herdsmen of Astyages,-whom 
 he knew to feed his flocks in a mountainous district, fit 
 for the purpose, being infested with wild beasts. The 
 man's name was Mithradates, whose wife and fellow- 
 servant was called in the Greek tongue, Cyno; by the 
 Medes, Spaco. This herdsman kept his flock at the foot 
 of a mountain, north of Ecbatana, towards the Euxine : 
 this part of Media, bordering upon the Saspiriaris, 
 abounds with steep and lofty mountains, covered with 
 forests ; whereas the other parts of the country are level. 
 The man arriving without delay, was thus addressed by 
 Harpagus : " Astyages commands you to take this infant, 
 and to expose it in the most solitary part of the moun- 
 tains, where most speedily it may be destroyed : and he 
 enjoins me to tell you, that if you fail to kill the babe, 
 or suffer him to survive, you will meet the very heaviest 
 punishment; and I am instructed to see the infant 
 exposed." 
 
 Having heard these commands, and received the child, 
 the herdsman returned on his way, and soon reached his 
 cottage. It happened, by a divine providence, that a 
 son was born to the man while absent in the city : both 
 were at the same time anxious for each other's fate — he 
 for his wife's safe delivery, and she for her husband's 
 return, as it was not a usual thing for him to be sum- 
 moned by Harpagus. When therefore, beyond her hope, 
 he returned and presented himself again, she eagerly 
 asked for what cause he had been so suddenly called. 
 (Ill) e 3 
 
54 HISTORY OF CYRUS. 
 
 " O wife," said he, " I have seen and heard in the city 
 what ought not to be seen, or to take place among our 
 masters : the house of Harpagus was filled with weeping, 
 and I, as I entered, was struck with dismay ; for I be- 
 held a babe lying on the floor, sobbing and crying, and 
 dressed in many-coloured cloaths, embroidered with 
 gold ; and Harpagus, as soon as he saw me, commanded 
 me instantly to take the infant, and carrying him away, 
 to expose him in some part of the mountains, most in- 
 fested with wild beasts ; saying, that Astyages laid these 
 commands upon me, and adding many threats if I failed 
 to fulfil them. I therefore took the child, and have 
 brought him, supposing at first that he belonged €o one 
 of the servants, for I could not imagine whence he 
 really came ; yet I was amazed at the gold and rich 
 apparel, and in recollecting the grief apparent in the 
 family of Harpagus. When, however, I was on the road, 
 accompanied by a servant, who left the city with me, and 
 who delivered the infant to my arms, I learned the truth, 
 for he told me the child was the son of Mandane, the 
 daughter of Astyages and of Cambyses, the son of Cyrus ; 
 and that Astyages had ordered him to be killed. This, 
 then, is the whole affair." 
 
 Thus speaking, the herdsman uncovered the infant: 
 the woman, seeing so fine and lovely a babe, with tears 
 clasping her husband's knees, prayed that it might by 
 no means be exposed. But he said it could not be other- 
 wise , for persons would come from Harpagus to see the 
 child exposed, and that if he refused to do what he had 
 been ordered, his should himself miserably perish. Seeing 
 she could not prevail with her husband, the woman used 
 a second argument. "Since," said she, " I cannot dis- 
 suade you from exposing the child ; as one must of neces- 
 sity be seen laid out, do thus : I have this day brought 
 forth a son, but jiot a living one ; expose this, therefore, 
 and the son of the daughter of Astyages we will rear 
 
 (112) 
 
HISTORY OF CYRUS. 55 
 
 as one of our own; thus you will neither be caught 
 wronging your masters, nor shall mischief be devised 
 against us; the dead will obtain royal burial, and the 
 living will not perish." The herdsman approved of this 
 advice, and immediately followed it, delivering to his 
 wife the infant that was to have died, and taking his own 
 dead son, placed it in the basket in which he had brought 
 the other, together with all its rich habiliments. This he 
 conveyed to a desolate part of the mountains, and left 
 it there. Three days afterwards he repaired to the city, 
 leaving one of his servants in charge of the body. Pre- 
 senting himself to Harpagus, he declared that he was 
 ready to exhibit the dead infant. Harpagus therefore 
 despatched some of the most trusty of his attendants ; 
 and by them saw and interred the son of the herdsman. 
 The woman from this time nursed him, who afterwards 
 was called Cyrus ; for that was not the name she gave 
 him. 
 
 When the boy was about ten years old, an incident B. C. 
 
 • 561. 
 
 occurred which made him known. As he was playing in 
 
 the village, near which the herds were fed, with boys of 
 his own age, they in their sports bethought themselves to 
 elect a king, and fixed upon him who passed for the son 
 of the herdsman. He forthwith appointed some to build 
 his houses, others to be his body guard, one to be the 
 king's eye,* on another he bestowed the honour of pre- 
 senting embassies ; to every one appointing a part. One 
 of these boys, being the son of Artembares, a noble 
 Mede, yielded no obedience to the commands of Cyrus, 
 who directed the others to seize him ; which they doing, 
 he flogged him soundly. The youth, as soon as released, 
 full of resentment for this unworthy treatment, returned 
 to the city, and related with tears to his father what he 
 had endured from the son of the herdsman of Astyages* 
 
 * As if— hi? iuspcctor-general, 
 
 (114) e 4 
 
56 HISTORY OF CRCESUS. 
 
 Artembares, in great wrath, appeared with his son 
 before Astyages, and complained of the intolerable 
 injury he had sustained, saying, " O king, thus, by your 
 slave, the son of your herdsman have we been maltreated !" 
 and as he spoke he displayed his son's shoulders. As- 
 tyages hearing and seeing this, and intending fully to 
 avenge Artembares, sent for the herdsman and his son : 
 when they both appeared, Astyages, fixing his eye upon 
 Cyrus, said, " Hast thou, being the son of this slave, 
 dared so shamefully to treat the son of a man who is 
 first in my favour?" to which he replied, " O sire, I did 
 indeed thus treat him, and with justice ; for the boys of 
 the village, among whom he was one, in their play ap- 
 pointed me to be their king, thinking me the best fitted 
 for the office. The others accordingly yielded obedience 
 to my commands, but this one was disobedient, setting 
 at nought my will, on which account he was punished. 
 If now I am guilty in this matter, here I am before you." 
 As the youth spoke, Astyages began to recognize him ; 
 for the likeness of his face to his own, and the nobleness 
 of his reply, and the agreement of the time of his ex- 
 posure with the apparent age of the lad, all forcibly 
 struck him ; and for a time prevented his uttering a 
 word : at length, recovering himself, and wishing to 
 dismiss Artembares, that he might severely question the 
 herdsman alone, he said, " Artembares, I will take care 
 that neither you nor your son shall have reason to com- 
 plain:" he being thus sent away, the attendants, at the 
 command of Astyages, conducted Cyrus into an inner 
 room. When thus left alone with the herdsman, he 
 inquired of him whence he had received the boy, and who 
 delivered the child to him. He declared the youth to be 
 his own son, and added that his mother was now living. 
 But Astyages assured him that (by prevaricating) he did 
 not consult his own welfare, for that he should be com- 
 pelled by extreme tortures to confess the truth ; so saying 
 
 (116) 
 
HISTORY OF/ CRffiSUS. 57 
 
 he beckoned to the guard to seize the man, who being 
 led to the torture, declared the whole truth, relating all 
 that had happened from the beginning, and ended with 
 entreating pardon for himself. Astyages having thus 
 obtained the truth from the herdsman, cared not to punish 
 him ; but feeling deeply indignant towards Harpagus, gave 
 orders for him to be summoned. When Harpagus appeared 
 he was thus addressed, by Astyages: "Harpagus, in 
 what manner did you put to death my daughter's son, 
 whom I delivered to you ?" Harpagus having seen the 
 herdsman in the palace, did not betake himself to false- 
 hood, lest he should be convicted of untruth ; but thus 
 spoke : " O king, when I received the child, I consulted 
 with myself by what means I might at once fulfil my duty 
 in complying with your wishes, and avoid being the in- 
 strument of death for you or your daughter. I therefore 
 thus acted ; calling for this herdsman, I delivered to him 
 the child, saying it was you who commanded it to be 
 killed, and in saying this, as you know, I did not lie. In 
 delivering the child, I enjoined that it should be exposed 
 on a desert mountain, and that some one should be left in 
 charge of it till it died ; at the same time threatening 
 the man heavily in case of his failing to fulfil his orders. 
 After he had performed his part, and the child was dead, 
 I sent some of my most trusty servants who saw the 
 body and buried it. — Thus was the affair managed; and 
 in this way did the child die." 
 
 Harpagus in these words declared the truth, and Asty- 
 ages, concealing the anger he felt, repeated the account 
 which the herdsman had given, and then went on to say, 
 that the child was living, and that all was well : — " For," 
 said he, " I regretted that I had so acted towards the • 
 child, and deeply felt the wrong inflicted on my daughter. 
 Now, therefore, as fortune has taken this happy turn, send 
 your son to be with the young stranger ; and yourself attend 
 me at supper ; for I propose to offer the sacrifices due 
 '(118) 
 
58 HISTORY OF CYRUS. 
 
 to the gods for the safety of the youth." Harpagus on 
 hearing this, did reverence, and returned to his home 
 delighted to find that his fault had ended so well, and that 
 with such auspicious appearances he was invited to the 
 feast. He returned therefore with speed, and sent his 
 son, who was then in his thirteenth year, to Astyages, en- 
 joining him to do whatever he was commanded : he then, 
 full of joy, recounted to his wife what had happened. 
 Astyages, when the son of Harpagus arrived, killed him — 
 cut him in pieces — frying some parts, and boiling others ; 
 and having cooked the whole in the best manner, kept it 
 in readiness. At the appointed hour, Harpagus with the 
 other guests arrived, to whom various meats were pre- 
 sented ; but to Harpagus, the flesh of his own son, 
 excepting only the head, hands, and feet, which were 
 reserved in a canister. When Harpagus had eaten heartily, 
 Astyages asked him if he had enjoyed the repast; to 
 which Harpagus assenting, the servants to whom the 
 order had been given, brought the canister containing the 
 head, hands, and feet of his son, and directed him to re- 
 move the cover, and take what he pleased. — Harpagus 
 obeying, opened the vessel, and beheld the remains of his 
 son. He however retained his emotions, and was asked 
 by Astyages if he knew of what game he had eaten. 
 " Yes," he said, " he knew, and was pleased with whatever 
 the king had done." Thus answering, and taking the re- 
 mains, he returned to his house, and I suppose buried them. 
 Such was the vengeance inflicted by Astyages upon 
 Harpagus. He next bethought himself of Cyrus, and 
 calling for the Magi who had interpreted his dream, 
 asked them again what sense they had put upon it. - 
 They repeated what they had before affirmed — saying, 
 " That if the child survived he must reign:" — he replied, 
 " The child does live ; and being in the country, the boys 
 of the village appointed him their king, and he in fact 
 acted the part of a king in every particular — choosing 
 
 (120) 
 
HISTORY OF CYRUS. 59 
 
 guards, porters, and messengers, and making other neces- 
 sary appointments : — now what think you of this ?" The 
 Magi replied, — "If the child survives, and has actually 
 reigned, and that without its being concerted, you may 
 take comfort, for he shall not reign a second time. There 
 are dreams which have only a frivolous accomplishment, 
 and in the result amount almost to nothing." " I am/' 
 said Astyages, "altogether of that opinion; — the boy 
 having sustained the title of king, the dream is accom- 
 plished, and I have nothing more to fear from him. Never- 
 theless, you must well consider the case, and advise me what 
 course will be most safe, both for my house, and for your- 
 selves." To this the Magi replied, " O king, it is indeed 
 our interest to look well to the permanence of your govern- 
 ment ; for were it to pass to this child, who is a Persian, 
 a revolution must take place ; — we being Medes should be 
 reduced to servitude, and contemned as foreigners by the 
 Persians ; but while you our countryman remain king, we 
 have a share in the government, and are held in high 
 honour by you : wherefore we must needs take care of 
 you and your throne ; and if now we foresaw any danger, 
 we should certainly make it known to you ; but as the 
 dream has ended frivolously, we take courage, and exhort 
 you to do the same. As for the child, banish him from 
 your sight, sending him to his parents in Persia." 
 
 Astyages hearing this rejoiced, and sending for Cyrus, 
 thus addressed him, " My son, on account of an empty 
 dream I wronged you ; but you have survived your fate : 
 now therefore go gladly to Persia : — I will send you with 
 attendants : when you arrive you will find a father and 
 mother, not such as Mithradates the herdsman, and his 
 wife." Cyrus was therefore sent off by Astyages, and 
 arriving at the house of Cambyses, was received by his 
 parents — received with many caresses, when they learned 
 by what means he whom they had supposed to have died 
 in infancy, had been preserved ; while he told them that, 
 (122) 
 
(JO HISTORY OF CYRUS. 
 
 having till lately, believed himself to be the son of the 
 herdsman, he had only just learned from his attendants on 
 the journey the true story of his 'birth and adventures. 
 He related also how he had been reared by the herdsman's 
 wife, whom he greatly extolled — indeed the name of 
 Cxjno was always on his tongue. His parents taking ad- 
 vantage of this circumstance, propagated among the Per- 
 sians the belief that their son had been preserved by a 
 particular providence, affirming that when Cyrus was 
 exposed, a bitch had suckled him: this report spread 
 far and near. 
 
 When Cyrus attained manhood, excelling his com- 
 panions in strength and every grace, he was beset by Har- 
 pagus with gifts, who desired to avenge himself upon 
 Astyages, which, as a private person, he could not hope 
 to effect. With this view watching the growth of Cyrus, 
 he sought to make him his associate, likening his own 
 wrongs to those of Cyrus. But before he had made any 
 attempts of this kind, Astyages becoming morose towards 
 the Medes, Harpagus took occasion to tamper with the 
 principal men of that nation, persuading them that it was 
 necessary to elevate Cyrus, and to put an end to the go- 
 vernment of Astyages. While these schemes were in 
 progress, and nearly ready for execution, Cyrus being still 
 in Persia, Harpagus sought the means of making them 
 known to him ; and having no other means — the roads 
 being guarded, he devised the following artifice ; — he 
 prepared a hare, cutting it open so as not to injure the 
 coat ; and inserted a letter, containing what he wished to 
 communicate : he then sewed it up, and gave it, with 
 hunting tackle, to a faithful servant, whom he sent to 
 Persia, instructing him to deliver it to Cyrus, with an 
 injunction to open the hare himself, and without witnesses. 
 This was accomplished, and Cyrus taking the hare, opened 
 it — found the note, and read as follows — " Son of Cam- 
 byses, if the gods had not their eye upon you, you could 
 
 (124) 
 
HISTORY OF CYRUS. 61 
 
 not have passed through fortunes so wonderful ! Avenge 
 yourself now upon Astyages, your murderer ; for by his in- 
 tention you had perished ; though by the providence of the 
 gods, and by me, you survive. You have heretofore learned 
 all that was practised against you, and what I suffered 
 from Astyages, because, instead of destroying you, I 
 delivered you to the herdsman. Now if you yield to my 
 advice, the realm which Astyages sways, will all become 
 your's. Incite the Persians to revolt, and invade Media ; 
 and whether the army sent by Astyages against you is 
 entrusted to me, or to any other Median chief, you will 
 find all yield to your wishes ; for these chiefs are prepared 
 to abandon him, to join you, and to attempt the dethrone- 
 ment of Astyages. Be assured then that all is ready here : 
 — act thus and act promptly." 
 
 On receiving this intelligence, Cyrus considered by 
 what means he might best induce the Persians to revolt ; 
 and at length concluded that the following plan would, 
 better than any other, suit the occasion. — He convoked 
 an assembly of the Persians, having first composed a letter 
 suited to his .purpose. In this assembly he opened the 
 letter, and read it, the purport of which was that Astyages 
 appointed him general of the Persians. " Now therefore 
 Persians," said he, " I enjoin you severally to appear 
 each with his hatchet." The Persians consist of many 
 tribes, and some of these Cyrus called upon and incited to 
 revolt from the Medes: these were the tribes on which 
 all the others depend, namely the Pasargadae, the Mara- 
 phians, and the Maspians ; of these the first are the most 
 noble, as they include the family of the Achsemenidae, from 
 which the Persian kings take their origin. The other 
 Persians are the following — the Panthialae, the Derusians, 
 the Germanians, who are all agriculturalists ; — the nomadic 
 tribes are the Dai, the Mardians, the Dropicians, and the 
 Sagartians. 
 
 When they all appeared, each bringing the instrument 
 (126) 
 
02 HISTORY OF CYRUS. 
 
 above-mentioned, Cyrus commanded them — the country 
 around, to the extent of eighteen or twenty stadias being 
 covered with briars, to clear it in one day. This labour 
 the Persians accomplished ; and were enjoined to present 
 themselves the next day, washed. Meanwhile Cyrus col- 
 lected and slaughtered all his father's flocks — goats, sheep, 
 and oxen ; and caused them to be cooked to entertain the 
 Persian army : he provided also the best wines and bread. 
 On the morrow, when they came, he made them recline 
 on the grass, and partake of the feast. As they rose from 
 supper, Cyrus asked whether they thought yesterday's 
 treatment, or that they now enjoyed, the most desirable. 
 They declared there was the greatest possible difference 
 between the two ; for on the first day they had endured 
 every evil ; but on this had possessed every good. Taking 
 up the word, Cyrus opened to them his whole intention, 
 saying — " Persians— thus stand your affairs — if you are 
 willing to follow me, these, and a thousand other good 
 things, shall be yours; nor shall you know any servile 
 labour. But if you refuse to obey me, toils innumerable, 
 like those of yesterday, will be laid upon you. Now, 
 therefore, yield to me, and be free. For I believe myself 
 to be divinely ordained to fill your hands with these 
 benefits ; and you, deem yourselves not at all inferior to 
 the Medes, as not in other respects, so not in military 
 virtue. This being the state of your affairs, revolt 
 instantly from Astyages." 
 
 The Persians who had long impatiently borne the 
 Median rule, now finding a leader, with alacrity asserted 
 their liberties. As soon as Astyages was informed of the 
 proceedings of Cyrus, he despatched a messenger to 
 summon him tp appear, but Cyrus instructed the messenger 
 to say that he would come sooner than Astyages could 
 wish. Hearing this, Astyages armed all the Medes ; and, 
 as if infatuated, appointed Harpagus general of the army, 
 forgetting the wrong he Jiad inflicted. When the two 
 
 (127) 
 
HISTORY OP CYRUS. 63 
 
 armies engaged, some of the Medes who knew nothing of 
 the conspiracy, fought, while others went, over to the 
 Persians ; but the greater number turned and fled. 
 
 Though the Median army was thus shamefully dis- 
 persed, Astyages, on receiving the intelligence, did not 
 spare threats against Cyrus : — " Cyrus," said he, " shall 
 have little reason to rejoice." His first act after this 
 defeat was to empale those Magian interpreters who had 
 persuaded him to send Cyrus away : he then armed all the 
 Medes — young and old, who were left in the city. These 
 he led forth to meet the Persians, and was vanquished ; he 
 himself being taken prisoner, and his army scattered. 
 When Astyages was brought in a captive, Harpagus, well 
 pleased with his revenge, stood forth, and uttered insulting 
 taunts ; among other bitter speeches he asked — recollect- 
 ing the supper in which Astyages had given him the flesh 
 of his son; — "how he liked the change from sovereignty 
 to servitude?" but he, looking at Harpagus, asked in 
 return whether he called himself the author of the enter- 
 prise of Cyrus. "Yes," said he, "I may justly claim it 
 as my own, for I myself wrote to him." " Then," con- 
 tinued Astyages," you are at once the most stupid and the 
 most iniquitous of men ; — the most stupid, because when 
 the sovereignty came within your reach — which it did, if 
 you are the author of what has taken place, you made it 
 over to another : — the most iniquitous, because, for the 
 sake of a supper (to avenge the supper) you have brought 
 the Medes under bondage : for if indeed it was necessary 
 to depose me, and to place some one else on the throne, it 
 would have been more just to have conferred the boon 
 upon some Mede, rather than upon a Persian, but now the 
 Medes, who are guiltless of the offence, must, exchange 
 dominion for slavery ; while the Persians, hitherto the 
 slaves of the Medes, will become their masters." 
 
 Thus ended the reign of Astyages, w ho had ruled the B. C 
 empire five-and-thirty years ; and the Medes, through his 
 (130) 
 
 550. 
 
(J4 THE PERSIANS. 
 
 ferocity, bowed beneath the Persians, after having ruled 
 Asia, beyond the river Halys, one hundred and twenty- 
 eight years, excepting only the years of the Scythian 
 domination. It is true that at an after period they re- 
 pented of this submission, and under Darius (Nothus) 
 revolted; but being defeated in battle they were again 
 reduced. The Persians under Cyrus by thus shaking off 
 the yoke of Astyages and the Medes, became the masters, 
 from that time forward, of Asia. Cyrus, without inflicting 
 any further ill upon Astyages, retained him near his person, 
 during the remainder of his life. — Such is the story of the 
 birth, education, and elevation of Cyrus, who, as I have 
 already related, by successfully repelling the unjust attack 
 of Croesus, extended his dominion throughout Asia. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 MANNERS AND LAWS OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 [I have informed myself of the Persian Institutions, which 
 are such as follow. — They think it unlawful to form images, 
 or to construct temples or altars — imputing extreme folly 
 to those who do so : — I suppose not believing the gods to be 
 allied to humanity, as the Greeks imagine. Their custom is 
 to ascend the highest mountains, where they perform sacri- 
 fices to Jove ; and they call by this name the whole circle of 
 the heavens. They sacrifice also to the sun, to the moon, to 
 the earth, to fire and water, and to the winds; — to these only 
 they anciently sacrificed ; but in later times they have learned, 
 from the Assyrians and Arabians, to worship also Urania ; — 
 the Assyrians called Venus, Mylitta— -the Arabians Alytta; 
 but the Persians, Mitra. The mode of performing sacrifices 
 to the above-mentioned divinities is as follows : — when about 
 
 (132) 
 
OF THE PERSIANS. G5 
 
 to sacrifice, the Persians neither erect altars, nor kindle fires : 
 they neither make libations, nor use the flute, nor have gar- 
 lands, nor cakes. If any one intends to offer to a god, he 
 leads the animal to a consecrated spot :* there he invokes the 
 god, having his tiara girt with a wreath — generally of myrtle. 
 Nor does the worshipper implore blessings for himself alone, 
 but prays that it may be well with all the Persians, and with 
 the king : — thus he prays for himself only as included in the 
 petition for all the Persians. Then dividing the victim into 
 parts, he boils the flesh, and lays it upon the most tender 
 herbs, especially trefoil. This done, a magus — without a 
 magus no sacrifice may be performed, sings a sacred hymn, 
 called by them an incantation. After a little time, the wor- 
 shipper carries away the flesh, of which he makes what use 
 he thinks fit. 
 
 They deem it right to pay a peculiar regard to their birth- 
 day, on which occasion a Persian provides a more ample feast 
 than on any other ; and the rich produce on that day, an ox, a 
 horse, a camel, or an ass, cooked whole in a furnace ; while the 
 poor place on their tables the smaller animals of their flocks. 
 They partake sparingly of the first course ; but plentifully of 
 the second ;f on which account the Persians are accustomed 
 to say that " the Greeks leave their tables hungry; having 
 nothing of consequence with which to replenish them : for if 
 they had, they would not so soon finish their meal." The 
 Persians drink much wine ; yet preserve decency at table ; 
 and are accustomed to deliberate upon their most important 
 concerns while drinking. Yet whatever they may then 
 agree to, is the next day again proposed to them when sober, 
 by the master of the house in which the company assembled ; 
 and if then approved is adopted; but not otherwise. And 
 then, whatever they determine while sober, they reconsider, 
 when warm with wine. 
 
 * A pure place. 
 
 t This account of a Persian dinner is susceptible of several inter- 
 pretations ; indeed the text in this place seems of doubtful authority :— 
 there is nothing in the conjectures of critics important to the general 
 reader. 
 
 (133) f 
 
GG MANNERS AND LAWS 
 
 When two Persians meet on the road, it may be known 
 whether they are of the same rank ; — for the salutation of 
 such persons consists in kissing each other on the mouth ; — 
 if one of them is a little inferior, a kiss on the cheek is given ; 
 but if one is much less noble, he falls down and worships the 
 other. They honour all men in proportion to their proximity 
 of situation ; beginning with themselves ; then their imme- 
 diate neighbours ; then those more remote ; and they honour 
 least, those who are the most remote : — believing themselves 
 to be of all mankind by far the best ; and their neighbours 
 good, in the said proportion of nearness; while they reckon 
 those who dwell at extreme distances to be the basest of men. 
 Under the government of the Medes, there existed a regular 
 progression of power ; the Medes holding a universal sway ; 
 but exercising a peculiar authority over their nearest neigh- 
 bours, while these ruled the people next beyond them, and so 
 to the extremity of the empire. The Persians followed this 
 example, and as they extended their influence, gave honour 
 to their subjects according to this rule. 
 
 The Persians, more readily than any other people, adopt 
 foreign customs; for example; thinking the Median habit 
 . more becoming than their own, they adopted it : — from the 
 Egyptians they derived the military breast-plate; and in 
 their pleasures and domestic habits they have fallen into the 
 practices of other nations. Next to valour in the field, the 
 possession of a numerous offspring is chiefly honoured ; and 
 every year gifts are sent by the king to those who can show 
 the greatest number of children ; for in numbers they think 
 consists the strength of a nation. From their fifth to their 
 twentieth year, the youth learn three things only; — to ride, 
 to use the bow, and to speak the truth : — before their fifth 
 year children scarcely come into the presence of their father ; 
 but are left with the women : the reason of which custom is, 
 that in case of their death in infancy, the father may not be 
 afflicted by the loss. Another of their usages also I greatly 
 approve of, namely, that no man is put to death for his first 
 crime ; and neither the king, nor any private Persian, may 
 inflict a severe punishment upon a slave for a single offence ; 
 
 (137) 
 
OF THE PERSIANS. 67 
 
 nor may anger be indulged unless, when duly weighed, the 
 faults of a servant are found to outweigh his services. They 
 deny that any one ever kills his father or mother ; and when 
 any thing of this kind happens, they will rather affirm the 
 murderer to be supposititious, than admit the possibility of a 
 father dying by the hand of his own son. They think that 
 whatever it is not lawful to do, it is not lawful even to men- 
 tion, and deem lying, of all crimes, the most disgraceful : next 
 to that — to be in debt ; and for several reasons, chiefly 
 because, as they say, he who is in debt is compelled to lie. 
 Whoever of the citizens is afflicted with the leprosy, is forbid 
 to enter the city, or to hold intercourse with other Persians ; 
 for they affirm that this disease is inflicted in punishment of 
 some sin against the sun. Any foreigner so diseased is 
 expelled by the mob from the country; and on the same 
 account they drive away white pidgeons. They are careful to 
 preserve a river from every pollution, even that of washing 
 the hands in it ; nor do they permit others to do so ; as in fact 
 they have a great veneration for all streams. It is peculiar 
 to the Persians also, though it is more noticed by others than 
 themselves, that all epithets of dignity, derived from bodily 
 qualities, end in the same letter, namely, that called by the 
 Dorians San, by the Ionians Sigma. In this letter also you 
 will find that all Persian proper names without exception 
 terminate. 
 
 Thus far I have been able to speak accurately of what 
 has fallen under my own observation ; but of another cus- 
 tom I cannot speak so positively ; — I mean the rite of 
 burial, in which more secresy is observed. It is said that the 
 corpse of every Persian, before interment, is torn of birds or 
 dogs. This practice is, I certainly know, observed by the 
 Magi, for it is done openly. The Persians having inclosed 
 the body in wax, bury it in the earth. The Magi, as they 
 differ much from other men, so also from the Egyptian priests; 
 for these scrupulously abstain from killing any animal, 
 except such as they sacrifice ; but those, with their own hands, 
 slay all animals, except dogs and men; indeed they use 
 great diligence in destroying ants, serpents, and various 
 (140) F 2 
 
68 THE IONIANS 
 
 reptiles and birds ;— there might be some peculiar reason 
 originally for this custom, which we leave as it is, and return 
 to the course of the history.] 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 HISTORY OF THE IONIANS AND jEOLIANS. 
 
 The Ionians and JEolians, as soon as the Lydians were 
 subdued by the Persians, sent messengers to Cyrus at 
 Sardis, wishing to submit themselves to him on the same 
 conditions as those granted to them by Grcesus ; but he, 
 after hearing what they had to offer, addressed to them 
 this fable : — " There was a certain piper, who seeing fishes 
 in the sea, piped to them, thinking they would come upon 
 land ; but as he was disappointed in this hope, he took 
 a net, with which he caught a great number, and drew 
 them ashore : seeing them skipping about, he said to the 
 fishes, you may cease now to dance, since you refused to 
 come up and do so when I piped." This comparison 
 Cyrus applied to the Ionians and vEolians, because the 
 former, when first he sent a messenger to them, requiring 
 them to separate themselves from Croesus, refused to 
 comply ; but afterwards, when all was over, they were 
 forward enough to tender their submission. He therefore 
 spoke to them in anger. They, when his answer was 
 reported to them, fortified their cities, and convoked a 
 general assembly of the Ionian States, excepting only the 
 Milesians, with whom alone Cyrus had covenanted, on the 
 same terms as those before existing between them and the 
 Lydians. The other Ionians agreed to send a common 
 embassy to Sparta, entreating aid. 
 
 (141) 
 
AND iEOLIANS. 09 
 
 [These Ionians who assemble at Panionium, have found- 
 ed their cities in a country surpassing- all others that we 
 know of, in the advantages of climate and of the seasons. 
 None of the ' surrounding countries can compare with 
 Ionia, either above or below, to the east or to the west; 
 for while some of them suffer from cold and damps, others are 
 oppressed by heat and drought. The Ionians do not all speak 
 the same language, but have four distinct forms of the inflec- 
 tions. Miletus is the first of the Ionian cities towards the south, 
 then Myus and Priene ; these cities are in Caria, and use the 
 same language : — the following are in Lydia — Ephesus, 
 Colophon, Lebedos, Teos, Clazomene, Phocaea ; but these 
 cities, though all speaking the same dialect, differ entirely 
 from those above-mentioned. There are yet to be named 
 three Ionian states, of which two occupy the Islands of 
 Samos and Chios, and one — Erythria — stands on the continent. 
 The Chians and Erythrians speak the same language; but the 
 Samians, one .peculiar to themselves : — these are the four 
 idioms of the Ionic tongue. 
 
 Of these Ionians, the Milesians were without fear; having 
 made a league with Cyrus" : nor were the islanders in danger, 
 for the Persians had not then ventured upon the seas ; nor 
 were the Phoenicians at that time subjected to their com- 
 mand. These therefore separated themselves from the other 
 Ionians, and for this reason, that they (the Ionians) were the 
 feeblest of the Hellenistic people ; — a people then of all 
 others the feeblest ; for excepting the Athenians, none of the 
 Grecian states were at that time at all considerable. Indeed 
 the Ionians in general, and the Athenians in particular, were 
 ashamed of being called by their original name; and this 
 seems to me to be the case with most of them even at present. 
 But these twelve cities made the name their glory— built a 
 temple for themselves alone, to which they gave the name 
 Panionium, and from which they resolved to exclude all the 
 other Ionians: and in fact, none, except the Smyrnians, 
 sought to communicate with them. In like manner the Do- 
 rians of Pentapolis— the district formerly called Hexapolis, 
 prohibited any of the neighbouring Dorians from entering 
 (144) f 3 
 
70 THE IONIANS 
 
 the Triopic temple ; and any of their own people who were 
 convicted of sacrilege towards their temple, were excom- 
 municated. Thus, for example, it once happened that, in the 
 games celebrated in honour of the Triopian Apollo, (in which 
 brazen tripods were assigned to the victor, and which were not 
 to be removed from the temple, but dedicated to the god) a 
 certain Halicarnassian named Agasicles, being the victor, set 
 the law at naught, carrying the tripod away, and hanging it 
 up in his house ; on which account the five cities, namely 
 Lindus, Ialyssus, Camirus, Cos, and Cnidus, excluded the 
 sixth — Halicarnassus, from their communion :— such was the 
 punishment they inflicted. 
 
 The reason, as it seems to me, why the twelve Ionian 
 states refused to admit others to their society ,was this, that when 
 they inhabited the Peloponnesus, they occupied that number 
 of districts ; — in the same manner as the Achaeans, who ex- 
 pelled the Ionians, are now distributed into twelve cantons — 
 namely, first Pellene — not far from Sicyon — then ZEgira and 
 iEgae, watered by the perennial river Crathis, from which a 
 river in Italy takes its name ; next Bura, and Helice, where 
 the Ionians, when beaten by the Achaeans took refuge ; then 
 follow JEgium, Rhypae, Patne, Pharae, and Olenus, through 
 which runs the large river Pirus ; then Dyme and Tritaea ; 
 which alone of all these regions is wholly inland. 
 
 These twelve cantons, now possessed by the Achaeans, 
 belonged then to the Ionians, and gave occasion to the 
 constitution of the twelve Ionian states (of Asia.) To affirm 
 that these were of nobler origin, or in any respect better 
 than the other Ionians, is absurd. The Abantes of Eubcea 
 are a considerable part of the race, and they do not even 
 retain the name, or indeed any thing in common with the 
 inhabitants of Ionia, and are mingled with many nations ; as 
 with the Minyan Orchomenians, the Cadmeans, the Dry- 
 opians, the Phocidians, or a part of them, the Molossians, 
 the Arcadian Pelasgians, the Dorians of Epidaurus, and 
 others. Even those who came from the Prytaneum of the 
 Athenians, and who reckon themselves the best born of all 
 the Ionians, are sprung from ancestors who did not bring 
 
 (146) 
 
AND /EOLIANS. 71 
 
 wives with them to the continent ; but took Carian women, 
 whose parents they had killed. On which account these 
 women bound themselves by a solemn oath, which they trans- 
 mitted also to their daughters, never to sit at table with their 
 husbands, and never to call them by that name : — thus they 
 kept in mind the slaughter of their fathers, husbands, and 
 children, and the violence done to themselves:— this happened 
 at Miletus. Some of these Ionians, in electing kings, chose 
 (exclusively) Lycians of the family of Glaucus, son of Hip- 
 polochus : others fixed upon Caucon Pylians, descended from 
 Codrus, son of Melanthus; and some (elected kings indif- 
 ferently) of both races. These indeed prided themselves more 
 upon the Ionian name than others; — but in truth all are 
 Ionians who sprung from the Athenians, and who observe the 
 Apaturian festival, which is celebrated by all except the 
 Ephesians and Colophonians, who were excluded on the pre- 
 text of a murder. 
 
 Panionium is a sacred place on mount Mycale, looking 
 towards the north, which the Ionians in common have devoted 
 to the Heliconian Neptune. This Mycale is a steep promon- 
 tory, stretching out westward from the continent, opposite to 
 Samos. Here the inhabitants of all the Ionian cities cele- 
 brate the festival called Panionia:— the names of all the 
 Greek festivals like all Persian proper names end in the 
 same letter. We have mentioned the Ionian cities ; those of 
 the jEolians are the following:— Cyme, called Phryconis, 
 Larissa, Neon-Tichus, Temnos, Cilia, Notium, JEgiroessa, 
 Pitane, iEgaea, Myrina, and Grynia ; these are the eleven 
 ancient cities of iEolia -.—Smyrna, which made the twelfth on 
 the continent, was taken by the Ionians. Though the climate 
 of iEolia is inferior to that of Ionia, its soil is better. The 
 iEolians lost Smyrna in the following manner : — 
 
 Certain Colophonians being vanquished in a sedition, and 
 exiled from their country, were received by the Smyrneans. 
 Some time afterwards, the fugitives observing that the Smyr- 
 neans were celebrating a feast of Bacchus without the city 
 walls, shut the gates and possessed themselves of the city. The 
 iEolians soon came in aid of the citizens; but it was at length 
 (150) f 4 
 
72 THE REDUCTION OP IONIA 
 
 agreed that the Ionians, (Colophonians) on restoring to them 
 their goods, should retain the town. The Smyrneans were 
 therefore distributed among the other eleven cities, in which 
 they obtained the rights of citizenship. These then are the 
 cities of the continental iEolians, not including the inha- 
 bitants of mount Ida, who are separated from the others. 
 They have also rive cities in the Isle of Lesbos ; the inha- 
 bitants of the sixth, named Arisba, were reduced to captivity 
 by their kinsmen, the Methymnians. There is also an 
 iEolian city in Tenedos, and another in the hundred islands. 
 These people of Lesbos and Tenedos, like the Ionians of the 
 islands had nothing to fear (from Cyrus;) the other (con- 
 tinental) cities resolved to follow the course pursued by the 
 Ionians, whatever it might be.] 
 
 SECTION XI. 
 
 THE REDUCTION OF IONIA BY THE PERSIANS. 
 
 When the Ionian and iEolian messengers arrived at 
 Sparta — and they used the utmost expedition in the 
 journey, they chose from among themselves a Phocaean 
 named Pythermus, to be their spokesman. . He assumed 
 a purple robe that the Spartans might be induced to 
 assemble in greater numbers : — and with many arguments 
 besought them to defend the Ionian states. The Lace- 
 daemonians heedless of this harangue, determined not to 
 do so ; and the messengers took their departure. Never- 
 theless, though they rejected the petition of the Ionians, 
 they thought proper to send persons in a fifty-oared 
 vessel — as it seems to me, as spies upon the movements 
 both of Cyrus and of the Ionians. "When these Spartans 
 
 (152) 
 
BY THE PERSIANS. 73 
 
 arrived at Phocaea, they despatched the most approved 
 of their number, by name Lacrines, to Sardis, to inform 
 Cyrus of the Lacedaemonian decree — " That they would 
 not overlook any violence done to a city, upon the soil of 
 Greece." When the herald had delivered this message, 
 Cyrus is said to have asked the Greeks about him, who 
 these Lacedaemonians were, and what were their num- 
 bers, that they thus ventured to lay retraints upon him : 
 having informed himself concerning them, he is reported 
 to have addressed the Spartan as follows : — "I have 
 never feared men such as you, who have a space in the 
 midst of your city set apart for the purpose of cheating 
 each other by false oaths. If I do well the Lacedaemo- 
 nians shall have occasion to mind their own affairs, instead 
 of caring for the troubles of the Ionians." This reproach 
 Cyrus flung at all the Greeks, who in their market-places 
 are always buying and selling ; whereas the Persians are 
 not addicted to commerce, and have no such thing among 
 them as a market. 
 
 After this Cyrus committed Sardis to Tabalus, a 
 Persian ; and charged a Lydian named Pactyas to bring 
 away the treasures of Croesus and of the other Lydians. 
 He himself then returned to Ecbatana, taking Croesus 
 with him: as for the Ionians, he for the present disre- 
 garded them. He had first to contend against Babylon, 
 and the Bactrians, the Saces, and the Egyptians, whom 
 he designed to attack in person ; sending one of his gene- 
 rals against the Ionians. Cyrus had no sooner left Sardis, 
 than Pactyas incited the Lydians to revolt against Tabalus. 
 Descending to the coast with all the treasures of Sardis, 
 he hired auxiliaries, and prevailed upon the inhabitants 
 of the coast to fight under his command. Advancing 
 upon Sardis, he besieged Tabalus, who shut himself up 
 in the citadel. Cyrus being informed of this while on 
 his journey, thus addressed Croesus: " Croesus, when 
 shall I see an end of these disorders? It seems the 
 (155) 
 
74 THE REDUCTION OF IONIA 
 
 Lydians will never cease to excite troubles for me and 
 themselves. Will it not be best at once to make slaves 
 of them? I have, I think, acted like one who having 
 it in his power to slay the father, has been willing to 
 spare the children ; for you, who have been more than a 
 father to the Lydians, I lead away, but spare them their 
 city. May I not wonder then that they rebel against 
 me ?" Thus he spoke his mind, and Crcesus fearing lest 
 he should utterly overthrow Sardis, replied, " O king, 
 what you say is reasonable; yet indulge not all your 
 anger, neither destroy an ancient city which was not 
 guilty in the first instance, nor is to be blamed on the 
 present occasion ; for it was I alone who committed the 
 first fault, and the punishment falls upon my own head. 
 But in what has recently happened Pactyas is to blame, 
 to whom you committed the government of Sardis, and 
 he shall give you amends. Pardon the Lydians, and 
 deal with them as I shall direct, and they will not again 
 revolt from you, or be in any degree formidable : send 
 to them your commands not to retain weapons of war ; 
 enjoin them to wear shirts under their cloaks ; instead of 
 sandals to use shoes ; let their sons be taught to play on 
 the harp, to sing, and to follow trade ; and ere long, O 
 king, you will see their men become women, so that they 
 shall never again give you uneasiness." 
 
 Croesus gave this advice, thinking it better for the 
 Lydians than that they should be sold for slaves, and 
 well knowing that unless he proposed measures appa- 
 rently eligible, he could not hope to change the purpose 
 of Cyrus ; and he feared lest at some future time, even 
 if they avoided the immediate danger, they should revolt 
 from the Persians, and bring ruin upon themselves. 
 Cyrus pleased with the proposition, and suppressing his 
 anger, professed himself persuaded. He then called for 
 a Mede, named Mazares, whom he instructed to make 
 known to the Lydians his will according to the advice of 
 
 (156) 
 
BY THE PERSIANS. 75 
 
 Croesus. This Mede was also commanded to sell as 
 slaves all who, with the Lydians, had attacked Sardis ; 
 and by all means to bring Pactyas before Cyrus alive. 
 Having given these orders on the way, he hastened his 
 return home to Persia. 
 
 When Pactyas learned that an army was fast advancing 
 against him, he fled in dismay to Cyme; meanwhile 
 Mazares the Mede, leading a considerable part of the 
 army of Cyrus towards Sardis, did not arrive till Pactyas 
 and his followers had escaped. He first compelled the 
 Lydians to conform to the commands of Cyrus ; and the 
 consequence was that an entire change in their manners 
 took place. He next despatched messengers to Cyme, 
 demanding that Pactyas should be given up to him ; but 
 the Cymeans resolved to ask the advice of the god upon 
 the subject at the Branchidian oracle : — a very ancient 
 oracle, always consulted by the Ionians and iEolians; 
 the temple is situated in the Milesian territory, above the 
 port of Panormus. Sending therefore their messengers 
 they inquired, " Concerning Pactyas, what would be 
 most agreeable to the gods for them to do ?" the oracle 
 replied, " To deliver Pactyas to the Persians." Hearing 
 this they prepared to deliver him ; but when the people 
 at large were resolved to do so, Aristodicus, son of 
 Heraclides, a man in high repute among the citizens, 
 forbade them to act in this manner, as he did not confide 
 in the oracle, or believed that the messengers had not 
 reported it truly. They therefore sent other persons, of 
 whom Aristodicus was one, to consult the oracle a second 
 time. When they arrived at Branchidse, Aristodicus 
 himself put the question in these words, " O king ! 
 Pactyas a Lydian, came to us a suppliant, fleeing from 
 the death threatened him by the Persians, who now 
 demand him of the Cymeans ; but we, though fearing 
 the Persian power, dare not surrender him until we have 
 been certainly informed by you that we ought to do so." 
 (159) 
 
76 THE REDUCTION OF IONIA 
 
 To this inquiry the same answer as before was returned, 
 that Pactyas should be delivered to the Persians. Upon 
 this Aristodicus, having before determined what to do, 
 walking- round the temple, disturbed the sparrows and 
 other birds that built their nests about the edifice. While 
 thus employed, it is said that a voice proceeded from the 
 recess, directed towards Aristodicus, uttering" these 
 words : " Most impious of men ! what is it that thou darest 
 to attempt? Dost thou drive away from the temple 
 those whom I protect?" To which it is added, Aristo- 
 dicus, without hesitation, replied, " O king! you protect 
 your suppliants, and command the Cymeans to deliver up 
 their's !" " Yes," replied the voice, " I command it, 
 that those who so impiously approached the oracle, may 
 quickly perish, and no more draw near to ask if a sup- 
 pliant may be surrendered !" 
 
 This being reported to the Cymeans, they determined, 
 that they might neither perish by delivering up Pactyas, 
 nor be besieged for retaining him, to send him to Myti- 
 lene. The Mytilenians, when Mazares sent to demand 
 him, offered to do so for a certain sum, I know not 
 precisely how much, the bargain not having been con- 
 cluded ; for the Cymeans, learning the intention of the 
 Mitylenians, despatched a ship to Lesbos, and conveyed 
 Pactyas to Chios. But the Chians dragged him from 
 the temple of Minerva the Protectress, and surrendered 
 him to the Persians. As a recompense for this act, they 
 received Atarneus, a district of Mysia, opposite to Lesbos. 
 The Persians having by these means obtained Pactyas, 
 kept him in ward, intending to present him to Cyrus. 
 It was a long time after this event before any of the 
 Chians dared to offer cakes, the produce of Atarneus, to 
 the gods ; or indeed to admit any of its fruits into their 
 temples. 
 
 Mazares presently attacked those who had besieged 
 Tabalus (in Sardis.) The Prienians he sold for slaves, 
 
 (161) 
 
BY THE PERSIANS. 77 
 
 and invaded the territory watered by the Meander, giving 
 it up to be pillaged by his army ; Magnesia suffered the 
 same fate : soon afterwards he fell ill, and died. To him 
 succeeded, in the command of the army, Harpagus the 
 Mede — the same to whom Astyages offered an unnatural 
 repast, and who aided Cyrus in obtaining the kingdom. 
 This man, appointed general by Cyrus, on his arrival in 
 Ionia, drove the people within their walls, and then be- 
 sieged them, by throwing up mounds. The first Ionian 
 city attacked in this way was Phocaea. 
 
 [The Phocaeans were the first of the Greeks who undertook 
 long voyages, making known the Adriatic and the. Tyrrhenian 
 seas, with Iberia and Tartessns. Their ships were not round- 
 shaped, but galleys of fifty oars. Coming to Tartassus, they 
 contracted friendship with the king, whose name was Argan- 
 thonius, and who had reigned at Tartassus eighty years ; — he 
 lived altogether an hundred and twenty. To this man the 
 Phocaeans so much endeared themselves that he first endea- 
 voured to induce them to abandon Ionia, and take up their 
 abode in his country wherever they pleased ; not prevailing 
 with them to accept this offer, and being informed of the 
 growing power of their neighbours the Medes, he gave them a 
 sum of money that they might surround their city with a wall : 
 and that he gave unsparingly a sufficient proof is afforded by 
 the extent of the walls, which are constructed throughout of 
 stones of great size, wrought and laid with the utmost exact- 
 ness. In this manner then the Phocaeans became possessed 
 of walls.] 
 
 Harpagus advancing, besieged the Phocaeans, to whom 
 lie made this proposition — that he should be content if 
 they would rase one of their battlements, and dedicate 
 one mansion (to the king's use.) But the Phocaeans unable 
 to endure the thought of servitude, asked that one day 
 might be given them in which to consult, after which 
 they would give their answer: in the mean time they 
 (164) 
 
78 THE REDUCTION OF IONIA 
 
 demanded that the army should be withdrawn from the 
 walls. To this Harpagus replied, that he well knew 
 what they were about to do ; nevertheless he would give 
 them leave to deliberate. As soon as Harpagus had 
 withdrawn the army, the Phocaeans drew their galleys 
 to sea, putting on board their children, their wives, all 
 their goods, and the images even from the temples, with 
 the consecrated gifts ; leaving only pictures, or statues of 
 stone or brass. Then themselves going on board, they 
 sailed to Chios ; and the Persians took Phocaea, deserted 
 of its inhabitants. The Phocaeans proposed to the Chians 
 to purchase what are called the (Enussian Islands ; but 
 the latter were unwilling to accept the price offered, 
 fearing lest a centre of commerce should be formed, 
 injurious to their own island. The Phocaeans therefore 
 directed their course towards Cyrnus (Corsica) where, 
 twenty years before, at the command of an oracle, they 
 had founded a city, called Alalia ; Arganthonius was by 
 this time dead. But on their way (from Chios) the Pho- 
 caeans put in at Phocaea, and put to the sword all the 
 Persians left by Harpagus to garrison the place. Having 
 done this, they invoked mighty imprecations upon any 
 one of their number who should abandon the expedition ; 
 at the same time they cast a red hot ball of iron into the 
 sea, swearing " never to return to Phocaea till that ball 
 should re-appear." But as they were preparing to de- 
 part for Corsica, more than half of the citizens were 
 seized with compunction, and with a passion for their 
 homes and accustomed haunts : renouncing their oath 
 therefore, they sailed back to Phocaea, while those who 
 adhered to it proceeded on their voyage from the (Enus- 
 sian Islands. 
 
 "When they reached Corsica they joined those who had 
 before settled there; built temples, and continued five 
 years ; but they made so many plundering incursions upon 
 all their neighbours, that at length the Tyrrhenians and 
 
 (166) 
 
BY THE PERSIANS. 79 
 
 Carthegenians united their forces against them, furnishing 
 both together sixty ships. The Phocaeans on their part 
 fitted out the same number of vessels ; and the two fleets 
 engaged in the Sardonian sea, when the latter obtained a 
 Cadmean victory ;* for forty of their ships were destroyed, 
 and the twenty that remained were rendered useless by 
 having the rostra turned aside. 
 
 Returning therefore to Alalia, they took in their children 
 and wives, and as many of their effects as their vessels 
 could contain; and then, leaving Corsica, sailed to 
 Rhegium. The crews of the ships that were destroyed, 
 were, for the most part, taken by the Carthagenians and 
 Tyrrhenians, who carrying them ashore, stoned them. 
 After this, whatever belonging to the Agyllanians passed 
 over the ground where the Phocaeans were stoned, became 
 distorted, mutilated, or mad— as well sheep and oxen as 
 men. The Agyllanians sent therefore to Delphi, to be 
 informed how they might expiate the offence. The 
 Pythian commanded them to do, what in fact these people 
 still continue to perform; for to the present time they 
 celebrate games to the honour of the dead, with gymnastic 
 and equestrian contests: — such was the fate of these 
 Phocaeans. The fugitives who passed over to Rhegium, 
 built a city in the territory of GEnotria : — this city is now 
 called Hyela. It was founded at the suggestion of a 
 Posidonian, who taught them that the intention of the 
 Pythian was not that they should colonize the island 
 of Cyrnus ; but honour the hero of that name. So much 
 for the Phocaeans of Ionia. 
 
 The course pursued by the Teians was similar ; for when 
 Harpagus, by means of a rampart of earth, got possession 
 of the wall, they all went on board their vessels, and sailed 
 for Thrace, where they built Abdera, on the spot on which, 
 
 * A proverbial expression, meaning a victory nearly fatal to the 
 conquerors. 
 
 (168) 
 
80 THE REDUCTION OF IONIA 
 
 before them, Timesius the Clazomenian had founded a 
 colony, but without benefit to himself, for he was expelled 
 by the Thracians : yet he was afterwards honoured as a 
 hero by these Teians of Abdera. These then, (the 
 Phocaeans and Teians) alone of all the Ionians, by abandon- 
 ing their country avoided servitude. The others — ex- 
 cepting the Milesians, all met Harpagus in the field ; and 
 like those who retired, behaved valiantly, fighting seve- 
 rally for their possessions: but being vanquished, and 
 subdued, they were left to occupy their lands, on the con- 
 dition of fulfilling their duties as subjects. The Milesians, 
 as I have already said, having before made a covenant 
 with Cyrus, remained undisturbed. Thus a second time * 
 was Ionia conquered. As for the Ionians of the islands — 
 dismayed at seeing their brethren on the continent over- 
 come by Harpagus, they surrendered themselves to 
 Cyrus. 
 
 Though thus reduced, the Ionians did not the less 
 assemble at Panionium : and on this occasion they received, 
 as I am informed, very seasonable advice from Bias the 
 Prienian, which, if they had adopted, they might have 
 been the most prosperous of all the Greeks. He advised 
 them as follows : — " Let the Ionians, uniting all their ships 
 in one fleet, sail for Sardinia, and there found a city for 
 all the Ionians ; — thus escaping from servitude, will they 
 happily possess the largest of all islands, and become 
 masters of others. But if they remained in Ionia, it did 
 not appear that they could ever regain their liberties." 
 Such was the opinion of Bias, given after their calamities 
 had fallen upon the Ionians. Eligible also was the advice 
 of Thales, the Milesian — by descent a Phoenician — who 
 before these misfortunes happened, counselled them to 
 establish a representative government at Tei: Tei was 
 the centre of Ionia — each state being left at liberty to 
 
 * The first time by Croesus. 
 
 (170) 
 
BY THE PERSIANS. 81 
 
 govern itself as if independent of the others. Such were 
 the opinions of these two men. 
 
 Harpagus having reduced Ionia, invaded the Carians, 
 the Caunians, and the Lycians; leading with him the 
 lonians and iEolians. 
 
 [These Carians came to the continent from the islands 
 where formerly they were the subjects of Minos, following his 
 institutions, and were then called Leleges : and so far as I 
 have been able to learn from ancient traditions, they paid no 
 kind of taxes ; but as often as Minos required it, they manned 
 his vessels ; and he, always successful in war, acquired ex- 
 tensive territories, and rendered the Carians the most cele- 
 brated of all the people of that age. To this people three 
 inventions are attributed, which the Greeks have adopted, 
 namely, the crest upon the helmet ; — symbols upon the shield ; 
 and the leathern handle, by which it is held : for in former 
 times the buckler was managed only by thongs, passing round 
 the neck, and over the right arm. It was afterwards that the 
 Carians, expelled from the islands by the Dorians and lonians, 
 arrived upon the continent. This, at least, is the account 
 given of this nation by the Cretans ; but they do not assent to 
 it — believing themselves to be aborigines of the continent, and 
 always to have borne the name by which at present they are 
 known ; and in confirmation of their belief, they show at 
 Mylassa an ancient temple of the Carian Jove, into which 
 they admit none but their (ancient) kinsmen — the Mysians 
 and Lydians ; for they affirm that Lydus and Mysus were the 
 brothers of Cares ; on which account they hold communion in 
 matters of religion with those two nations, while they 
 exclude every other people, even though using the Carian 
 tongue. 
 
 The Caunians I believe to be aborigines; though they 
 affirm themselves to have come from Crete. Either they have 
 assimilated their language to that of the Carians or these have 
 conformed to those ; — but which has actually happened I 
 cannot certainly pronounce. In their institutions they differ 
 (172) G 
 
82 THE REDUCTION OF IONIA 
 
 widely from all men, and even from the Carians. It is deemed 
 creditable among them for men, women, and children, to as- 
 semble in companies — as age and friendship may determine — 
 for the purpose of intoxication. They worshipped at first in 
 temples dedicated to foreign deities ; but changing their mind 
 on this subject, they resolved to serve none but the gods of 
 their ancestors : the whole nation therefore, even the youths> 
 took arms, and beating the air with their lances, advanced to 
 the Calyndian mountains, declaring that they were expelling 
 the strange gods from their country. These instances may 
 serve as a sample of their manners. 
 
 The Lycians came in ancient times from Crete, the whole 
 of which island was formerly possessed by Barbarians. Sar- 
 pedon and Minos, the sons of Europa, disputing for the sove- 
 reignty of Crete, the latter prevailed, and expelled Sarpedon 
 with his adherents, who being thus exiled, came into Asia, 
 and settled upon the Milyadian territory ; — such was then the 
 name of the country now occupied by the Lycians: — the 
 Milyans were then called Solymians. For some time they 
 were governed by Sarpedon, and were called at that time, as 
 they are even now by some of their neighbours — Termilians. 
 But Lycus, son of Pandion, having been driven from Athens 
 by his brother JEgeus, came among the Termilians, and was 
 received by Sarpedon ; and in course of time it happened that 
 the name of this stranger was adopted by the people, who 
 afterwards were called Lycians : — their laws are partly 
 Cretan — partly Carian. One of their customs is entirely 
 peculiar to themselves ; — that the children take the mother's, 
 not the father's name. So if a Lycian is asked for his pe- 
 digree, he gives the names of the mothers of the family, from 
 one generation to another. And if a free woman marries a 
 bondman, the children are reckoned free-born ; but when a 
 free ditizen, even of the first rank, takes a foreign wife, or 
 a woman of low condition, the children are ignoble.] 
 
 The Carians without displaying any instance of valour, 
 were reduced to servitude by Harpagus ; the same may 
 be said not only of the Carians, but of all the Greeks 
 
 (174) 
 
BY THE PERSIANS. 83 
 
 settled in the country. For besides others, there are the 
 Cnidians — a Lacedemonian colony, whose lands, Called 
 Triopium, reach down to the coast. The Cnidian territory 
 commences at the Peninsula of Bybassia, and a small part 
 excepted* is surrounded by the sea ;* for towards the north 
 it is washed by the Ceramian gulph, and on the south by 
 the Sea of Syme and Rhodes* The small neck of landf 
 — measuring about five stadia, the Cnidians attempted 
 to cut through, while Harpagus was occupied in reducing 
 Ionia ; — intending by this means to convert their territory 
 into an island : — -all within this neck being their own, and 
 having no connection, except by the Isthmus, with the 
 continent. All hands were employed upon this work.. 
 But the workmen were, as it seemed in a supernatural 
 manner, wounded by splinters of the rock, on all parts of 
 their bodies, and especially in the eyes. They sent therefore 
 to Delphi, to inquire what it was opposed them* The 
 Pythian, as the Cnidians report, thus replied— 
 
 Nor fortify, not dig — for Heaven, 
 Had, if it pleased, an island given. 
 
 The Cnidians on receiving this answer, ceased from their 
 digging, and when Harpagus arrived with his army, they 
 surrendered without resistance. 
 
 The inland country above Halicarhassus was inhabited 
 by the Pedasiahs. When any misfortune impends over 
 this people, or their neighbours, the priestess of Minerva 
 acquires a great beard : this has happened on three several 
 occasions* These alone, of all the inhabitants of Caria, 
 withstood for any time the progress of Harpagus, or gave 
 him any considerable trouble. They fortified mount Lida ; 
 but were ere long vanquished*. 
 
 * A geographical difficulty of little importance embarrasses the 
 rendering of this passage. I have followed the Latin version. 
 + That which connected them with the continent. 
 
 (175) g 2 
 
84 DESCRIPTION OF BABYLON. 
 
 But the Lycians, when Harpagus arrived in the plains 
 of Xanthus, came forth against him, and fighting — a few 
 with many, gave signal displays of valour. But being 
 defeated, and driven into their city, they brought 
 into the citadel their wives, their children, their goods, 
 and their slaves, and then set fire to the fortress — con^ 
 suming all together. Having so done, they bound them- 
 selves mutually by a tremendous oath, and going forth, 
 fought till all were slain. Those Lycians who now call 
 themselves Xanthians, are, with the exception of forty 
 families who were at that time absent from their homes, 
 and so survived — strangers who have since settled in that 
 place. Thus was Xanthus taken by Harpagus; and 
 nearly in the same manner Caunus also ; for the Caunians 
 imitated, in great measure, the example of the Lycians. 
 
 SECTION XII. 
 
 DESCRIPTION OF BABYLON. 
 
 While, as we have related, Harpagus ravaged the Lower 
 Asia, Cyrus in person vanquished without exception every 
 nation of the Upper. The greater number of these con- 
 quests we pass unnoticed, narrating those only which were 
 attended with the greatest difficulty, or which are in them- 
 selves the most worthy of being recorded. Having re- 
 duced all the continent (of Asia Minor) to obedience, he 
 attacked the Assyrians. 
 
 Assyria contains many large cities; but of these 
 Babylon, to which, after the destruction of Nineveh, 
 the seat of government was removed, is by far the most 
 renowned, and the most strongly fortified. Babylon is 
 
 (178) 
 
DESCRIPTION OF BABYLON. 85 
 
 situated in an extensive plain. Each side of the city, 
 which forms a square, measures a hundred and twenty 
 stadia,* making the entire circuit of the city four hundred 
 and eighty stadia: — such is the magnitude of this city 
 Babylon ! and in magnificence also it surpassed every 
 city of which we have any knowledge. It is surrounded 
 by a trench, deep, wide, and full of water. Within this 
 is a wall, the width of which is fifty royal cubits, and its 
 height two hundred cubits : — the royal cubit exceeds the 
 common measure by three fingers' breadth. It is proper I 
 should say in what manner the earth removed from the trench 
 was disposed of; and how the wall was constructed. The 
 earth as fast as it was removed from the trench, was con- 
 verted into bricks, and baked in furnaces: when thus 
 prepared, melted bitumen was used instead of mortar ; 
 and between every thirtieth course of bricks there was 
 inserted a layer of reeds. The sides of the trench were 
 first lined with brickwork, and then the wall raised in the 
 manner described. On the upper edges of the wall, and 
 opposite one to another, were constructed turrets : — be- 
 tween these turrets a space was left wide enough for a 
 chariot and four horses to pass and turn. In the walls 
 were one hundred gates, all of brass, with posts and upper 
 lintels of the same. Eight days' journey from Babylon is 
 a city named Is, near which runs' a small river of the same 
 name, discharging itself into the Euphrates; this river 
 brings down with its waters clots of bitumen (asphaltum) 
 in large quantities. From this source was derived the 
 bitumen used in cementing the walls of Babylon. 
 
 Such are the fortifications of Babylon : — the city is 
 divided into two portions by the river Euphrates, which 
 runs through the midst of it. This river rises, in Armenia, 
 and throughout its course is wide, deep, and swift : it emp- 
 ties itself into the Red Sea (Persian Gulph). Each of the 
 
 * About fifteen miles. See Note. 
 
 180) g 3 
 
86 DESCRIPTION OF BABYLON. 
 
 city walls is produced to the river, where it makes an 
 angle ; and, with a coating of burnt brick, lines the sides 
 of the river. The city is filled with houses* of three and 
 four stories, forming streets in straight lines, and runing 
 parallel with each other : — the cross streets opening upon 
 the river through as many smaller brazen gates, placed in 
 the breast work of the river walls. Within the principal 
 wall just mentioned, is a second, not much inferior to the 
 first in strength, though less in width. In the centre of 
 each portion of the city is an inclosed space— the one 
 occupied by the royal palace, a building of vast extent 
 and great strength : — in the other, stands the temple of 
 Jupiter Belus, with its brazen gates — remaining in my 
 time: it is a square structure, each side measures two 
 stadia. Within the enclosure is erected a solid tower, 
 measuring a stadium both in width and depth : upon this 
 tower is raised another, and then another, and another ; 
 making eight in all. The ascent is by a path which is 
 formed on the outside of the towers : midway in the ascent 
 is a resting place, furnished with easy chairs, in which 
 those who ascend repose themselves, On the summit of 
 the topmost tower stands a large temple ; and in this tem-- 
 ple is a great couch, handsomely fitted up ; and near it 
 stands a golden table : no statue whatever is erected in the 
 temple, nor does any man ever pass the night there ; but 
 a woman only, chosen from the people by the god, as the 
 Chaldeans affirm, who are the priests of the temple. The 
 same persons say — though I give no credit to the story, 
 that the god himself comes to the temple, and reposes on 
 the bed, in like manner as at Thebes in Egypt ; where 
 also, in the temple of Jupiter, a woman passes the night. 
 A similar custom is observed at Pataris in Lycia : where 
 there is at times an oracle, on which Occasions the priestess 
 is shut up by night in the temple. 
 
 * See Note. 
 
 (182) 
 
DESCRIPTION OP BABYLON. 87 
 
 Within the precincts of the temple at Babylon, there is 
 a smaller sacred edifice on the ground ; within which there 
 is an immense golden statue of Jupiter, in a sitting pos- 
 ture : around the statue are large tables, which, with the 
 steps and throne, are all of gold, and, as the Chaldeans 
 affirm, contain eight hundred talents of gold. Without 
 this edifice is a golden altar : there is also another altar 
 of great size, on which are offered full grown animals : — 
 upon the golden altar it is not lawful to offer any sacri- 
 fices except sucklings. Once in every year, when the 
 festival of this god is celebrated, the Chaldeans burn upon 
 the greater altar a thousand talents of frankincense. 
 There was also, not long since, in this sacred inclosure, a 
 statue of solid gold, twelve cubits in height ; at least so the 
 Chaldeans affirmed : — I did not myself see it. This figure 
 Darius Hystaspes would fain have taken ; but dared 
 not execute his wishes ; but his son Xerxes not only took 
 it, but put to death the priest, who endeavoured to 
 prevent its removal. Such was the magnificence of this 
 temple, which contained also many private offerings. 
 
 Of this Babylon there were several monarchs — as I 
 shall mention in my history of the Assyrians, who adorned 
 the city and its temples. Among these, two women must 
 be mentioned: — the former, named Semiramis, reigned 
 five generations before the latter. This queen raised an From 
 embankment worthy of admiration, through the plain, to ^. C. 
 confine the river, which heretofore often spread over the to 
 
 733. 
 
 level like a lake. The latter of these two queens, named 
 
 Nitocris, excelled the former in intelligence : she left mo- 
 
 ' ° From 
 
 numents, some of which I must describe. Seeing the B.C. 
 Medes already possessed of extensive empire, and rest- t0 
 lessly extending their power, by taking city after city — 56l# 
 among which was Nineveh ; she resolved in good time to 
 secure herself against them in the best manner possible. 
 In the first place therefore, as the river Euphrates ran in 
 a straight course through the city, she formed excavations 
 (186) g 4 
 
88 DESCRIPTION OF BABYLON. 
 
 at a distance above it ; by which means its course became 
 so tortuous, that it three times passed a certain town of 
 Assyria, called Ardericca ; — travellers from our sea,* in 
 descending the Euphrates towards Babylon, three times 
 arrive at that town in the course of three days. She also 
 raised both banks of the river to an amazing height and 
 thickness. At some distance above Babylon, and near the 
 river, she dug a reservoir in the marsh, of such depth 
 as to drain it. The width of this excavation was such as, 
 to make its circuit 420 stadia. The earth removed from 
 it was taken to raise the banks of the river : this done she 
 brought stones, with which the sides of the lake were 
 lined. Both these works — the diverting of the river, and 
 the reservoir, were formed with the intention of rendering 
 the current less rapid by its many windings, which broke 
 its force, and at the same time made the navigation more 
 circuitous ; so that those who descended towards Babylon 
 by water, might have to make a long cirouit around the 
 lake. These works were effected on that side which was 
 exposed to the inroads of the Medes, and where the dis- 
 tance between her dominions and theirs was the least ; for 
 she wished to cut off all communication with them, and to 
 keep them in ignorance of her movements. 
 
 Thus did this princess raise from the depths a forti- 
 fication, within which she was included. The city being 
 divided into two portions by the river, in former times, 
 whoever wished to pass from the one to the other, was 
 obliged to take a boat, whioh manifestly was a great in- 
 convenience. This defect she supplied : — when she had 
 dug the lake in the marsh, she availed herself of the 
 occasion to construct another monument also, by which 
 her fame will be perpetuated. She caused stones of great 
 magnitude to be hewn ; and when they were ready — the 
 
 Persons from this sea—the Mediterranean— that is travellers from * 
 Greece. 
 
 am 
 
DESCRIPTION OF BABYLON. 89 
 
 lake being empty, she turned the waters of the Euphrates 
 into it ; which, as it filled, left the old channel dry. Then 
 she both lined the sides of the river, and the descents from 
 the gates, with burnt bricks, in like manner as the city 
 walls ; and with the stones already mentioned, she con- 
 structed, as near the middle of the city as possible, a 
 bridge ; binding the stones together with iron and lead. 
 During the day, planks of wood were extended from pier 
 to pier, so as to form a pathway : these were withdrawn at 
 night, to prevent the people from passing over to plunder 
 each other. This bridge was, as we have said, formed by 
 withdrawing the water of the Euphrates into the artifical 
 lake : when completed, the river was restored to its ancient 
 channel : the propriety of this mode of proceeding then 
 became apparent ; by means of which the citizens obtained 
 the accommodation of a bridge. 
 
 This same queen also executed the following machi- 
 nation. She constructed for herself a tomb, aloft, upon 
 a gate in one of the most frequented ways of the city : 
 upon the sepulchre she engraved this inscription — ' If any 
 one of my successors, the kings of Babylon, shall lack 
 money, let him open the sepulchre, and take what trea- 
 sures he pleases. But let him beware of opening it from 
 any other cause than necessity ; for in such a case it shall 
 not turn to his advantage.' This sepulchre remained 
 undisturbed till Darius ascended the throne. To this 
 king it seemed a grievance both that this gate should 
 remain useless, and that the wealth deposited in it, and 
 which invited research, should not be appropriated. The 
 gate was not used because no one could pass through it 
 without having a dead body over his head. He therefore 
 opened the tomb, in which he found — of treasures indeed 
 nothing; — but the corpse, and an inscription to this 
 effect; — 'If thou hadst not been insatiably eager for 
 riches, and greedy of filthy lucre, thou wouldst not have 
 (187) 
 
90 THE FALL OF BABYLON. 
 
 opened the depositary of the dead.' So much for this 
 queen, and the reports that have been handed down 
 concerning her. 
 
 SECTION XIII. 
 
 THE FALL OF BABYLON. 
 
 It was against the son of this woman that Cyrus made 
 war: he was named like his father Labynetus, and 
 reigned over the Assyrians, When the great king* goes 
 out to battle, he is attended by ample provisions and cattle, 
 drawn from the home stock; and even water from the 
 Choaspian spring at Susa, of which alone the king drinks, 
 is carried about for his use : for he can taste no other 
 stream. This Choaspian water, after having been boiled, 
 is put into vases of silver, which are transported in four- 
 wheeled waggons, drawn by mules, following him wher- 
 ever he goes, 
 
 Cyrus advancing towards Babylon, arrived at the river 
 Gyndes, which rising in the Matienian hills, and running 
 through the country of the Dardanians, (or Darnians) emp- 
 ties itself into the Tigris ; and this river, passing by the 
 city Opis, discharges its waters into the Red Sea. When 
 Cyrus attempted to pass this river Gyndes, which could 
 only be done by boats, one of the white horses, called 
 sacred, full of mettle, plunged into the stream, and en- 
 deavoured to reach the opposite bank ; but being sub- 
 
 * The appellation by which the Persian kings were distinguished. 
 Thus the Ottoman emperor is called the Grand Seignior. 
 
 0*0) 
 
THE FALL OF BABYLON. 91 
 
 merged in the current, it was.borne away. Cyrus enraged 
 at the river for this injury, threatened to reduce it so low 
 that in future women should ford it with ease — not wetting 
 their knees. Having uttered this threat, he delayed the 
 progress of his army towards Babylon, and dividing his 
 forces into two bodies, measured out one hundred and 
 eighty channels to be cut from both banks of the river ; 
 thus diverting the Gyndes on all sides. He enjoined 
 upon his army the work of digging these trenches, and by 
 their numbers they oompleted it ; but the whole summer 
 was spent there in the labour. Cyrus having in this man- 
 ner punished the river Gyndes, by distributing its waters 
 into three hundred and sixty trenches, as soon as the next 
 spring appeared, advanced towards Babylon. The Baby- 
 lonians coming out in battle array, waited his approach : 
 when he drew nigh to the city they engaged him ; but 
 being defeated, retired within the walls, Some time 
 before, well knowing the restless intentions of Cyrus, 
 and seeing him attack one nation after another, they had 
 brought into the city an abundance of corn for many years. 
 They therefore disregarded the siege. But Cyrus, beset 
 with difficulties, saw a long time pass away without his 
 making any progress towards the accomplishment of his 
 object. 
 
 At length, either at the suggestion of some one else, or 
 from a thought of his own, he resorted to the following 
 means : — He disposed the whole of his army, by placing 
 one part above the city, where the river enters it, and 
 another part below, where it makes its exit, commanding 
 them as soon as they should perceive the river to be suffi- 
 ciently shallow to enter by that way. This order being 
 given, he himself went off with the inferior troops of the 
 army. Arriving at the lake, he did what had been done 
 before by the queen of Babylon in the marsh; for by mak- 
 ing a trench from the river to the empty reservoir, he 
 diverted the water from the ancient channel, till it so far 
 (191) 
 
1)2 WEALTH AND MANNERS 
 
 subsided as to become fordable. As soon as this hap- 
 pened, the Persians who had been appointed for this 
 purpose, entered Babylon by the bed of the river ; — the 
 water of which was little more than knee deep. If the 
 Babylonians had been before apprised of the intentions of 
 Cyrus, or if they had learned at the moment what he was 
 doing, they would not have suffered the Persians to enter 
 the city — nor would they have perished so shamefully ; for 
 had they closed all the gates by the river's side, and 
 ascended the walls which ran along it, they might have 
 taken them as in a net. But the Persians came upon 
 them quite unexpectedly. And from the great extent of 
 the city; — as it has been affirmed by some of the inha- 
 bitants, those who dwelt in the outskirts of the city, were 
 made prisoners before the people in the centre of Babylon 
 knew that the place was taken. But, as it happened, 
 they were celebrating a festival, and were dancing and 
 538," feasting when they learned what had happened. Thus 
 was Babylon the first time taken. 
 
 SECTION XIV. 
 
 WEALTH AND MANNERS OF THE BABYLONIANS. 
 
 [The wealth of the Babylonians I shall set forth by several 
 instances, and among others by this : — Besides the tribute 
 which is paid to the Great King — all the countries under his 
 dominion are divided into parts to supply provisions for his 
 household and his army ; — each part furnishing food for one 
 month : — now the region of Babylonia is charged with the 
 supply for four months out of the twelve; the remaining 
 eight months being provided for by the whole of Asia. Thus 
 
 (192) 
 
OF THE BABYLONIANS, !)3 
 
 it appears that this Assyrian region, in produce, bears the, 
 proportion of one-third to the entire extent of Asia.* The 
 government of this region (these governments are called by 
 the Persians satrapies) is by far the richest of all the pro- 
 vinces : so that. Tritantajchmes, son of Artabazus, to whom 
 this government was. given by the king, received every day a 
 full measure of silver : — this Persian measure contains an Attic 
 medimnus, and-three cheenices. Eight hundred horses also for 
 the king's private 'use, besides those intended for war, are 
 trained in this district, and sixteen thousand mares. So great 
 a number of Indian dogs is maintained, that four large villa- 
 ges in the plain pay no other tribute than that of supplying a 
 stipulated quantity of food for them. — Such are the revenues 
 of the Satrap of Babylon. 
 
 Little rain falls in Assyria; but the -corn receives its supply 
 at the root; being fed with water for its nourishment from 
 the river, till the ear is ripened. This fertilization does not 
 take place, as in Egypt, by the river overflowing the fields ; 
 but the lands are irrigated by the hand, or by pumps : — for the 
 whole region of Babylonia is, like Egypt, every where inter- 
 sected by trenches. The largest of these canals is navigable, 
 and turning towards the south-east, connects the Euphrates 
 with another river — the Tigris, on which Nineveh once stood. 
 This region is of all lands we know the richest in the gifts 
 of Ceres. But it does not afford any produce from such 
 trees as the fig, the vine, or the olive. Yet so favour- 
 able is the soil to the growth of corn, that it ordinarily 
 yields two hundred fold, and sometimes three hundred. The 
 leaves, both of wheat and barley, in this region, are four 
 fingers broad. As for millet and sesame, (Indian corn,) the 
 plant becomes a tree of such magnitude that, though I have 
 personal knowledge of the fact, I forbear to mention its size — 
 feeling assured that to those who have never visited the pro- 
 vince of Babylonia, what I have already said of its produce 
 will seem incredible. They use no oil except that which is 
 made from sesame. Palm trees grow throughout the plain, 
 
 * The Persian dominions in Asia. 
 
 (193) 
 
94 WEALTH AND MANNERS 
 
 which, for the most part, bear fruit ; and from this fruit is 
 prepared a kind of bread, as well as wine and honey. These 
 trees are reared in the manner of figs — the fruikfulness of the 
 trees being secured by an artificial process, for the blossom 
 containing the fly is tied to the fruit-bearing buds, by which 
 means the fruit ripens without falling ; — for the fly is found in 
 the palm as well as in the wild fig.* 
 
 Nothing, the city itself excepted, more excited my admi- 
 ration than what I am about to mention :— I mean the vessels 
 which arrive at Babylon on the Euphrates : — they are round, 
 and all formed of skins. The Armenians who inhabit the 
 country above Assyria, construct these vessels, framing the 
 ribs of willow branches, over which they stretch skins : nor 
 do they distinguish the stem from the stern; — the boat being 
 as round as a shield : the inside is lined with a matting of 
 reeds. These vessels are borne along by the stream, loaded 
 with goods — principally palm wine, carried in earthen jars* 
 The course of the boat is directed by two men, standing erect, 
 each furnished with a long pole, with which the one pulls, 
 while the other pushes. Vessels of great size, as well as small 
 boats, are constructed in this manner ; some carrying as much 
 as five thousand talents burden. In every one of these ves- 
 sels is an ass, and in the larger several. When therefore they 
 reach Babylon, and have discharged their cargoes, they sell 
 the frame-work and matting of the vessel, and loading the ass 
 with the skins, return to Armenia; for the current of the 
 river is too strong for it to be navigated upwards. For this 
 reason the vessels are framed of leather instead of wood. 
 When the asses reach Armenia again, new vessels are con- 
 structed in the same manner as before. — So much for these 
 boats. 
 
 The dress of the Babylonians is as follows : — they wear a 
 linen tunic, reaching to the feet, and upon this a woollen gar- 
 ment ; throwing a short white cloak over all. Their shoes are 
 peculiar to the country ; but not unlike the Boeotian buskim 
 They let the \ air grow, and bind the head with a turban 
 
 * See Note. 
 
 (195) 
 
OF THE BABYLONIANS. 95 
 
 / 
 
 (mitre). They anoint the whole body. Every one possesses 
 a signet, and carries a wrought staff,* upon the top of which 
 is carved an apple — a rose — a lily — an eagle, or some similar 
 object: for custom does not permit them to carry a staff, 
 without a device. — Such are the habiliments of the Baby- 
 lonians. 
 
 The following usages formerly prevailed among them ; and 
 this which I am about to mention, was in my opinion, very 
 Wise : — it prevails also, as I have been informed, among the 
 Enetians, a people of Illyria.f In every town, once in the 
 year, all the marriageable young women were assembled in 
 one place ; around them stood the men : the public crier then 
 put each of the Women, separately, up to sale. He began 
 With the most beautiful, for whom a great price was obtained ; 
 then he took the one whose charms were next in degree ; and 
 so on — each being sold on the condition that she was to be 
 taken in marriage. The richer Babylonians, of course, who 
 wished to marry, bid against each other to obtain the hand- 
 somest women : while the poorer citizens, who in seeking 
 wives cared lfess for beauty than for gold, took the ugly girls, 
 with the money : for the cryer, having completed the sale of 
 the beauties, brought forward one of the most deformed; — or 
 one who was maimed, if such should be there- — offering her at 
 a very low price to any one who would take her to wife ; and 
 he who consented received her with a dowry. Thus the hand- 
 some women obtained portions for the ugly and the deformed. 
 No man was permitted to marry his daughter to whomsoever he 
 Would ; nor might any one lead away the woman he had pur- 
 chased until he had given security to marry her ; or, in case 
 of their not agreeing, to return the dowiy. It was permitted 
 to any inhabitant of the neighbouring districts to attend and 
 purchase a Wife. Such was the wise law which formerly 
 prevailed ; but it has now become obsolete. Of late they 
 have devised other means for defending their daughters from 
 injury and abduction. But, in fact, since the Babylonians 
 
 * (TKijirTpoy x £l poiroiijrov — a manufactured sceptre. 
 t Afterwards called Venetians. 
 
 (196) 
 
,% THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 
 
 have lost their liberties and wealth, they have, undeT the 
 pressure of want, resorted to nefarious practices in disposing of 
 their daughters. 
 
 They have also another excellent practice. — They have no 
 physicians by profession ; but those who are diseased being 
 brought into the public places, whoever passes the sick man, 
 advises with him concerning his disorder ; and if he has him- 
 self at any time laboured under the same complaint, or knows 
 one afflicted in the same way — recommends the Remedies by 
 which he himself or others were cured. To pass a sick person 
 in silence without inquiring his complaint, is deemed a breach 
 of duty. The dead are preserved in honey. The funeral 
 lamentations of the Babylonians are similar to those heard in 
 Egypt. In some of their domestic usages they are — like the 
 Arabians — peculiarly exact; yet they observe a most shameful 
 custom, which though it is said afterwards to preserve female 
 virtue, really degrades every woman to a level with the most 
 abandoned of the sex. So much for the manners of the Baby- 
 lonians. There are among them three tribes who live entirely 
 upon fish — which they dry in the sun as soon as taken ; when 
 dried, the fish are thrown into a mortar, pounded with a 
 pestle, and passed through a cloth : this powder when used, 
 is either kneeded into cakes (puddings) or baked as bread.] 
 
 SECTION XV. 
 
 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS AGAINST THE 
 MASSAGETES. 
 
 Cyrus having subdued the Babylonians, indulged the 
 desire of reducing the Massagetes under his power; — a 
 people said to be both numerous and powerful, inhabiting 
 a region east of the river Araxes, and opposite to the 
 
 (201) 
 
AGAINST THE MASSAGETES. 97 
 
 Issedonians. — Some persons affirm that they are of the 
 Scythian race. 
 
 [The river Araxes* is, according to some, larger, according 
 to others, smaller than the Ister, (Danube.) It is said to con- 
 tain many islands, scarcely inferior in magnitude to Lesbos, 
 inhabited by men who, during the summer, live upon roots of 
 all kinds, which they dig up : and for winter provision they 
 collect and lay up the fruit of trees. Among their trees there 
 is affirmed to be one species, the fruit of which has a peculiar 
 property; — the people assembling around a fire, throw the 
 fruit into the flames, and by the fumes emitted as it burns, 
 they are intoxicated as completely as the Greeks are with 
 wine : — the more is thrown in, the more inebriated do those 
 become who sit around, till at length they begin to dance and 
 sing. The river Araxes, as well as the Gyndes, which Cyrus 
 drained by three hundred and sixty trenches, rises in the 
 Matienian hills; it empties itself by forty mouths, all of 
 which, except one, run into swamps and marshes. In these 
 marshes there are said to be men subsisting upon raw fish, and 
 clothing themselves in the skins of seals. The one mouth of 
 the Araxes runs in a pure stream into the Caspian sea. The 
 Caspian'! is a sea by itself not communicating with any other ; 
 for the entire sea navigated by the Greeks, and the sea beyond 
 the Pillars (of Hercules,) called the Atlantic, and the Red 
 sea, are all one and the same ; (i. e. communicate with each 
 other) but the Caspian is separate and alone ; its length is 
 equal to fifteen days' passage by an oared vessel ; its width, at 
 the widest part, is equal to eight days' voyage. On the wes- 
 tern side of this sea is extended mount Caucasus— of all moun- 
 tains the greatest and the most lofty. Caucasus contains many 
 numerous tribes of men, differing from each other ; but who, 
 for the most part, subsist upon wild fruits. Among the trees 
 of this region there is said to be one, the leaves 6f which, when 
 bruised and mixed with water, afford a die, with which these 
 people paint the figures of animals on their dress; — these 
 figures do not wash out ; but always remain fixt in the wool as 
 (203) H 
 
98 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 
 
 fresh as at first. The manners of these people are little more 
 refined than those of beasts.] 
 
 The Caspian is then bounded towards the west by 
 Mount Caucasus: — on its eastern shore it has a plain, 
 to which the eye perceives no limit. Of this boundless 
 level the Massagetes, whom Cyrus wished to invade, 
 occupy no small portion. Many causes excited and urged 
 him to undertake this war. The first was the impression 
 he entertained — derived from the circumstances of his 
 birth, that he was something more than human. The 
 second — was the good fortune which had hitherto at- 
 tended his wars ; for in whatever direction Cyrus had 
 carried his arms, no nation had been able to escape his 
 power. The Massagetes having lost iheir king, were at 
 this time governed by a queen, whose name was Tomyris. 
 To this queen Cyrus sent an embassy, wooing her for his 
 wife. But Tomyris knowing well that it was not her, but 
 the Massagetian throne that he wooed, prohibited their ap- 
 proach. Upon this Cyrus, finding that he should not suc- 
 ceed by fraud, advanced to the Araxes, and openly made 
 war upon the Massagetes — constructing bridges across 
 the river for the passage of his army. He also built 
 towers upon the vessels (which formed the bridges) for the 
 passage of his troops. 
 
 While engaged in this labour, Tomyris sent a herald to 
 Cyrus with this message ; — " O king of the Medes, cease 
 to hasten what you are hastening; — for you know not 
 whether the completion of it shall be of any service to 
 you. Leave off therefore, and rule your own subjects, 
 and bear to see us reigning over those whom we govern. 
 But if you will not admit these counsels ; — if any thing is 
 better to you than to remain in tranquillity; — if you so 
 earnestly desire to try your strength upon the Massagetes, 
 Come — trouble yourself no longer with the toil of joining 
 the river ; and while we retire three days' march from the 
 
 (206) 
 
AGAINST THE MASSAGETES. 99 
 
 river, do you pass over into our country. Or if you had 
 rather receive us in your's, then do you retire while we 
 advance." On hearing this Cyrus called together all the 
 Persian chiefs, to whom he proposed the business, asking 
 their opinion what he should do. They all concurred in 
 advising him to receive Tomyris and her army in their own 
 (the Persian) territory. 
 
 But Croesus the Lydian, being present, disapproved of 
 this advice, and proposed an opposite plan, which he thus 
 stated; — " O king, at the first I professed that, as God 
 gave me up to you, if ever I saw a calamity impending 
 over your house, I would use my utmost efforts to avert it. 
 Now my misfortunes, though to me they have been 
 grievous, have taught me experience. If indeed you 
 think yourself and your men immortal, there is no need 
 that I should declare my opinion; but if you know that 
 you are only a man, and that those whom you command 
 are men — then learn that human affairs turn on awheel, 
 which in its revolutions suffers not the same individuals 
 always to be prosperous. As to the business now before 
 us, my opinion is the reverse of theirs whose advice you 
 have heard. For if we were to await the enemy in our 
 own country, you would incur this danger ; — should you 
 be defeated, you utterly lose the empire, for it is ma- 
 nifest that if the Massagetes are victorious, they will not 
 retreat, but will invade your provinces. On the other 
 hand, if you conquer, your victory will not be so advan- 
 tageous as if you had passed over into their territory, and 
 were to pursue the vanquished and retreating Massegetes. 
 This I oppose to the contrary opinion — that if you con- 
 quer you remove every obstacle which might prevent your 
 advancing to the very heart of the dominions of Tomyris. 
 And besides the reasons I have here given, it would be a 
 dishonour intolerable for Cyrus the son of Cambyses to 
 retire from the country before a woman. My opinion 
 therefore is that, passing the river, we should advance 
 (207) - H 2 
 
100 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 
 
 as far as they retreat. Arid then that it be attempted to 
 overcome them in the following manner : — As I am in- 
 formed the Massagetes are unacquainted with the Persian 
 good fare, and are destitute of the chief commodities of 
 life. Let therefore sheep be slain and prepared in abun- 
 dance for these men, on which to feast in our camp ; — 
 moreover let cups without sparing be filled with unmixed 
 wine, and provisions of all sorts.be added. When this is 
 done, let the inferior troops of the army be left behind, 
 while the rest retires quickly towards the river. If I am 
 not mistaken they, seeing so many good things, will betake 
 themselves to the tables, and will leave to us an oppor- 
 tunity of effecting a signal exploit." 
 
 Thus were opinions opposed : — Cyrus rejecting the first, 
 adopted that of Croesus ; and announced to Tomyris that 
 she should retire while he crossed the river and advanced 
 towards her : this she did as she had promised. Then 
 Cyrus, delivering Croesus to the care of his son Cam- 
 byses, to whom he had assigned the kingdom, with many 
 injunctions to hold him in honour, and to treat him kindly 
 if his expedition against the Massagetes should be unpros- 
 perous, dismissed them both to Persia, while he with his 
 army crossed the river. 
 
 The very night after he passed the Araxes, and re- 
 posed within the Massagetian territory, Cyrus saw a 
 vision: — he thought, in his sleep, he saw the eldest of 
 the sons of Hystaspes, having wings on his shoulders, 
 with one of which he overshadowed Asia, and with the 
 other Europe. This Hystaspes, son of Arsames, of the 
 Achaemenidian family, had sons, of whom the eldest, 
 named Darius, was then scarcely twenty years of age, 
 and was left in Persia, not being old enough to serve in 
 the army. When he awoke, Cyrus weighed the vision 
 in his mind, thinking it to be of grave import. Calling 
 therefore for Hystaspes, he took him apart, and thus 
 addressed him ; — " Hystaspes ! your son is caught, con- 
 
 (209) 
 
AGAINST THE MASSAGETES. 101 
 
 spiring against me and my government. I will make 
 known to you by what means I know this certainly. The 
 gods watch over me, and reveal to me beforehand what- 
 ever impends. Now the very last night, while I slept, I 
 saw the eldest of your sons, having wings on his shoul- 
 ders, with one of which he overshadowed Asia, and with 
 the other Europe. From this vision therefore I cannot 
 but believe that he is forming designs against me. You 
 therefore, return as quickly as possible to Persia, and as 
 soon as I return, having completed this conquest, present 
 your son to me that he may be examined." 
 
 Thus spoke Cyrus, believing that Darius was conspiring 
 against him. But what the divinity signified to him, was, 
 that he should die in that place, and that his kingdom 
 should pass over to Darius. Hystaspes thus replied to 
 him — "O king! may no Persian ever conspire against 
 you; — but if there be such a one, let him quickly 
 perish; for you it is who, from being slaves, have made 
 the Persians free ; and from being, ruled by others, have 
 given them dominion over all. If however a vision has 
 informed you that my son is plotting against you, I will 
 deliver him into your hands, to do with him as you 
 please." Having thus spoken, Hystaspes recrossed the 
 Araxes, and proceeded to Persia to guard his son Darius, 
 for Cyrus. 
 
 Cyrus advancing a day's march beyond the river, exe- 
 cuted the plan proposed by Croesus : after which, he, with 
 that part of the army that was. composed of Persians 
 only, retired behind the Araxes, leaving the useless 
 troops in the camp. A third part of the Massagetian 
 army advanced and put to the sword, after some resistance, 
 those whom Cyrus had left: then seeing the feast, they sat 
 down to regale themselves ; and when they had partaken of 
 victuals and wine to the full, fell asleep. The Persians then 
 coming up, slaughtered great numbers of them, and took 
 others captive: among these was the son of the queen 
 (211) h3 
 
102 THE EXPEDITION OF CYRUS 
 
 Tomyris, named Spargapises, who had commanded the 
 Massagetian army. When she was informed of the fate 
 of the army, and of what had befallen her son, she des- 
 patched a herald to Cyrus, with these words : — "Cyrus, 
 insatiable of blood ! be not intoxicated by this success, as by 
 the fruit of the vine, with which, when yourselves are filled, 
 you become so mad that you give vent to a torrent of foul 
 language. Deceived with this poison, but not overcome 
 in battle by manly valour, you have indeed vanquished my 
 son. Now therefore take good advice from me; — restore 
 me my son ; — retire without loss from this region, content 
 with having abused a third of the Massagetian army. If 
 you will not do this, I swear by the sun — the lord of the 
 Massagetians, that, greedy as you are, I will assuredly 
 glut you with blood." 
 
 Cyrus set at naught this message. As for Spargapises, 
 son of queen Tomyris, as soon as he was freed from the 
 effects of the wine, and learned his misfortune, he be- 
 sought Cyrus that he might be loosened from his bonds : 
 this being granted, the instant that his hands were free, 
 he destroyed himself. — Such was the end of this man. 
 Tomyris seeing that Cyrus did not yield to her proposals, 
 collected all her forces, and advanced against him. This 
 battle, in my judgment, was the most valiantly fought of 
 any that has taken place among the Barbarians. Accord- 
 ing to my information, it was conducted in the following 
 manner. — At first, it is said, the two armies stood at a 
 distance, and discharged their arrows, then, when these 
 were spent, they encountered each other with their spikes 
 and daggers : in this manner the fight was sustained a long 
 time, neither party thinking of flight : at length the Mas- 
 sagetes prevailed, and a great part of the Persian army 
 was slaughtered on the field. — Cyrus himself was slain, 
 after a reign of thirty years, save one. Tomyris having 
 filled a vessel with human blood, caused the body of Cyrus 
 to be sought for among the slaughtered Persians : — when 
 
 (214) 
 
AGAINST THE MASSAGETES. 103 
 
 it was found, she flung the head into the vessel, and hav- 
 ing thus mutilated the corpse, uttered these words— 
 " Thou hast undone me, though I survive, and have con- 
 quered thee ; for thou hast taken (from me) my son by 
 fraud. It remains for me — as I threatened— to glut thee 
 with blood." Many other accounts of the death of Cyrus 
 are abroad,, but this seemed to me the most probable. 
 
 [The dress and mode of life of the Massagetes are similar 
 to those of the Scythians : their armies consist both of horse 
 and foot; and they are accustomed to fight with bows, 
 spikes, and battle-axes; — all their weapons being furnished 
 either with gold or brass : — for the spear-heads and axes are 
 formed of the latter metal ; while their helmets, girdles, and 
 arm-chains are adorned with gold.. In like manner also their 
 horses wore breast-plates of brass, and had their bridles, bits, 
 and housings set with gold. They are unacquainted with 
 iron and silver ;. neither of which are found in their country : 
 but of brass and gold there is an abundancei. Some customs 
 erroneously attributed by the Greeks to the Scythians (in 
 general) are observed only by the Massagetes. Among these,. 
 is the abuse of the laws of marriage; These people do not 
 fix a certain limit to human life; but when any one is ad- 
 vanced in years, all his neighbours assemble and kill him, and 
 with him also cattle: then cooking the flesh of all together, they 
 feast upon it ; and this they deem the happiest of all deaths. 
 One who dies of disease they do not devour ; but bury him — 
 thinking the greatest possible misfortune has befallen him, 
 inasmuch as it was not his lot to be immolated. They sow 
 not ; but subsist on their flocks, and upon fish, of which last 
 the river Araxes affords them an abundant supply. They are 
 drinkers of milk. Of all the gods, they worship only the sun, 
 to which they sacrifice horses ;— giving this reason for the 
 practice — that the swiftest of mortals ought to be assigned to 
 the swiftest of the gods.] 
 
 (216) H 4 
 
104 ACCESSION OF CAMBYSES. 
 
 BOOK II. 
 
 EUTERPE. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 ACCESSION OF CAMBYSES. — DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 Cyrus being dead, was succeeded in the kingdom by 
 Cambyses, his son, whose mother was Cassandane, daugh- 
 ter of Pharnaspes. She died before Cyrus, and was 
 lamented by him with great grief; he commanded also 
 all his subjects to make lamentations for her. This Cam- 
 byses considered the Ionians and ^Eolians to be slaves, 
 inherited by him from his father. When therefore he 
 made preparation to invade Egypt, he led forth, not 
 only his other subjects, but these Greeks also, who were 
 under his sway. 
 
 [The Egyptians, before the reign of Psammetichus, were 
 wont to think themselves the most ancient of all nations. But 
 this king, wishing to discover what people were really the first, 
 determined in favour of the Phrygians ; next to whom were 
 the Egyptians. Psammetichus having in vain sought the 
 means of resolving this question relative to the antiquity of 
 nations, at length devised the following method. — He took 
 two new-born children of persons in humble life, and com- 
 
 (2) 
 
DESCRIPTION OP EGYPT. 105 
 
 mitted them to the care of a shepherd, to be brought up 
 where the flocks were fed ;— commanding that they should 
 never hear the human voice. They were to be placed in a 
 remote hut by themselves : at certain times a she goat was to 
 be brought to them, by which they were to be suckled ; — the 
 shepherd only waiting upon them. Fsammetichus made these 
 arrangements, wishing to hear what articulate sound — amidst 
 their infantile cries, they would first utter. This was accom- 
 plished ; for after the shepherd had kept the children, accord- 
 ing to his injunctions, about two years, one day as he opened 
 the door of the hut and entered, they both crawling towards 
 his feet, and extending their hands, uttered the word Becus. 
 At first the shepherd kept silence ; but after a while, as the 
 children continued, when he attended upon them, to repeat 
 the same word, he reported it to his sovereign, who commanded 
 them to be brought into his presence. Having himself heard 
 them, Fsammetichus next inquired what people used this 
 sound in their language : and he was informed that, among 
 the Phrygians, it is the name of bread. Thus convinced, 
 after duly weighing the matter, the Egyptians concluded 
 the Phrygians to be a more ancient people than themselves. 
 
 S uch is the story I received from the priests of Vulcan at 
 Memphis. The Greeks relate, among many other idle tales, 
 that Psammetichus cut out the tongues of two women, to 
 whom he committed the children to be nursed. Other accounts 
 also I heard while conversing with the priests of Vulcan at 
 Memphis; and wishing to know if their reports would co- 
 incide with such as I might elsewhere collect, I passed, both 
 to Thebes and Heliopolis ; — the people of which latter city 
 are said to be the most learned of all the Egyptians. As to 
 the accounts I received relative to matters of religion, I 
 am not disposed to repeat them, except so far as to mention 
 the names (of their gods.) For I am of opinion that, on 
 subjects ef this kind, one man knows as much as another. —f~ 
 I shall only therefore refer to these things when compelled 
 to do so by the course of my narrative. As for human 
 affairs— in the following particulars they all agreed.— They 
 affirmed that Mie Egyptians were the first of mankind who 
 (4) 
 
100* DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 determined the annual revolution of the sun;*— distributing 
 its seasons into twelve parts : — these discoveries they are said 
 to have made by means of the stars ; and in my opinion they 
 have displayed, in this instance, much more skill than the 
 Greeks, who, to rectify the year, insert an intercalary month 
 every third year ; but the Egyptians, reckoning their months 
 at thirty days each, add, every year, five days to the number ; 
 by which means their year comes round always to the same 
 point. 
 
 They affirm that the Egyptians first fixed the designations- 
 of the twelve gods;f and that the Greeks borrowed these 
 titles from them. Moreover, that they first dedicated to these 
 deities altars, statues, and temples ; and first also sculptured 
 animals in stone. These claims they establish, for the 
 most part, by palpable proofs. The first man + who reigned 
 in Egypt was named Menes. In his time the whole of Egypt, 
 except the region of Thebais, was a marsh; — no land being to 
 be seen below the lake of Moeris, which is now a distance of 
 seven days' sailing from the sea, up the river. And indeed 
 I think what is said of this country is very true ; for it must 
 be evident to every person of common sense who, without 
 prepossession, examines the region for himself, that the land 
 which the vessels of Greece approach, is an acquisition to the 
 Egyptians, and the gift of the river. The same may be 
 said of the country which extends as far as three days' sailing 
 above this lake ; though the Egyptians did not include it in 
 their statement. — Such is the nature of this region, which 
 appears from the following fact — that, at the distance of a 
 day's sailing from the Egyptian coast, and when you are in 
 eleven fathoms' water, if you let down the lead, you draw up 
 clay — proving to how great a distance this deposit from the 
 land takes place. 
 
 The sea coast of Egypt measures sixty lines (of /sixty fur- 
 longs^) that is to say, as we are accustomed to/ define it, 
 from the bay of Plinthine, to the lake SerboniSj/naar Mount 
 e^evpteiv tvv kviavrov. 
 
 t The first maw— Egypt having been long ruled, as Aey affirmed, by 
 jods. / 
 
 (6) 
 
DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 107 
 
 Casius. It may be remarked, that those whose territory is 
 scanty, measure land by fathoms ; — those who are less 
 straitened, by furlongs ; — those who possess much, by para- 
 sangs (a measure of thirty furlongs); while those whose 
 country is very extensive, use the line (an Egyptian measure 
 of sixty furlongs). Thus measured, the coast of Egypt ex- 
 tends to the distance of 3600 furlongs. From the coast, 
 inland, towards Heliopolis, Egypt is an open plain,* well 
 watered and slimy. The distance between Heliopolis and 
 the sea is nearly equal to the length of the road from Athens., 
 reckoning from the altar of the twelve gods, to the temple of 
 the Olympian Jove, at Pisa :— the difference will not be 
 found to amount to more than fifteen furlongs. 
 
 As you ascend beyond Heliopolis, Egypt (i. e. the plain) 
 becomes narrower ; for the Arabian mountain, running from 
 north to south, continually rises as it approaches the Bed 
 Sea. In this mountain are the stone quarries from which 
 the pyramids at Memphis were constructed. Thence declin- 
 ing, the mountain turns towards the sea, above mentioned ; 
 and at this place the country is the widest, being, as I am 
 informed, not less than two months' journey from east to west. 
 The eastern district yields frankincense. On the other side, 
 towards Libya, Egypt is bounded by a rocky and sand- 
 covered mountain, on which there are pyramids. This range 
 extends itself, like that just mentioned on the side of Arabia. 
 Erom Heliopolis, Egypt, properly speaking, is not of great 
 width : and especially at the distance of about four days' sail- 
 ing up the river, it is very much straitened. A plain separates 
 the two above-mentioned mountains, the width of which, at 
 the narrowest part, I should estimate at not more than 200 
 furlongs — reckoning from the foot of the Arabian, to the foot 
 of the Libyan hills. But beyond this place Egypt again 
 becomes wide. Such are the natural boundaries of this 
 
 country. 
 
 Erom Heliopolis to Thebes is a distance of nine days' 
 
 sailing; or of 4860 furlongs; or eighty-one of the Egyptian 
 
 measures. If we bring these computations together, we shall 
 
 * or— an inclined plain. 
 (8) 
 
108 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 j, ave _f or the sea coast of Egypt, as I have already said, 3G0O 
 furlongs. — The distance from the sea inland, as far as Thebes, 
 is 0120 furlongs; — and from Thebes to Elephantine is 1800 
 furlongs. Of this region, the greater part, according to the 
 account of the priests, and as also it appeared to me, is an 
 acquisition to the Egyptians. Eor the ranges of hills which 
 extend above Memphis, seemed to me formerly to have em- 
 braced a gulph of the sea : — in like manner as is seen in the 
 plains of Ilium, of Teuthrania, of Ephesus, or of the Meander : 
 — if indeed we may compare small things with great ; for not 
 one of these land-producing rivers can be compared for mag- 
 nitude to a single mouth of the Nile — of which mouths there 
 are five. Other rivers there are, though much inferior to 
 the Nile in magnitude, which have exhibited great effects in 
 the same mode. I might mention several : — among these, and 
 not the least, is the Achelous, which running through Acar- 
 nania, in emptying itself into the sea, has already formed a 
 continuous land between one half of the Echinadian islands. 
 There is in Arabia, and not far from Egypt, a long and 
 narrow gulph, stretching inland from the Red Sea.* Its 
 extreme length, if you proceed from its deepest recess, to the 
 open sea, in a vessel with oars, will consume forty days. Yet 
 its width, at the widest part, is not more than half a day's 
 rowing. In this gulph there is a daily flowing and ebbing of 
 the sea ; — just such a gulph as this, I suppose Egypt formerly 
 to have been, stretching from the North Sea (the Mediter- 
 ranean) into Ethiopia: as the Arabian gulph extends itself 
 from the South Sea towards Syria : — both of them piercing 
 their farthest recesses, leaving only a narrow neck of land 
 between. Now let it be imagined that the Nile were to turn 
 its channel into this Arabian Gulph, and what would hinder 
 its being filled with mud in some twenty thousand years ? 
 Indeed I am of opinion this might happen in half that time. 
 Why then might not a space, even much larger than this, be 
 rilled with a deposit of earth by a river so great and mighty 
 during the ages that have passed away before our times ? 
 
 * This Gulph is what is now called the Red Sea — a name extended by 
 the ancients to the Persian Gulph and Indian Ocean. 
 
 (11) 
 
DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 109 
 
 1 therefore follow the opinion of those who give this account 
 of Egypt ; and indeed am from my own observation fully per- 
 suaded of the fact. When I see that Egypt projects far beyond 
 the line of coast; — that shell-fish are found in the hills ;— that 
 a brackish liquor exudes from the soil, which corrodes even the 
 pyramids ; and that the only sandy mountain in Egypt is the one 
 above Memphis. To which it may be added that, neither on 
 the neighbouring lands of Arabia, nor on those of Libya, nor 
 even in Syria (the maritime part of Arabia is possessed by 
 the Syrians) is there found a soil at all resembling that of 
 Egypt, which consists of a black and pulverized earth, such 
 as is produced by the mud and sediment brought down from 
 ./Ethiopia by the river. But the soil of Libya, as we have 
 seen, is a reddish and sandy earth, while that of Arabia and 
 Syria is argillacious and stony. The priests also mentioned 
 a fact which, to me, seemed a strong proof of what is affirmed 
 concerning this country. — They say that in the reign of 
 Mceris, when the river rose only eight cubits, the lands below 
 Memphis were inundated : nine hundred years had not elapsed 
 since the death of Moeris when I heard this from the priests. 
 But now, unless the river rises sixteen, or at the least fifteen 
 cubits, it does not flood that district. It seems to me, that 
 those Egyptians who inhabit the region below the lake Mceris, 
 as for instance the district called the Delta, and some other 
 places — if in this manner the land, continues gradually to rise, 
 and to go 6n increasing in the same proportion — so that the 
 Nile shall no longer deluge the land — will experience ever 
 after, what they are wont to predict will happen to the 
 Greeks. For when the Egyptians are told that Greece is 
 watered entirely by rain, and not like their own land by 
 rivers, they say, — " If ever the main hope of the Greeks 
 fails them, they must miserably starve :" — or in other words 
 — " If the god should please, instead of sending rain, to 
 dispense a drought, the Greeks will be overcome with famine 
 — since they have no resource for water, except in Jove* 
 alone." In saying this of the Greeks, the Egyptians are in 
 
 * Jove— the heavens. 
 (13) 
 
110 DESCRIPTION OP EGYPT. 
 
 the right. But now let us see how the case stands with 
 themselves. If it should happen — as I said before — that the 
 land below Memphis, which is that where the increase takes 
 place, should continue to rise at the same rate as heretofore, 
 what can follow but that the Egyptians inhabiting that dis- 
 trict should be famished ; for neither does it rain on then- 
 lands, nor, in that case would the river overflow their fields. 
 At present indeed they receive from the earth a harvest which 
 costs them less toil than any other people, or than any other of 
 the Egyptians are obliged to bestow ; for neither do they have 
 the labour of breaking up the ground in furrows by the plough, 
 nor of digging it; nor do they in any way work their arables 
 like other men. But when the river has spontaneously come 
 up and watered the land, and again retired, then every one 
 sows his field : this done, he drives in swine, which trea*d the 
 seed in : after this he awaits the harvest ; when ripe he treads 
 out the corn by swine (oxen) and carries it home.f 
 
 But what if we should adopt the opinion of the Ionians 
 concerning Egypt, who say that the name belongs to the 
 Delta only, which they reckon to commence from the watch- 
 tower of Perseus, and extending to a distance of forty lines 
 of sea coast, terminates at the Pelusian conservatories. The 
 depth of Egypt from the coast, inland, they suppose to be 
 not more than to the city of Cercasora, where the Nile 
 divides into the Pelusian and the Canobian branches. All 
 the rest of the country they attribute either to Libya or to 
 Arabia. Were we to follow this opinion, it would be easy to 
 show that, formerly, the Egyptians had no country at all. 
 For the Delta, as the Egyptians themselves say, and I think 
 truly, was overflown, and has, comparatively speaking, but 
 lately appeared. On this supposition, why should they trouble 
 themselves with an inquiry — imagining that they were the 
 first of men ? Assuredly they ought not to have made trial 
 what language the children would first speak. For my own 
 part, I do not think that the Egyptians were coeval only with 
 the region called by the Ionians the Delta ; but believe that 
 they are as ancient as the human race : and that gradually, as 
 the land was formed, while many remained in their first settle- 
 
 (15) 
 
DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. Ill 
 
 merits, many descended : so it was that formerly the name 
 Egypt was given to the Thebais — a region measuring in cir- 
 cumference 6120 furlongs. If then we have formed a correct 
 idea on this subject, the lonians are in error relative to Egypt. 
 But if, on the contrary, they are right in this particular, then 
 I can prove that neither the lonians nor the Greeks reason 
 consistently when they say that the earth consists of three 
 divisions — Europe, Asia, and Libya : — for they ought to add 
 a. fourth, namely, the Delta of Egypt, which belongs neither - 
 to Asia nor Libya. According to this mode of reckoning, it 
 is not the Nile which separates Asia from Libya, as that 
 river divides at the point of the Delta, leaving this region 
 between Asia and Libya.* 
 
 We abandon therefore the opinion of the lonians, and adopt 
 this conclusion — That as we call the country occupied by the 
 Cilicians, Cilicia, and that by the Assyrians, Assyria ; so the 
 entire space inhabited by the Egyptians, is Egypt. And we 
 know properly 6f no other limit of Asia and Libya, except 
 that formed by the boundaries of Egypt. But if we were 
 to follow the decision of the Greeks, then we must consider 
 the whole of Egypt to be divided into two portions, bearing 
 a common name. — I say all Egypt, from the Cataracts to 
 Elephantine. Of these two portions, the one must belong to 
 Asia, the other to Libya : for the Nile in its course from the 
 Cataracts to the sea, divides Egypt in two : as far as the 
 city Cercasora, it runs in a single stream ; but from that city 
 it separates into three channels; — one, turning towards the 
 east, receives the name of the Pelusian mouth; another, 
 bending westward, is called the Canobian. That which forms 
 the direct course of the Nile is the one which, in continuation 
 of the stream from above, arriving at the point of the Delta, 
 parts that district in two, and discharges not the smallest nor 
 the least noted stream into the sea at the Sebennytian mouth. 
 Prom this stream two others branch off, the one called the 
 Saitic, the bther the Mendesian. The Bolbitian and the 
 Bucolic mouths are nothing more than artificial canals. 
 
 The opinion I have expressed relative to the extent of 
 Egypt is confirmed by the oracle of Ammon, of which I was 
 (17) 
 
112 DESCRIPTION OP EGYPT. 
 
 informed after I had formed my own opinion. The people of 
 Marea and Apis— cities situated on the confines of Egypt 
 and Libya, deeming themselves to be Libyans, not Egyptians, 
 and being impatient of the religious rites observed by the 
 latter, and unwilling to be interdicted the flesh of the cow ; 
 sent to the temple of Ammon this profession — " That they 
 had nothing in common with the Egyptians, living as they 
 did without the Delta, and not holding the same opinions :" 
 adding, " that they wished it to be lawful for them to taste 
 of all flesh." But the god would not grant them this indul- 
 gence, saying, " Egypt was the country which the Nile inun- 
 dates ; and that all those were Egyptians who, living below 
 Elephantine, drank of the river." Such was the reply of the 
 oracle. The Nile, when at its height, inundates not only 
 the Delta, but those districts which are said to belong seve- 
 rally to Libya and Arabia ; extending itself in some places 
 to the width of two days' journey on each side; sometimes 
 more, and sometimes less. 
 
 As for the nature of this river I could not, either from the 
 priests, or from others, collect any certain opinion. I did not 
 fail to inquire of them why it was that the Nile, coming down 
 just at the summer solstice, swells during a hundred days, 
 and then, having completed that period, retires, and diminishes 
 its stream ; so that it is low throughout the winter, nor aug- 
 ments till the summer solstice. No Egyptian to whom I put 
 the question, could give me any information on the subject, 
 or tell me how it was that the Nile differed from all other 
 rivers ; or why this river alone yields no breezes. Yet there 
 are Greeks who, wishing to appear very wise, have offered 
 three explanations of the peculiarities of this river. Of these 
 three explanations, two merit no further notice than just to be 
 mentioned. The other is as follows : — That the Etesian or 
 summer wind is the cause of the rise of the river, by prevent- 
 ing it from discharging itself into the sea. But often it has 
 happened that the Etesian wind has not blown ; yet the Nile 
 has risen as high as ever. Besides, if the Etesian winds were 
 the cause, it would follow that all rivers which flow against 
 these winds must exhibit the same effect; — and so much the 
 
 (20) 
 
THE NILE. 113 
 
 more as their streams are feebler. But there are many rivers 
 in Syria, and many in Libya, which undergo no such change as 
 that which takes place in the Nile. 
 
 The second explanation — still less reasonable, but more 
 marvellous, is that this rise happens because the Nile flows 
 from the ocean, which, as they say, encompasses the whole 
 earth. The third explanation, though the most specious, is 
 really the farthest from the truth : — according to those who 
 hold this opinion, the overflow of the Nile arises from the 
 melting of snows. But now, how can it be that a river which 
 rises in Libya, passes through ^Ethiopia, and discharges itself in 
 Egypt — thus proceeding from the hotter to the cooler regions, 
 should Owe its rise to snows ? There are many reasons which 
 may convince any man that this cannot be the case. In the 
 first place —and it is a sufficient evidence to the contrary — the 
 winds that blow from those regions are hot. In the second 
 place, the country is free both from rains and frosts; but 
 where snow falls, there of necessity there will be rain within 
 five days: — so that if there were snow, there would also be 
 rain. Lastly, the men of those countries are blackened with 
 the heat. Besides, kites and swallows remain there through 
 the year, while cranes, flying from the Scythian winter, take 
 up their abode there during that season. But, of necessity, 
 none of these things would happen if, in the countries through 
 which the Nile runs, and where it takes its rise, snow fell 
 even in the smallest quantity. As to what has been said of 
 the ocean — it is an obscure fable, destitute of proof. I. 
 know of no such river as the ocean.* Homer, perhaps, or 
 some of the earlier poets, finding the name, transplanted it into 
 the language of poetry. 
 
 Having rejected the several opinions above stated, it is fit 
 that I should avow my own on this obscure subject. I pro- 
 ceed therefore to declare what I think to be the cause of the 
 summer inundation of the Nile.— The sun, being driven from 
 his former course by the tempests, during the winter season, 
 reaches the upper parts of Libya. I may now, in a very few 
 words, explain the whole matter; for whatever region this god 
 is the nearest to, and passes over, that region, of course, will 
 (24) l 
 
114 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 experience the greatest drought, and there the brooks which 
 feed the rivers will fail. Or to explain my meaning more 
 at large. — When the sun passes over the upper Libya, the at- 
 mosphere in these regions being always clear, and the tempe- 
 rature high, and as there are no cooling breezes, he produces 
 constantly the same effects which take place (elsewhere) 
 during summer, when the sun is in the mid heaven; — that is to 
 say, he draws to himself the water; and having drawn it, 
 propels it towards the higher regions ;— the winds taking up 
 these vapours, and again scattering them, they dissolve : 
 wherefore it is that the winds which blow from these regions — 
 that is the south, and the south-west winds, are of all others 
 by far the most rainy. But it seems to me that the sun does 
 not discharge all the water which every year he draws up 
 from the Nile ; but reserves a part around himself. As the 
 winter softens, the sun returns to his place in the mid-heavens ; 
 and then he attracts the water from all rivers alike, which 
 before that time, being swelled with copious rains, when the 
 lands are replete with moisture and furrowed with torrents, 
 flow at their full height. But in summer, the rains ceasing, 
 and the sun attracting the water, they become small. But the 
 Nile, unlike other rivers, being destitute of rains, and yet 
 being exposed to the influence of the sun, very naturally is 
 less in winter than in summer. Then, like all other streams, it 
 suffers evaporation ; but it is the only river which is taxed also 
 during the winter. — I conclude therefore that the sun is the 
 cause of what takes place.* 
 
 I am moreover of opinion, that the sun is also the cause 
 of the dryness of the air in this region — burning, as he 
 does, every thing in his course.' — Whence it is that the 
 upper parts of Libya suffer a perpetual fervour. And if the 
 quarters of the heavens could be changed, so as that where 
 now the north stands, with its winter, there the south might 
 take place, with its warmth ; and where the south, there the 
 north ; in that case the sun, being driven from mid-heaven by 
 the wintry north, would retire to the upper part of Europe, as 
 now he passes to Libya. Thus traversing all Europe, I think 
 he woidd do the same with the Ister, which now he effects 
 
 (26) 
 
 / 4 
 
THE NILE. 115 
 
 with the Nile. As to there being no breeze from this river, in 
 my opinion it is not reasonable to expect winds to blow from 
 hot countries 4— a breeze comes only from a cooler part. But 
 we must leave these things as they are, and as they ever 
 have been. ' 
 
 Neither Egyptians, Libyans, nor Greeks, with whom I have 
 conversed, know any thing of the sources of the Nile; — 
 except only a certain scribe, keeper* of the sacred archives of 
 Minerva at Sais, a city of Egypt. This man, thinking, T 
 suppose, to make sport of me, professed that he had accurate 
 information on the subject, which he thus communicated ; — 
 he said " there were two mountains, having pointed summits, 
 situated between Syene, a city of Thebais and Elephantine. 
 These mountains are named, respectively, Crophi, and Mo- 
 phi ; — and between them are the unfathomable fountains of 
 the Nile. One half of these waters flows northward, to Egypt, 
 while the other half runs southward, to iEthiopia. That these 
 springs are bottomless was proved by Psammitichus, king of 
 Egypt, who sounded them with a line of many thousand fathoms 
 length, and yet did not reach .the bottom." So spoke this 
 scribe, and if what he reported actually took place, there re- 
 mains no doubt on the subject. Yet 1 rather think (even if 
 this story is true) that there being in this place a refluence of 
 powerful whirlpools, formed by the rushing out of the waters 
 between the mountains — the sounding lead would be prevented 
 from reaching the bottom. 
 
 From no other person could I learn any thing on this 
 subject. Other particulars, relating to regions more remote, I 
 was informed of by those whom I questioned ; — and as far as 
 Elephantine, I was myself witness of what I describe. Beyond 
 that city the country is acclivitous, and the current of the river 
 so strong, that vessels passing up the stream are drawn by 
 ropes on both sides, like an ox by the horns :— if the ropes 
 break, the vessel is carried down by the force of the torrent. 
 This district extends to the distance of four days' sailing. 
 The Nile is in this part of its course as tortuous as the 
 
 * Or, interpreter of hieroglyphics . 
 (29) I 2 
 
11G DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 Meander. The same mode of navigation is necessary until 
 twelve Egyptian lines have been accomplished: thence you 
 arrive at an even plain, where the Nile flows around an island. 
 The name of this island is Tachompso. The region above 
 Elephantine is inhabited by iEthiopians, who share the above 
 mentioned island with the Egyptians. Near the island is a 
 large lake, around which nomadic iEthiopians feed their flocks. 
 Having passed this lake, you again enter the channel of the 
 Nile, which empties itself into the lake : at this place you 
 disembark, and travel by the river's side a journey of forty 
 days ; for the river abounds with sharp rocks and breakers, on 
 account of which sailing is not practicable. When you have 
 passed this region of forty days' journey, you go on board 
 another vessel, and proceed up the river twelve days ; then 
 you reach a large city, called Meroe — said to be the metropolis 
 of all the iEthiopians. These people worship, of all the gods, 
 none but Jupiter and Bacchus, to whom they pay great honour : 
 they have also established an oracle of Jupiter. They make 
 war when and where only the god by this oracle commands. 
 Ascending the river above this place as far as the distance 
 already passed between Elephantine and Meroe, you reach the 
 Automolians, or ramblers, called Asmach — a word signifying — 
 those who stand at the left hand of the king. For these 
 Egyptians are the descendants of 240,000 warriors who retired 
 into ^Ethiopia on the following occasion. — During the reign of 
 Psammitichus they were appointed to garrison Elephantine 
 against the iEthiopians — the Pelusian Daphne against the 
 Arabians and Syrians, and Marea against Libya. These gar- 
 risons are still maintained by the Persians, as they were by 
 Psammitichus, at Elephantine and at Daphne. These Egyp- 
 tians at Elephantine, having maintained their post three years 
 without being relieved, consulted together, and with common 
 consent, revolting from Psammitichus, passed over to Ethio- 
 pia. Psammitichus being informed of this, pursued them, 
 and coming up with them, besought them in a long harangue 
 not to abandon the gods of their ancestors, their children, and 
 their wives. But one of them, answering for the rest, said they 
 doubted not to find wives where they went. They therefore 
 
 (30) 
 
THE NILE. 117 
 
 * 
 
 proceeded to JEthiopia, and surrendered themselves to the king 
 of that people, who thus rewarded them ; — being at variance 
 with some of his subjects, he ordered these Egyptians to expel 
 them, and to possess themselves of their lands. Thus the Egyp- 
 tians settling among the ^Ethiopians, improved the manners of 
 that nation, by imparting their own customs. 
 
 The course of the Nile is therefore known to the distance of 
 four months' sailing beyond the confines of Egypt ; for that is 
 the time found on computation to be consumed in passing from 
 Elephantine to the Automolians,— the direction of the river in 
 this part is from the west. Of the country beyond the region 
 we have named no one possesses exact information, only that 
 it is a desert, rendered uninhabitable by the heat. Other 
 accounts I heard from certain Cyrenseans, who professed that 
 they had visited the oracle of Amraon, and had conversed with 
 Etearchus, king of the Ammonians ; in conversing with whom 
 on various matters, it was mentioned that no man knew the 
 springs of the Nile ; upon which Etearchus said that once 
 some Nasamones paid him a visit (a Libyan people inhabit- 
 ing Syrtis, and a small part of the territory east of Syrtis). 
 These Nasamones being asked if they had any thing new to 
 report relative to the deserts of Libya, said that there were at 
 one time among them certain headstrong youths, the sons of 
 powerful chiefs, who, when arrived at manhood, among other 
 exploits which they contrived, resolved to choose five of their 
 number by lot, to explore the wilds of Libya, and to discover 
 more than any travellers had yet seen. The parts of Libya 
 contiguous to the northern sea (the Mediterranean) from 
 Egypt to the promontory of Solocis, where Libya ends, is 
 occupied by many Libyan nations, as well as by the Grecian 
 and Phflenician colonies. But more remote from the sea, and 
 beyond the maritime nations, the country is occupied by wild 
 beasts ; and beyond this wild region are sands, frightfully 
 parched, and destitute of all things. But to continue our 
 narrative. 
 
 These young men, it is said, sent out by their comrades, 
 being well furnished with vessels of water, and with provi- 
 sions, traversed at first the inhabited district :— that passed— 
 (32) 1 3 
 
118 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 they arrived at the region of ferocious animals, and from 
 thence penetrated the desert, having the westerly wind in 
 their faces as they travelled. After consuming many days in 
 crossing the region of sand, they at length saw trees growing 
 in the plain : these they approached to gather the fruit, which 
 then hung upon them. As they were eating, little men, 
 much below the common standard, came upon them, seized, 
 and led them away. Neither party understood the language 
 of the other. These men led the Nasamones over an extensive 
 bog ; after passing which they arrived at a city, the inha- 
 bitants of which were of like diminutive stature with their 
 guides, and their complexion was black. By the city ran 
 a large river, the course of which is from west to east ; and in 
 this river crocodiles are seen. Such is the account given by 
 Etearchus, the Ammonian king, who added, that the 
 Nasamones returned home, as the Cyrenaeans said, and that 
 the men among whom they had arrived were all sorcerers. 
 This river was, in the opinion of Etearchus, which opinion 
 seems probable, no other than the Nile ; for the Nile flows 
 from Libya, which it divides in the midst; and, as I con- 
 jecture, inferring what is unknown from what is manifest, it 
 runs from the same quarters as the Ister (or runs parallel 
 with the Ister). For the Ister, rising in the country of the 
 Celts, by the city Pyrene, divides Europe in two parts : but 
 the Celts are beyond the pillars of Hercules, and border upon 
 the Cynesians, who occupy the region the farthest to the west 
 in Europe. The Ister, passing through Europe, discharges 
 itself into the Euxine, at the place occupied by a Milesian 
 colony. The Ister running through inhabited countries, is 
 well known to many ; but the Nile; taking its course through 
 the uninhabited deserts of Libya, hides its sources from the 
 knowledge of man. Concerning so much of its track as' I 
 could, by diligent inquiry, gain information, I have here 
 stated all I have learned. It discharges itself, as we know, 
 in Egypt ;— and Egypt lies nearly opposite to the lofty coast 
 of Cilicia, from which coast to Sinope, on the Euxine, is a 
 distance in a straight line that may be passed by a good tra- 
 veller in five days.* And this Sinope is opposite to the 
 
 (35) 
 
THE EGYPTIANS. 119 
 
 mouth of the Ister. Thus I make the Nile, in traversing the 
 whole of Libya, to equal the Ister. So much for the Nile. 
 
 I now proceed to give a more detailed account of Egypt ; 
 for this country contains more wonders than any other, and. 
 many works with which those of no other region can be com- 
 pared : it claims therefore a more particular description. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 MANNERS AND SUPERSTITIONS OF THE EGYPTIANS. 
 
 The Egyptians, as their climate is unlike other climates, 
 and their river unlike other rivers, so in manners and laws are 
 they in almost all respects opposed to the rest of the world. 
 Among these people the women frequent the market and keep 
 shop ; while the men sit at home and weave. Other nations 
 in weaving drive the shuttle above the woof; but the Egyp- 
 tians beneath. Men carry burdens on the head, women on 
 the shoulder. When others go abroad, they stay at home; 
 and even take their meals in the high ways, alleging that 
 whatever is not really indecorous, may well be done in public. 
 No woman discharges the priestly office either to god or god- 
 dess; but men always to both. Sons are not compelled to 
 support their parents, if they are not disposed to do so ; but 
 daughters must, whether willing or not, perform that duty. 
 Elsewhere, the priests of the gods wear their hair; but the 
 Egyptian priests are shaven. With other nations it is the 
 custom to shave the head in mourning, especially for near 
 relatives ; but the Egyptians, on the death of their friends, 
 suffer the hair of the head and beard to grow long, which 
 before was cropped. Other people feed apart from animals ; 
 but the Egyptians take their meals along with beasts. Other 
 men subsist on wheat and barley; but among the Egyptians it 
 (36) . i 4 
 
120 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 is a thing especially held in contempt. They prepare their 
 meal from Olyra, called by some Zea (spelt); and they knead 
 dough with the feet, while they work clay with the hands; 
 with which also they remove impurities. The Egyptians and 
 those nations who have learned the custom of them, practise 
 circumcision. The men wear two garments ; the women only 
 one. The rings and cordage of sails, other nations fasten on the 
 outside of the vessel ; the Egyptians within. The Greeks when 
 they write and reckon numbers with pebbles, carry the hand 
 from left to right ; but the Egyptians from right to left ; and 
 in doing so they say — they write dexterously ; but the Greeks 
 are sinister in writing. They use two species of writing, of 
 which the one is called sacred, the other popular. 
 
 Being excessively religious, beyond any other people, they 
 practise many observances, such as the following. — They 
 drink from brazen cups, which are scoured every day; and 
 from this nicety no one is exempt. They are clad in linen, 
 always fresh washed ; for to this particular they pay the most 
 exact attention : * — they are ambitious rather to be clean than 
 fine. The priests shave themselves completely every third 
 day, in order that no vermin or other loathsome thing may be 
 found upon them while waiting upon the gods. The priests 
 wear linen only, and shoes of the papyrus ; nor is any other 
 kind of clothing or sandal lawful to them. They wash twice 
 in the day, and twice during the night, in cold water. And 
 to say all in a word, they practise ten thousand ceremonies. 
 These priests enjoy, however, not a few privileges; — for they 
 do not use or consume any of their own property; but sacred 
 bread is baked for them, and a plentiful supply of the flesh of 
 oxen and geese is provided for each, every day. Wine of the 
 vine also is given them; but fish they are not permitted' to 
 taste. The Egyptians sow no beans; nor do they eat, either 
 raw or cooked, such as may grow spontaneously ; nor can the 
 priests endure even to see them, deeming all pulse to be un- 
 clean. They have not one priest to each god ; but many, of 
 whom one is high-priest, and he is succeeded by his son. 
 
 Bulls they reckon sacred to Epaphos, and examine them in 
 
 * Ta rt cucoia ntpi-afivovTai mSaoiorrj-oc uveae. 
 
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SACRIFICES. 121 
 
 the following manner. — If the examiner spies a single black 
 hair he deems the animal unclean. This scrutiny is made by 
 one of the priests, appointed for the purpose, who searches 
 the animal, standing up, and turned over, and with the tongue 
 drawn out, to see if it be faultless in all the prescribed par- 
 ticulars, which I shall presently mention. He looks nar- 
 rowly at the hairs of the tail, to see if they all grow in a 
 natural manner. If in all these respects it be clean, the priest 
 signifies the same in a billet, bound about the horns, and 
 affixing a piece of sealing earth (clay) he impresses it with his 
 signet. The animal is thus led off". The penalty of death is 
 attached to the crime of sacrificing an unsealed bull. Such is 
 the mode of examining the victim. The established practice 
 of sacrificing is as follows. — The sealed animal being led to 
 the altar, where he is to be slain, they kindle a fire ; then 
 they pour wine on the altar, near the victim, invoke the god, 
 and inflict the fatal wound. The stroke given, they cut off 
 the head, and then flay the carcase. Having heaped dire 
 execrations on the head (of the victim) they carry it forth, 
 and if there is a market at hand, frequented by Greek 
 strangers, they sell it to them ; but if there are no Greeks in 
 the neighbourhood, they throw it into the river. The impre- 
 cation pronounced over these heads is as follows. — " If any 
 evils impend over those who sacrifice, or over Egypt at large, 
 let them be converted upon this head." In these ceremonies 
 concerning the head of the victim, and the libation, all the 
 Egyptians, on all occasions, observe a uniform practice. 
 Hence it is that no Egyptian will, by any means, taste the 
 head of any creature that has breathed. 
 
 The mode of embowelling and of burning the victim, differs 
 according to the nature of the worship ; and how this is per- 
 formed in the chief festival of the principal goddess I now 
 proceed to relate. — When the beast has been flayed, and the 
 prayers finished, the contents of the lower cavity are removed, 
 leaving however the viscera and the fat ; but they cut off the 
 legs, and the extremity of the loins, and the shoulders and the 
 neck. Having so done, they fill the body with clean (con- 
 secrated) loaves, and honey, and raisins, and figs, and frank- 
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122 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 incense, and myrrh, and other perfumes. These being stuffed 
 in, they burn the whole, pouring over it a plenty of oil. 
 Before performing this sacrifice they fast. While the victim 
 consumes, they all beat themselves (or bewail) and when they 
 have done, the residue of the victim is placed for their dinner. 
 
 All the Egyptians sacrifice the male of this species, young 
 and old, if clean; but it is unlawful to sacrifice the female, 
 which is sacred to Isis. For the image of Isis, being in the 
 form of a woman, with the horns of a cow, as the Greeks 
 depict Io, all the Egyptians alike worship coivs with a more 
 ■profound reverence than any other cattle. On which account 
 it is that no Egyptian, man or woman, .will kiss a Greek on 
 the mouth, or will use the cleaver of a Greek, or his spit, or 
 his dish, or will taste the flesh even of clean beef that has 
 been cut with a Grecian carving-knife. Bulls or kine that 
 die, are buried in the following manner : — the kine are de- 
 posited in the river : the bulls and oxen are buried in the 
 suburbs of each city : one, or sometimes both of the horns 
 being left above the surface, to mark the spot. When the 
 carcase is decayed, and the appointed time arrived, there 
 comes a barge to each city, from an island of the Delta, called 
 Prosopitis, an island nine lines in circumference, and con- 
 taining a great number of towns; among which is one named 
 Atarbechis, where is a temple consecrated to Venus. From 
 this place, then, comes the barge, to take away the bones of 
 these bulls and oxen. The men of this city, in great numbers, 
 disperse themselves, going some to one, some to another 
 town, for the purpose of exhumating the bones, which, when 
 they have collected, they bury all in one place. In this 
 manner also other cattle, dying a natural death, are interred. 
 Such are their laws relative to such animals : nor do they 
 kill these. 
 
 All those who have part in the rites of the Theban Jove, or 
 who occupy the Thebaic mead, abstain from sheep, and sa- 
 crifice goats. The Egyptians do not all worship alike the 
 same gods, excepting Isis and Osiris, who, they say, is 
 Bacchus ; but in the worship of these, there is no diversity. 
 For those who have a temple consecrated to Meudes, or in- 
 
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HERCULES. 123 
 
 habit the Mendesian plain, abstain from goats, and sacrifice 
 sheep. The Thebans, and those who with them abstain from 
 sheep, give this reason for the rule that is imposed upon them : 
 — i* Hercules', say they, ' wished by all means to see Jupiter, 
 who would not be seen by him : at length, as 'Hercules per- 
 sisted in his endeavours, Jupiter adopted the following device; 
 flaying a ram, he put the horned scalp of the head he had 
 severed on his own, and clothed himself with the fleece ; thus 
 attired, he showed himself.' Hence it is that the Egyptians 
 give to the image of Jupiter the ram's face ; and from the 
 Egyptians, the Ammonians, being a colony of mingled Egyp- 
 tians and ^Ethiopians, and using a language compounded from 
 those of both people, do the same. And it seems to me, 
 that the name Ammonians was hence acquired. For the 
 Egyptians call Jupiter Ammoun. The Thebans do not 
 sacrifice rams, which on this account are deemed sacred by 
 them. Yet on one day in the year, in the feast of Jupiter, 
 they slay a ram, and flay it, and with the fleece invest the 
 image of Jupiter, and then bring an image of Hercules to it. 
 This done, all who are about the temple bewail the ram, and 
 then give it sepulture, in a consecrated coffer. Concerning this 
 Hercules, I heard that he was of the number of the twelve 
 gods. Of the other Hercules, known to the Greeks, I could 
 hear nothing in any part of Egypt. And indeed it seems that 
 it was not the Egyptians who took the name — Hercules, from 
 the Greeks; but the Greeks from them; and among the 
 Greeks, those who give the name Hercules to the offspring 
 of Amphitryon. Many proofs convince me that this is the 
 fact, among which I mention only one ; — that both the parents 
 of Hercules, Amphitryon, and Alcmena, were originally from 
 Egypt : besides, the Egyptians protest that they know nothing- 
 even of the names, Neptune, or the Dioscures; nor have 
 ever given these gods a place among their divinities. And 
 indeed, if they have received from the Greeks the name of 
 any daemon, certainly not of these ; or if they had, they would 
 not have lost the memory of them ; especially if they then made 
 voyages, as some of the Greeks at that time frequented 
 the seas, I cannot but be firmly of opinion that the Egyptians 
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124 DESCRIPTION OP EGYPT. 
 
 would rather have preserved the knowledge of these gods 
 than of Hercules. But Hercules is one of the primeval 
 deities of the Egyptians ; for as they affirm it was seventeen 
 thousand years before the reign of Amasis, when the twelve 
 gods, of whom Hercules is reckoned one, were produced by 
 the eight. 
 
 Wishing by all possible means to obtain certain information 
 on this point, I made a voyage to the Phoenician Tyre, having 
 been informed that there was in that city a temple consecrated 
 to Hercules. This temple I inspected; it is richly furnished 
 with various offerings, and within it are two pillars, the one 
 of refined gold, the other of an emerald, which by night 
 shone with exceeding splendour. While conversing with the 
 priests of the god, I asked them how long it was since their 
 temple was built, and I found that they did not accord with 
 the Greeks ; for they said the temple was consecrated when 
 Tyre itself was raised ; and that the foundation of Tyre took 
 place 2300 years ago. I saw at Tyre also another temple of 
 Hercules, called the Thasian. I went therefore to Thasos, 
 where I found a temple dedicated to Hercules by those 
 Phoenicians who, sailing in quest of Europa, founded the city 
 of Thasos : and this took place five generations before the 
 birth of Hercules, the son of Amphitryon, in Greece. The 
 result of these researches makes manifest the high antiquity of 
 the god Hercules. Those Greeks therefore, as I think, do 
 well who consecrate two temples to Hercules, one to the 
 Immortal, sirnamed the Olympian, whom they worship with 
 sacrifices ; the other to the hero, whom they celebrate with a 
 festival. The Greeks, indeed, inconsiderately affirm many 
 other things on this subject; as for instance, the following- 
 foolish story, concerning Hercules. They say that when he 
 arrived in Egypt, the Egyptians crowned him, and led him 
 forth in solemn triumph, to be immolated to Jupiter. At first 
 he resigned himself quietly to them ; but when they brought 
 him near the altar, he put forth his strength, and slew them 
 all. Now it seems to me that those Greeks who relate this 
 story prove their utter ignorance, both of the native character, 
 and of the institutions of the Egyptians, with whom it is not 
 
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SUPERSTITIONS. 125 
 
 lawful to sacrifice any living thing-, excepting sheep, bulls, 
 and calves, and of these such only as are clean ; and geese 
 also ; — how then should they sacrifice men ? Besides, 
 Hercules being but one, and only a man, as they say, how 
 should he have the power to slaughter thousands ? So much 
 for these matters, which I hope both gods and heros will take 
 in good part ! 
 
 Those of the Egyptians who do not sacrifice goats, male or 
 female, give this reason. — The Mendesians number Pan 
 among the eight gods ; and these eight, gods, they say, were 
 the first of the twelve gods that came into being. Painters 
 and sculptors delineate and carve the image of Pan as the 
 Greeks do, with the face of a she-goat, and with the legs of 
 a ram. Not that they" think him to have this form; for they 
 believe him to be like the other gods. For what reason they 
 thus represent him, it would be disagreeable to me to men- 
 tion.* The Mendesians reverence all goats; but chiefly the 
 rams, and therefore goat-herds enjoy peculiar honours, and 
 when he who is chief among them dies, the whole Mendesian 
 plain is given up to lamentations. In the Egyptian tongue, 
 both a goat and Pan are called Mendes. The Egyptians , 
 deem the hog a foul animal, and therefore if any one, in 
 passing, does but touch this animal with his garments, he goes 
 instantly into the river, and washes ; and for the same reason 
 swine-herds, and these only, though native Egyptians, are 
 excluded from all the temples of the land; nor will any one 
 give a swine-herd his daughter in marriage, nor take one of 
 his to wife. The swine-herds therefore intermarry only with 
 their own class. It is not permitted to sacrifice a pig to the 
 other gods ; but to Luna and Bacchus only, at the same time 
 — the time of full-moon, they sacrifice pigs, and eat of the 
 flesh. Why they abhor offerings of swine in their other 
 festivals, and in this should sacrifice them, is indeed explained 
 by the Egyptians; but though I know the reason they assign, 
 I think it not fit to be mentioned. The sacrifice of swine to 
 Luna is thus performed : — the end of the tail and the spleen 
 
 * Ov [xol ijhov e<rn Xeyar. 
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12G DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 are wrapped together in the omentum by the worshipper, and 
 covered with all the fat of the belly, and thus burned. The 
 rest of the flesh is eaten at the time of the same full moon ; 
 but on no other day would it be tasted* The indigent, who 
 from poverty cannot do this, mould pigs of dough, which they 
 bake and sacrifice. 
 
 On the eve of the feast of Bacchus, every man kills a pig 
 before the door of his house, and then gives it to be carried 
 away to the swine-herd of whom he received it. The 
 Egyptians celebrate another feast of Bacchus, which, excepting 
 the swine,, is in all respects nearly the same as that observed 
 by the Greeks. With all these ceremonials it seems to me 
 that Melampus, son of Amythaon, was not unacquainted, for 
 it was he who taught the Greeks the name and worship of 
 Bacchus ; yet neither did he fully make known these matters, 
 which certain philosophers, better informed, afterwards ex- 
 plained at large. I affirm then that Melampus, being a sage, 
 and having accomplished himself in the art of divination, and 
 acquired the learning of the Egyptians, communicated much 
 of what he had learned to the Gpeks, and among other 
 things, this worship of Bacchus, in which he made few alter- 
 ations. For I say it was not by mere fortuity that the same 
 ceremonies were practised at once in Egypt and in Greece, in 
 the worship of this deity : if so, those observed in Greece 
 would have been analogous to the customs of that people, and 
 not lately introduced. And again, I utterly deny that the 
 Egyptians received this, or indeed any other usage, from the 
 Greeks. But I believe that Melampus learned what relates 
 to the worship of Bacchus from Cadmus, the Tyrian, "and 
 from those who came with him from Phoenicia, and settled in 
 the country now called Bceotia. 
 
 Almost all the names of the gods came into Greece from 
 Egypt. For, upon inquiry, I have found that they are 
 foreign (from the barbarians) and I think, for the most part, 
 from Egypt : for as I have already said, excepting Neptuue, 
 and the Dioscures, Juno, Vesta, Themis, and the Graces and 
 the Nereids, the names of all the other gods have existed 
 from the remotest ages in Egypt. I report at least what the 
 
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THEOLOGY* 127 
 
 Egyptians themselves told me. And those gods, of whom 
 they profess not to know the names, received appellations, as 
 I think, from the Pelasgians :•— Except Neptune, for the 
 knowledge of this god came from Libya; for the name of 
 Neptune existed anciently among no people but the Libyans, 
 who have always honoured him as a god. As to the Heros, 
 the Egyptians do not celebrate their festivals. 
 
 These and some other practices, which I shall mention, the 
 Greeks received from the Egyptians ; but some also from the 
 Pelasgians, who taught them first to the Athenians, and they 
 to the rest of the Greeks. For the Pelasgians and Athenians 
 who were then first numbered among the Greeks, occupied 
 together the same region, whence it happened that the former 
 also were reckoned to be Greeks. Whoever has learned the 
 orgies of the Cabiri, as practised by the Samothracians, will 
 acknowledge the truth of what I affirm : for those Pelasgians 
 who dwelt with the Athenians, at first occupied Samothracia, 
 and from them the Samothracians learned these rites. The 
 Pelasgians formerly offered with their prayers, sacrifices of 
 all things to the gods ; as I learned at Dodona. But they 
 gave no title or name to any of them ; nor indeed had they 
 heard of any such appellations. They designated them only 
 as Theoi (founders) because by them all things were esta- 
 blished and distributed throughout the world. But after a 
 long course of time, they learned the names of the gods from 
 Egypt, and last of all that of Bacchus. At length they con- 
 sulted the oracle of Dodona concerning these appellations. 
 This oracle of Dodona, the most ancient of all, was at that 
 time the only one in Greece. When therefore the Pelasgians 
 enquired at Dodona — " Whether they should admit the ap- 
 pellations coming from abroad?" The oracle replied, "Use 
 them." From that time therefore in their worship they have 
 used the names of the gods : — afterwards the Greeks received 
 them from the Pelasgians. 
 
 Whence sprang each of the gods; — or whether they were 
 all from eternity ; — what were their qualities, and what their 
 appearances, was not known among us before yesterday, so to 
 speak. For Hesiod and Homer, whom I reckon my elders 
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128 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 by not more than four hundred years, were the first who 
 framed a Theogony for the Greeks, and bestowed appellations 
 upon the gods, and distributed among them their several 
 honours and functions, and indicated their forms. The poets 
 said to have lived before these, were, in my opinion, after 
 them. What I first mentioned I learned from the priestesses 
 of Dodona ; but the opinion relative to Homer and Hesiod is 
 my own. 
 
 Concerning the oracles, as well that of Greece as that of 
 About Libya, the Egyptians speak as follows. — The priests of the 
 19 ' 80 ' Theban Jupiter say, that two women, who were priestesses, 
 were carried off by the Phoenicians, of whom one is known to 
 have been sold into Libya, and the other into Greece; and 
 these women were the first founders of the oracles established 
 in the said countries. When I inquired whence it was that 
 they obtained this accurate information, they replied — " That 
 a diligent search had been made after these women, who, for 
 a long time, could not be found ; but at length the particulars 
 that have been mentioned, were learned." Such was the 
 account I received from the Theban priests ; but the Dodonian 
 prophetesses give the following account. — " Two black pigeons 
 flew from the Egyptian Thebes — one to Libya, while the 
 other came to themselves. This pigeon perching on a beech 
 tree, spoke with the voice of man, and pronounced that there 
 was to be on that spot an oracle of Jupiter. The Dodonjeans 
 believing that this was a divine annunciation, addressed to 
 them, fulfilled the injunction." They say also that the pigeon 
 which flew away to Libya, commanded the Libyans to in- 
 stitute the oracle of Ammon; for that also is an oracle of 
 Jupiter. This is the relation given me by the Dodonaean 
 priestesses, of whom the eldest is named Promenea, the next 
 Timarete, and the youngest Nicandra. The Dodonasans who 
 attend at the Temple (agreed in the same story. My own 
 opinion of which is as follows. — If indeed the Phoenicians 
 carried away the holy women, of whom, as they say, one was 
 sold into Libya, the other into Greece, I think this last was 
 sold into that part of Greece, formerly called Pelasgia — 
 which the Thesprotians occupy, where having been in servi- 
 
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THE EGYPTIANS. 12f) 
 
 tude, she erected a chapel to Jupiter, under a beech tree. It 
 was natural that a woman who had ministered in the temple 
 of Jupiter at Thebes, and had come from thence, should bring 
 with her a recollection of that deity, and that having ac- 
 quired the Greek tongue, she should establish there an 
 oracle. And it is probable that she said that her sister had 
 been sold into Libya by the same Phoenicians. It seems to 
 me moreover, that this woman was called a pigeon by the 
 Dodonaeans, because she spoke a foreign tongue, and seemed 
 to them to utter sounds like the chattering of birds. But after 
 a time, as they say, the pigeon spoke with the voice of human 
 kind; that is to say, she spoke a language understood by 
 themselves ; whereas while she spoke a foreign language, she 
 seemed to them to chatter like a bird. For how could it be 
 that a pigeon should speak with the voice of a man? In 
 saying that the pigeon was black, they signified that the 
 woman was an Egyptian. The manner of prophesying is the 
 same at Dodona, as at the Egyptian Thebes. The art of 
 divination from victims is of Egyptian origin, and there also, 
 first, were instituted sacred assemblies, and processions, and 
 common supplications ; and from them the Greeks learned 
 these institutions, of which this is proof to me, that they have 
 been practised in Egypt from remote times, but in Greece 
 only of late. 
 
 The Egyptians convoke religious meetings, not once, but 
 frequently in the year. This is done with peculiar zeal at 
 Bubastis, in honour of Diana ; then at Busiris, to Isis, to 
 whom there is a vast temple consecrated in that city, which is 
 founded in the centre of the Delta. — Isis, in the Greek tongue 
 i S) — Mother Earth — (Ceres.) The third in rank of these 
 convocations is held at Sais, and is devoted to Minerva ; — 
 the fourth, at Heliopolis, to the Sun;— the fifth at Butos, to 
 Latona;— and the sixth at Papremis, to Mars. The festival 
 at Bubastis is conducted in the following manner. — Men and 
 women together, in great numbers, sail in barges of all sorts. 
 During the voyage some of the women make a clatter with 
 rattles, and men play the flute, while the rest, both men and 
 women, sing and clap their hands. As often, in the course of 
 (60) K 
 
130 DRSCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 the voyage, as they approach any town they haul the barges 
 ashore ; — and then some of the women do as I have said, while 
 others utter taunts, and bawl at the women of the place ; 
 others dance, and put themselves in strange attitudes. — All 
 this is repeated at every city near which they sail. When they 
 reach Bubastis, they celebrate a feast, and offer great sacri- 
 fices, during which more wine of the vine is consumed than in 
 all the year besides. Such is the description given of this 
 festival by the people themselves ; and on this occasion there 
 are assembled, as the natives report, 700,000 (or 70,000) men 
 and women, besides children. 
 
 I have already related (c. 40, p. 121.) how the festival of 
 Isis is celebrated at Busiris. Men and women, a countless 
 multitude, beat themselves and lament after the sacrifice ; but 
 it is not permitted to me to say for whom they do this.* The 
 Carians who reside in Egypt carry this ceremony to a still 
 greater extreme ; for they actually cut their foreheads with 
 knives, thereby making it evident that they are strangers, not 
 Egyptians. When they assemble for sacrifices at Sais, on a 
 certain night, they all hang many lights abroad round their 
 houses : — these lamps are filled with salt and oil ; and on the 
 surface floats a wick which burns all night. This is called the 
 feast of lamp-lighting. Nor is it confined to those who 
 assemble at Sais; for the Egyptians throughout the land 
 observe the night of this sacrifice by similar illuminations. 
 A religious reason is given for the blazing honours bestowed 
 upon this night. At Heliopolis and Butos the congregations 
 perform sacrifices only. But at Papremis, sacrifices and 
 sacred rites, as elsewhere. As the sun declines a few of the 
 priests are occupied around the image of the god ; while 
 a multitude bearing wooden clubs, station themselves at the 
 entrance of the temple : others, in number more than a thou- 
 sand, who have vows to accomplish, stand about also ; each 
 bearing a club. The image which is kept in a small chapel of 
 wood overlaid with gold, is, on the eve of the festival, brought 
 into another sacred edifice. The few priests who remain with 
 the image draw a four-wheeled carriage, on which is placed 
 the shrine, and the image it contains ; but the priests who 
 
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ANIMALS. 131 
 
 occupy the entrance refuse it admission within the temple : 
 then the devoted priests advancing to aid the god, strike 
 them ; and so a fierce contest with cluhs ensues : — skulls are 
 fractured: and, as I believe, many die of the wounds they 
 receive. The Egyptians indeed affirm that no one is actually 
 killed. 
 
 The natives affirm this festival to have been instituted on 
 the following occasion : — they say that the mother of Mars 
 inhabited this temple, and that Mars who was nursed from 
 home, when he grew up, wished to converse with his mother ; 
 but her attendants, not having seen him before, suffered him 
 not to pass, and forbad his entrance. He then, taking with 
 him men from another city, violently attacked the attendants, 
 and made his way to his mother. Hence arose the custom of 
 beating in the feast of Mars. The Egyptians first of all men 
 observed decencies in the temples : which elsewhere are not 
 attended to, except by them and the Greeks : for other na- 
 tions have conducted themselves in the very temples of their 
 gods in a manner which they can excuse only by taking beasts 
 as their examples. But the Egyptians, in this and other 
 instances, conduct their religious services with more pro- 
 priety. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 ANIMALS OF EGYPT. 
 
 Egypt, though bordering on Libya, does not abound with 
 wild animals. All such that are found are deemed sacred ; 
 and some are reared with men, others not. If I were to give 
 the reasons of these consecrations, I must enter upon religious 
 discussions, which I have professed especially to avoid, and 
 which I have introduced only when compelled by my subject 
 to do so. Their law relative to wild animals is as follows :— 
 (65) K 2 
 
]32 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 Among- the Egyptians there are certain persons — men and 
 women, who are the appointed guardians of the several species 
 of animals ; and this dignity descends from father to son. 
 The inhabitants of towns fulfil their vows in this manner : — 
 when they pray to the god to whom the animal belongs, they 
 shave the heads of their children — the whole — one half, or a 
 third, and weigh the hair against silver : the amount is given 
 to the guardian of the animals, who therewith purchases 
 scolloped fish for their food : — for this is the provision assigned 
 to them. If any man wilfully kills one of these animals, he 
 pays the forfeit of his life: — if unwittingly, he lays down 
 such a fine as the priests shall please to appoint. But. he who 
 kills an ibis or a hawk — wilfully or not, must of necessity 
 die for it. Very many animals are domesticated in Egypt, 
 and the number would be greater than it is, if the increase of 
 cats were not lessened, as it is said, by the male of that species 
 destroying the young. "When a fire happens the fate of the 
 cats is a matter of pious solicitude ; for the Egyptians, allowing 
 the conflagration to consume what it may, range themselves 
 so as to take best care of the cats ; while these — to the infinite 
 grief of the people, slipping aside, or leaping over the heads 
 of their protectors, tumble into the flames. In whatever 
 house a cat dies by a natural death, all the inmates shave their 
 eye-brows ; but when a dog dies they shave entirely. Dead 
 cats are taken to the sacred asylums at Bubastis, where they, 
 are embalmed, and receive sepulture. But dogs are buried in 
 the consecrated repositories of their own cities : and in like 
 manner are interred ichneumons ; while shrew-mice, and 
 hawks, are carried to Butos : — the ibis, sacred to Mercury, to 
 the city of Mercury — Hermopolis. Bears, which are rare, 
 and wolves — a species not much larger than foxes, are buried 
 wherever they may be found. 
 
 The following particulars relating to the crocodile may be 
 mentioned. These animals eat nothing during the four most 
 winterly months. They are quadrupeds, and frequent both 
 land and water. The female lays and hatches its eggs 
 ashore, and passes the greater part of the day on dry land ; 
 but the whole night in the river : for the water is then warmer 
 
 (68) 
 
THE CROCODILE. 133 
 
 than this air and the dew. Of all mortal creatures known to 
 Us, this, from being the smallest becomes the largest ; for the 
 egg is not much bigger than that of a goose ; and the young 
 one is in proportion. But when it attains its full size it mea- 
 sures seventeen cubits, and sometimes more. It has the eyes 
 of a hog; — teeth projecting, and large in proportion to the 
 size of the body. It is the only animal that is destitute of a 
 tongue ; and unlike all other creatures, the lower jaw is im- 
 moveable, while the upper rises and falls. Its talons are of 
 prodigious magnitude ; its hide scaly, and on the back im- 
 penetrable. The crocodile is blind in the water : but very 
 quick-sighted out of it. Frequenting the water so much, the 
 inside of its mouth is infested with leeches : other creatures, 
 both birds and beasts avoid it ; but with a small bird named 
 the trochilus, to which it owes a debt of gratitude, it lives in 
 amity ; for when the crocodile ascends from the water, and 
 yawns, which most often he does towards the western breeze, 
 the trochilus getting into his mouth, devours the leeches ; 
 while he, well pleased with the service, hurts not the bird. 
 With some of the Egyptians the crocodile is sacred ; while 
 others pursue him as an enemy. The inhabitants of the 
 Thebais and of the shores of the lake Moeris, regard them 
 with the highest veneration. Each person rears a crocodile 
 which they train to the hand, and from its ears suspend clustered 
 jewels and gold, and encircle the fore-feet with rings : he is 
 fed with the utmost possible delicacy and care upon bread 
 and the flesh of victims, and when he dies he is embalmed and 
 placed in some consecrated repository. But those who inhabit 
 the territory of Elephantine, eat the crocodile, which they con- 
 sider to be not at all sacred. This animal is called in Egypt 
 not crocodile, but champsa: — the former appellation having 
 been given it by the Ionians, on account of its resemblance to 
 the lizard, which they find in their hedges. Crocodile hunting 
 is conducted in various modes ; that which to me seems the 
 most worthy of being described, is as follows : — having baited a 
 hook with the chine of a pig, the huntsman lets it down into the 
 mid-stream of the river, while he stands on the brink, having 
 with him a living pig, which he strikes ; the crocodile hearing 
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134 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 the cry, follows the sound, and meeting the chine, swallows it : 
 the people then draw him ashore ; when he is brought to land, 
 the huntsman fist of all blinds his eyes with mud ; in which, 
 if he succeeds, he easily accomplishes his object; but if not, 
 with difficulty. 
 
 The hippopotamus is deemed sacred in the district of 
 Papremis; but not so to the other Egyptians. The nature 
 and appearance of this animal are these. — It is a quadruped, 
 and cloven-footed: — having the hoof like an ox: — the nose 
 flat :— the mane of a horse ; the teeth exposed and projecting : 
 — the tail and the voice like a horse. In size he equals the 
 very largest ox : his hide is so dense that, when dried, polished 
 javelins are made of it. The river produces also otters, which 
 are deemed sacred. Of all fishes those chiefly venerated are, 
 that called lepidotus and the eel ; which, as they say, are the 
 holy personages of the Nile. Among (water) birds the fox- 
 goose holds the first rank. Yet there is another sacred bird 
 called the phoenix, which indeed I have never seen, except in 
 paintings; for they come but rarely — not oftener (as the 
 Heliopolitans affirm) than once in five hundred years. He 
 then comes, they say, on the death of his father. The figure 
 of this bird, if he resembles his picture, may be thus described : 
 — his wings are . golden and red : in size and appearance he 
 greatly resembles an eagle. The phoenix is said — but for my 
 own part I give no faith to the story, to act as follows : — He 
 comes flying from Arabia to the temple of the sun, bearing 
 (the body of) his father, conclosed in myrrh, which he buries 
 in that temple. He brings him, it is said, in this manner: — 
 first he moulds an egg of myrrh, as large as he is able to bear, 
 and makes a trial of bearing it : — having proved his power to 
 transport the mass, he hollows out the egg, and places his 
 father in the cavity ; this done, he fills up the excavation with 
 more myrrh, so as to make the weight of the whole equal to 
 what it was before. All being plastered up, away he goes 
 with his burden, to the temple of the sun in Egypt. Such, 
 say they, are the performances of this bird. 
 
 There are about Thebes sacred serpents entirely innoxious to 
 man. They are of diminutive size, and have two horns sprout- 
 
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WINGED SERPENTS. 135 
 
 ing from the crown of the head, and when they die, they are 
 buried in the temple of Jupiter, to whom they are said to be 
 sacred. There is a district of Arabia, opposite nearly to 
 Butos, which I visited, in order to inform myself relative to 
 the winged serpents. When I arrived, I beheld the ske- 
 letons of serpents, an ineffable multitude : — the heaps 
 of spines, were some larger, some less, and many smaller. 
 This district where the spines are scattered about, is an exit 
 from between mountains : the defile opens upon an extensive 
 plain, which borders upon the plain of Egypt. The story goes, 
 that in the spring the winged serpents fly from Arabia towards 
 Egypt, when they are encountered in this pass by the birds— 
 ibis, which suffer them not to proceed, but kill them. It is 
 for this achievement, as the Arabians say, that the Egyptians 
 hold the ibis in so much honour ; and indeed they themselves 
 acknowledge that they honour these birds on this account. 
 The ibis may be thus described : — It is all over of a deep 
 black ; it has the legs of a stork ; the bill crooked, and in size 
 equal to that of the crex : — this is the form of the black ibis 
 which fights with the serpents ; but the species — for there are 
 two — which most besets the haunts of man, has the head, in 
 part, and the neck quite bare ; the plumage white, except that 
 of the head, throat, and extremities of the wings and tail, 
 which, as I said, are all deep black ; the legs and beak re- 
 semble those of the other species. As to the form of the serpent 
 (above mentioned) it is much like a water snake : it sustains 
 its flight, not with wings like a bird, but rather with mem- 
 branes, such as those of the bat. So much for the sacred 
 animals of Egypt, j 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 HABITS AND USAGES OF THE EGYPTIANS. 
 
 Those of the Egyptians who inhabit the arable part of the 
 (77) k 4 
 
130 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 country are, of all men, the most eminent in storing the 
 memory, and by far the most erudite of any persons with 
 whom I have made acquaintance. The regimen they observe 
 is as follows. — In pursuit of health they take a variety of 
 strong medicines during three successive days of every month, 
 believing that diseases of all kinds to which man is liable 
 arise from the repletion of food. The Egyptians, next to the 
 Libyans, are indeed of all men the most healthy. This, in my 
 opinion, is attributable to their climate, which is not variable : 
 for it is by changes, chiefly, that diseases are produced among 
 men ; and of all changes, those of the weather are the most 
 injurious. They subsist upon cakes, called cyllestes, made 
 of the olyris (spelt or rye) and drink wine, prepared from 
 barley ; for the vine does not grow in that district. Fish is 
 used for food, of which some is eaten raw, being only dried 
 in the sun, and some corned in brine. Of birds also they 
 eat the quail, the duck, and smaller kinds, not otherwise 
 cooked than by being cured. But other birds and fishes — 
 excepting always those deemed sacred, they eat either baked 
 or boiled. 
 
 In the convivial meetings of the rich, when sapper is 
 ended, there is borne about the image of a corpse, placed in 
 its coffin, carved and painted as near as possible to the reality, 
 and in length one cubit, or sometimes two. This is presented 
 to each of the guests, and he is thus addressed — " Looking 
 at this, drink and be merry ; for such shall you be after 
 death." — Such is the practice at feasts. The Egyptians are 
 too much attached to the customs of their ancestors to adopt 
 any others. Among other things remarkable is a certain 
 ballad, which is sung in Phoenicia, also in Cyprus, and else- 
 where ; each people giving to it a name of their own : it 
 is very much the same as that sung by the Greeks, and called 
 by them Linus ; and while many things I met with in Egypt 
 perplexed me, so this — whence the Egyptians received this 
 song, for it seems certain that it has been in use among them 
 from the most remote ages. The name they give it is 
 Mancros; and they say that the first king of Egypt had an 
 only son so namod, who died a minor, and that these lamenta- 
 
 (79) 
 
USAGES. 137 
 
 tions arc in honour of him. This is the first and the only ode 
 extant among- them.* 
 
 In one particular alone the Egyptians resemble some of the 
 Greeks — namely the Lacedaemonians — their youth in meeting 
 the aged, yield and give them the path, and rise from their 
 places when their seniors enter. In this they are utterly 
 unlike the rest of the Greeks. Instead of a salutation, the 
 Egyptians, in meeting, do reverence to each other, dismissing 
 the hand to the knee. They wear linen garments, having, 
 about the legs, fringes called calasires : over all they throw 
 a cloak of white woollen cloth. — Yet they never wear woollen 
 garments in entering the temples ; nor are they buried in that 
 material, which would be thought unholy. These observances 
 are similar to those called the Orphaean, and the Bacchaean, 
 in which the Egyptians agree with the Pythagoreans. For 
 to none initiated in these rites, is it lawful to be buried in 
 woollen ; and a religious reason is given for the observance. 
 Other institutions of this people may be mentioned. Each 
 month and day is dedicated to one of the gods. They also,, 
 in observing the day of a man's birth, predict what will befal 
 him — how he will die — and what sort of person he will be. 
 Some of the Greek poets have followed the same practices. 
 More prodigies have been noted by the Egyptians than by all 
 other men besides ; for whenever a prodigy occurs, they 
 write it down, and preserve an account of the corresponding- 
 event ; and if afterwards any thing similar happens, they 
 anticipate what will take place. Their opinion relative to 
 divination is this : — they think the art is possessed by no 
 mortal, but by certain of the gods only. They have therefore 
 among them oracles of Hercules, of Apollo, of Minerva, 
 of Diana, of Mars, of Jupiter; and that which above all 
 the rest is esteemed by them, the oracle of Latona at Butos. 
 The manner of giving responses at these several oracles is 
 different at each. 
 
 The medical art is thus distributed by the Egyptians ; — 
 every disease has a physician to itself, who cures nothing else : 
 all places are filled therefore with medical practitioners; — for 
 there are doctors of the eyes, and doctors of the liead, and 
 (84) 
 
138 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 doctors of the teeth, and of the stomach, and of all inward 
 complaints. Their lamentations and funerals are conducted 
 in the following manner. — On the demise of a man of re- 
 spectability, all the females of the household cover their 
 heads, and even faces with mud ; and then leaving the corpse 
 at home, traverse the city, lamenting, with their loins girt, and 
 their bosoms bare. With them follow all the relatives. The 
 men lament by themselves ; they also girded. This done, 
 they carry the dead to be embalmed. There are certain per- 
 sons who practise this art. These, when they receive the 
 corpse, exhibit to the persons who bring it, wooden models of 
 bodies, painted to resemblance as patterns. The most elabo- 
 rate of these models represents, they say, him whose name 
 on this occasion I do not think it lawful to mention.* The 
 second model is of an inferior kind, and cheaper ; and the 
 third is still less costly. These models being set forth, the 
 embalmer asks — to which pattern they will have the dead 
 prepared. The relatives agreeing as to the price to be paid, 
 depart. The embalmers then proceed, at their own home, 
 with their work, as follows — if the most costly method is to 
 be practised. In the first place, with an iron hook, they ex- 
 tract the brains by the nose, or what remains by drugs injected. 
 Then, with a sharp Ethiopian stone, they open the body, from 
 which they remove all the contents; and having cleansed 
 them, and suffused palm wine, they inject pounded aromatics. 
 Then filling the cavity with pure bruised myrrh, and cassia, 
 and other aromatics, excepting frankincense, they sow it up, 
 and afterwards corn it in nitre, in which it lies seventy days ; 
 longer is not permitted. This time elapsed, the body is washed, 
 and then bound about with bandages of fine linen (cotton) 
 bespread with gum, which the Egyptians in most things use 
 instead of glue. The relatives having received the body thus 
 prepared, enclose it in a wooden case, which they make in re- 
 semblance of the human form. When so enclosed, they con- 
 sign it, as a treasure, to the family sepulchre, placing it erect 
 against the wall. This is the most costly mode of preserving 
 the dead. 
 
 Those who, to avoid excessive expence, choose the middle 
 
 (87) 
 
EMBALMING THE DEAD. 139 
 
 mode, have their relatives embalmed in the following manner. 
 The body, instead of being opened and embowelled, is filled 
 with an oil drawn from the cedar, and then steeped the 
 allotted time in nitre; after which the injection, by its effi- 
 cacy, clears the cavity of its contents, while the nitre has 
 dissolved the flesh, leaving to the corpse only the skin and 
 bones. This done, they deliver it to the relatives, without 
 bestowing upon it further pains. The third method of em- 
 balming, practised only for the most indigent, consists 
 in cleansing the body with drugs, and corning it the seventy 
 days; after which it is delivered to those who remove it. 
 Women of distinction are not carried to the embalmers till 
 three or four days after death. If any one, whether an Egyptian 
 or a stranger, is torn by a crocodile, or has perished in the 
 river, when the body is found, the people of the city near 
 which it lies, are bound, by an irrevocable necessity, to em- 
 balm it, and bury it with honour in the consecrated reposi- 
 tories. Nor is it lawful for any one, except the priests of the 
 Nile, not even the relatives or friends of the deceased, to 
 touch the body : — and these priests handle and bury it as if 
 it were something more than the corpse of a man. 
 
 The Egyptians avoid adopting the customs of the Greeks, 
 indeed I may say of any other people whatever. Yet though 
 this is true of the Egyptians in general, there is a large city 
 called Chemmis, in the phtin of Thebes, near to Neapolis, 
 where there is a quadrangular temple, surrounded with palm- 
 trees, which is dedicated to Perseus, son of Danae. The 
 vestibule of this temple is formed of stones of prodigious 
 magnitude, upon which stand two colossal statues : within the 
 precincts there is a chapel, containing an image of Perseus. 
 The people of Chemmis affirm that Perseus frequently ap- 
 pears in that country, and often within the temple ; and then 
 one of the sandals he has worn is found, which measures two 
 cubits in length. When he appears — so they say — the whole 
 of Egypt is unusually productive. In his honour they cele- 
 brate a festival after the manner of the Greeks ; for they 
 have gymnastic games, with exercises of every kind ; and to 
 the victors they propose prizes of cattle, mantles, and skins. 
 
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140 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 When I inquired why Perseus was wont to appear to them 
 only, and why they distinguished themselves from all their 
 countrymen by celebrating gymnastic contests, they replied, 
 " that Perseus was a citizen of their's, both Danaus and 
 Lyncea, who sailed to Greece, being Chemmitans. Then 
 reckoning the genealogies of these, they found Perseus in the 
 line of descent. He, coming into Egypt, for the reason 
 assigned by the Greeks, brought from Libya the Gorgon's 
 head, and arrived among them acknowledging them all as 
 his kinsmen. For when he came into Egypt he had already 
 learned from his mother the name, Chemmis ; and they had 
 instituted gymnastic games to him at his command." 
 
 The customs before-mentioned are observed by all the 
 Egyptians inhabiting the country above the marshes; but 
 those who occupy the swampy levels, conform themselves to 
 the usages of all the other Egyptians. Among other things, 
 each man takes only one wife, like the Greeks. To augment 
 the supply of food, they have discovered the following means. 
 — When the inundation of the river is at its height, and the 
 fields are covered with a sheet of water, a multitude of lilies 
 grows in the water : this plant by the Egyptians is called the 
 lotus. These being reaped, are dried in the sun, and in the 
 centre of the lotus is what resembles a poppy seed, which being 
 pounded, is made into loaves, and baked. The root of the 
 lotus is also eatable, being of a mild sweetness : it is bulbous, 
 and about the size of an apple. There is also another spe- 
 cies of lily, not unlike the rose ; this likewise grows in the 
 river. The fruit of this plant is contained in a calix, grow- 
 ing on a separate stalk, from the same root, and is much like 
 the comb of wasps : in this are many grains, fit for food, in 
 size equal to the olive. These are eaten either green or dried. 
 Moreover the papyrus, which springs up yearly, when it is 
 gathered from the marshes, is used ; — the upper part being 
 cut off, is converted to various uses, while the lower part, 
 which is left about a cubit in length, is eaten, or sold. Those 
 who wish to taste the papyrus in perfection, have it baked in 
 a bright oven, and so eat it. Some of these Egyptians sub- 
 sist entirely upon fish, which, as soon as taken, are drawn 
 
 (92) 
 
PRODUCTIONS. ' 141 
 
 and dried in the sun ; and when so prepared are eaten, without 
 other cooking. 
 
 Gregarious fishes are not, for the most part, produced in 
 rivers ; but being bred in inlets, at a certain season of the 
 year, betake themselves to the open sea ; the males leading 
 the van : after a time they return to their proper haunts, the 
 females then taking the lead : when the young are spawned, it 
 is said the males devour the greater number, the species being- 
 continued by those that happen to escape. Fish of these 
 kinds, if taken on their way seaward, are found to be 
 bruised on the left side of the head ; but if caught when 
 returning towards the shallows, they are bruised on the 
 right side : which happens in this way ; — when they are 
 outward bound, they coast along with the shore on the 
 left ; but in returning they have it on the other side ; and 
 that they may not be carried out of their course by the 
 strength of the current, they press as near as possible upon 
 the bottom. When the Nile begins to rise, the hollows and 
 ditches in the lands near the river, as the water oozes into 
 them, are soon filled, and instantly almost all a these cavities 
 abound with small fish. The reason of which, as it seems to 
 me, may easily be given ; for as the Nile, in the preceding- 
 year, retires, the fish deposit their eggs in these cavities, and 
 themselves take their departure with the latest ebb : in the 
 returning season, no sooner does the water again come up, 
 than these deposited eggs vivify, and fill these pools with life. 
 So much for these fish. 
 
 The Egyptians inhabiting the borders of the marshes make 
 use of an ointment pressed from the fruit of the Sillicyprian 
 tree, called by them Kiki, which is thus obtained : — On the 
 margins of the river and of the lakes they plant this tree, 
 which in Greece grows spontaneously ; but when so cultivated 
 yields an abundance of fruit of a fetid smell : this, when 
 gathered, is either beaten and pressed, or toasted ; when the 
 oil runs from it, and is collected. It is a fat oil, and not less 
 proper for the lamp than that of the olive ; yet it diffuses a 
 strong odour. The means devised to avoid the gnats which 
 swarm in prodigious numbers, are these. Those who reside 
 (94) 
 
142 DESCRIPTION OF EGYPT. 
 
 at some elevation above the marshes, avail themselves of 
 towers which they ascend to sleep ; for the gnats, to avoid 
 the winds, do not fly high. While those who dwell on the 
 very margins of the marshes, instead of towers, practise an- 
 other contrivance. Every man possesses a net, which, during 
 the day, he employs in catching fish, and which at night he 
 uses in his bed-chamber, where he places it over his couch, 
 and so sleeps within it. For if any one sleeps wrapped in a 
 cloak or cloth, the gnats will bite him through it ; but they 
 never attempt to penetrate the net. 
 
 The Egyptians frame their vessels of burden from a species 
 of the thorn-tree, which in appearance much resembles 
 the lotus of Cyrene, from which a gum exudes in drops. 
 From this thorn they cut pieces of wood, of about two cubits 
 in length : these are put together in the manner of tiles, to 
 form the vessel. The pieces are connected by stout and long- 
 wooden pins. When the sides are thus formed, they place 
 transverse beams above, without using any ribs ; the joints 
 are stopped on the inner side with the papyrus. The rudder 
 is made to pass through the keel : — the mast is formed of the 
 thorn ; and the sails are of papyrus. These vessels are not 
 able to stem the current of the river, except with a wind 
 directly favourable ; but are drawn along from the shore. In 
 passing down the stream, the plan they adopt is this : — from 
 the tamarisk-tree is formed a shutter or hurdle, wattled with 
 reeds : they provide also a pierced stone weighing about two 
 talents. The hurdle is fastened crossways by a rope to the 
 bow of the vessel, and receives the current, while the stone is 
 suspended by another rope from the stern. The vessel or 
 barge, as it is called, is therefore borne swiftly along by means 
 of the hurdle ; while its course is directed by the stone 
 which hangs in deep water behind. The Egyptians have 
 great numbers of barges of this kind, and some of them carry 
 many thousand talents' burden. 
 
 When the Nile comes up upon the country, the cities only 
 are seen rising above the waters, and have an appearance very 
 much resembling that of the islands of the JEgean Sea : — all 
 .besides throughout Egypt is one expanse of water. While 
 
 (TO 
 
INUNDATION. 143 
 
 this continues, vessels no longer observe the channel of the 
 river, but take their course across the plains. Thus those 
 who pass from Naucratis to Memphis, sail by the Pyramids ; 
 whereas otherwise they would pass the point of the Delta, 
 by Cercasora : and thus also in sailing from the sea and 
 Canobis to Naucratis, you pass over the plain near the 
 cities called Anthylla and Archandrus. Anthylla is a 
 place of note, and its revenues are assigned always to the 
 wife of the reigning king of Egypt, for the purchase of her 
 shoes. This custom was established while Egypt was subject 
 to the Persians. The other city, just mentioned, seems tp 
 me to have received its name from the son-in-law of Danaus — 
 Archandrus of Phthia, son of Achaeus. There may indeed 
 have been some other Archandrus, who gave his name to the 
 city ; but assuredly the name is not Egyptian. 
 
 Thus far I have reported the result of my personal obser- 
 vations, or knowledge, or researches. I now proceed to re- 
 late the history of Egypt as I heard it from the people them- 
 selves ; with which however I shall mingle some things that 
 fell under my own inspection. 
 
 SECTION V 
 
 REMOTE HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 The priests affirm that the first king who reigned in Egypt B q^ 
 was Menes : he raised a dyke at Memphis ; for anciently the 2235 
 river flowed near the sandy hills which skirt Libya; but he, 2173. 
 filling up the river, at the turn it makes about a hundred 
 furlongs southward of Memphis, laid the old channel dry, 
 and led the stream mid-way between the mountains. And in- 
 deed in the time of the Persians, this elbow of the Nile, 
 where it is shut out by a dyke, was watched with especial 
 (99) 
 
144 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 care, being newly banked up every year; for if the river were 
 to break over this mound, all Memphis would be in danger 
 of inundation. This Menes — the first of the kings, having 
 drained the ground which he had secluded, founded on the 
 spot the city now called Memphis. Memphis is situated in 
 the narrowest part of Egypt. Without the city he dug a 
 reservoir from the river towards the north and west; for 
 towards the east it was bounded by the Nile itself. The 
 same monarch reared at Memphis a vast and justly renowned 
 temple of Vulcan. After him reigned 330 kings, whose 
 names the priests recounted to me from a record. In this long 
 Accession of princes there were included eighteen Ethiopians, 
 and one woman — a native Egyptian. The name of this 
 Egyptian queen was the same as that of the Babylonian 
 queen— Nitocris. It is reported of her that she signally 
 avenged her brother — a king whom the people had slain, 
 — transferring the sovereign authority to her. She pro- 
 cured her revenge in destroying many of the Egyptians 
 by a stratagem. — She caused a spacious subterraneous 
 hall to be excavated, and concealing her purpose, pro- 
 fessed that she had a new design to execute.* Then she 
 invited to a feast many of the Egyptians — those especially 
 whom she knew to have taken part in her brother's death : 
 while they were feasting, she let in the river, by a large but 
 secret canal, upon them. Such is the story of this queen, 
 concerning whom it is added that, as soon as she had accom- 
 plished her purpose, she withdrew into a sepulchre, f in order 
 to escape the vengeance of the people. Of the other kings 
 they related nothing memorable or illustrious, excepting only 
 1424. the last of them, named Mceris, who constructed the cele- 
 brated vestibule to the northern front of the temple of Vulcan. 
 He also dug a lake, the extent of which I shall presently 
 mention ; and in the midst of it raised two pyramids, which 
 I shall at the same time describe. The other kings left no 
 
 * The text seems altered in this place : the author probably wrote — 
 ' professing to construct a banquetting-room.' 
 
 t Literally—' she threw herself into a chamber filled with ashes.' 
 
 (101) 
 
SESOSTRIS. 145 
 
 signal hionuments of their reigns. Passing them by therefore, B. C. 
 we mention the monarch who succeeded them, named Sesostris. 
 This king first — as the priests affirmed — sending a fleet of ships 
 of war from the Arabian Gulph, subdued the nations inhabit- 
 ing the shores of the Red Sea. Proceeding onwards, he came 
 to a sea too full of shallows to be navigated. Returning thence, 
 as they say, he raised a large army, which he led through the 
 countries, subduing all that came in his way. Whenever he 
 met with a people who opposed him valiantly, and pertina- 
 ciously clung to their liberties, he erected columns in their 
 land, on which were inscriptions, setting forth his name, aal 
 descent, and how by his forces he had vanquished them. Bit 
 in those cities which he had taken easily, and without resist- 
 ance, he set up pillars, bearing inscriptions of the same im- 
 port; but accompanied with an ignominious emblem of the 
 womanish cowardice of the people. In this way he traversed 
 the continent, till he passed from Asia into Europe, subduing 
 as well the Scythians as the Thracians. And here, as I 
 think, the progress of the Egyptian army terminated ; for in 
 these regions are seen the columns just mentioned, but not 
 further. From thence, retracing his steps towards home, he 
 arrived at the river Phasis. Nor am I able certainly to 
 aifirm whether this king Sesostris himself settled a portion of 
 his army as a colony in this region, or whether a part of his 
 men, indignant at his wanderings, remained behind on the 
 margin of the Phasis. Yet the Colchians appear plainly to 
 be Egyptians. I say this as well from my own observation 
 as from the assertions of others. Being solicitous to dis- 
 cover the fact, I made inquiries of both people, and found 
 that the Colchians have more recollection of the Egyptians 
 than the Egyptians of the Colchians; yet the latter think 
 them to be of Egyptian extraction, and to have de- 
 scended from the army of Sesostris. This indeed I had 
 before conjectured, not merely because the Colchians are 
 black in complexion, and have woolly hair — for the same may 
 be said of some other nations ; but rather because of all men 
 none but the Colchians, the Egyptians, and the Ethiopians, 
 originally practised circumcision ; for the Phoenicians and 
 (104) h 
 
146 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 Syrians of Palestine, themselves acknowledge that they 
 learned this custom of the Egyptians. And the Syrians on 
 the banks of the Thermodon and Parthenius, and their 
 neighbours, the Macrones, profess that they have in this usage 
 only of late followed the Colchians. These then are the only 
 people circumcised, and these evidently have all herein followed 
 the Egyptians. But of the Egyptians and Ethiopians it cannot 
 be said which derived it from the other ; it seems to be of 
 high antiquity. That the nations above named learned it by 
 intercourse with the Egyptians, I am convinced from this cir- 
 4fcmstance, namely, that the Phoenicians who settle among the 
 (Treeks cease to do so ; and their descendants are never thus 
 distinguished. I will now mention another instance of simi- 
 larity between the Colchians and the Egyptians. These two 
 people alone fabricate linens in the same mode. Besides that 
 their mode of life, and their language are alike. The Colchian 
 linen is indeed by the Greeks called Sardinian, while that 
 brought from Egypt is named from the people who make it. 
 
 Of the columns erected in different countries by Sesostris, 
 few are now to be seen. Yet in the Syrian Palestine I myself 
 saw some bearing the above-mentioned inscription, and the 
 emblem of ignominy. And there are in Ionia two images 
 of this man, cut in the rock.* The one is seen in the road 
 from Ephesus to Phocaea ; and the other in that from Sardis 
 to Smyrna ; in both of them the figure is carved the height 
 of five spans, holding in the right hand a spear ; in the left, 
 a bow, and the habiliments agree therewith, being partly 
 Egyptian and partly Ethiopian. f From shoulder to shoulder, 
 across the chest, there is carved an inscription in the Egyptian 
 hieroglyphic character, to this effect : — " This region I ac- 
 quired with my arms." Who he was, or whence, is not there 
 made known ; but is elsewhere declared. And hence it has 
 happened that some persons, though very erroneously, in 
 seeing these sculptures, have imagined that they represented 
 Memnon. This Sesostris, as the priests relate, returning to 
 
 * Bas reliefs, probably similar to those of Persepolis. 
 t The bow was an Ethiopian weapon 
 
 (107) 
 
SESOSTRIS. 147 
 
 Egypt with captives from a multitude of cities and countries 
 he had conquered, was received at the Pelusian Daphne by 
 his brother, to whom he had committed the government of 
 Egypt. This brother inviting him and his sons to his home, 
 collected a quantity of wood around the house, and set fire 
 to it. Sesostris informed of this, forthwith consulted with 
 his wife, who accompanied him. She advised him, as he 
 had six sons, to take two of them, and lay them across the 
 burning materials as a bridge, over which the rest might pass, 
 and be saved. This Sesostris did : two therefore of his sons 
 were burned, while the others, with their father, escapejfc 
 When he regained his home, he avenged himself on ms 
 brother. 
 
 The host he led back with him from the conquered countries, 
 he employed in drawing those enormous stones which, in this 
 king's reign were collected at the temple of Vulcan. He also 
 compelled them to dig unwillingly all those trenches by which 
 Egypt is now intersected. Before this trenching, Egypt 
 everywhere was permeable by cavalry and chariots ; but since 
 that time, though a level region, it has become inaccessible to 
 horses and chariots, by reason of the infinity of canals 
 crossing it in every direction. The country was thus inter- 
 sected by the king for the benefit of those cities which were 
 situated at a distance from the river, and which, when the 
 inundation subsided, suffering the want of water, were obliged 
 to drink from brackish ponds. It is this king who is affirmed 
 to have parcelled out the whole of Egypt, bestowing a square 
 lot of equal size upon every man ; and upon each a certain tax 
 was imposed, to be paid yearly. If any one's lot happened to 
 be infringed upon by the river, he made known the fact to the 
 king, who despatched overseers to ascertain, by measurement, 
 how much such a parcel of land had lost, in order that in 
 future a proportionate part of the tribute might be remitted. 
 I am of opinion that from hence geometry took its rise, which 
 afterwards was introduced into Greece. For it was from the 
 Babylonians that the Greeks learned concerning the pole of 
 the earth— the solar gnomon, and the twelve parts of the day. 
 (109) h 2 
 
148 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 This king Sesostris, alone of the Egyptian monarchs, ruled 
 over Ethiopia. He left monuments of himself in figures of 
 stone, placed in front of the temple of Vulcan. Two of them, 
 representing himself and his wife, are thirty cubits high ; the 
 others are of his four sons, twenty cubits high. A long time 
 afterwards a priest of Vulcan refused to permit a statue of 
 Darius the Persian to be placed in front of these colossal 
 images. " For," said he, " the exploits of Darius are not 
 comparable to those of the Egyptian Sesostris, who, besides 
 conquering as many nations as the Persian, subdued also the 
 
 tthians, whom Darius was unable to reduce. It would not, 
 efore, be just to place in front of his statues, the image of one 
 ' whose deeds are inferior." Darius, it is said, excused this reply. 
 B # C. After Sesostris, his son Pheron is said to have ascended the 
 
 1357. throne. He undertook no military expedition ; but it hap- 
 pened to him to become blind in the following manner : — The 
 river rising at that time to the height of eighteen feet, and 
 overflowing the fields, there -happened a gale of wind, which 
 produced a swell of waves. The king, in a fit of passion, 
 seizing a spear, threw it into th0 midst of the billows. Pre- 
 sently his eyes were affected with disease, and he became 
 blind. Ten years he continued in this state. In the eleventh 
 year there came to him an oracular message from the city 
 Butos, to this effect — "That the time of his punishment was 
 expired, and he should see again, if he washed his eyes with 
 a lotion administered to him by a virtuous woman." He 
 therefore first sought the remedy from his own wife ; but 
 without effect : then he made trial of many others. At length 
 he found the expected cure ; when, bringing together all the 
 women who had afforded him no relief, he placed them in a 
 certain city, now called Erythrebolus (Red-soil) where, shut- 
 ing them up together, he burned them all with the city : he 
 afterwards married the woman by whose means he had re- 
 covered his sight. The offerings he made on this occasion 
 were various in all the more noted temples ; but that gift 
 which chiefly deserves record, as especially it attracts atten- 
 tion, consists of two obelisks, at the temple of the sun, each 
 
 (111) 
 
PROTEUS. 149 
 
 formed of a single stone, and each measuring a hundred 
 cubits in length, and eight in breadth. 
 
 The next monarch was, as it is said, a Memphian, who, in b. C. 
 the language of the Greeks, is called Proteus. The beautiful 1291 - 
 and well furnished sanctuary of this king is seen at Memphis, 
 on the southern side of the temple of Vulcan. Around this 
 sanctuary dwell certain Phoenicians of Tyre, and all this dis- 
 trict is called— the camp of the Tyrians. Within the sacred 
 precincts of Proteus, is an edifice named the Temple of the 
 foreign Venus : and I conjecture that this temple was dedi- 
 cated to Helen, daughter of Tyndarus, both because I have 
 heard that Helen lived with Proteus, and because that the 
 name — the Foreign Venus is a peculiar cognomen, or appel- 
 lation ; for among all the other temples of this goddess, none 
 is so designated. When I inquired of the priests concerning 
 Helen, they gave me the following account.— Alexander 
 (Paris) having carried off Helen, sailed for his own country. 
 But while passing the iEgsean sea, strong contrary winds drove 
 him into the Egyptian sea ; and not abating, carried him on 
 till he arrived in Egypt, at Tarichea, by the Canobian mouth 
 of the Nile. He came ashore near the temple of Hercules, 
 which still exists. — According to the law of the place, if any 
 man's servant took refuge in this temple, and received the 
 sacred stigmas — surrendering himself to the god, it was not 
 lawful for him to be laid hold of.* This law has continued 
 in force from its first institution to the present day. The 
 attendants of Paris being informed of the lav/ of this sanc- 
 tuary, fell away from him, and seated themselves as suppliants 
 to the god, intending to accuse and injure him, by relating his 
 conduct towards Helen, and the wrong he had done to Mene- 
 laus. This accusation they preferred, not only before the 
 priests, but in presence also of the warden of the river's mouth, 
 whose name was Thonis. This officer, hearing these things, 
 instantly despatched a message to Proteus, at Memphis, to 
 this effect :— " A stranger has arrived— by nation a Trojan ; 
 
 * See an allusion to this usage, Gal. vi. 17.— "Henceforward let no 
 man trouble me," &c. 
 
 (114) l 3 
 
150 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 but who has perpetrated a wicked deed in Greece, having 
 seduced the wife of his host, and leading her, and having also 
 immense treasures, has been borne by contrary winds upon 
 your coasts. — Shall we then suffer him to sail away unhurt; 
 or shall we seize what he has brought?" To this inquiry, 
 Proteus replied, " This man, whoever he may be, having thus 
 evil entreated his host ; — arrest, and bring him to me, that I 
 may know what he will say." 
 
 Thonis having received this answer, apprehended Paris, 
 and detained his ships, and then conducted him to Memphis, 
 with Helen and his treasures: he also brought the suppliants 
 (servants). .All being arrived, Proteus asked Paris who he 
 was, and where he had sailed. And he in reply declared his 
 family, and his country, and the course of his voyage. Proteus 
 then inquired whence he had taken Helen. Paris then pre- 
 varicated, and falsified his story, in which he was confuted by 
 the suppliants, who narrated all the circumstances of the 
 crime. In the end, Proteus pronounced this sentence — " If 
 it were not that I make it an inviolable rule not to put to death 
 any stranger who may have been driven upon my shores by 
 adverse winds, I would avenge upon you the quarrel of that 
 Greek. You ! — the most wicked of men, who, while receiving 
 hospitalities, have perpetrated the worst of all crimes — ap- 
 proaching the wife of your host : nor was that enough ; but 
 you stole and carried her away : nor did that even content 
 you ; but you come loaded with the spoils of your hosts' 
 house. Now since I must forbear to put a stranger to death, 
 I forbid you to take away this woman, or the treasures, which 
 I will retain for the Greek, in case he should wish to come 
 and take them away. As for yourself, and those who sail 
 with you, I enjoin you, within three days, to steer away from 
 my country, to some other. If not, I shall look upon you as 
 enemies." 
 
 Such were the circumstances under which, according to the 
 priests, Helen came to Proteus. And it seems to me, that 
 Homer had learned this story; yet not thinking it well suited 
 to the epic forms, he adopted another ; and yet in doing so, 
 makes it manifest that he was not ignorant of this. This 
 
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PROTEUS. 151 
 
 appears when, in the Iliad, (and no where else does he give a 
 different account,) he describes the wanderings of Paris with 
 Helen ; he mentions that he came, in the course of his various 
 journeyings to the Phoenician Sidon. He refers to this in 
 that part of the Iliad, entitled the Bravery of Dionied,* the 
 verses are as follow : — 
 
 " There lay the vestures of no vulgar art, 
 Sidonian maids embroidered every part, 
 Whom from soft Sidon youthful Paris bore, 
 With Helen touching on the Tyrian shore." 
 
 II. VI. 360. (Pope.) Gr. 289. 
 
 He mentions the same subject again in the Odyssey : — 
 
 " These drugs, so friendly to the joys of life, 
 Bright Helen learned from Thone's imperial wife ; 
 Who swayed the sceptre where prolific Nile 
 With various simples clothes the fattened soil." 
 
 Od. IV. 315. Gr. 227. 
 
 And again, where Menelaus addresses Telemachus : — 
 
 " Long on the Egyptian coast by calms confined, 
 Heaven to my fleet refused a prosperous wind : 
 No vows had we preferred, nor victims slain !" 
 
 Od. IV. 473. Gr. 351. 
 
 In these passages, the poet makes it evident that he 
 was acquainted with the fact, that Paris wandered into 
 Egypt. For Syria borders upon Egypt, and the Phoenicians 
 to whom Sidon belongs, inhabit Syria. From these verses, 
 and especially from the last, it appears that the Cyprian 
 poems are not Homer's, but of some other author : for in the 
 Cyprian poems it is said that, on the third day after leaving 
 Sparta, Paris arrived at Ilium, with Helen ; having had a 
 favourable wind and a smooth sea. Whereas, in the Iliad it 
 
 * The poems of Homer were anciently distributed into portions, 
 severally designated from the principal subject contained in them. 
 (117) l 4 
 
152 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 is said, that he led her by a devious course. So much for 
 Homer and the Cyprian verses. When I inquired of the 
 priests whether the account of the Trojan war given by the 
 Greeks was fictitious or not ; they said that the following facts 
 had been learned from Menelaus himself. 
 
 After the carrying away of Helen, a large army of Greeks, 
 espousing the cause of Menelaus, proceeded towards the Trojan 
 territory. Having disembarked, and formed their encamp- 
 ment, they despatched an embassy, in which Menelaus himself 
 was included, to Ilium. The ambassadors, when they entered 
 within the walls, demanded Helen, and the treasures stolen by 
 Paris ; as well as vengeance for the injury. To this demand the 
 Trojaus replied, by affirming what they have always since main- 
 tained — with and without oaths — that they had neither Helen 
 nor the treasures in question, which were all in Egypt ; and 
 that it was unjust that they should be required to undergo a 
 penalty on account of what was in possession of Proteus, the 
 Egyptian king. The Greeks thinking themselves mocked by the 
 Trojans, beseiged the city till they took it. When the for- 
 tification was captured, as Helen did not appear, and as they 
 still received the same declaration as at first, the Greeks at 
 last believed the statement, and therefore sent Menelaus to 
 Proteus. Menelaus arriving in Egypt, and sailing up to 
 Memphis, related all that had happened — was treated with 
 signal hospitality — received Helen unhurt, and with her, all 
 his treasures. And yet, though thus obliged, Menelaus evil- 
 requited the Egyptians. For being desirous to depart, and 
 the winds continuing a long time contrary, he perpetrated a 
 lawless deed — seizing two youths, the sons of Egyptians, he 
 sacrificed them as victims. When this became known, Mene- 
 laus being hated and pursued by the Egyptians, sailed away 
 towards Libya, and what course he took from thence, they 
 know not. With these events they professed themselves to be 
 accurately acquainted, partly by inquiries, and partly because 
 some of these circumstances had taken place among them- 
 selves. Such then is the account given me by the Egyptian 
 priests; and I am inclined to assent to so much of it as relates 
 to Helen, and I think that if she had indeed been in Troy, 
 
 (120) 
 
RAMPS1NITUS. 153 
 
 the Trojans would have delivered her to the Greeks, with or 
 without the consent of Paris. For truly, neither Priam nor 
 the members of his family were so infatuated as to put in peril 
 their own persons, their children, and their city, merely that 
 Paris might retain Helen as his wife. Or even if at the 
 first they had formed such a resolution, after many of the 
 Trojans, in every encounter with the Greeks, had perished; 
 and when, if the epic poets are to be believed, more than two 
 or three of the sons of Priam had fallen, I cannot but think 
 that, even if Helen had been the wife of Priam himself, he 
 would have surrendered her to the Greeks, to be freed from 
 the ills which pressed upon him. Nor may we suppose that 
 Priam being old, the royal authority was about to pass into 
 the hands of Paris ; for Hector was at once the eldest, and a 
 man much superior to his brother, and who, on the death of 
 Priam, would succeed him. And that Hector should yield to 
 his brother, whose conduct had been so iniquitous, and 
 thereby bring upon himself personally, and upon all the Tro- 
 jans, the heaviest calamities, is not at all probable. But 
 they had not Helen with them : yet in declaring this truth, 
 they were not believed by the Greeks. And this happened, 
 if I may declare my opinion, by the appointment of divine 
 providence, that so they, utterly perishing, might make it 
 evident to mankind, that the gods inflict great punishments 
 upon those who commit great crimes. This at least is the 
 light in which the facts appear to me. 
 
 To Proteus succeeded Rampsinitus, who, as a memorial b. C. 
 of his reign, left the western portico of the temple of Vulcan. 
 Opposite to this porch he placed two statues, five and twenty 
 cubits in height. The Egyptians give the name of summer 
 to the figure which stands on the northern side ; while they 
 call the other winter : — the former they worship and pro- 
 pitiate ; the other, on the contrary, they treat with contempt. 
 This king amassed, they say, an amount of riches which none 
 of his successors has been able to surpass, or even nearly to 
 equal.* Wishing to place his wealth in security, he erected 
 
 * If in making this translation I had thought myself at liberty to 
 excind the worthless portions of my author's work, I should certainly 
 
 (121) 
 
 1237. 
 
154 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 an edifice of stone, of which one of the walls formed the ex- 
 terior of the palace. The man who executed the work, 
 adopted the following contrivance. — He prepared a single 
 stone of the wall, which might readily be removed from its 
 place by two men, or even by one. The building being com- 
 pleted, the king deposited his treasures in it. After some 
 time had elapsed, the architect, being at the point of death, 
 summoned his sons — he had two — and to them declared in 
 what way he had provided for the competency of their future 
 lives, by the contrivance he had executed in building the 
 royal treasury. Then he accurately described to them the 
 mode of extracting the stone ; giving them its measurement, 
 and telling them that if they regarded his instructions, they 
 would become the dispensers of the royal treasures. The sons 
 did not long delay, after the death of their father, to set 
 themselves to the work. Approaching the palace by night, 
 they discovered the stone, easily removed it, and bore away 
 much of the treasure. When next the king happened to open 
 the treasury, he wondered to see the diminution of money 
 in the jars. Nor did he know whom to accuse; for the seals 
 were entire, and the treasury shut. After two or three 
 times opening the place, and seeing the treasure each time 
 diminished — for the thieves had not ceased to carry on their 
 depredations — he took this Course : — He commanded gins to 
 be made, and placed among the jars containing the money. 
 The plunderers, coming as before, one of them, in approach- 
 ing a jar, fell in, and was instantly detained by the trap : as 
 soon as he understood his misforture, he called his brother, 
 and telling him what was his situation, enjoined him imme- 
 diately to enter, and to cut off his head, lest being seen and 
 recognized, he, as well as himself, should miserably perish. 
 The other approving this counsel, obeyed, and then refitting 
 the stone, went home, carrying with him the head of his 
 
 have omitted the foolish story which occupies the following pages. The 
 reader may well save the time required to peruse it. Gibbon says with 
 truth — Herodotus writes sometimes for children, sometimes for philoso- 
 phers. 
 
 (121) 
 
RAMPSINITUS. 155 
 
 brother. As soon as it was day, the king entering the trea- 
 sury, was astounded on seeing the headless body of the thief 
 in the trap, while the building was untouched and neither 
 entrance nor exit could be seen. In his perplexity he adopted 
 the following measures. — He caused the body of the thief to be 
 suspended on the wall, and placing guards about it, commanding 
 them to seize and bring to him, any one whom they might 
 observe to weep, or express commiseration. The mother of 
 this youth was grievously distressed by the suspension of the 
 body, and conversed with her surviving son, whom she en- 
 joined, by any means that were practicable, to contrive to 
 unfasten and bring away the corpse of his brother : and she 
 threatened, that if he neglected to do so, she would herself go 
 to the king and make known to him in whose hands the trea- 
 sure was. Thus treated by his mother, and unable to move 
 her from her purpose, he had recourse to a stratagem. He 
 procured several asses, which he loaded with vessels filled with 
 wine, and then drove them along. When he came near the 
 guards who watched the suspended body, he drew the pendant 
 plugs of two or three of the vessels ; as the wine ran out, he 
 struck his head, and bawled aloud, as if he knew not towards 
 which of the asses he should first turn. The guards seeing so 
 much wine running out, rushed into the road, stayed the 
 vessels, and received the wine, thinking it a fortunate accident 
 for themselves. He feigning auger, reviled them all. The 
 guards endeavoured to soothe him, and at length he affected 
 to be softened, and to dismiss his wrath. In the end he drove 
 his asses out of the road, as if to set them again in order. 
 More conversation took place, and as the men began to jeer 
 and jest with him, he gave them one of the vessels of wine : 
 receiving this they turned aside, thinking only of emptying it. 
 They took hold therefore of the youth, and insisted upon his 
 remaining to drink with them : he seemed to be persuaded and 
 remained ; and they so civilly treated him in their potations that 
 he gave them another vessel of wine. The guards then drink- 
 ing profusely, became completely intoxicated, and presently 
 fell asleep on the spot where they had drunk. The youth, wheu 
 the night was far advanced, first disengaged the body of his 
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150 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 brother, and then, for mockery, shaved all their right cheeks. 
 This done, he placed the corpse upon the asses, and drove 
 them home:— thus accomplishing the behest of his mother. 
 The king was deeply chagrined to learn that the body of the 
 thief had been stolen ; and resolving by all means to discover 
 who it was that had executed these schemes, commanded his 
 own daughter to frequent public places, and to form acquaint- 
 ance indiscriminately with all she might meet, and to win from 
 them a confession of their most villainous and most astute 
 exploits ; and if any of those she met with should mention the 
 robbery in question, to detain him. The young thief becom- 
 ing acquainted with this plot, and being resolved in every way 
 to surpass the king in cunning, cut off the hand of a man 
 recently dead, which he concealed under his cloak. Thus pro- 
 vided he visited the king's daughter, and when she put to him 
 the question, he confessed that the most atrocious act he had 
 ever committed was the having cut off his brother's head, when 
 caught in a trap in the king's treasury ; — and the most cunning 
 deed, was the making the guards drunk, and so taking away 
 the suspended body of his brother. She hearing this, endea- 
 voured to seize the youth ; but the thief put forward the dead 
 hand, which she laid hold of, thinking to detain him : while 
 he, leaving it with her, escaped by the door and fled. When 
 this was related to the king he was amazed, both at the adroit- 
 ness and the audacity of the man, and in the end, sending a 
 herald from city to city, promised security and even handsome 
 entertainment to the man if he would present himself before 
 him. The thief confiding in the promise, came forward, and 
 Rampsinitus greatly admiring his ability, gave him his daughter 
 in marriage, deeming him the most expert of men : for as the 
 Egyptians were accounted to surpass in intelligence all man- 
 kind, so he, all the Egyptians. 
 
 After these events, this king, as the priests affirmed, de- 
 scended alive into that place beneath the earth where the 
 Greeks suppose Hades is situated; and there he played at 
 dice with Ceres, sometimes gaining the advantage, and some- 
 times losing the game. He again made his way to the upper 
 regions, having received from her, as a gift, a golden towel. 
 
 (122) 
 
CHEOPS. 157 
 
 This descent and return of Rampsinitus is, they Say, com- 
 memorated by the Egyptians in a festival, which indeed I 
 know to have been observed in my time ; but whether on this, 
 or some other account, I am not able to say. A mantle 
 woven the same day by the priests is worn by one of them, 
 whose eyes are bound with a turban. The other priests then 
 conduct him into the road leading- to the temple of Ceres, 
 and retire. This blinded priest, as they say, is conducted by 
 two wolves to the temple of Ceres, distant about twenty 
 furlongs from the city, and then is brought back from the 
 temple by the wolves to the same spot. Let every one believe 
 these Egyptian stories to whom they may appear credible. 
 For my own part I propose to myself, throughout this history, 
 only to report what I have heard from others. According to 
 the Egyptians, Ceres and Bacchus preside over the infernals ; 
 and the Egyptians also are the first who have maintained the 
 doctrine that the soul of man is immortal ; for they affirm, 
 that when the body perishes the soul enters always into some 
 other animal ; and when it has made the circuit of all ter- 
 restial and marine animals and birds, it, again puts on the 
 human body. This circuit, they say, is accomplished in 
 three thousand years. There are, among the Greeks, those 
 who have adopted this opinion — some earlier, others later, 
 and have professed it to be their own. The names of these 
 men I know, but refrain to mention. 
 
 Up to the time of Rampsinitus, and during his reign, all B c 
 Egypt, it is said, enjoyed the benefits of good government, and H82. 
 great prosperity. But he was succeeded by Cheops, who 
 hurried forward every wickedness : for he closed all the 
 temples ; and having first prohibited sacrifices, then com- 
 manded all the Egyptians to labour for himself. On some he 
 imposed the task of bringing stones from the Arabian quarries 
 to the Nile. These stones, being conveyed in barges across 
 the river, he obliged others to receive, and transport them as 
 far as what is called the Libyan mountain. These labours 
 they performed in companies of 100,000 men each, which was 
 relieved every three months. During ten years of the time in 
 which the people were thus oppressed, they formed a road, 
 (124) 
 
158 HISTORY OP EGYPT. 
 
 along which these stones were conveyed. And this work I 
 think was little inferior to the pyramid itself; for the length of 
 it was five furlongs, the width ten fathoms, and the height 
 eight fathoms, where the level is at the greatest elevation above 
 the ground. It is formed of polished stones, sculptured with 
 the figures of animals. Ten years we say were consumed in 
 forming this causeway, and a long period in excavating the 
 eminence on which the pyramids stand, where he constructed 
 a sepulchre for himself, in an island, made by leading the 
 waters of the Nile in a canal to the place. The pyramid 
 which occupied twenty years in building, is quadrangular ; — 
 each side measuring, both in width and height, eight hundred 
 feet. The stones are polished, and fitted in the most exact 
 manner, and none of them is less than thirty feet in length. 
 
 The mode of constructing the pyramid was this: — It was 
 built in the manner of steps, which some call copings, others 
 altarets. When one grade was completed, they raised upon 
 it the stones required for the next, by means of small pieces of 
 wood (wedges ?) The stone thus elevated from the ground to the 
 first range, and from that to the one above it, when it reached 
 its resting place was placed on another machine (or system of 
 wedges) ready prepared to receive and raise it ; for as many 
 ascents as there were, so many machines also : or perhaps 
 there might be one machine, easily lifted, which was lifted 
 from grade to grade, as often as a stone was to be raised. — We 
 mention both methods as we heard them. In finishing the 
 structure, they began at the summit and worked downward to 
 the base. Upon the pyramid is signified in Egyptian charac- 
 ters, what sum was expended in the purchase of radishes, 
 onions, and garlick, for the workmen. And I remember that 
 my interpreter, when he read the inscription, told me that it 
 amounted to 1,600 talents of silver. If so, what must we, in 
 reason, suppose to have been the cost of the iron employed in 
 the work, and of the provisions and clothing of the workmen, 
 calculating for the time above mentioned ? and, as I think no 
 little time ought to be reckoned for cutting the stones — for 
 bringing them, and for forming the excavations. 
 
 To such an extreme of wickedness did Cheops proceed, that 
 
 (126) 
 
CHEPHREN. 159 
 
 when he wanted money, he shamelessly employed his daughter 
 
 to collect it by the worst means. How much she amassed is 
 
 not said ; but it is affirmed, that, besides what she gathered 
 
 for her father, she, wishing to leave a monument of herself, 
 
 exacted from each man the value of one stone ; and with these 
 
 stones it is said she constructed a pyramid — namely, that 
 
 which stands between the three, and in front of the great 
 
 pyramid. Each side of her pyramid measures 150 feet. 
 
 B C 
 This Cheops reigned, as the Egyptian say, fifty years : on his u'^! 
 
 death his brother Chephren ascended the throne, who fol- 
 lowed the same course, as well in other things, as in construct- 
 ing a pyramid : yet not of the same magnitude — we measured 
 both, neither does it contain subterranean chambers ; nor a 
 channel, like the other, from the Nile, forming within the 
 structure an island, on which it is said the body of Cheops 
 reposes. The first range of this pyramid of Chephren is 
 faced with variegated Ethiopian marble : it measures less, by 
 forty feet, than the other, near which it stands : both occupy 
 the same aclivity, which rises about a hundred feet above the 
 plain. This king reigned, it is said, fifty-six years. This 
 period of 106 years is stated to have been a time of utter 
 wretchedness to the Egyptians ; for during the whole of it the 
 temples that had been closed were never opened. And in 
 such detestation is the memory of these kings held that the 
 Egyptians unwillingly mention their names; and designate 
 the two pyramids by the name of the shepherd Philition, who, 
 at that time, fed his herds in that region. 
 
 Mycerinus, son of Cheops, reigned after Chephren. He B. C 
 disapproved the conduct of his father — opened the temples, 
 and the people, harrassed with extreme miseries, he allowed 
 to mind their own affairs, and to fulfil the rites of religion. 
 He is said to have surpassed all other kings in the equity of 
 his decisions ; and he is extolled on this account above any 
 monarch that has ever reigned in Egypt. Though always 
 judging impartially, yet he was accustomed, when any one 
 thought himself aggrieved by his decision, to make him a 
 present in order to mitigate his chagrin. — So indulgent was 
 Mycerinus towards the people ! Yet, while thus pursuing their 
 (129) 
 
 1076. 
 
1G0 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 welfare, calamities befel him ; the first of which was the death 
 of his daughter, an only child : exceedingly afflicted by this 
 misfortune, and wishing to give her sepulture in some extra- 
 ordinary mode, he caused a wooden heifer to be formed, 
 hollow within, and overlaid with gold, and in this he depo- 
 sited the remains of his daughter. This heifer was not placed 
 under ground, but in my time remained visible. It is at Sais, 
 and stands in a richly furnished chamber of the royal palace. 
 Aromatics of all kinds are every day burned before it ; and 
 at night a lamp constantly burns near it. In an adjoining 
 chamber stand colossal wooden statues, which, as the priests 
 of Sais affirm, represent the women of Myrcerinus : there are 
 about twenty of them. Whether or not the account given of 
 them is correct, I am unable to say. There are those who 
 give a different account of the heifer and of the colossal 
 figures, affirming that, on occasion of a disagreement between 
 Mycerinus and his daughter, she, through chagrin, destroyed 
 herself, and was thus deposited by her father, while her mother 
 cut off the hands of the maids who had taken part with him 
 against his daughter ; for which reason these statues are 
 mutilated in the same manner. But I think this is an idle tale ; 
 at least what relates to the hands of the colossal figures ; for 
 when I saw them it appeared that the hands had fallen from 
 lecay, in the course of ages ; and indeed they were then lying 
 at the feet of the statues. The heifer above mentioned, is 
 covered in part by a purple mantle : the neck and head are 
 thickly embossed with gold. Between the horns is a golden 
 disk, representing the sun. The heifer is not in a standing 
 posture ; but kneeling, and in size is equal to the largest animal 
 of the kind. Once in every year it is brought from its chamber, 
 and sees the day ; on which occasion the Egyptians lament 
 a god not to be named by me while speaking on such a sub- 
 ject. It is said that the daughter, while dying, entreated of 
 her father that once in every year she might see the sun. 
 
 After the death of his daughter, a second calamity befel 
 this king. — An oracular message was sent to him from Butos, 
 to this effect — " That he had six years only to live, and should 
 die in the seventh." He, taking this in ill part, returned to 
 
 (133) 
 
MYCERINUS. 161 
 
 the god a reproachful answer, complaining that his father 
 and uncle who had closed the temples, and had neglected the 
 gods, and ruined their people, had both lived to an advanced 
 age ; while he who was religious, must so speedily die." In 
 answer to this reproach a second message arrived from the 
 oracle, which ran thus, — " He must so speedily die because 
 he had not accomplished that which it was necessary should 
 take place ; for Egypt was fated to be oppressed during one 
 hundred and fifty years : — this had been understood by the 
 two kings, his predecessors, but not by him." Hearing this, 
 Mycerinus perceived himself already condemned : he there- 
 fore caused a great number of lamps to be prepared, which 
 were every night to be lit ; and he passed day and night 
 without intermission in drinking and voluptuousness ; or in 
 wandering through the plains and groves wherever he knew 
 that soft delights were followed. This he did with the inten- 
 tion of falsifying the oracle, (or, of defrauding it) for in turn- 
 ing the nights into days, he thought to make twelve years of 
 six. This king also left a pyramid — much smaller indeed 
 than that of his father, each of the four sides measuring 280 feet. 
 Half of its height is faced with Ethiopian marble. Some 
 Greeks, there are, who erroneously say that this pyramid was 
 raised by the courtezan Rhodopis. To me it is evident that 
 they know not who Rhodopis was, or they would not have 
 attributed to her a pyramid which must have cost — so to 
 speak— countless thousands of talents. Besides, Rhodopis 
 flourished in the reign, not of Mycerinus, but of Amasis, very 
 many years after the time of the kings who built these pyramids. 
 Rhodopis was a woman of Thrace, the slave of Jadmon (son) 
 of Hepluestopolis, the Samian ; and she was the fellow- 
 servant of JEsop the fabulist. That iEsop belonged to Jadmon 
 is proved, among other things, by this — that after the Del- 
 phians, at the instigation of the oracle, had often made pro- 
 clamation for some one who would take up (or receive) the 
 forfeit imposed on them for the death of iEsop,* no one ap- 
 peared but the grandson, of Jadmon, who also bore that name, 
 and he took it up. iEsop therefore must have been the slave 
 of his ancestor, 
 (134) m 
 
162 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 Rhodopis was brought into Egypt by Xanthus the Samian, 
 and was there redeemed at an enormous price by a citizen of 
 Mitylene, named Charaxus, son of Scamandronymus, and 
 brother of Sappho the song-writer. Rhodopis thus liberated, 
 remained in Egypt, where she amassed great wealth — that is 
 to say, great for such a one as Rhodopis ; yet not such as 
 should enable her to build a pyramid like this. Riches so 
 prodigious must not be attributed to this woman ; for the 
 value of the tenth part of her fortune may still be seen by any 
 one who wishes. Rhodopis, wishing to leave a memorial of 
 herself in Greece, imagined such a thing as no one else ever 
 dreamed of offering at a temple. — She expended the tenth part 
 of her possessions in making an immense number of iron spits, 
 for roasting oxen : these she dedicated at Delphi ; and they are 
 at this day piled up behind the altar which the Chians placed 
 opposite the temple. This woman became so celebrated — 
 even beyond those of Nancratis — that her name was known 
 throughout Greece. A like fame, though not to an equal 
 degree, was afterwards acquired by a woman named Archi- 
 dica. Charaxus who redeemed Rhodopis, returned to Mity- 
 lene, and was severely satirized by Sappho. But enough of 
 Rhodopis. 
 
 Asychis, as the priests affirm, reigned after Mycerinus. 
 He built the most spacious and the most beautiful of the 
 porticos to the temple of Vulcan — that on the eastern side. 
 All these porches are sculptured and adorned with a thousand 
 architectural devices; but this more than any. Under this 
 prince, it is said, there prevailed a stagnation of money, to 
 relieve which a law was given to the Egyptians, allowing a 
 man to pawn the (embalmed) corpse of his father, as security 
 for a debt : and as a consequence of this law, the lender ac- 
 quired an exclusive right of occupying the family depositary 
 of the borrower ; so that if he who had surrendered this 
 valuable pledge refused to repay the debt, neither he, nor any 
 of his house, could be buried in the family vault; nor indeed 
 in any other place. This king, wishing to surpass all the 
 kings of Egypt, his predecessors, determined to construct a 
 pyramid of bricks. It bears an inscription, cut in stone, to 
 
 (136) 
 
ANYSIS. 103 
 
 the following purport : — " Contemn me not in comparing me 
 with the pyramids of stone. For I excel them as much as 
 Jupiter excels the other gods. — I was constructed with bricks, 
 formed of clay, that was lifted from the bottom of the lake 
 by a scoop." Such were the deeds of this king. 
 
 After him reigned a blind king, named Anysis, of the B. C. 
 city Anysis. During his reign Egypt was invaded by a large 
 army of Ethiopians, under Sabacon, their king. The blind 
 Anysis retired, and took refuge in the marshes ; and the 
 Ethiopian ruled Egypt fifty years : the acts of his reign were 
 such as these. — When any Egyptian committed a crime, he 
 refused to inflict death ; but enjoined the criminal, according 
 to the proportion of his guilt, to raise a mound of earth at 
 the city to which he belonged. By this means the cities be- 
 came elevated much higher than they were raised even in the 
 time of Sesostris, by those who dug the trenches. It seems 
 to me that among all the cities of Egypt, in this way elevated, 
 none was so much raised as Bubastis, the city where stands 
 the justly celebrated temple of Bubastis. Other temples are 
 indeed more spacious, or more costly ; but none excels this in 
 the agreeableness of its aspect. Bubastis, in the Greek 
 tongue, is Diana. The plan of this temple may be thus 
 described. Excepting the entrance, the entire precincts are 
 insulated ; for there are canals from the Nile, which do not 
 communicate — each, after surrounding one side, terminating at 
 the entrance to the temple. The width of these canals is a 
 hundred feet, and they are overshadowed with trees. The 
 porch rises to the height of ten fathoms, and is adorned with 
 admirable figures, six cubits in height. The temple, which is 
 situated in the centre of the city, is exposed to view on every 
 side ; for while the city around has been elevated, the temple 
 stands on its original level ; and so may every where be seen 
 (as at the bottom of a basin). The outer wall is covered with 
 sculptured figures. Within the precincts there is a sacred 
 grove of large trees, surrounding the great edifice, which con- 
 tains the image of the goddess : the temple (including the whole 
 of the sacred spot) measures a furlong, both in length and 
 breadth. Opposite to the entrance is a causeway of stone, 
 (138) m 2 
 
164 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 nearly three furlongs in length, and 400 feet in width: this 
 road passes through the principal square of the city, and runs 
 east and west to the temple of Mercury. Throughout the way 
 there are lofty trees. Such is this temple. 
 
 The retreat of the Ethiopian king from Egypt happened, as 
 they say, in the following manner : — He took his departure 
 from the circumstance of having seen a vision, in which he 
 thought he saw a man standing before him, who advised him to 
 collect together all the priests of Egypt, and cut them asunder. 
 After seeing this vision, he is reported to have declared, that he 
 thought the gods had herein presented him with an occasion on 
 which, by violating all principles of religion, he might become 
 obnoxious to calamities from the gods themselves, or from men. 
 This he would not do ; but thought rather that the time was 
 arrived when he was destined to quit the throne of Egypt : 
 for while he was yet in Ethiopia, the oracle consulted by the 
 Ethiopians had declared to him that he should govern Egypt 
 fifty years. As therefore that period was now expired, and 
 as moreover he had been affrighted by this vision of the night, 
 Sabacon voluntarily departed from the country. When he had 
 retired, the blind king, leaving the marshes, again governed 
 Egypt, after spending the interval of fifty years upon an 
 island, which he had embanked with ashes and earth. Eor 
 when the Egyptians, without the knowledge of the Ethiopian, 
 brought him their appointed contributions of corn, he com- 
 manded them, with their gift, to bring ashes also. This island 
 none before Amyrtaeus had been able to find : — his predecessors 
 during more than 700 (or 500) years, had sought for it in vain. 
 The name of this island is Elbo ; it measures every way about 
 ten furlongs. 
 B. C. After Anysis, a priest of Vulcan, named Sethon, reigned. 
 
 He neglected and contemned, as useless, the military order in 
 Egypt ; and among other dishonours which he put upon them, 
 he took from them the allotment of acres which, under the 
 former kings had been given them — twelve to each. After- 
 wards, when Sanacharib * king of the Arabians and Syrians, 
 invaded Egypt with a great army, not one of the military class 
 would come to his aid. The (royal) priest, deprived of help, 
 
 (141) 
 
 715. 
 
SETHONv 165 
 
 entered a temple, and before the image, deplored the evils with 
 which he was threatened : as he bitterly wept, sleep fell upon 
 him, and he saw in vision the god standing by, and bidding him 
 take courage, assuring him he should suffer no ill if he. opposed 
 the Arabian army; for he himself would send him auxiliaries. 
 Thus confirmed, the king led forth such of the Egyptians as 
 were willing to follow him ; and formed his camp at Pelusium, 
 where the invading army was to enter. Among his followers 
 there was not a single warrior ; but only shopkeepers, artificers, 
 and the very dregs of the people. After he had reached this 
 station, during the night, a deluge of field mice spread through 
 the enemies' camp, devouring their quivers, their bow-strings, 
 and the straps of their shields ; so that in the morning, finding 
 themselves stripped of their arms, they took to flight, and many 
 of them were slain. A statue of this king now stands in the 
 temple of Vulcan, holding in his hand a mouse, with an in- 
 scription in these words — " Whoever looks at me, let him be 
 pious." 
 
 Thus far I have reported what I learned from the Egyptians, 
 and their priests, who affirmed that from the first king to this 
 priest of Vulcan, there were 341 generations of men; and 
 that there had been the same number of high-priests and 
 of kings. Now 300 generations of men are equivalent to 
 10,000 years; three generations filling one hundred years. 
 The forty-one remaining generations make 1340 years. So 
 that, as they say, it is 11340 years since any god has as- 
 sumed the human form ; nor had such an event taken place 
 before, nor has it since happened among the Egyptian kings. 
 Within the above-mentioned period, they affirm, the sun has 
 four times risen contrary to his common course ; and twice he 
 has risen where now he sets : and where now he rises, twice he 
 has set. Yet these alterations have produced no changes in 
 Egypt — neither in the productions of the earth, nor in those of 
 the river ; nor have they occasioned diseases or deaths. 
 
 The priests of Jupiter adopted the same course with me as 
 they did with Hecatzeus, the historian ; who when at Thebes 
 was reckoning himself to have descended from a god — his 
 ancestor in the sixteenth remove. They led me, though I 
 (143) m 3 
 
166 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 made no such pretension, as they led him, within the interior of 
 a spacious temple, where they shewed to me, and numbered, 
 as many colossal statues of wood as there had been high 
 priests ; for every pontiff, during his life, places there a statue 
 of himself. These the priests shewed, and numbering, declar- 
 ing that, beginning with the one last deceased, they ascended in 
 a direct line throughout, from son to father. Hecataeus, as I 
 said, claiming descent from a god, the priests confuted by 
 opposing to his reckoning this line of priests, and they refused 
 to admit that a man had been born of a god, and affirmed 
 that each of these colossal figures represented a Piromis, born 
 of a Piromis, to the number of 345, not one of whom, from 
 the last to the first, was born of either god or hero. This title 
 Piromis, if translated into our language, means good and vir- 
 tuous. These personages represented by the statues I have 
 mentioned, were, as they affirmed, altogether different from 
 gods : yet they said that before the time of these men, there 
 were gods who ruled in Egypt, and who dwelt with men ; 
 and that among them one always exercised supreme power. 
 Orus, son of Osiris, whom the Greeks call Apollo, was, they 
 say, the last of these gods who reigned in Egypt : he had 
 dethroned Typhoh. Osiris is, by the Greeks, named Dionysus 
 (Bacchus.) 
 
 Now among the Greeks, Hercules, Bacchus, and Pan, are 
 reckoned the most recent of the gods. Whereas among the 
 Egyptians, Pan is of the most ancient order, being one of the 
 eight primitive deities; while Hercules comes in the second 
 rank ; being one of the twelve, and Bacchus in the third ; as 
 he sprung from the twelve. How many years elapsed from 
 the age of Hercules till the reign of Amasis, I have already 
 declared, as it was communicated to me by the Egyptians. 
 Pan they place then at the most remote period — Bacchus at a 
 less distance; yet between him and Amasis they reckon 15,000 
 years. And in making these computations, the Egyptians 
 profess to have the most exact and certain information ; as 
 these reckonings have always been attended to, and always 
 recorded. From Bacchus, son of Semele, daughter of Cad- 
 mus, to our own times, is a distance of about 1600 years. 
 
 (145) 
 
THE TWELVE KINGS. 167 
 
 From Hercules, son of Alcmena, less than 900 years. And 
 from Pan, son of Penelope— for from her and Mercury, accord- 
 ing to the Greeks, Pan received his being; till my time, 
 not 800 years have elapsed : that is to say, he was born after 
 the Trojan war. 
 
 Of these two accounts let every one adopt that which to 
 him shall seem the most credible. My own opinion is declared. 
 If these also, namely Hercules, son of Amphitryon, and 
 Bacchus, son of Semele, and Pan son of Penelope, were 
 persons known in Greece, and who had grown old there, then 
 it must be said that— mere men as they were — they bore the 
 names of those primitive gods. But now, as to Bacchus, the 
 Greeks affirm that, as soon as born, Jupiter sewed him up in 
 his thigh, and bore him to Nysa, which is beyond Egypt, in 
 Ethiopia. What became of the infant Bacchus they do not 
 inform us. To me it has become manifest that the Greeks 
 learned the names of these gods after those -of the other 
 divinities, and that from the time they were acquainted with 
 them, they date their existence. A.nd this also is the opinion 
 of the Egyptians. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 MIDDLE, AND MORE AUTHENTIC PERIOD OF EGYPTIAN 
 HISTORY. 
 
 I now proceed to narrate those events in the history of 
 Egypt which are confirmed by the testimony of other 
 nations, concurring with that of the natives ; — still inter- 
 spersing some facts which fell under my own observa- 
 tion. 
 
 On the death of Sethon, priest of Vulcan, the Egyp- 
 tians became free; yet not so as to be for a moment 
 without kings. But they established twelve — dividing 
 the whole of Egypt into so many parts. These twelve 
 (147) m 4 
 
1C8 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 kings intermarried, and reigned on the principle that no 
 one should overthrow the others ; nor seek to possess 
 more than his neighbours ; but that they should main- 
 tain among themselves the strictest friendship. These 
 constitutions they formed and defended with the most 
 binding sanctions; — especially because, at the very mo- 
 ment when the twelve governments were set up, an 
 oracle pronounced — " That he among them who should 
 perform a libation in the temple of Vulcan with a brazen 
 cup, would reign over all Egypt." — They were accus- 
 tomed to assemble in all the temples. 
 
 These kings, resolving to leave a common monument 
 of themselves, decreed to form a labyrinth, a short dis- 
 tance above the lake of Moeris, and nearly opposite the 
 city of Crocodiles. This work I have seen ; and it sur- 
 passes its fame. And if any one were to put together 
 all the munitions and other works which the Greeks 
 have executed, they would appear inferior in labour 
 and expense to this labyrinth alone : we must not except 
 even the justly celebrated temple at Ephesus, nor that at 
 Samos. The pyramids indeed surpass expectation ; and 
 any one of them might well be matched against many 
 of the greatest works of Grecian art put together. But 
 the labyrinth surpasses even the pyramids. This struc- 
 ture consists of twelve contiguous roofed courts (or halls) 
 whose entrances are opposed to each other — six towards 
 the north, and six towards the south. The same outer 
 wall surrounds all these halls. The chambers are double, 
 one set being subterraneous ; the other set, placed upon 
 those, rises above the surface : they are in number 3000, 
 half above, and half below. The upper chambers we 
 passed through, and inspected, and therefore speak of 
 them from ocular knowledge ; but the lower I must de- 
 scribe on report only ; for the Egyptians who were the 
 wardens of the place, would by no means show them, 
 saying that in thein were contained the sepulchres of the 
 
 (148) 
 
THE LABYRINTH. 109 
 
 kings who built the labyrinth, and of the sacred croco- 
 diles. What we say of these lower chambers rests there- 
 fore on the authority of our informers. The upper, 
 which surpass human works, we ourselves beheld. The 
 passages through the vaults, and the winding ways 
 through the courts — various as they are, present innu- 
 merable wonders. You pass from a hall into chambers, 
 and from chambers into closets ; and from them into other 
 vaulted rooms. The roofs, as well as the walls of all 
 these chambers, are of stone ; and the latter are sculp- 
 tured with many figures. Each hall is surrounded with 
 columns of white marble, joined in the most exact manner. 
 The last turn of the labyrinth presents a pyramid, forty 
 fathoms in height, and covered with large sculptures ; — 
 the path to it is underground. 
 
 Such is the labyrinth : and yet the lake named from 
 Moeris, near which the labyrinth is situated, excites even 
 more admiration. The circuit of this lake measures 
 3600 furlongs, or sixty Egyptian lines ; an extent equal 
 to the sea coast of Egypt. Its greatest length is from 
 north to south ; and its greatest depth is fifty fathoms. 
 That it is an excavation, made by the hand of man, is 
 evident ; for in the middle, nearly, of the lake, stand two 
 pyramids, each rising fifty fathoms above the level of the 
 water, and which measure as much below that level : on 
 the summit of each is a colossal statue of stone, seated 
 on a throne. These pyramids are therefore one hundred 
 fathoms in height; — one hundred fathoms being just 
 equal to a stadium (furlong) of six plethra. The fathom 
 is six feet, or four cubits. The foot consists of four 
 palms ; the cubit of six. The water of this lake does 
 not spring from the soil, which is utterly destitute of 
 moisture; but flows from the Nile by a trench. Six 
 months of the year the current sets into the lake ; and 
 during six it returns. In the season of this refluence, a 
 daily revenue, amounting to a talent of silver accrues to 
 (149) 
 
170 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 the royal treasury from the produce of the fish : — during 
 the flow, the fishery yields daily twenty minse. 
 
 The people of the country affirmed, that this lake com- 
 municates, by an underground passage, with the Syrtian 
 gulph in Libya ; it makes a turn towards the west, through 
 the midland near the hills above Memphis. Not seeing 
 any where the earth raised by this excavation, and being 
 curious to learn how it had been disposed of, I inquired 
 of those who inhabited the margin of the lake, where the 
 earth might be which had been removed in forming it. 
 They told me — and I readily believed them — that it had 
 been borne away. — For I remembered to have heard a 
 similar fact that had taken place at Nineveh, in Assyria. 
 Some thieves devised the means of carrying away the 
 vast treasures of Sardanapalus, king of Nineveh, which 
 were preserved in subterranean depositaries. These 
 thieves began digging in their own house ; and proceeded 
 to work their way by measurement underground, towards 
 the royal palace. The earth removed from the passage 
 they threw every night into the Tigris, which ran through 
 Nineveh ; and so they went on till they had effected 
 their purpose. Such, as I understood, was the means 
 adopted in digging the Egyptian lake; except, indeed, 
 that the removal took place during the day, 'instead of 
 the night ; for as fast as the earth was dug, the Egyptians 
 carried it to the Nile ; the river receiving, dispersed it. 
 
 While these twelve kings continued to administer 
 justice, it happened that on an occasion when they were 
 performing a sacrifice in the temple of Vulcan, the last 
 day of the solemnities, they were to make a libation. The 
 high-priest brought forth the golden cups, with which they 
 were wont to pour forth the wine; but mistaking the 
 number, he brought eleven for the twelve. Consequently 
 he who stood the last of them — Psammitichus, not having 
 a cup, took off his brazen helmet, and used it for making 
 (he libation. — All the other kings — as on other occasions, 
 
 (151) 
 
PSAMMITICLHUS. 171 
 
 so now, wore helmets. Psammitichus used his helmet 
 without any sinister intention. But the others reflected 
 upon the deed, and compared it with the oracular pre- 
 diction which had affirmed that he who should perform a 
 libation with a brazen cup would be sole king of Egypt. 
 Finding- on examination (Jby torture ? — /3acrai'i£ovr6e) that 
 Psammitichus had acted without design, they would not 
 adjudge him to death; but yet thought proper to banish 
 him to the marshes, and to strip him of the greater part of 
 his power ; forbidding him to leave that district, or to 
 hold intercourse with the rest of Egypt. 
 
 This same Psammitichus had heretofore fled from Sa- 
 bacon, the Ethiopian, who had put to death his father 
 Neco : and he had taken refuge in Syria : but when the 
 Ethiopian, from the influence of the dream, retired, Psam- 
 mitichus Was brought back by the Egyptians of the Saitic 
 district ; and now after he had reigned, was again com- 
 pelled to go into exile among the marshes, on account of 
 the helmet. Knowing himself to be aggrieved by them, 
 he entertained the thought of avenging himself upon his 
 persecutors. When with this view he sent to consult the 
 oracle of Latona, at Butis — an oracle which the Egyp- 
 tians deem less fallacious than any other ; and there came a 
 reply announcing ' that retribution would arrive from the 
 sea, when men of brass should appear.' To this message he 
 gave little heed, thinking it utterly incredible that men of 
 brass should come to his aid. But not long afterwards 
 some Ionian and Carian pirates, driven by stress of weather, 
 made the Egyptian coast, and came ashore — they were 
 clad in brazen armour. It happened that an Egyptian, 
 seeing them, who had never before seen men panoplied in 
 brass, arrived in the marshes, and announced to Psam- 
 mitichus that brazen men had arrived and were ravaging 
 the campaign. He, gathering from this that the oracle 
 was accomplished, made friendship with these lonians 
 and Carians ; and promising great things to them, engaged 
 (152) 
 
172 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 them in his service. Having prevailed with them, he, 
 by their aid, conjoined with the Egyptians of his party, 
 vanquished the kings. 
 
 Psammitichus having made himself master of all Egypt, 
 constructed a porch to the temple of Vulcan, at Memphis. 
 It fronts the south. He built also a hall for Apis, where 
 that divinity is fed when he appears. — Apis, in Greek, 
 is Epaphus. It is opposite to the porch, and is sur- 
 rounded with a colonade ornamented with sculptures. 
 Instead of pillars there are colossal figures, twelve cubits 
 in height. 
 
 Upon the Ionians, and those who with them had aided 
 him, Psammitichus bestowed lands on the opposite banks 
 of the Nile : these lands were called The Camps. He 
 fulfilled towards them also, all the promises he had made, 
 and committed to them Egyptian children, who were to 
 be taught the Greek language. The interpreters now 
 found in Egypt are the descendants of these scholars. 
 These Ionians and Carians long inhabited the lands 
 allotted to them : they are situated near the sea, a short 
 distance below Babastis, and at the Pelusian mouth of 
 the Nile. Afterwards, in the time of Amasis, these 
 Greeks were removed to Memphis, where they formed 
 the king's guard against the Egyptians. From the re- 
 sidence of these Greeks in Egypt it has followed that 
 we have held frequent intercourse with that country, 
 and by this means have become accurately informed of 
 whatever has since taken place there, including the reign 
 of Psammitichus. These were the first strangers, speak- 
 ing another language, who had resided in Egypt. Even 
 in my time there were to be seen, on the lands from 
 which they were removed, vestiges of their docks, and 
 the remains of their demolished habitations. — Thus was 
 Psammitichus made master of Egypt. 
 
 [I have already frequently mentioned the principal Egyptian 
 
 (155) 
 
TEMPLE OF LATONA. 173 
 
 oracle, and it well deserves a more particular description. — 
 This oracle is sacred to Latona, at Butos — a large city before 
 mentioned, which those who arrive from the main, see op- 
 posite to them soon after entering the Sebennytic mouth of 
 the Nile. In the same city there is also a temple of Apollo 
 and of Diana, besides this of Latona. The latter, in which 
 is the oracle, is of great magnitude, and has a porch ten 
 fathoms in height. But of all the admirable objects that are 
 here to be seen, that which to me appeared the most amazing 
 is a temple or chapel of Latona, standing within the sacred 
 precincts, formed of a single stone — from the base to the sum- 
 mit — from end to end : and the walls {of the sides and back) 
 are of the same dimensions — namely, forty cubits every way. 
 The roof is formed by another stone, which projects four cubits 
 beyond the sides. This then is, in my opinion, the most 
 wonderful of all that is to be seen in the precincts. Next to it, 
 I should mention the island called Chemmis : it is in a deep 
 and spacious lake, which adjoins the temple of Latona. The 
 Egyptians affirm, that this island floats; but for my own part 
 I did not perceive that it swam or moved ; and I was as- 
 tounded at hearing that there could be a floating island. Upon 
 it stands a spacious temple of Apollo, and three altars {or, 
 altars of three sides). The island is thickly planted with palm 
 trees, and other kinds, both fruit-bearing and fruitless. The 
 Egyptians, in affirming that this island floats, add, that before 
 it floated, Latona, who is one of the eight deities that first ex- 
 isted, dwelt at Butos, where the oracle now is : and that having 
 been entrusted with Apollo by I sis, she hid and saved him in 
 what is now called the floating island, when Typhon arrived 
 who sought to find the son of Osiris. For they say that Apollo 
 and Diana are the offspring of Bacchus and Isis, and that 
 Latona was their nurse and preserver. In the language of 
 Egypt, Apollo is called Orns, Ceres Isis, and Diana Bubastis. 
 It was from this Egyptian tradition, and from nothing else, 
 that iEschylus, son of Euphorion, first of the early poets, bor- 
 rowed the tale that Diana was the daughter of Ceres. On 
 this occasion it was, as they say, that the island became 
 unfixed.] 
 (156) 
 
174 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 Psammitichus reigned in Egypt fifty-four years; 
 during twenty-nine of which he sat down before Azotus, 
 a large city of Syria, besieging, till at length he took it. 
 No city that we have knowledge of has endured so long 
 a siege. To this king succeeded his son Neco, who was 
 the first to undertake a canal, leading into the Red Sea, 
 and which after him Darius carried on: it extends a 
 distance of four days' voyage, and its breadth is such that 
 two galleys may work their oars abreast in it. The canal 
 derives its water from the Nile, a short distance above 
 Bubastis : it discharges itself into the Red Sea, near 
 an Arabian town called Patumus. The excavation was 
 commenced in that part of the Egyptian plain which 
 borders upon Arabia. The mountain which stretches 
 towards Memphis, and which contains the quarries, is 
 above this plain, at no great distance. The canal, com- 
 mencing at the foot of this hill, was continued for some 
 length, from west to east, and then turning through the 
 defiles, left the mountains, and was carried southward 
 into the Arabian Gulph. The shortest track from the 
 northern sea to the Red Sea, which is the same as the 
 southern sea, passes by mount Casius, which divides 
 Egypt from Syria : for this mountain is but 1000 furlongs 
 from the Arabian Gulph. But the canal is so much longer 
 than this, as it is more tortuous. In digging this canal 
 in the reign of Neco, 120,000 Egyptians perished. He 
 desisted in the midst of the work, being opposed by an 
 oracular prediction, which declared, that " He wrought 
 for a barbarian." — The Egyptians call all those barba- 
 rians who do not speak their language. 
 
 Having desisted from this work, Neco betook himself to 
 military exploits. He therefore constructed galleys, some 
 on the northern sea, and some on the Arabian Gulph 
 for the Red Sea. Of these vessels the stocks {or docks) may 
 yet be seen. The fleets he employed, as occasion served 
 (or, to supply his armies on their marches). Neco, in- 
 
 (159) 
 
NECO. 175 
 
 vading the Syrians, overthrew them at Magdolus, and 
 then took Cadytis, a great city of Syria.* The dress 
 he wore in these actions he dedicated to Apollo, sending 
 it to Brachidas, of the Milesians. After this, having 
 reigned in all sixteen years, he died, leaving his kingdom 
 to his son Psammis. 
 
 [During the reign of Psammis, there arrived in Egypt mes- 
 sengers from the Eleans. These people boasted that they had 
 earned a fame surpassing that of any other men, by the just 
 and excellent regulations they had established at the Olympian 
 games. And they believed that not even the Egyptians— the 
 wisest of mankind, could invent any thing more admirable. 
 The Elean messengers, on their arrival in Egypt, declared the 
 purpose of their visit. The king forthwith summoned those of 
 the Egyptians who were reputed the most wise. When they 
 Were assembled, they listened while the Eleans described what 
 took place at the games by their appointment. After men- 
 tioning all, they said they had come to learn " If the Egyptians 
 could produce any institutions more equitable than these." The 
 Egyptians, having consulted together, inquired of the Eleans 
 whether their own citizens contended in the games. To which 
 they replied, that whoever would, whether Eleans or others, 
 were free to come forward in the games. The Egyptians then 
 said, " If it were so, they had greatly sinned against equity; 
 for it was impossible but what they should favour a man of their 
 own town, to the prejudice of a stranger. If, therefore, they 
 wished to establish rules truly equitable, and if, indeed, they 
 had come to Egypt for advice with this intention, they should 
 establish contests in which strangers only— to the exclusion of 
 all Eleans— should be admitted." Such was the advice given 
 by the Egyptians to the Eleans.] 
 
 (160) 
 
176 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 LATER PERIOD OF EGYPTIAN HISTORY. 
 
 B. c. Psammis, after reigning six years only, made an ex- 
 
 pedition into Ethiopia, and presently dying, was suc- 
 ceeded by his son Apries ; who, next to his great grand- 
 father Psammitichus, enjoyed greater prosperity than any 
 former Egyptian king, during five-and-twenty years of 
 his reign. Within that period he led an army against 
 Sidon, and fought the Tyrian at sea. But when the 
 fated time came that he should suffer misfortunes, it 
 happened — as I shall more fully narrate when I come to 
 speak of Libyan affairs (Melpomene, 159), and briefly 
 here — that he sent forth an army against the Cyrenseans, 
 which was almost cut to pieces. The surviving Egyptians, 
 murmuring against Apries, imputed to him the design of 
 sending them out to be destroyed, in order that, after- 
 wards, he might more securely govern the rest of the 
 people. They therefore revolted from him. Those 
 who returned to their homes, as well as the friends of 
 such as had perished, enraged against him, openly 
 rebelled. 
 
 Apries being informed of this, sent Amasis to appease 
 them with words. When he arrived, and endeavoured 
 to win the Egyptians to forsake their enterprise, one of 
 them, standing behind him, placed a helmet on his head, 
 declaring that he thereby appointed him to the kingdom. 
 That this was not disagreeable to Amasis he presently 
 made manifest. For no sooner had the revolters made 
 him their king, than he prepared to lead them against 
 Apries. Apries learning this, despatched a man in whom 
 principally he confided, named Paterbemis, enjoining him 
 to bring. Amasis alive. When he reached the place 
 • (1G2) 
 
APRIES. 177 
 
 where Amasis happened to be on horse-back, Paterbemis 
 called to him. But he replied only by an insulting gesture. 
 Paterbemis notwithstanding entreated Amasis to return 
 to the king, who had sent for him; but he answered, 
 " that he was preparing to do so, and that Apries should 
 have no reason to complain of his delay ; for he would 
 come himself, and bring others with him." Paterbemis 
 did not fail to understand the meaning of this reply ; and 
 after observing the preparations, made all speed in re- 
 turning to the king, that he might declare to him in- 
 stantly what was going on. But Apries, seeing Pater- 
 bemis return without Amasis, allowed him no room to ex- 
 plain ; but giving way to anger, commanded that his 
 ears and nose should be cut off. The other Egyptians 
 who hitherto had adhered to Apries, seeing a man of such 
 rank so shamefully mutilated, restrained themselves no 
 longer ; but revolted with the others, and yielded them- 
 selves to Amasis. 
 
 When Apries was informed of what had taken place, 
 he armed his auxiliaries, and led' them against the 
 Egyptians : for he had with him 30,000 Carians and 
 Ionians. — He was then at Sais, occupying his spacious 
 and magnificent palace in that city. The two armies 
 met and prepared to engage near Momemphis. — Apries 
 leading the strangers against the Egyptians, and Amasis 
 commanding Egyptians against the strangers. 
 
 [There are in Egypt seven classes of persons, namely, the 
 priests, the warriors, the herdsmen (or rustics), the swineherds, 
 the shopkeepers (or victuallers), the interpreters (or expounders 
 of law and religion), and lastly, the pilots (or mariners). 
 These are the several classes, and they receive appellations 
 derived from the employments they exercise. The warriors are 
 called either Calasiries or Hermotybies : and their districts — 
 for all Egypt is divided into districts (Nomes), are as follow : — 
 The Hermotybies occupy Busiris, Sais, Chemmis, Papremis, 
 (165) N 
 
178 HISTORY OV EGYPT. 
 
 the island Prosopis, the half of Natho. Their full complement 
 amounts to 160,000 men. No individual among them learns 
 any mechanic trade ; but all are given up to war. The Cala- 
 siries occupy the following districts: Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, 
 Tanis, Mendes, Sebennys, Athrybis, Pharbaethis, Thmuis, 
 Onuphis, Anysis, Myecphoris — an island opposite to Bubastis, 
 These are the districts of the Calasiries : they may amount, at 
 the most, to 250,000 men. Nor are these permitted to exercise 
 any craft except that of war : and the profession is hereditary. 
 
 Whether the Greeks have learned this distinction from the 
 Egyptians, I am not able certainly to determine, seeing that 
 the Thracians, Scythians, Persians, Lydians, and, indeed, 
 almost all the Barbarians, hold those of their citizens who learn 
 mechanic arts in the lowest rank of honour; and allow this 
 discredit to attach even to the posterity of such persons ; while 
 those only are deemed noble who have no connection with 
 handicrafts ; and especially those who are devoted to the pro- 
 fession of arms. All the Greeks have adopted these notions ; 
 but especially the Lacedaemonians ; while the Corinthians, less 
 than other Greeks, despise artizans. In Egypt the warriors, 
 with the priests, enjoy special privileges : — twelve plots 
 of ground, free from tribute, are assigned to each : each plot 
 measures every way a hundred Egyptian cubits : the Egyp- 
 tian cubit is equal to that of Samos. This allotment of 
 ground was the right of each. Some other privileges they 
 enjoyed only by turns. One thousand of the Calasiries, 
 and one also of the Hermotybies, served for a year, as the 
 king's body guard ; and while on this duty, besides the parcel 
 of ground, there was given to each daily, five pounds weight 
 of parched corn (or baked bread), two pounds of beef, and 
 four drinks of wine : such was the constant allowance of the 
 body guard.] 
 
 The armies meeting — Apries leading his auxiliaries, 
 and Amasis with all the Egyptians— near Momemphis, 
 they presently engaged. The strangers fought well ; but 
 being greatly inferior in numbers, were overcome. It is 
 
 (169) 
 
AMASIS. 179 
 
 said to have been the opinion of Apries, that not even a 
 god could deprive him of his kingdom : so securely did 
 he think himself established. Yet, nevertheless, he was 
 then vanquished. Being taken alive, he was conducted 
 to Sais — once his own residence, but now the royal palace 
 of Amasis. For some time he was there entertained, 
 and kindly treated by Amasis. But at length, as the 
 Egyptians complained that it was not right for him to 
 cherish one who was his and their own greatest enemy, 
 Amasis abandoned Apries to the Egyptians, who strangled 
 him, and then interred him in the family sepulchre. 
 
 [These are in the temple of Minerva, very near the sacred 
 edifice, and on the left hand as you enter. All the kings bom 
 in this district have been buried by the Sa'ites within this temple. 
 And the tomb of Amasis even, is placed there, though at a 
 greater distance from the edifice than that of Apries and his 
 ancestors. There is in the court of the temple a large chamber 
 of stone, ornamented with columns in imitation of palm trees, 
 and with other embellishments : in this chamber are seen fold- 
 ing doors, within which is the depositary of the dead. At 
 Sais also, in the temple of Minerva, behind the chapel, and 
 adjoining the wall of the temple, is the sepulchre of him whose 
 name on such an occasion as this it would be impious to men- 
 tion. Within the sacred precincts stand obelisks of great 
 size ; and near them a lake, adorned with a margin of stone ; 
 it is circular, well constructed, and in extent, equal, as it 
 seemed to me, to that in Delos, called the Circular. On this 
 lake they perform the adventures of him : — these performances 
 are called mysteries by the Egyptians; and although I am 
 well acquainted with all these matters I refrain from speaking 
 of them, as I should also of the rites of Ceres, called by the 
 Greeks the Thesmophoria (Institutions) of which, though not 
 from ignorance, I would say no more than what it is lawful to 
 utter. The daughters of Danaus were the persons who brought 
 these rites from Egypt, and taught them to the Pelasgian 
 women : afterwards, when the Peloponnesus was overrun by 
 (171) N 2 
 
180 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 the Dorians, these rites were lost, except only among the 
 Arcadians, who, not being driven from their lands, preserved 
 the ceremonies.] 
 
 Apries being thus removed, Amasis reigned in his 
 stead : he was of the district of Sais, and of a city named 
 Siuph. At first the Egyptians contemned Amasis, and 
 held him in very low esteem ; for he was a man of ignoble 
 extraction ; nor had his family become conspicuous. But 
 afterwards, without absurd severity, and by a well- imagined 
 device, he brought them back. Among a thousand other 
 precious vessels, Amasis had a golden pan, in which he 
 himself and all his guests, were accustomed to wash 
 their feet. This vessel he broke up, and formed from 
 it an image of a divinity, which he solemnly set up in a 
 frequented part of the city. The Egyptians flocking to 
 the image, paid it the most devout adoration. When 
 Amasis was informed of this, he convoked the people, 
 and made known the whole truth, saying, — " This image 
 was formed from a wash-pot which lately we used for the 
 vilest purposes : — then we cleaned our feet in it : — anon, 
 we reverently worship it. Now," said he, " it has 
 happened to me as to this vessel : once, indeed, I was 
 one of the people; but now I am your king. Thus I 
 enjoin you to honour and regard me." By this means 
 he won the Egyptians, and taught them that they owed 
 him their service. 
 
 The plan he followed in conducting his affairs was 
 this : — From early in the morning till the time of full- 
 market, he assidiiously despatched the causes that were 
 brought before him. After that time, he drank and 
 jested with his companions, indulging in low jokes and 
 pleasantries. His friends offended by this conduct, re- 
 proved him. " Sire," said they, " you behave not in a 
 manner fitting your station: you descend too low. 
 You ought to sit gravely on a venerable throne, through 
 
 (173) 
 
AMASIS. 181 
 
 the day, transacting business. Thus shall the Egyptians, 
 knowing themselves to be governed by a great man, 
 speak better of you. At present your behaviour is alto- 
 gether unkingly." To this reproof he replied. " Those 
 who use the bow stretch the cord when they would 
 employ it; and afterwards release it. The bow ever 
 bent, breaks ; nor can serve its purpose when most 
 needed. Such is the constitution of man. — If always he 
 will be intently occupied, and never abandon himself to 
 merriment, before he is aware he will become either mad 
 or paralytic. Well knowing this, I divide my time between 
 business and pleasure." Thus he answered his friends. 
 
 It is said of Amasis, that while a private person, he 
 had been addicted to drinking and jesting, and was any 
 thing rather than a man of business. And moreover, 
 that when the means of supporting his pleasures failed 
 him, he was accustomed to make predatory excursions. 
 On these occasions, when accused by one and another of 
 having possessed himself of their goods, which he denied, 
 both parties would refer themselves to some common 
 oracle, to decide the controversy : by many he was con- 
 victed, and by many also suffered to escape. When, 
 therefore, he became king, all those gods who had 
 absolved him of the charge of theft, he neglected, dis- 
 regarding their temples, and making no provision for their 
 maintenance, deeming them unworthy of respect, and 
 having only lying responses to offer. But those which 
 had convicted him of theft he esteemed as truly divine, 
 and possessing authentic responses ; and he treated them 
 accordingly. 
 
 At Sais, Amasis constructed a most admirable portico 
 to the temple of Minerva, surpassing any building of the 
 kind, both in height and extent, and in the size and 
 quality of the stones. He placed also there colossal 
 statues, and androsphinxes of vast magnitude: and, 
 moreover, brought together, for the repair of the temples, 
 (175) n 3 
 
182 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 stones of prodigious size. Of these, some were brought 
 from the quarries opposite to Memphis, and some of 
 surpassing bulk, from Elephantine — a distance of twenty 
 days' sailing from Sais. Among these things, not the 
 least admirable — in truth the most so — is an edifice 
 formed from a single stone, which was brought from 
 Elephantine. Three years were consumed in conveying 
 it ; during which time two thousand men — all of the 
 class called Mariners (or pilots) — were employed in the 
 labour. This structure measures, in length, twenty 
 cubits ; its width is fourteen, and its height eight : this 
 is the external measurement of the house-of-one-stone. 
 The internal measurements are, eighteen cubits and 
 twenty digits, in length, by twelve cubits wide : the 
 height five cubits. This chapel stands beside the entrance: 
 it was not drawn within the precincts, which circumstance 
 they account for by saying, that the architect, while the 
 work was in progress towards its destined site, wearied 
 with the toil, in which so long a time had been consumed, 
 heaved a deep sigh : Amasis taking this sigh to heart, 
 (or thinking it portentous,) would not suffer it to be 
 drawn any further. Others, indeed, say, that it was* not 
 brought within the precincts because one of the workmen, 
 in using a lever, was crushed. 
 
 Amasis dedicated, in all the more renowned temples, 
 gifts which from their magnitude claim attention ; as 
 for instance, the supine colossus at Memphis, in front of 
 the temple of Vulcan — in length seventy-five feet. Upon 
 the same base stand two colossal figures, wrought in 
 Ethiopian marble, each measuring twenty feet : one on 
 the one side, the other on the opposite side of the edifice. 
 There is at Sais a similar statue, lying in the same 
 manner as that at Memphis. It was Amasis also, who 
 constructed at Memphis, the spacious and most beautiful 
 temple of Isis. 
 
 Under Amasis Egypt is said to have enjoyed an unex- 
 
 (176) 
 
AMASIS^ 183 
 
 ampled prosperity, both in the fertility spread over the 
 land by the river, and in the products of the industry of 
 the people ; and it is affirmed, that Egypt then contained 
 twenty thousand inhabited cities. This Amasis it was 
 who established among the Egyptians the law that every 
 man, once in each year, should declare to the magistrate 
 of his district, whence he had derived his living: in 
 default of doing so, or if he failed to show that he had 
 followed an honest calling, he was adjudged to die (or he 
 ivas stretched on the rack till he died). Solon, the 
 Athenian, taking this law from Egypt, gave it to his 
 countrymen, who thinking it liable to no objection, have 
 ever since continued to observe it. 
 
 Amasis was an admirer of the Greeks ; and besides 
 other favours, granted to some of them, gave up the city 
 of Naucratis, for the residence of those who arrived in 
 Egypt. And to those who did not wish to settle in the 
 country, but visited it only on trading voyages, he granted 
 lands, where they might erect altars and temples to the 
 gods. 
 
 [The most spacious of their temples, as well as the most cele- 
 brated, and the most frequented, is that called — the Grecian, 
 erected at the common charge of the following cities : — Of the 
 Ionians — Chios, Teos, Phocaea, and Clazomenae : — Of the 
 Dorians — Rhodes, Cnidus, Halicarnassus and Phaselis : — Of the 
 iEolians — Mitylene alone. These are the proprietors of this tem- 
 ple ; and these only have right to appoint presidents of the mart. 
 Those other cities which claim this right, pretend to that which 
 does not belong to them. Distinct from this temple, the people 
 of JEgina have consecrated a temple to Jupiter, for themselves ; 
 — the Samians one to Juno ; and the Milesians one to Apollo. 
 Anciently, there was in Egypt only one emporium (of foreign 
 commerce,) namely, that at Naucratis, and whoever arrived at 
 any other mouth of the Nile, was obliged to take oath, that he 
 came there unwittingly, after which adjuration he was required 
 forthwith to proceed in the same vessel to the Canobic mouth; 
 (179) n 4 
 
184 HISTORY OF EGYPT. 
 
 or, if prevented doing so by contrary winds, to transport his 
 cargo in country barges round the Delta to Naucratis : — so were 
 the privileges of this city secured. When the old temple at 
 Delphi was by accident burned, the Amphictyons fixed the 
 sum of 300 talents to be expended in building that which 
 now exists ; and the Delphians were charged with a fourth 
 part of the whole, as their share. They therefore wandered 
 from city to city, collecting donations ; and from Egypt bore 
 away no inconsiderable contributions. For Amasis gave them 
 a thousand talents of alum ; and the Egyptian Greeks twenty 
 pounds. 
 
 With the Cyrenzeans, Amasis formed friendship and alliance, 
 and resolved to take a wife from that people, moved either by 
 his feeling of amity towards them, or by a wish to marry a woman 
 of Grecian extraction. The lady he espoused, named Ladice, was 
 the daughter of an illustrious Cyrenaean, by some called Battus, 
 by others Arcesilaus,by others Critobulus. For some time after 
 his marriage, the wife of Amasis had no child, and he, accusing 
 her of using enchantments, threatened her with a cruel death. 
 Ladice denied the charge, yet without mitigating the animosity 
 of her husband. At length she made a vow to Venus, pro- 
 mising to send an image of the goddess to Cyrene, if her petition 
 should be fulfilled : this happened, and she regained her hus- 
 band's affection. Ladice accomplished her vow to the goddess, 
 by causing an image to be made, which she sent to Cyrene, and 
 which, even in my time, was preserved ; — it turns away from 
 the city. When {afterwards) Cambysis conquered Egypt, and 
 learned of herself who she was, he sent her unhurt to Cyrene. 
 
 Amasis dedicated offerings in Greece, (the Grecian towns :) 
 of these, one was a gilded statue of Minerva, sent to Cyrene, 
 together with a likeness of himself, drawn to the life. Then he 
 dedicated to Minerva, of Lindus, two images in marble, and a 
 thoracle of linen, which deserves to be noticed. Also two sta- 
 tues of himself, carved in wood, sent to the spacious temple of 
 Juno, in Samos, and which, in my time, stood there behind the 
 doors. These gifts to Samos were sent in consequence of the 
 friendship subsisting between himself and Polycrates, son of 
 Ajax. The offerings sent to Lindus were not made from friend- 
 
 (182) 
 
AMASia. 185 
 
 ship, but because, as it was said, the temple of Minerva at that 
 place was built by the daughters of Danaus, when, fleeing from 
 the sons of Egyptus, they arrived there. Amasis also con- 
 quered Cyprus, never before subdued; and compelled the 
 people to pay him tribute.] 
 
BOOK III, 
 
 THALIA. 
 SECTION I. 
 
 CONQUEST OF EGYPT BY CAMBYSES. 
 
 Against this Amasis Cambyses, son of Cyrus, made 
 war, leading with him — besides the other people under 
 his sway — the Greeks of Ionia and iEolia. The cause 
 of the war was this. Cambyses sending a herald into 
 Egypt, demanded the daughter of Amasis, and this de- 
 mand he made at the suggestion of a certain Egyptian, 
 who was enraged against Amasis, because that prince 
 had torn him from his wife and children to send him to 
 Persia, when Cyrus had requested Amasis to furnish him 
 with the most skilful oculist in Egypt. The Egyptian 
 therefore urged Cambyses to ask the daughter of Amasis, 
 that either he might give her with grief, or, in withhold- 
 ing her, make Cambyses his enemy. But Amasis, 
 anxious, and indeed dreading the power of the Persians, 
 knew not how either to give or to deny. He well knew 
 that it was not with the respect due to a wife that Cam- 
 byses would treat his daughter. After consideration, he 
 therefore adopted the following course. — There was a 
 daughter of Apries, the late king, tall and beautiful, 
 and the only survivor of her family : her name was 
 Nitetis. This* young lady Amasis sent, richly attired 
 and adorned with gold, to Persia, as his own daughter. 
 
 (i) 
 
CAMBYSES. 187 
 
 After a time, when Cambyses saluted her by the name 
 of her father (as he supposed) the damsel thus addressed 
 him: — " O king, you have not learned that Amasis has 
 imposed upon you in sending me thus attired to you, as 
 his own daughter, while in truth 1 am the daughter of 
 Apries ; — that king, his lord, whom, when he had incited 
 the Egyptians to revolt, he put to death." This informa- 
 tion, together with his own cause of quarrel, enraged 
 Cambyses, and impelled him to invade Egypt : — at least 
 so say the Persians. 
 
 But the Egyptians claim Cambyses as their own, 
 saying that he was the son of this daughter of Apries, 
 and that it was Cyrus, not Cambyses, who sent to demand 
 the daughter of Amasis. In affirming this they err 
 greatly. Indeed they cannot be ignorant — for the Egyp- 
 tians, if any people, are well acquainted with the Persian 
 institutions — that their laws do not permit a spurious 
 son to reign, when there is a legitimate son living. Be- 
 sides, it is known that Cambyses was born, not of an 
 Egyptian mother, but of Cassandane, daughter of Phar- 
 naspes of the Achgemenian family. But they have per- 
 verted history in order to feign relationship to the house 
 of Cyrus. This is the true reason of the story. 
 
 They narrate also another story, to which I give no 
 credit. — A certain Persian lady, say they, visiting the 
 women of Cyrus, when she saw the children of Cassan- 
 dane, who were standing about, excelling others in stature 
 and beauty, praised them with lively admiration. " And 
 yet," said Cassandane, " though the mother of such 
 children, Cyrus treats me with contempt ; while he ho- 
 nours her who came from Egypt." This she said in 
 envy of Nitetis ; and immediately Cambyses, the eldest 
 of her sons, exclaimed— " But now, my mother, when I 
 am a man, I will turn every thing upside down in Egypt." 
 He was about ten years old at the time of this incident. 
 The women admired this speech, and afterwards, when he 
 (3) 
 
188 CAMBYSES. 
 
 became king, he remembered the threat, and invaded 
 Egypt. 
 
 Another incident concurred also to promote this inva- 
 sion. There was among the (Greek) auxiliaries of Amasis, 
 a certain Halicarnassian, named Phanes, a man able in 
 the council, and valiant in the field. This person, incensed 
 on some account against Amasis, fled from Egypt by 
 sea, and sought a conference with Cambyses. But as he 
 was held in high repute among the auxiliaries, and was 
 moreover accurately informed of whatever related to 
 Egypt, Amasis endeavoured by all means to pursue and 
 take him. He sent therefore a chief and trusty officer of 
 his household, in a galley, to follow him. This officer 
 actually arrested Phanes in Lycia, and yet failed to lead 
 him back to Egypt; for by a well-concerted stratagem 
 he effected his escape, having intoxicated his guards : 
 he went off to Persia. Cambyses was then preparing 
 to march against Egypt ; but was in doubt how he should 
 convey his army across the arid desert. Phanes, besides 
 revealing to him the affairs of Amasis, gave him advice 
 in what way to effect the passage of the deserts ; — he 
 recommended that Cambyses should send an embassy to 
 the king of the Arabians, intreating him to afford a safe 
 passage to his army. 
 
 This is the only way in which Egypt is accessible 
 (from the east). For the country from Phoenicia to the 
 borders of the city Cadytis — a city of the Syrian Pales- 
 tine, not much less, I think, than Sardis, with the mari- 
 time towns, as far as Jenysus, belongs to Arabia. Again 
 from Jenysus to the lake Serbonis, near which Mount 
 Casius approaches the sea, the country belongs to the 
 Syrians ; and from the lake Serbonis, in which, as they 
 say, Typho was hid, Egypt begins. Now between Je- 
 nysus, Mount Casius, and the lake Serbonis — a space not 
 of small extent, being a journey of three days, the land 
 is utterly destitute of water. 
 
 (5) 
 
ARABIANS. 189 
 
 A circumstance observed by few who make voyages 
 to Egypt I have to mention. From the whole of Greece, 
 as well as from Phoenicia, there are brought into Egypt 
 twice every year, earthern vessels, filled with wine ; and 
 yet — so to speak — not one of these wine jars is afterwards 
 to be seen in Egypt. How then — let any one say — are 
 they disposed of? this I will explain. Every mayor of a 
 town is required to collect all this pottery within his 
 jurisdiction, and send it to Memphis : these being filled 
 with water, are sent forward to the arid desert of Syria, 
 and so come round to their first home. In this way, 
 from the time they first conquered Egypt, the Persians 
 have opened the road thither, by providing themselves 
 with water for travelling into that country through the 
 arid desert. But at the time of which we are now speak- 
 ing, there was no such provision of water. Cambyses 
 therefore, under the direction of the Halicarnassian 
 stranger, sent messsengers to the Arabian to ask safe 
 passage ; which he obtained— giving and receiving the 
 pledge of truth. 
 
 [ISTo men keep their plighted word more religiously than the 
 Arabians. They take oath in the following manner. — Those 
 who wish to pledge their faith stand together, while a third 
 person, with a sharp stone, makes an incision in the palm of the 
 hand, near the mid ringer, of both parties, and then, taking a 
 shred from the garment of both, asperses with the blood seven 
 stones, placed between them; while this is done they invoke 
 Bacchus and Urania. This ceremony completed, he who has 
 given his faith introduces the other party, the stranger, or his 
 fellow-citizen, if it be with a neighbour that he has covenanted, 
 to his friends, who also hold themselves bound to respect the 
 engagement. The Arabians acknowledge as divinities only 
 Bacchus and Urania ; and they shave their locks in the very 
 fashion, as they say, in which Bacchus shaved his ; that is, in 
 a circle round the temples. Bacchus they call Orotal and 
 Urania Alilat.] 
 (8) 
 
190 PSAMMENITUS. 
 
 When the Arabian had given his word to the mes- 
 sengers of Cambyses, he adopted the following measures : 
 vessels of camels' skins he filled with water, and with 
 them loaded all his live stock of camels : these he drove 
 into the arid region, there to await the army of Cam- 
 byses. This is the most credible of the accounts given ; 
 we must however mention one less probable, since it has 
 been affirmed. There is in Arabia a river of some size 
 named Corys, which empties itself into the Red Sea. 
 From this river, it is said, the king of the Arabians led 
 water by means of a canal (or hose) of bulls' hides, and 
 other skins, sewed together, of length sufficient to reach 
 from the river to the arid region. There he dug large 
 reservoirs to receive and preserve the water. The dis- 
 tance is a journey of twelve days. It is affirmed there 
 were three of these canals (or pipes) laid at some distance 
 from each other. 
 
 Psammenitus, son of Amasis, encamped, awaiting 
 Cambyses, at the Pelusian mouth of the Nile. Amasis 
 did not survive to the time of this invasion, but had just 
 died, after a reign of four-and-forty years, during all 
 which time no signal reverse of fortune had happened to 
 him. After death he was embalmed, and deposited in 
 the sepulchre he had himself constructed in the temple. 
 In the reign of his son Psammenitus, a great phenomenon 
 happened in Egypt, for there was rain at the Egyptian 
 Thebes, which the people affirm had never been seen in 
 that region before, nor ever since, to the present time. 
 For in Upper Egypt it never rains. : but then it fell in 
 showers. 
 
 The Persians having made their way through the arid 
 plains, halted near to the Egyptians, in preparation for 
 battle. There it was that the auxiliaries of the Egyptian 
 king, being Greeks and Carians, indignant at Phanes for 
 leading a foreign army against Egypt, acted as I am to 
 describe. Phanes had left his sons in Egypt : these the 
 
 (ID 
 
CONQUEST OF JEGYPT. 191 
 
 Greeks led forth before the camp, and in sight of their 
 father, they placed a vessel between the two armies, and 
 then, bringing each of the youths separately to the vessel, 
 slew him over it : when all were butchered, they poured 
 in wine and water, and the entire army of auxiliaries 
 drank of it. After this the fight commenced : a hardly 
 contested battle ensued: a vast number of both armies 
 fell ; at length the Egyptians turned and fled. 
 
 [A remarkable fact was pointed out to me by the people who 
 live on the spot where this battle took place. — The bones of the 
 slain being heaped apart — the Persians lying by themselves as 
 they fell in their ranks, and the Egyptians separately also ; — the 
 skulls of the Persians are so weak, that you may, if you please, 
 break them in, by throwing a pebble ; while those of the Egyp- 
 tians are so strong, that you scarcely produce a fracture by 
 dashing a stone at them. The cause of this they say is, and I 
 readily assent to it, that the heads of the Egyptians are shaved 
 from infancy, and the skull is thickened by the sun : from the 
 same cause, the Egyptians are, of all men, the least subject 
 to baldness : hence their skulls become so stout. But on the 
 contrary, the Persians have feeble skulls, because they screen 
 them from the sun from the first, by thickly folded turbans. 
 Such at least was the fact, which I myself witnessed. I ob- 
 served also a similar appearance on the field at Papremis, 
 where lay those slain by Inarus, the Libyan, under Achaemenes, 
 son of Darius.] 
 
 The Egyptians driven from the field, fled in disorder, 
 and were shut up in Memphis. Cambyses then sent a 
 Mitylenean bark up the river, with a herald— a Persian, 
 to invite the Egyptians to treat with him. But they, 
 when they saw the vessel entering Memphis, rushed to- 
 gether from the ramparts, destroyed the bark, tore the 
 men limb from limb, and bore them to the walls. After 
 this they sustained a siege for some time, and at length 
 yielded. Meanwhile the Libyans in the vicinity, being 
 (13) 
 
192 CAMBYSES. 
 
 put in fear by, what had taken place in Egypt, surrendered 
 themselves;l%jthout resistance, and agreed to render a 
 certain tf*b$fce£and they sank gifts. The people of Cyrene 
 andjfeirrca .also; moved by the same fears, did the like, 
 ^he^nerings of the Libyans Cambyses received amicably, 
 while those of the Cyrenaens he contemned, because, as 
 I suppose, they were too small ; for they sent only 500 
 pounds of silver ; he snatched at the money, and threw 
 it among the soldiers. 
 
 On the tenth day after Cambyses had taken the citadel 
 of Memphis, and when Psammenitus, king of Egypt, had 
 reigned just six months, he compelled the conquered king, 
 with other Egyptians, to sit in mock state at the entrance 
 of the city : and further to make trial of his fortitude, 
 he adopted the following means. — He attired the daughter 
 of Psammenitus in the habit of a slave, and sent her 
 with a pitcher to fetch water ; she was accompanied by 
 other virgins, selected from the most noble families, and 
 all clad in the same garb of servitude. When this pro- 
 cession came where the king and his nobles were sitting, 
 the fathers answered to the cries and lamentations of 
 their daughters by their own loud grief, in seeing their 
 children thus humiliated. But Psammenitus, after taking 
 a glance at the spectacle, only cast his eyes to the 
 ground. When these had passed, bearing their water- 
 pots, there next came the king's son, with two thousand 
 Egyptian youths of the same age, bound with ropes 
 round their necks, and with bridles in their mouths. 
 These were led forth to expiate the death of those who 
 had perished in the ship of Mitylene : for the royal 
 judges had given sentence that, for each man then 
 killed, ten Egyptians of the highest rank should die. 
 When these were led past, and it was known they were 
 going to execution, the nobles seated with their king wept 
 in grievous affliction ; but he did not vary from his beha- 
 viour on the former occasion. After they had passed, it 
 
 (14) 
 
PSAMMENITUS. 193 
 
 happened that a man advanced in years, who had been 
 his familiar companion, but who now had lost his all, and 
 was as poor as the veriest beggar, passed by where 
 Psammenitus, and his nobles were sitting; and as 
 he went he asked alms of the soldiers. On seeing this 
 Psammenitus burst forth into weeping, and smiting his 
 head, called his friend by name. There were spies at 
 hand who observed all that took place, to report it to 
 Cambyses. He, wondering at the conduct of the Egyp- 
 tian king, sent a messenger with this inquiry — " Psam- 
 menitus ! Cambyses your sovereign demands why, when 
 you beheld your daughter humiliated, and your son going 
 to death, you uttered neither cry nor lamentation ; but 
 when a mendicant, who, as he is informed, is not of your 
 house passed, you honoured him with your sorrow?" 
 To this he replied, " Son of Cyrus ! the misfortunes of 
 my family are too heavy to be expressed by lamentations ; 
 but the griefs of my friend were worthy of tears, who, 
 on the threshold of age, has fallen from the height of 
 prosperity into extreme destitution." This reply was 
 approved by Cambyses, when reported to him, and it is 
 affirmed that Croesus, who attended Cambyses to Egypt, 
 wept, as did also the Persians who were present. Even 
 Cambyses seemed to be overtaken by some compassion, and 
 instantly commanded that the son should be rescued from 
 among those who were to perish, and the father brought 
 from the suburbs into his presence. Those who were 
 sent found the son of Psammenitus no longer surviving, 
 for he had first been killed. But Psammenitus they led 
 before Cambyses, with whom he afterwards remained 
 unmolested ; and if he had not been found to be inter- 
 meddling with state affairs he might have received the 
 vicegerency of Egypt. For it is the custom of the Per- 
 sians to honour the sons even of those kings who have 
 revolted from them, and to bestow upon them the govern- 
 ment of the conquered country. That this rule obtains 
 (15> o 
 
194 CAMBYSES. 
 
 in the administration of their empire might be proved by 
 many instances, among which these may be mentioned. 
 Thannyras the Libyan, son of Inarus, was put in posses- 
 sion of his father's kingdom, as was also Pausiris, son of 
 AmyrtEeus ; and yet none ever injured the Persians more 
 than Inarus and Amyrtaeus. But Psammenitus devising 
 mischief, received the reward of his conduct ; for being 
 detected in inciting the Egyptians to revolt, he was seized 
 and condemned by Cambyses to drink the blood of a bull, 
 and presently died. Such was the end of this prince. 
 
 Cambyses intent upon prosecuting his designs, went 
 from Memphis to Sais. No sooner had he entered the 
 palace of Amasis, than he commanded the body of that 
 king to be brought forth ; and when this was done he 
 ordered it to be flogged and pricked, and the hair to be 
 plucked from it, and every other indignity to be inflicted 
 he could devise. As his people toiled at this work — for 
 the corpse having been embalmed resisted their endea- 
 vours, and was not easily divisible — Cambyses impiously 
 commanded it to be burned. I say impiously, for the 
 Persians think fire to be a god : to burn the dead is 
 therefore (for different reasons) forbidden by the laws of 
 both these nations. By those of the Persians, because 
 they think it wrong to offer the dead body of a man to a 
 god. But on the contrary, the Egyptians consider fire to 
 be a real wild animal, which devours whatever it can lay 
 hold of, and which, when glutted, expires with what it 
 has swallowed. Now it is utterly unlawful to deliver a 
 dead body to wild beasts : for this very reason they em- 
 balm the dead, that they may not lie and be eaten by 
 maggots. The deed of Cambyses was therefore con- 
 demned by the laws of both nations. The Egyptians 
 indeed affirm that it was not Amasis that suffered 
 this fate ; but that of some Egyptian of similar 
 figure, which was thus indignantly treated by the Per- 
 sians, while they believed themselves to be insulting 
 
 (16) 
 
MACROBIAN ETHIOPIANS. 195 
 
 Amasis. And they say that the king, having been in- 
 formed by an oracle what would happen to him when 
 dead, in order to avoid his fate, himself deposited the 
 body, which the Persians flogged, within his own se- 
 pulchre, and at the same time enjoined his son to place his 
 body in the very deepest recess of the vault. No such 
 substitution of one body for another I believe actually 
 took place ; the whole I consider as an extravagant fic- 
 tion of the Egyptians. 
 
 After this, Cambyses devised three expeditions; one 
 against the Carthagenians, another against the Ammonians, 
 and another against the Macrobian Ethiopians, who 
 inhabit that part of Libya which lies on the southern 
 sea (Abyssinia). In concerting the means of accomplish' 
 ing these intentions, he determined to send a naval ex- 
 pedition against the Carthagenians, while a division of 
 the army should march against the Ammonians. And it 
 was arranged to send, in the first place, spies among the 
 Ethiopians, who were professedly to gain a sight of the 
 Table of the Sun, said to exist in Ethiopia ; or to inform 
 themselves of the truth of the common report ; while 
 they were to glance at whatever might fall under their 
 notice; and to cover their design they were to carry 
 gifts to the king. 
 
 This Table of the Sun has been thus described.— In 
 the suburbs of the city there is a meadow, filled with the 
 flesh of all kinds of quadrupeds, cooked : these provi- 
 sions it is the duty of the magistrates of the city to place 
 every night; and during the day whoever pleases may 
 partake of the feast. The natives pretend that the earth 
 produces these provisions every night. This is what is 
 called the Table of the Sun. 
 
 When Cambyses had determined to employ spies, 
 he forthwith sent to Elephantine for some of the Ich- 
 thyophagian race (fish-eaters) who were masters of the 
 Ethiopian language. In the mean time, while they were 
 (19) o 2 
 
196 CAMBYSES. 
 
 on their way, he gave orders for the sailing of the expe- 
 dition against Carthage. But the Phoenicians refused 
 to comply with the order, being, as they said, bound by 
 solemn treaties ; indeed it would be, as they declared, a 
 wickedness for them to make war upon their own sons.* 
 These refusing, none others were deemed equal to the 
 enterprise. Thus the Carthagenians escaped the danger 
 of subjection to the Persians. Cambyses did not think 
 fit to attempt compelling- the obedience of the Phoeni- 
 cians by force, both because they had surrendered them- 
 selves voluntarily to the Persians, and because the whole 
 naval power was dependant upon that people. The 
 Cyprians also had surrendered themselves to the Persians, 
 and were now engaged in the invasion of Egypt. 
 
 When the Ichthyophagians came to Cambyses from 
 Elephantine, he despatched them to Ethiopia, having 
 instructed them in what they were to say, and charged 
 them with the presents, which consisted of a purple 
 cloak — a twisted golden collar, with bracelets — an alabaster 
 box of ointment, and a cask of palm wine. These 
 Ethiopians, to whom Cambyses despatched this embassy, 
 are reported to be the highest in stature, and the hand- 
 somest of all men. In many of their customs they are 
 distinguished from the rest of mankind; among these 
 may be named their mode of electing to the sovereignty ; 
 for they choose him to be king who excels his fellow- 
 citizens in size and proportionate strength. When the 
 Ichthyophagians arrived among the Ethiopians, and 
 offered to their king the gifts they brought, they thus 
 addressed him: — " The king of the Persians — even Cam- 
 byses, wishing to form friendship and society with 
 you, has sent us, commanding us to confer with you, 
 and present to you gifts of such things as he is him- 
 self most pleased with." But the Ethiopian having 
 
 * Carthage was a colony from Tyre. 
 
 (21) 
 
KING OP THE ETHIOPIANS. 197 
 
 learned that they came as spies, spoke thus to them ;— 
 " Nor has the Persian king sent you with gifts, as if he 
 cared much to be my friend, nor do you speak truth ; for 
 it is as spies of my power that you come ; nor is he an 
 honest man ; for if he were honest, he would not covet 
 other lands than his own ; nor would he bring into ser- 
 vitude men who have done him no wrong. But now give 
 him this bow, and with it these words : ' The king of the 
 Ethiopians advises the king of the Persians to lead against 
 the Macrobian Ethiopians an army surpassing their's 
 in number, when the Persians can bend thus easily bows 
 as stout as this. Meanwhile let him thank the gods who 
 have not inspired the sons of Ethiopia with the desire to 
 add another land to their own.' " Thus speaking he 
 unloosed the bow, and delivered it to the comers. 
 
 [Then taking up the purple robe, he asked what it might be, 
 and how fabricated ; and when the Ichthyophagians truly de- 
 scribed the purple, and the mode of dying, he said, " the men are 
 deceptive, and deceptive are their garments." Next he put ques- 
 tions relative to the twisted collar of gold, and the bracelets ; 
 and when the messengers exhibited the beauty of them, the king 
 laughing, and mistaking their use, said, " we use stronger 
 fetters than these." Then he made inquiries about the oint- 
 ment; and when informed of its composition and application, 
 he said the same of it as of the cloak. When he came to the 
 wine, and had inquired the mode of preparing it, he took a 
 draught, which vastly delighted him : he then asked what food 
 the king made use of, and also what was the longest term of 
 life among the Persians : they replied, bread was his food, and 
 they explained the culture of wheat ; adding, eighty years is the 
 extreme period of a long life. Upon this, the Ethiopian said he 
 wondered not that they lived so few years, since they subsisted 
 on rottenness {kott^oq) nor could they attain even that number 
 of years, if it were not for the aid of the drink — meaning the 
 wine. In this article alone, he allowed themselves to be infe- 
 rior to the Persians. 
 (22) o 3 
 
198 CAMBYSES. 
 
 The Ichthyophagians inquiring in return of the king what was 
 the term and nianner of life of the Ethiopians, he said that most 
 of them reached the age of one hundred and twenty years, and 
 that some surpassed that term. Their food was boiled flesh, and 
 their drink milk. When the spies expressed wonder at the age 
 attained by the Ethiopians, the king led them to a fountain, by 
 washing in which the body was made sleek as if it were oil ; 
 and it had a fragrance like that of violets. The water of this 
 spring, as the spies affirmed, was so weak (subtile) that nothing 
 could float on its surface — neither wood, nor bodies lighter than 
 wood — but all went to the bottom. And moreover, if what is 
 said of this spring be true, it is by the abundant use of it that 
 these people are so long-lived. Leaving this fountain, the 
 spies were conducted to the common prison, where all the pri- 
 soners were secured with fetters of gold ; for among these Ethio- 
 pians, brass is of all metals the rarest and the most precious : 
 after seeing the prison, they inspected the Table of the Sun, 
 above-mentioned. 
 
 Finally, the spies examined the coffins of the dead, which 
 are said to be prepared from crystal, by the following process. — 
 When the corpse is dried — whether in the manner practised by 
 the Egyptians, or by some other mode, they cover the whole 
 with gypsum ; then they paint it ornamentally, as near to the 
 life as they are able. After this, they surround it with a hollow 
 column of crystal, which is dug in abundance in their country, 
 and is of a kind easily wrought. The body thus placed in the 
 midst of the column, is perfectly visible ; nor does it emit an 
 unpleasant smell, or become in any way offensive : the crystal 
 being throughout transparent, the body is seen on every side 
 alike. The nearest relatives of the deceased keep the column in 
 their houses during one year — offering to it the first-fruits of all, 
 and performing sacrifices. After that time, it is carried forth, 
 and stationed somewhere in the vicinity of the city.] 
 
 The spies having inspected every thing, returned, and 
 gave an account of their mission to Cambyses, who fired 
 with rage, instantly resolved to attack the Ethiopians, 
 
 m 
 
SUFFERINGS OF THE ARMY. 199 
 
 though he had made no provision for the sustenance of 
 the army, nor reflected that he was about to carry his 
 arms to the extremity of the earth. In truth he set 
 forward after hearing the narration of the Ichthyopha- 
 gians, more like a madman than one in the possession of 
 reason ; and he commanded all the Greeks who were with 
 him to remain behind, while he led on the whole of the 
 land forces. When the army reached Thebes, he sepa- 
 rated from it about 50,000 men, commanding them to 
 reduce the Ammonians to slavery, and to burn the ora- 
 cular temple of Jupiter ; while he, with the main body, 
 proceeded against the Ethiopians. But before the army 
 had accomplished a fifth part of its destined journey, the 
 whole of the provisions which they carried with them was 
 exhausted. When their bread was spent, they devoured 
 all the beasts of burden that could be eaten. If when he 
 learned the state of things, Cambyses had altered his pur- 
 pose, and led back the army, he might, even after his first 
 fault, have been accounted a wise man ; but instead of 
 this, without reflection, he still continued advancing. 
 The men so long as they could collect the produce of the 
 earth, either roots or herbs, sustained life ; but when they 
 reached the sands, many of them had recourse to a dire 
 expedient: for taking by lot one man in ten, they de- 
 voured him. Cambyses learning this, and horrified at this 
 devouring of one another among his people, abandoned 
 his expedition against the Ethiopians — turned back, and 
 reached Thebes, after losing a great part of his army. 
 From Thebes he descended to Memphis, where he dis- 
 missed the Greeks. So terminated this expedition against 
 the Ethiopians. 
 
 Those who were sent to attack the Ammonians pro- 
 ceeded from Thebes, under the conduct of guides, and 
 arrived, it is known, at a city named Oasis, inhabited by 
 Samians, said to be of the iEschrionian tribe, and which 
 is distant seven days' journey from Thebes across the 
 (26) o 4 
 
200 CAMBYS'ES: 
 
 sands. This region, in the Greek language, is called — 
 The island of the happy. So far this division of the 
 army is known to have arrived ; but what became of it 
 afterwards no man knows ; unless we admit what is re- 
 ported by the Ammonians, or by those who repeat what 
 they have heard from them. For the army neither 
 reached the Ammonians, nor returned home. The ac- 
 count given by the Ammonians is this — When they had 
 advanced over the sands, about half-way between Oasis 
 and the place of their destination, it happened that while 
 they were taking dinner, there blew a great and rushing 
 wind from the south, bringing with it heaps of sand, 
 under which they were buried, and utterly disappeared. 
 Such is the story told by the Ammonians. 
 
 At the time when Cambyses arrived at Memphis, Apis, 
 whom the Greeks call Epaphus, appeared among the 
 Egyptians. When this manifestation took place, in- 
 stantly the Egyptians put on their best attire, and gave 
 themselves to jollity. Cambyses observing their re- 
 joicings, undoubtingly concluded that it was on ac- 
 count of his late misfortunes ; and therefore sum- 
 moned the magistrates of Memphis. When they 
 appeared before him, he said — " When I first was at 
 Memphis, the Egyptians acted in no such way ; why then 
 do they rejoice, when I come after losing great part of 
 the army ?" To this they replied, that their god, who was 
 wont to manifest himself only at distant intervals, had 
 appeared to them, and that when he appeared then all 
 the Egyptians were accustomed to rejoice with feasting. 
 Cambyses hearing this, said they lied, and as liars he put 
 them to death. These persons having suffered, he next 
 called the priests into his presence, who affirmed the same 
 as the last ; upon which he said he would not be ignorant if 
 indeed a god, so tractable, was wont to come to the Egyp- 
 tians; and forthwith he commanded the priests to lead 
 Apis into his presence : they went therefore to bring him. 
 
 (28) 
 
apis.. 201 
 
 This Apis, or as we call him Epaphus, is a steer, born 
 of a cow that will produce no other offspring ; and the 
 Egyptians say that a flash from heaven descends upon 
 the cow. The calf, called Apis, is known by the follow- 
 ing signs. It is black ; — has a square (or triangular) spot 
 of white on the forehead ; — on the back, the resemblance 
 of an eagle — in the tail double hairsj and on (or under) 
 the tongue, a beetle. When the priests introduced Apis, 
 Cambyses, as if in a fit of frenzy, drew his dagger, intending 
 to strike the belly of Apis ; but instead struck the thigh, 
 and then laughing said to the priests — " O you block- 
 heads ! do the gods become such — consisting of blood and 
 flesh, and that may feel iron ? Yet such a god is worthy 
 of the Egyptians ! But now you shall have no reason to 
 rejoice at having mocked me." So saying he commanded 
 those whose business it was, to scourge the priests, and 
 gave orders that all the Egyptians who might be found 
 feasting, should be put to death. Thus ended this fes- 
 tival, and the priests were punished. As for Apis who 
 was wounded in the thigh, he wasted as he lay in the 
 temple, and at length dying of his hurt, the priests buried 
 him, without the knowledge of Cambyses. 
 
 From that moment, as the Egyptians affirm, and in con- 
 sequence of this atrocity, Cambyses became mad, though 
 indeed he was not. of sound mind before. The first of 
 his crimes was that which he perpetrated on Smerdis his 
 brother, by both father and mother, whom he dismissed 
 to Persia from Egypt, through envy, because he alone, 
 of all the Persians, had drawn within two fingers' breadth 
 of the full, the Ethiopian bow, brought by the Ichthyo- 
 phagians : — not a man of the Persians could do this ex- 
 cept Smerdis. When his brother had returned to Persia, 
 Cambyses saw a vision in his sleep : he thought he beheld 
 a messenger coming from Persia, and announcing that 
 Smerdis was seated on the royal throne, and that he 
 touched the heavens with his head. Upon this, fearing 
 (30) 
 
202 CAMBYSES. 
 
 for himself, lest his brother should kill him and reign, he 
 despatched Prexaspes to Persia — a man beyond any other 
 trustworthy, to destroy him. He, proceeding to Susa, 
 killed Smerdis — as some say, while hunting ; others 
 affirm that he led the prince to the Red Sea, and there 
 drowned him. 
 
 This it is said was the first of the outrageous crimes of 
 Cambyses : the second was perpetrated towards his own 
 sister, who followed him to Egypt, and whom he married, 
 contrary to the ancient customs of the Persians. Before 
 doing so he convoked the royal judges, and asked them — 
 If there was any law permitting one who wished to 
 marry his own sister, to do so 1 These royal judges are 
 approved persons among the Persians, who, during the 
 term of their lives, or at least till they are detected in 
 some act of injustice, judge causes among the people, 
 and expound the ancient constitutions, and are the final 
 arbiters of all questions. To the inquiry of Cambyses 
 these judges gave an answer that was at once just (or 
 conformable to law) and yet safe (for themselves). They 
 said — They found indeed no law commanding a brother 
 to marry a sister. But they found a law which permitted 
 a king of Persia to do whatever he pleased. Thus, while 
 they did not violate law, from dread of Cambyses, they 
 avoided bringing destruction upon themselves in enforcing 
 the law, by adducing another which gave him support 
 in marrying his sister. Cambyses did so therefore, and 
 not long afterwards he married another sister also ; and 
 the younger of them, who accompanied him to Egypt, 
 he put to death. Two accounts relative to her death, as 
 well as concerning that of Smerdis, are abroad. The 
 Greeks affirm that Cambyses on one occasion, when his wife 
 was present, set a lion's whelp to fight with a young dog : 
 the dog being vanquished, a puppy of the same litter, 
 bursting its chain, came forward to its brother's assistance. 
 The two dogs now united, mastered the cub. This greatly 
 
 (32) 
 
MADNESS OF THE KING. 203 
 
 delighted Cambyses. But his wife by his side shed tears. 
 Cambyses noticing this, asked why she wept, She said, 
 in seeing the dog avenge his brother she wept, remem- 
 bering Smerdis, who, she knew, had found no avenger. 
 According to the Greeks she perished by order of Cam- 
 byses for this speech. But the Egyptians, say that, as 
 they sat at table, his wife took a lettuce, and stripped it 
 of its leaves, and then asked her husband which was the 
 prettiest—^-a lettuce stripped to the core, or one thick 
 with its foliage. When he said, one with its leaves, she 
 replied — " But you have cut round the house of Cyrus, 
 as this lettuce is pared." Enraged by this answer, he 
 gave her a kick ; and she being then with child, died of 
 the blow. 
 
 Thus madly did Cambyses behave towards his own 
 family : we say not whether this happened to him on ac- 
 count of Apis, or from other more common causes — such as 
 are wont to bring misfortunes upon men. It is indeed said 
 that Cambyses from his birth laboured under a powerful 
 malady, called by some the sacred disease {epilepsy). No 
 wonder then that, as his body was so much distempered, 
 his mind should not be sound. 
 
 Towards the Persians in general, his behaviour was also 
 that of a madman. To Prexaspes — a man whom he 
 highly honoured — who performed the office of presenting 
 despatches, and whose son was king's cup-bearer — a place 
 of no little dignity — he is reported to have addressed the 
 following questions : — " Prexaspes," said he, " what sort 
 of man do the Persians think me ? and in what terms do 
 they speak of me ?" To this he replied, — " My Lord, in 
 all other respects they extol you greatly ; but they say you 
 are too much addicted to wine." Cambyses enraged 
 at hearing this, replied — " The Persians affirm that, 
 by giving myself to wine, I am beside myself — that I 
 have lost all discretion? Then, if it be so, what they 
 before said of me was not true." For on a former oc- 
 (34) 
 
204 CAMBYSES. 
 
 casion, when at table with the Persian nobles, Croesus 
 being present, Cambyses had asked — " What am I, 
 when compared with Cyrus, my father ?" To which they 
 answered, that he was superior to his father ; since he not 
 only held his father's possessions, but had acquired also 
 Egypt, and the dominion of the sea. So spoke the Per- 
 sians ; but Croesus not pleased with this decision, thus 
 addressed Cambyses — " To me now, O son of Cyrus, you 
 seem not comparable to your father ; for it is not yet 
 your happiness, as it was his, to leave a son like your- 
 self." Cambyses was delighted with this reply, and 
 praised the judgment of Croesus. 
 
 It was in the recollection of this, that Cambyses so an- 
 grily addressed Prexaspes — " Now yourself observe, whe- 
 ther the Persians speak truly, or whether, in saying such 
 things of me, they are not themselves insane ; for if I strike 
 your son to the heart, as he stands there in the vestibule, 
 it will appear that the Persians have no ground for what 
 they affirm. But if I miss my aim, the Persians will be 
 proved to be in the right, and that I am not of sound 
 mind." So saying, he bent his bow, and hit the youth, 
 who fell dead. Cambyses then ordered the body to be 
 opened, and the wound to be examined ; when the shaft 
 was found in the heart. "There Prexaspes," said he, 
 laughing, and in high glee — " it is proved to you that I 
 am not mad ; but that it is the Persians who have lost 
 their wits. Now tell me, did you ever know a man hit 
 his mark more nicely?" Prexaspes perceiving that he 
 had to do with a mad man, and fearing for his own life, 
 replied — " My Lord, I really think that a god could not 
 have shot better." In a like temper, on another occasion, 
 without any just cause, he seized twelve Persians of high 
 rank, and buried them alive up to the head. 
 
 While pursuing this course, Croesus judged it proper 
 to admonish him in the following terms — " O king, indulge 
 not thus your anger, and the heat of youth ; but rather 
 
 (36) 
 
ESCAPE OF ORCESUS. 205 
 
 possess and command yourself. It is a good thing to 
 look to consequences, and wise to be cautious in good 
 time. You put men to death — your own subjects, seized 
 without just cause ; — you slaughter children. If you con- 
 tinue this course, take care the Persians do not revolt 
 from you. Your father Cyrus strictly enjoined me to 
 admonish you, and to suggest any thing that might seem to 
 me for your good." Thus he gave proof of his friendship : 
 but Cambyses answered, " And do you dare to give me 
 counsel ! You ! who so prosperously administered your own 
 kingdom ! You ! who so sagely advised my father to pass 
 the Araxes, and to advance upon the Massagetes, when 
 they were willing to come over to our side 1 You have 
 then ruined yourself by the mismanagement of your 
 state, and you destroyed Cyrus who yielded to your 
 persuasions. But you shall have no reason to bless 
 yourself ; for of a long time I have sought to catch an 
 occasion against you." So saying, he seized his bow, 
 as if to shoot at him ; but Croesus withdrew, and ran 
 away ; Cambyses failing in his purpose, commanded his 
 attendants to take and kill him. But they, knowing well 
 his temper, hid Croesus ; supposing that the king would 
 alter his mind, and seek for him ; in which case they, on 
 producing him, should receive gifts as the price of his 
 redemption. But if he should not relent, or wish for him 
 again, then they would put him to death. But after a 
 very short time, Cambyses again wished for Croesus, and 
 the attendants perceiving it, announced that he was still 
 living : upon which he said, he was indeed rejoiced that 
 Croesus survived ; but as for those who had saved him, 
 they should not go unpunished, but die for it : and he 
 fulfilled the threat. 
 
 Such was the furious behaviour of Cambyses, both 
 towards his subjects and his allies. While at Mem- 
 phis, he opened the ancient repositories of the dead, 
 and examined the bodies; and entering the temple of 
 (37) 
 
k 20() CAMBYSES. 
 
 Vulcan, he made sport of the image of the deity. For 
 there is there an image of Vulcan, nearly resembling 
 the images called Pataeci, which the Phoenicians place 
 at the prows of their galleys. For the benefit of those 
 who have not seen them, I may mention that these figures 
 represent pygmies. Cambyses entered also the temple 
 of the Cabeiri, into which it is unlawful for any but the 
 priest to go : — the images of this temple he burned, after 
 deriding them in various ways : — they are similar to those 
 of Vulcan ; of whom the Cabeiri are said to be the sons. 
 
 From all these instances, it is evident to me that 
 Cambyses was utterly deranged ; for otherwise, he cer- 
 tainly would not have attempted to make sport of things 
 sacred, and of established usages. For if it were pro- 
 posed to men to select from all existing institutions, the 
 very best ; each people, after looking round, would prefer 
 their own : so certain is it that every nation thinks its own 
 customs by far preferable to any that can be found. One 
 cannot therefore believe that any but a madman would 
 deride a people's institutions. That all men do actually 
 thus prefer their own usages, is a truth that may be 
 established by many and various proofs, and among such 
 proofs, the following may be mentioned. — Darius, on one 
 occasion, addressing some Greeks under his sway who 
 were present, asked, " For what sum of money would 
 you feed upon the dead bodies of your parents V " For 
 no sum whatever," said they, "would we perpetrate such 
 a deed." Darius then called for some Indians, of the 
 tribe called Callatia, who devour their parents, and said, 
 in the presence of the Greeks, to whom what passed was 
 made known by an interpreter; — "On receiving what 
 sum of money would you consent to burn your fathers 
 when they die ?" They, uttering a loud shriek, conjured 
 him to talk of things less offensive. Now all this is the 
 effect only of established usage. Well sung Pindar, I 
 think when he said, * Custom is the king of all men.' 
 
 (38) 
 
POLYCRA.TES. 207 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 THE STORY OF POLYCRATES, AND OF PERIANDER. 
 
 [At the time that Cambyses invaded Egypt, the Lacedaemoni- 
 ans undertook an expedition against Samos, and Polycrates, son 
 of Ajax, who had violently possessed himself of the island. At 
 first Polycrates had divided the state into three parts, which he 
 shared with his two brothers, Pantagnotus and Syloson; but 
 presently killing one, and banishing Syloson, the younger, he 
 held the whole island. Having confirmed himself in his autho- 
 rity, he formed an alliance with Amasis, king of Egypt — send- 
 ing gifts, and receiving others in return. Within a very short 
 time, the affairs of Polycrates prospered so much, that his fame 
 was noised throughout Ionia and all Greece. Which way 
 soever he turned his arms, he met good fortune. He had one 
 hundred fifty- oared galleys, and a thousand archers : he drove 
 all before him, and plundered friends and foes, without distinc- 
 tion; professing that he gratified a friend more by restoring 
 what he had seized, than by taking nothing. He took many of 
 the islands, and not a few cities on the continent : and the Les- 
 bians, who came with all their forces to succour the Milesians, 
 he vanquished in a naval engagement, and took them prisoners : 
 these captives dug the entire trench, which encompasses the wall 
 of Samos, (the city.) 
 
 The extraordinary good fortune of Polycrates was not hid 
 from Amasis; on the contrary, it excited his solicitude: and 
 when at length, still greater successes followed his fortunes, the 
 Egyptian king wrote a letter in the following terms, which he 
 sent to Samos : — ■ 
 
 " Thus says Amasis to Polycrates :— it is pleasant to be in- 
 formed of the successful exploits of a friend and ally; but your 
 too great good fortune pleases me not — knowing as I do, that 
 the divinity is envious. For myself, and for those in whose 
 welfare I am most interested, I would rather have something 
 (40) 
 
208 POLYCRATES. 
 
 of prosperity in our undertakings, with some misliaps : so that 
 we might hold out the longer — experiencing vicissitudes, rather 
 than being in all things prosperous. Tor I have neither known, 
 nor heard of any man, universally successful, who was not at 
 last miserably overthrown. Now therefore, if you will be 
 advised by me, you will contravene your good fortune in some 
 such way as this : — Consider what, among all your treasures, 
 you can find that is most valued by you, and the loss of which 
 would most afflict your very soul : — this so cast away, that it 
 may henceforth never more be seen. And if in future your 
 successes are not mingled with an interchange of misfortunes, 
 again apply a remedy such as I have proposed." 
 
 On reading this letter, Polycrates gave serious attention to 
 what he thought the good advice of Amasis, and inquired of him- 
 self what it was among his treasures the loss of which would 
 most afflict his spirit. — He found on reflection, that the article 
 most dear to him was a signet he wore set in gold ; the 
 stone was an emerald, wrought by Theodoras, son of Tele- 
 cles a Samian. When he had resolved to cast it away, he 
 went on board a fifty-oared galley, full manned, and ordered 
 the men to make for the high seas : having distanced the island, 
 he, in the sight of all on board, drew off the signet, and threw 
 it into the main. So done, he turned his sail, and reaching his 
 palace, lent himself to his calamity. 
 
 On the fifth or sixth day after this, the following circumstance 
 occurred : — A fisherman having caught a fish of extraordinary 
 size and goodness, thought proper to offer it as a gift to Poly- 
 crates :— bringing it to the gates, he said he wished to be intro- 
 duced to Polycrates : when he approached, presenting the 
 fish, he said, " O king, having caught this, I judged that it 
 should not be carried into the market ; although indeed I live 
 by my labour: but I deemed it worthy of you, and of your 
 state. I bring it therefore and give it you." He, pleased 
 with the address, thus replied : — " You have well done, and I 
 give you double thanks ; first for your speech ; next for the 
 gift, and I invite you to supper." The fisherman thinking much 
 of the invitation, went to his home. When the servants came 
 to cut up the fish, they found in its belly the signet of Poly- 
 
 (42) 
 
POLYCRATES. 209 
 
 crates. Seeing it, they took it instantly, with great joy to the 
 king, and in giving it to him, said where it had been found. 
 He thinking the affair to be a divine intimation, wrote an ac- 
 count of what he had done, and of what had happened, and 
 despatched it to Egypt. 
 
 Amasis, on reading this epistle from Polycrates, learned from 
 it that it is impossible for man to rescue man from the fate that 
 awaits him ; and inferring that Polycrates was not to finish his 
 course well, since he was (at present) fortunate in all things, and 
 had even found what he had cast away, sent a herald to Samos 
 to dissolve the bonds of amity. This he did, lest a great and 
 grievous calamity befalling Polycrates, he should himself suffer 
 affliction in sympathy with one whom he reckoned among his 
 friends. 
 
 It was against this universally prosperous Polycrates, that the 
 Lacedaemonians made war. They had been invited to do so 
 by those Samians, who afterwards founded Cydonia in Crete. 
 For when Cambyses was collecting his forces for the invasion of 
 Egypt, Polycrates had sent to him, requesting the Persian to 
 make a demand upon Samos for a contingent of men. Cam- 
 byses no sooner received this request, than he readily despatched 
 a messenger, asking Polycrates to send a naval force to attend 
 him in his invasion of Egypt. He then selected from among 
 the citizens those whom he most suspected of seditious inten- 
 tions. These he sent out in forty galleys, enjoining Cambyses 
 not to send them home again. There are those who affirm, 
 that these Samians, sent out by Polycrates, never reached 
 Egypt; but that when they came off Carpathus, they conferred 
 together, and resolved to sail no further. While some say 
 that, arriving in Egypt, and finding themselves watched, they 
 made their escape, and returning to Samos, Polycrates met 
 and engaged them at sea ; — that they were victorious, and 
 landed on the island, where, in their turn, they were vanquished ; 
 and, in consequence, sailed away for Lacedaemon. Again 
 there are others who affirm, that these Samians, on their return 
 from Egypt, conquered Polycrates ; but in so saying, I think 
 they err ; for had they been able by themselves to withstand 
 Polycrates, tliero would have been no need for them to call in 
 (45) p 
 
210 POLYCRATES. 
 
 the aid of the Lacedaemonians. Besides, it is not credible 
 that a prince having in his pay a large body of mercenaries, 
 and of native archers, should be vanquished by a small number 
 of returning Samians. Moreover, Polycrates had in his power, 
 and shut up in the arsenals, the children and wives of the citi- 
 zens, whom he would have burned, together with the arsenals, 
 if the Samians at home had surrendered themselves to those 
 who returned. 
 
 When the Samians, expelled by Polycrates, arrived at 
 Sparta, and presented themselves before the magistrates, they 
 urged their petition in many words. But these, at the first 
 audience, replied, that the first portion of their address they 
 had forgotten, and the last they had not understood. After- 
 wards, when the Samians the second time presented them- 
 selves, they said nothing more than these words, as they pre- 
 sented a sack — " The sack wants meal." To which the Spar- 
 tans replied that, by the sack, they had superseded further 
 discourse, and they decreed to grant the aid. The Lacedaemo- 
 nians forthwith made preparations, and sent out a force against 
 Samos : and this, as the Samians affirm, by way of discharging 
 a debt of gratitude incurred when the Samians aided the Lace- 
 daemonians with ships in the Messenian war. But the Lace- 
 daemonians say that they undertook this expedition, not so 
 much to avenge these Samians at their request, as because they 
 wished to punish the (other) Samians for seizing the vase, sent 
 by them to Croesus, and the thoracle, which Amasis had sent 
 as a present to themselves : for the Samians had robbed them 
 of the thoracle the year before they took the vase. This tho- 
 racle (or corselet) was of linen, and in-wrought with many 
 figures of animals, and adorned with gold, and flocks of cotton. 
 But what is the most admirable, is that each thread of the 
 thoracle, though very slender, consists of three hundred and sixty 
 threads, all perceptible. A similar corselet was dedicated by 
 Amasis to the Lindian Minerva. 
 B.C. The Corinthians with much zeal gave their aid to the Lace- 
 
 daemonians in this expedition against Samos ; for they had received 
 an affront from the Samians in the preceding age, about the 
 time when the cup was stolen. — Periander, sou of Cypselus, 
 
 (48) 
 
 568. 
 
PRRIANDER. 211 
 
 had sent to Sardis, for Alyattes, three hundred youths, sons of 
 Corcyraean nobles, as slaves. When the Corinthians who 
 conducted them approached Samos, the Samians learning for 
 what purpose these children were to be carried to Sardis, first 
 instructed them to touch the temple of Diana ; and then prohibited 
 any one to withdraw the suppliants from the sanctuaiy. The 
 Corinthians then prevented their receiving sustenance. To afford 
 them a supply the Samians celebrated a festival — in the same 
 way as at present — and when night arrived, and while the youths 
 were in sanctuary, they appointed chorusses of virgins and young 
 men, who, according to custom, carried cakes made of sesame and 
 honey : this was done, that the Corcyraean children might seize 
 the provisions for their support. This they continued to do, until 
 at length the Corinthian guards departed, leaving their charge. 
 The Samians then conveyed the children back to Corcyra. 
 
 If, after the death of Periander, friendship had been cul- 
 tivated between the Corinthians and Corcyraeans, the former 
 would not, on account of the affront just mentioned, have 
 joined in the invasion of Samos. But in fact, always, from 
 the first colonization of the island, there have existed disagree- 
 ments between the two people ; and therefore the Corinthians 
 harboured this old grudge against the Samians. For Periander 
 had taken and sent these noble Corcyraean youths as slaves to 
 Sardis, only to revenge an atrocious deed, committed by the 
 people of Corcyra.— After Periander had killed his own wife, 
 Melissa, to this first calamity succeeded another. He had 
 two sons by Melissa, the one aged seventeen, the other eighteen 
 years. — Their maternal grandfather, Procles, tyrant of Epi- 
 daurus, sent for these youths, and, as was natural, they being 
 his daughter's sons, very fondly entertained them. When he sent 
 them back, he said, as he led them forth — " Know you now my 
 sons who it was that killed your mother ?" To this speech, the 
 elder of them gave no heed ; but the younger, named Lyco- 
 phron, in hearing it, so grieved, that when he arrived at Corinth, 
 regarding his father as the murderer of his mother, he neither 
 saluted him, nor answered when spoken to; and when ques- 
 tioned, would not utter a word. At length Periander in a rage 
 drove him from the palace. 
 (50) p 2 
 
212 PERIANDER AND 
 
 Lycophron being thus dismissed, the father inquired of his 
 elder son what their grandfather had said to them ; and he in 
 reply described how kindly they had been received ; but the 
 parting word of Procles, to which indeed he had given no 
 attention, he did not repeat. But Periander declared that it 
 could not be but that he had suggested something to them, and 
 continued to urge his inquiries, till, at length, the youth recol- 
 lected, and repeated the speech. Periander reflecting upon 
 this, and resolving no longer to cherish tenderness, sent a mes- 
 senger to those who had received his expelled son, forbidding 
 them to entertain him in their houses. In consequence of this, 
 the youth, driven from one house, sought refuge in another, 
 and was expelled from that also : for Periander had 
 threatened all who received him, and commanded that he 
 should be forced away. Thus driven about, he wandered 
 from house to house among his friends, who though with appre- 
 hension, yet could not refuse admittance to the son of Peri- 
 ander. In the end, Periander made proclamation by a 
 herald, that whoever received his son into their houses, or even 
 held discourse with him, should pay a certain fine — which he 
 named — to the temple of Apollo. After this, no one would 
 either entertain or speak to him : while the youth, not think- 
 ing it right to tempt a violation of his father's ordinance, and 
 yet adhering to his resolution, loitered about the porticos. 
 But on the fourth day, Periander seeing hiin unwashed, and 
 languishing for want of food, felt compassion — remitted his anger 
 — approached him, and thus spoke. — " Tell me my son, which is 
 preferable — what you now endure, or to receive royalty with 
 the goods which I possess, in adapting yourself to your father's 
 wishes ? You ! the son of him who is master of the wealth 
 of Corinth, have chosen the life of a vagabond, in spitefully 
 opposing the person, whom least of all you ought so to treat. 
 If a calamity has befallen our family, on account of which 
 you suspect me, remember that to me it has happened also, 
 and upon me falls the heaviest part of it, inasmuch as I it was 
 who did it {slew his mother.) As for yourself, having learned 
 (the truth of the saying) that it is better to be envied than 
 pitied, and feeling what it is to enrage a parent and a superior, 
 
 (52) 
 
LYCOPHRON. 213 
 
 return to your home." By these persuasions, Periander sought 
 to gain his son; but he made no other answer than to tell 
 his father that, " in conversing with him, he had made himself 
 liable to pay the fine to the god." Periander now perceiving 
 that the ill disposition of his son was incurable, and invincible, 
 resolved to dismiss him from his sight; and for this purpose 
 equipped a vessel to proceed with him to Corcyra ; — for he held 
 that island under his sway. Having despatchedhis son,Periander 
 made war upon his father-in-law, Procles, as being the chief 
 author of what had happened. And he captured Epidaurus — 
 took Procles, and held him a captive. 
 
 Time passed on ; Periander grew old, and being conscious 
 that he was no longer able to superintend his affairs, or give 
 command, sent to Corcyra to recal Lycophron, that he might 
 assume the government ; for he could not look to his elder son, 
 whose disposition appeared altogether inert. But Lycophron, 
 deigned not to give so much as an answer to the messenger. 
 Periander, who really loved the youth, next sent to him his 
 daughter, and the sister of Lycophron, thinking that she would 
 be most likely to persuade him. When she arrived, she thus 
 addressed him — " Would you, young man, that the government 
 should pass to others ; and had you rather that your father's 
 house should be torn asunder, than yourself come and possess 
 it? Come then home, and put an end to your self-inflicted 
 punishment. This resolution is an unpromising fortune for 
 you. Attempt not to heal one evil by another. Many prefer 
 amiable concessions to just demands ; and there are those who, 
 while zealous for the honour of a mother, cast from them the 
 possessions of a father. A throne is a precarious property — it 
 has many lovers. He is already an old man, and passed his 
 strength. Give not therefore your own to others." Thus, 
 as instructed by her father, she said what seemed likely to per- 
 suade him. But he answered that he would never return to 
 Corinth while he knew that his father survived. When she 
 took back this reply to her father, he, a third time, sent a 
 herald, to say that he himself intended to come to Corcyra, 
 and he commanded Lycophron to return to Corinth, and assume 
 the government. The son consenting to this, Periander pre- 
 (53) p 3 
 
214 SIEGE OF SAMOS. 
 
 pared for his journey to Corcyra ; while Lycophron set forward 
 on his return to Corinth. But the people of Corcyra, being- 
 informed of what was taking place — to prevent Periander 
 from coming among them, slew the young man. This was the 
 motive of the vengeance which Periander wrecked upon the 
 Corcyraeans. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians arriving with a great armament, be- 
 sieged the city of Samos. They approached the fortifications, 
 and had already passed a tower of the suburbs that faced the 
 sea, when they were driven back by Polycrates himself, who 
 advanced with a numerous body of men. At the same time 
 the auxiliaries, with many of the Samians, descended from a 
 fort, situated on the ridge of the mountain. These the Lace- 
 daemonians sustained for a short time, and then fled : the enemy 
 pursued, and many were slain. If on this day all the Lace- 
 daemonians present in the action had behaved like Archius and 
 Lycopas, Samos might have been taken. — Archias and Lycopas 
 alone following the retreating Samians, entered the walls, and 
 their retreat being cut off, they were slain in Samos. The grand- 
 son of this Archias — himself of that name, and the son of Samius, 
 I met with at Pitane, of which place he was a native. He 
 held the Samians in higher esteem than any other strangers, and 
 said that the cognomen — Samius, had been given to his father 
 in commemoration of the valiant death of his grandfather in 
 Samos : and he so highly honoured the people of that city, 
 because they had buried his grandfather at the public 
 cost. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians having besieged Samos forty days, 
 without making any progress toward the accomplishment of 
 their object, returned to Peloponnesus. A report destitute of 
 foundation has gone abroad, that Polycrates coined a large 
 quantity of Samian money of lead, gilded, which he gave them, 
 and which they accepting, took their departure. This is the 
 first expedition into Asia, undertaken by the Lacedaemonian 
 Dorians. 
 
 Those Samians, who had excited this war against Poly- 
 crates, seeing that the Lacedaemonians were about to abandon 
 
 (57) 
 
THE SIPHNIANS. 215 
 
 them, sailed away to Siphnus ; for they were in want of money, 
 and the affairs of the Siphnians were then in so prosperous a 
 condition, that they were the richest of all the islanders. In 
 truth, their island contained mines of gold and silver, which 
 were so productive, that the treasure amassed at Delphi ac- 
 cruing from a tythe of these mines, may bear comparison with 
 that of the most opulent people. They divided among them- 
 selves every year the precious metals. When these islanders 
 dedicated the treasure (at Delphi) they inquired of the oracle, 
 'Whether the wealth they then enjoyed was long to remain 
 their's V The Pythian gave them this answer — 
 
 ' When Siphnus' halls and market too are white, 
 Then will she need a man of keenest sight 
 ' To watch a wooden band,* and herald, crimson dight.' 
 
 The Prytaneum (senate house) and market house of Siphnus 
 were then embellished with Parian marble. This response 
 they were not at that time able to comprehend, nor even when 
 the Samians arrived off the island. These, as soon as they 
 drew towards shore, sent forward one of their ships to the city, 
 having on board an embassage. Anciently, all ships were 
 painted red. This was the meaning of the Pythian, when she 
 enjoined them to guard themselves against a wooden band 
 (or ambush) and a red herald. The messengers arriving at 
 the city, requested of the Siphnians a loan of twenty talents, 
 and when the Siphnians refused to advance the money, the 
 Samians ravaged the country. The citizens informed of this, 
 instantly went out to protect their property, and engaging the 
 Samians they were beaten. In the retreat, many of them were 
 cut off from entering the walls, and then the Samians exacted 
 a hundred talents. 
 
 From the Hermionians the Samians received, instead of 
 money, the island of Hydrea, off the coast of Peloponnesus, 
 which they committed in trust to the Trcezenians. They then 
 founded the colony of Cydonia in Crete, to which island they 
 
 * \oyoQ, a cohort — an ambuscade. 
 
 (59) p 4 
 
216 SAMOS. 
 
 sailed only to expel the Zacynthians from it. Yet they re- 
 mained there and prospered during five years. It was they 
 who reared the temples now seen at Cydonia, and even the 
 fane of Dictyna. But in the sixth year, the iEginetans joining 
 the Cretans, vanquished them in a sea fight, and reduced them 
 to slavery. The prows of the Samian vessels, which bore the 
 figure of a goat, were detached and dedicated to Minerva in 
 her temple at iEgina. The Samians were thus treated by the 
 iEginetans from an old grudge ; for their ancestors, when Am- 
 phicrates reigned in Samos, invading iEgina, had committed 
 great outrages; — yet not then without retaliations. — This was 
 the occasion of their hatred. 
 
 I have dwelt longer on the affairs of the Samians, because 
 they have distinguished themselves beyond any other Greeks 
 by three works of great magnitude. Of these, the first is a 
 tunnel, cut through a mountain, o»e hundred and fifty fathoms 
 in height ; it pierces the mountain at its base, and has an exit 
 on each side : the length of the excavation is seven furlongs ; — 
 the heighth and the width one hundred feet ; throughout the 
 extent of it there runs a trench, twenty cubits deep, and three 
 feet wide. By means of this trench, water is brought from an 
 abundant spring, and is distributed through the city by pipes. 
 The engineer who performed the work was Eupalinus, of 
 Megara, son of Naustrophus. So much for the first of these 
 works : the second is a mole, carried out to sea, and surround- 
 ing the harbour: its depth is twenty fathoms, and the length 
 more than two furlongs. The third work of the Samians is a 
 temple, more spacious than any other we have seen. The first 
 architect of this structure was a native of the island, named 
 Bhcecus, son of Phileus. These works claim for the people a 
 more distinct notice than otherwise I should have bestowed on 
 them.] 
 
 (60) 
 
REVOLT OF THE MAGES. 217 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 DEATH OF CAMBYSES, USURPATION OF THE MAGES. 
 
 While Cambyses, son of Cyrus, lingered in Egypt, B.C. 
 committing the extravagances of a madman, two bro- 
 thers who were Mages conspired against him. One of 
 these men Cambyses had left guardian of the palace; 
 and it was he who devised the plot ; for when he learned 
 the death of Smerdis, and found that the fact was con- 
 cealed, and known to very few of the Persians, while the 
 multitude believed him to be still living, he concerted his 
 measures and possessed himself of the palace. His 
 brother, who as I have said, joined him in the plot, 
 very much resembled Smerdis, son of Cyrus, whom 
 Cambyses, had put to death : he bore also the very same 
 name, as well as the same appearance. This man, the 
 other Mage — named Patizeithes, who engaged to 
 manage the whole affair, placed upon the royal throne. 
 This done, he despatched heralds in various directions, 
 and to Egypt also, to inform the army that henceforth 
 it was to Smerdis, son of Cyrus, not to Cambyses, they 
 were to pay obedience. 
 
 All the heralds made this proclamation where they 
 went : he who was despatched to Egypt, found Cambyses 
 with the army at Egbatana, in Syria. Posting him- 
 self in the midst of the camp, he made the announcement 
 enjoined him by the Mage. Cambyses hearing this from 
 the herald, and supposing that what he said was true, 
 and that he had been betrayed by Prexaspes, who, he 
 imagined, though sent to put Smerdis to death, had 
 (62) 
 
218 DEATH OP 
 
 failed to do so — looked at that officer, and exclaimed — 
 " Prexaspes, is it thus you have performed for me the 
 part I assigned you ?" — " My lord," said he, " what 
 you have just heard is not true : it is not true that your 
 brother Smerdis has revolted against you, or that any 
 opposition, more or less, can be made to you by that 
 person, for I myself executed your commands, and I 
 buried him with these very hands. But if now the 
 dead may rise again, then expect Astyages the Mede 
 to rise up against you. But if things hold their wonted 
 course, then no changes shall spring up to you from 
 him {your hrotlier). I think therefore that we should 
 pursue the herald, and inquire of him from whom 
 he comes to proclaim, that we are to obey king 
 Smerdis." 
 
 Thus spoke Prexaspes, and Cambyses approved his 
 advice. Instantly the herald was pursued, and brought 
 back, and was thus addressed by Prexaspes : " You 
 say, man, that you come as the messenger of Smerdis, 
 son of Cyrus : now if you speak the truth, you shall 
 go hence in peace. But did Smerdis himself show him- 
 self to you, and face to face give you these commands ; 
 or was it one of his ministers from whom you received 
 them?" He replied — " Smerdis, son of Cyrus, I have 
 never seen since the day when the king Cambyses set 
 forward to invade Egypt. But the Mage, whom Cam- 
 byses made prefect of the palace — he it was who gave 
 me these orders, saying that Smerdis — he who was son 
 of Cyrus, directed this message to be conveyed to you." 
 In all this the man uttered nothing untrue. Cambyses 
 then said, addressing Prexaspes, " You then, like a good 
 man, have fulfilled your instructions, and so escape 
 blame. But who among the Persians is it that conspires 
 against me, and usurps the name of Smerdis?" " I 
 think," said he, " that I understand what has taken 
 place ; — it is the Mages who have revolted against you ; 
 
 "(63) 
 
CAMBYSES. 219 
 
 I mean Patizeithes, whom you left steward of the palace, 
 and his brother, named Smerdis." 
 
 As soon as Cambyses heard this name, Smerdis, the 
 truth, both of the present report, and of the vision, 
 smote him; — for he had thought that one announced to 
 him that Smerdis, sitting- on the throne of the kingdom, 
 touched the heavens with his head. Perceiving now 
 that his brother had perished on a vain surmise, he wept 
 for him. After giving vent to his sorrow, and bitterly 
 deploring all this weight of calamity, he sprang upon his 
 horse, resolving instantly to march to Susa against the 
 Mage : but in leaping on horseback, the embossed end of 
 the scabbard of his scymetar fell off, and the blade being 
 so far bared, wounded the thigh : this wound happened 
 in the part corresponding to that in which he had struck 
 the Egyptian god Apis. When he knew that he had 
 received a mortal wound, Cambyses inquired what might 
 be the name of the city : — they said, Egbatana. He had 
 some time before received a prediction from the oracle at 
 Butos, declaring that he was to end his days at Egbatana. 
 This prediction he interpreted of Egbatana in Media, 
 where were all his treasures, and where he supposed he 
 should die, an old man; but the oracle intended the 
 Syrian town of that name. When he had thus been 
 informed of the name of the place, struck with a sense 
 of his unhappiness, both from the revolt of the Mage 
 and from his wound, he returned to his right mind, and 
 apprehending the sense of the divine prediction, said, 
 '" Here Cambyses, son of Cyrus, is fated to die." 
 
 Nor more at that time : — but about twenty days after- 
 wards, he summoned all the most distinguished Persians 
 who were in attendance, and thus addressed them :— 
 " Persians ! lam overtaken by circumstances which lead 
 me to declare what, of all things, I had especially con- 
 cealed. While in Egypt, I saw in my sleep a vision : 
 would that I had not seen it ! I thought a messenger 
 (65) 
 
220 BEATH OF 
 
 arrived from my palace, announcing to me that Smerdis, 
 sitting on the royal throne, touched the heavens with his 
 head. Fearing lest the kingdom should be taken from 
 me by my brother, I adopted measures more hasty than 
 wise ; for it belongs not to human nature to avert what 
 is to take place. But I, vain man as I was, despatched 
 Prexaspes to put Smerdis to death. Having perpetrated 
 this crime, I lived at my ease, for little did I think that 
 — Smerdis taken out of the way — another man would rise 
 up against me. But utterly mistaking what was to 
 happen, I became the murderer of my brother — to no 
 purpose ; for notwithstanding this act I am deprived of 
 the kingdom. It was Smerdis the Mage whom the daemon 
 announced to me as about to set himself up in my place. 
 But the deed was perpetrated by me. You will there- 
 fore reckon that Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, is no more, 
 and that it is the Mage — he whom I left steward of the 
 palace, and his brother, who have possessed themselves 
 against you, of the regal state. And now, he whose part 
 especially it would have been to avenge for me the dishonour 
 I have suffered from the Mages — he, by an atrocious crime, 
 has received death at the hands of his nearest relatives. He 
 then being no more, it next remains for me to convey to 
 you, Persians, my urgent injunctions as to what I would 
 have done, when life to me is ended. I do therefore 
 enjoin you, in the name of the gods of the re*alm — you all, 
 and eminently you who are present of the Achaemenidian 
 house, not to connive at the return of the sovereign power 
 again to the Medes. But if by craft they go about to 
 obtain it, by craft deprive them of it ; or if by might 
 they work it out for themselves, by still greater might 
 wrest it from them. If thus you act, may your lands 
 yield their increase to you ; your wives and your herds 
 be fruitful ; and you remain for ever free ! But if you 
 rescue not the sovereign power, nor even attempt to 
 rescue it, I imprecate upon you the contrary of all these ; 
 
 (65) 
 
CAMBYSES. 221 
 
 and still worse — may the fate of every Persian be like 
 mine!" Thus saying, Cambyses deplored the issue of 
 his course. 
 
 The Persians seeing the king weep, rent their vest- 
 ments, and uttered unbounded lamentations. Soon after- 
 wards the bone inflamed (or became gangrenous) the thigh 
 mortified, and Cambyses, son of Cyrus, died, after reign- 
 ing seven years and five months. He left neither son 
 nor daughter. The Persians present at his death gave 
 no credence to the supposition that the Mages had pos- 
 sessed themselves of the government ; but imagined that 
 Cambyses had, with an ill intention, given this account 
 of the death of Smerdis, in order to raise against him 
 the whole Persian nation. They therefore supposed that 
 it was indeed the son of Cyrus who had revolted. And 
 Prexaspes, on his part, vehemently denied that he had 
 killed Smerdis ; for it was not safe, now that Cambyses 
 was dead, to confess that, with his own hand, he had 
 destroyed the son of Cyrus. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 RULE AND OVERTHROW OF THE MAGES. 
 
 After the death of Cambyses, the Mage reigned fear- 
 lessly, and under the usurped name of Smerdis, son of 
 Cyrus, occupied the throne during the seven months 
 which completed the eighth year of Cambyses. In these 
 months he won all to submission by signal favours, so that 
 at his death he was deplored by all the people of Asia, 
 except the Persians. For he despatched messengers to 
 every nation under his sway, proclaiming a remission of 
 (67) 
 
222 CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE 
 
 the levies of men and money during three years. This 
 proclamation was made at the instant of his assuming the 
 government. 
 
 But in the eighth month of his reign, his pretensions 
 were exposed by the following means. — Otanes, son of 
 Pharnaspes, possessed, alike by birth and wealth the first 
 rank among the Persians. This Otanes was the first 
 to suspect that the Mage was not the son of Cyrus. 
 The suspicion arose from the circumstance that he never 
 issued from the citadel, and never called into his presence 
 any of the most distinguished Persians. To satisfy this 
 doubt he adopted the following course. — -His daughter, 
 named Phaedima, had been a wife of Cambyses, and was 
 now a wife of the Mage, who had taken also all the other 
 wives of the late king. He sent a message therefore to his 
 daughter, inquiring of her whether her husband was 
 indeed Smerdis, son of Cyrus, or some other person. 
 But in reply she declared that she did not know ; for she 
 had never before seen Smerdis, son of Cyrus ; nor did 
 she know who it was whom she called husband. Otanes 
 sent a second time a message to this effect: " If you 
 do not know Smerdis, ask of Atossa, whether it is the 
 same who was her brother, and who is your husband ; for 
 undoubtedly she must know her own brother." To this his 
 daughter replied : "I can neither converse with Atossa, 
 nor see any other of the women who occupy the palace. 
 For the instant that this man, whoever he may be, 
 assumed the royal dignity, he separated us, assigning 
 different apartments to each." 
 
 Otanes hearing this, still more clearly perceived the 
 truth. He therefore communicated a third message to 
 his daughter, in these terms : — " My daughter ! it befits 
 your noble birth to undergo perils at the command of your 
 father. Now if Smerdis be not the son of Cyrus, but 
 he whom I suppose, and who has made you his wife, and 
 who holds the Persian power, he ought not to go on 
 
 (69) 
 
MAGES. 223 
 
 with impunity; but should pay the forfeit due to his 
 crimes. Now therefore follow my directions. — When 
 you know him to be in the deepest sleep, feel his ears, 
 and if you find that he has ears, then conclude that the 
 son of Cyrus is your husband. But if he has not, then 
 know that it is with Smerdis the Mage you have lived." 
 To this command Phsedima returned an answer as 
 follows — That she should incur the greatest peril in 
 doing so ; for if he had not ears, and she should be de- 
 tected in feeling for them, she well knew that she must 
 perish : yet she would attempt it. She promised there- 
 fore to fulfil her father's commands. It must be said 
 that Cyrus had, during his reign, cut off the ears of 
 Smerdis, the Mage, for some capital offence. Phsedima, 
 daughter of Otanes, prepared to execute the commands 
 of her father, when next it should be her turn to see the 
 Mage. At length, while he was sunk into a profound 
 sleep, she felt for his ears, and without any difficulty 
 discovered that the man had none. Instantly, when day 
 appeared, she sent and made known the discovery to her 
 father. 
 
 Otanes then took with him Aspathines, and Gobryas, 
 two Persians of high rank, and on whom he could the 
 best rely ; and related to them all that had taken place. 
 They had themselves entertained suspicions of the fact, 
 and therefore admitted the account of Otanes. They 
 agreed each to select a Persian as his confidant, in whom 
 he could place the greatest reliance. Otanes therefore 
 introduced to the confederacy Intaphernes ; Gobryas 
 brought Megabysus ; and Aspathines, Hydarnes. When 
 these six were associated, there arrived at Susa Darius, 
 son of Hystaspes, from Persia, of which his father was 
 governor ; and him the six Persians thought proper to 
 associate with themselves. These seven being assembled, 
 exchanged their word of honour with each other, and 
 conferred together. When it came to the turn of Darius 
 (71) 
 
224 CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE 
 
 to declare his opinion, he thus spoke : — " 1 had be^ 
 lieved that I alone knew that it was the Mage who reigns, 
 and that Smerdis, son of Cyrus, is no more ; and it was 
 with this very intent I hastened hither, that I might put 
 the Mage to death : but now, as you also have become 
 acquainted with the fact, and it no longer rests with me, 
 I think we ought at once, and without delay, to execute 
 our purpose : a more fit moment will not present itself." 
 To this Otanes replied, " Son of Hystaspes — son of a 
 valiant father, you show yourself not inferior to him ! 
 But an enterprize like this you must not bring forwards 
 thus unadvisedly : — attempt it with the utmost caution. 
 We must augment our numbers before we execute our 
 plan." — " You who are here present," replied Darius, 
 " if you adopt the course spoken of by Otanes, know 
 that you shall miserably perish. For some one, consult- 
 ing his private advantage, will denounce you to the 
 Mage. You yourselves ought to have accomplished the 
 project. But since you have thought proper to communi- ' 
 cate it to others, and have given me a part in it — either let 
 us do what we do this day, or know that if the day passes, 
 no one shall prevent me, but I will myself be your accuser 
 to the Mage," 
 
 Otanes, seeing the eagerness of Darius, replied: — 
 " Since you thus compel us to precipitate our measures, 
 and will allow of no delay, go on to inform us by what 
 means we are to gain access to the palace, and how 
 attack them ; for you yourself know, having seen them, 
 or if not you must have heard, that guards are stationed 
 there ; and how are we to pass them ?" " Otanes," re- 
 plied Darius, " there are many things that may be 
 accomplished, though they cannot in words be made to 
 appear practicable ; and on the other hand, there are 
 things which seem well enough in words, but which pro- 
 duce no signal issue. The guards stationed at the 
 palace, as you know, we may pass without difficulty; 
 
 (72) 
 
MAGES. 225 
 
 for, influenced either by respect or fear, there is no one 
 who will not allow us to proceed. Besides, I have a 
 very proper pretext for obtaining admission ; for I shall 
 say that I am just arrived from Persia, and wish to 
 report to the king himself a message from my father. 
 — If a lie must be told, let it be told : — for whether we 
 lie or speak the truth, we all tend towards the same 
 end — -advantage : they lie who believe, that, by urging 
 a false plea, they shall be gainers; and they speak the 
 truth who think that truth will best promote their in- 
 terests, and turn to their benefit. Thus by different 
 processes we pursue the same thing. Except for ex- 
 pected gain, he who speaks truth would lie ; and except 
 for gain, he who lies would speak the truth. Now if any 
 of the door-keepers shall readily admit us, he shall, in 
 due time, reap his reward : as for him who attempts to 
 oppose us, let him be treated instantly as an enemy: 
 thus we shall push our way inwards, and perform our 
 ^part." 
 
 Gobryas next spoke : — " Can we ever, my friends, 
 better recover the government ; or if that may not be, 
 can we die better than now, when we — we Persians, 
 are ruled by a Mage — an earless Mage. As many of you 
 as were present when Cambyses lay sick, well remember 
 how in dying he imprecated curses on the Persians, if 
 they attempted not to repossess themselves of the sove- 
 reign rule. We then admitted not his story; but 
 imagined that he spoke from ill-will. I now therefore 
 . give my vote that we yield to Darius, and that we leave 
 this conference only to go direct against the Mages." 
 To this all the others assented. 
 
 While these nobles were thus holding consultation, it 
 happened that the following events took place. — The two 
 Mages had agreed together to endeavour to make Prex- 
 aspes their friend; both because he had suffered a 
 grievous wrong from Cambyses, who had slain his son ; 
 (74) Q 
 
226 FALL OF THE 
 
 and because he alone knew of the death of Smerdis, 
 whom he had destroyed with his own hand. Besides, 
 Prexaspes enjoyed a high reputation among the Persians. 
 For these reasons, calling for him, they strove to win his 
 friendship, and to obtain from him solemn promises that 
 he would keep to himself, and discover to no one the 
 fraud they had practised upon the Persians; and they 
 promised to heap a thousand treasures upon him. Prex- 
 aspes engaged to comply with the urgent persuasions of 
 the Mages. They then made a second proposal, which 
 was that they should convoke a general assembly of the 
 Persians under the walls of the palace, and that he, 
 ascending a tower, should harangue them, and assure the 
 people that they were governed by Smerdis, son of Cyrus, 
 and by none other. This they enjoined upon him because 
 his word was received with entire confidence among the 
 Persians, and because also he had, on various occasions, 
 declared his belief that the son of Cyrus was still living, 
 and had positively denied the murder. 
 
 Prexaspes professed himself ready to comply with this 
 demand also ; and the Mage convoking the Persians, led 
 him up to a turret, and commanded him to address 
 the people. But he, wilfully forgetful of the part 
 they wished him to act, commenced his speech by 
 mentioning Achsemenes, the ancestor of Cyrus, and 
 so proceeded till he had set forth the benefits con- 
 ferred upon the Persians by that prince. Having ex- 
 patiated on these, he declared the truth, which he said 
 hitherto he had concealed, as it was not safe for him to 
 confess what had taken place : but now he was forced by 
 necessity to make known the fact. He added that he 
 himself — compelled by Cambyses, had put Smerdis, son of 
 Cyrus, to death ; and that it was the Mages who reigned. 
 Then, having imprecated many curses on the Persians if 
 they failed to regain the sovereign power, and to punish 
 the Mages — he threw himself headlong from the tower. 
 
 (75) 
 
MAGES. 227 
 
 Thus died Prexaspes, who had always been reputed a 
 man of approved integrity. 
 
 The seven Persians, having' resolved without delay to 
 attack the Mage, went to make their vows to the gods. 
 At this time they knew nothing- of what had happened 
 relative to Prexaspes ; but while proceeding on their way, 
 they were informed of all that had occurred. Immediately 
 they retired from the road, and again conferred together. 
 Some, with Otanes, advised strongly to defer the enter- 
 prize, and not to meddle with affairs while in a state of 
 such fermentation. But Darius and his seconds urged to 
 proceed instantly to execute the plan that had been 
 arranged, and by no means to admit delay. While thus 
 severally urging* their reasons, there appeared seven pairs 
 of hawks, pursuing- two pairs of vultures, plucking and 
 tearing them. On seeing this the seven all assented to 
 the advice of Darius, and forthwith made for the palace — ■ 
 inspirited by the birds {the omen.) 
 
 When they presented themselves at the gates, it hap- 
 pened, as Darius had predicted — the guards, in deference 
 to men of such high rank, and having no suspicion of their 
 intentions, allowed them unquestioned to pass : — marching 
 as they did in solemn majesty.* When they reached the 
 hall, they fell in with the eunuchs, whose office is to bring 
 in all despatches : — these inquired of them for what pur- 
 pose they came, and at the same time threatened the 
 porters for having suffered them to pass ; and themselves 
 opposed the further progress of the seven. But they, 
 exhorting each other, drew their daggers, and on the spot 
 transfixed those who resisted their advance. — On then 
 they went to the saloon. 
 
 Both the Mages happened to be at that time within, 
 
 * Seiy TrojU7r>j y^Eio^zvovQ' or— proceeding under the conduct of 
 the gods. 
 
 (78) Q 2 
 
228 FALL OF THE 
 
 consulting upon the affair of Prexaspes, when they saw the 
 eunuchs in confusion, and heard their outcries ; they both 
 rushed out, and perceiving what was taking place, put 
 themselves on the defensive : while one snatched up a 
 bow, the other took a spear: — the parties then engaged, 
 the Mage who held the bow, found it of no service against 
 a foe at hand, and pressing upon him ; but the other 
 with his spear, defended himself, and first wounded 
 Aspathines in the thigh, and Intaphernes in the sight, 
 which wound cost him his eye, though not his life. While 
 this one inflicted these wounds on his assailants, the other, 
 finding the bow useless, fled into an inner chamber, com- 
 municating with the apartment, intending to close the 
 doors. But two of the seven — Darius and Gobryas, 
 rushed forward together, and the latter grappled the 
 Mage. Darius standing by, hesitated to strike, as they 
 were in the dark, fearing to wound Gobryas : — he, per- 
 ceiving that Darius stood inactive, exclaimed, " Why 
 use you not your hand 1" " Mindful," said he, " lest I 
 strike you." — " Drive your blade through both," replied 
 Gobryas. Darius obeying, made a thrust with his dagger, 
 and by chance killed the Mage. The Mages being killed, 
 and their heads cut off, the two Persians who had received 
 wounds were left, as well on account of their exhaustion, 
 as to keep possession of the citadel. The five, bearing 
 the heads of the Mages, ran out, uttering shouts and 
 cheers, and calling upon all Persians, related what they 
 had effected, and displayed the heads. As they went on 
 they slew every Mage who fell in their way. The Persians 
 being now informed of what had been done by the seven 
 nobles, as well as of the fraud practised upon them by the 
 Mages, determined to take part themselves in what was 
 going forward. Drawing their daggers therefore, they 
 stabbed every Mage that was to be found : and if night 
 had not put an end to the slaughter, not one of that order 
 would have survived. Up to the present time, the Persians 
 
 (79) 
 
MAGES. 229 
 
 commemorate the day beyond any other festival; the 
 great feast then celebrated is named — the Slaughter of 
 the Mages ; and on this occasion no Mage must appear in 
 public, and in fact they all keep close within doors. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 CONSULTATION OF THE CONSPIRATORS, ACCESSION 
 OF DARIUS. 
 
 After the expiration of about five days, and when tran- 
 quillity was restored, the conspirators who had removed 
 the Mages, deliberated on the state of affairs, and on this 
 occasion uttered sentiments for which some of the Greeks 
 will scarcely give them credit. Yet it is a fact that they did 
 thus speak. Otanes advised to remit the conduct of the 
 state to the Persians at large ; his speech was as follows : — 
 
 " To me it seems that no one of us should henceforth 
 exercise monarchical power ; for this is neither agreeable 
 (to the holder) nor good (for others.) You have seen 
 to what an extreme of arrogance Cambyses proceeded ; 
 and you have made proof of the arrogance of the Mage. 
 How indeed can government be well settled under a 
 monarchy which permits the sovereign, without controul, 
 to accomplish his will ? If even to the very best of men a 
 power like this be committed, it will draw him aside from 
 his wonted intentions. For, from the abundance of the 
 goods which surround him, arrogance will be generated ; 
 and envy is born with man ; and he who is moved by these 
 two passions possesses the principles of all wickedness : 
 from the first springs a luxuriant growth of crimes ; nor 
 (80) Q 3 
 
230 CONSULTATION OP THE 
 
 less from the second, though of a different kind. One 
 might indeed suppose that a man who holds sovereign 
 power should be free from envy, since he possesses every 
 good : but his subjects find that the contrary takes place ; 
 for he entertains a grudge against every virtuous man of 
 his times, and delights himself with the most profligate of 
 the people, whose calumnies against the virtuous he 
 admits. But what is most incongruous is, that if you 
 bestow upon him only measured admiration, he is dis- 
 pleased—thinking you pay him too little reverence ; but 
 if you worship him much, he is offended with you as a flat- 
 terer. But to insist upon things still more important. — A 
 despot changes the constitutions of the country — violates 
 the happiness of families — puts to death those who have 
 had no trial. But a government vested in the many — in 
 the first place possesses a name, of all names the fairest — 
 Equality of Rights. In the next place, none of those 
 outrages take place which occur under a monarchy. The 
 magistracy is obtained by votes, and exercised under 
 responsibility: — the common good is the object of all 
 counsels. I therefore give my opinion that, dismissing 
 monarchy, we should place sovereign power with the 
 people ; for in the people we find all in one." Such was 
 the opinion of Otanes. 
 
 Megabysus was for adopting an oligarchy, and thus 
 spoke : — " To all that Otanes has said for abolishing 
 tyranny I assent; but in recommending that sovereign 
 power should be transferred to the multitude, he has 
 erred from the better opinion : for, than the rule of the 
 mob, nothing is more senseless — nothing more arrogant. 
 Nor is it at all to be endured that in escaping from the 
 arrogance of a single tyrant, men should fall under the 
 arrogance of the profligate people. The tyrant, do what 
 he may, does it with intelligence ; but it is not in the 
 multitude to know what they do ; for how should they 
 know who have no instruction — no perception of what is 
 
 (81) 
 
CONSPIRATORS. 231 
 
 good in itself, or expedient at the moment ; — who, without 
 thought, urge affairs, and themselves rush onwards like a 
 torrent? Let, then, the enemies of Persia, advise the 
 establishment of a democracy. But for us it will be to 
 select a college of the most virtuous men ; and to them 
 commit the sovereign power : — in this college we ourselves 
 shall be included : — from the best men it is reasonable to 
 expect the best counsels." This was the advice given by 
 Megabysus. 
 
 Darius, who stood the third in order, next gave his 
 opinion. — " In what Megabysus has said of the people, I 
 think he has spoken well. But of the oligarchy, not 
 well. If the three proposed forms of government — 
 namely, democracy, oligarchy, and monarchy, are ima- 
 gined to be each in the best condition of which it is sus- 
 ceptible, I affirm that this last is much to be preferred ; 
 for if the monarch be a good man, nothing better can 
 possibly be found, than the rule of such a one who while al- 
 ways pursuing the same design, administers affairs exempt 
 from the vituperations of the multitude. Under this 
 form, better than any other, the counsels of government 
 are concealed from men disposed to thwart its operations. 
 But in an oligarchy, as many in common pretend to the 
 praise of public virtue, personal contestations will violently 
 prevail among them. — Each will wish to be the chief, 
 and to carry his opinion ; until deep animosities are 
 , generated, from which arise seditions ; and from seditions 
 murders ; and by murders a transition is made to monarchy. 
 And thus it appears that this last form of government is 
 really the best. But now when the people bear rule, the 
 worst evils cannot fail to follow ; for when corrupt mea- 
 sures are participated by many, instead of rivalries taking 
 place — (as among oligarchs) powerful combinations will 
 be formed. Those who pursue corrupt measures in com- 
 mon will unite their forces, and this must proceed until 
 some demagogue arises to quell the conspiracy. This 
 (82) Q 4 
 
232 CONSULTATION OF THE 
 
 leader gains the plaudits of the people, and when his 
 popularity is at its height, he becomes — a monarch. 
 Thus again it appears that monarchy is the best form of 
 government. Or to say all in a word — Whence did we 
 receive our liberties ? And who bestowed them ? Was it 
 the people ? Or was it an oligarchy ? Or was it a monarch 
 who bestowed them ? It is then my opinion, that as we 
 became free under the rule of one, we should maintain 
 the same kind of government. Besides, we ought not to 
 dissolve the constitutions of our country, good as they are, 
 from which change we could reap no advantage." 
 
 Such were the three opinions proposed. The other 
 four of the seven assented to the last. The opinion of 
 Otanes, who studied to establish equality among the 
 Persians — being overborne, he thus spoke in the midst 
 of his colleagues : — " Fellow conspirators ! It seems then 
 that one of us must become king, either by taking lots, or 
 by the election of the great body of the Persians, to whom 
 we may refer the decision; or by some other means. 
 Now I do not enter into contention with you ; — I wish 
 neither to govern, nor to be governed. On this condition 
 then, I concede to you the government, namely, that 
 neither I, nor my posterity for ever, shall be subjected to 
 the domination of any one of you." To this proposition the 
 six agreed ; and he, declining to compete with them, 
 retired from the association. And to the present day his 
 descendants alone of all the Persians, retain their liberty, 
 and yield obedience only so far as they think proper ; yet 
 they transgress not the Persian laws. 
 
 The others consulted on the most equitable mode of 
 appointing a king; and first they decreed that to Otanes 
 and his issue for ever — supposing one of the seven obtained 
 the kingdom, there should every year be given by way of 
 distinction, a Median suit, together with such presents as 
 are the most highly esteemed among the Persians. The 
 bcstowment of these peculiar honours was decreed because 
 
 (84) 
 
CONSPIRATORS. 233 
 
 Otanes first had concerted the revolution, and had made 
 them a party in it. Such were the distinctions conferred 
 upon him. They then concerted the following con- 
 ditions, which should be common to them all. That they 
 should all have liberty of access to every part of the palace, 
 without being introduced by an officer ; — excepting only 
 the royal bed chamber ; — that it should not be lawful for 
 the king to take a wife, except from the families of the 
 seven conspirators. For determining the election to the 
 kingdom they agreed that they should ride together out 
 of the city, and that he whose horse first neighed, after 
 the rising of the sun, should obtain the kingdom. 
 
 The man who officiated as master of the horse to Darius, 
 was a person of intelligence. To this person, named 
 (Ebares, Darius addressed himself, after the council broke 
 up: — "(Ebares," said he, "the plan we have adopted 
 for appointing a king is this — he is to be king whose horse 
 first neighs at sun-rise, as we ride together. Now therefore 
 if you have any science, use some contrivance by means of 
 which we, and not another, may obtain the prize." (Ebares 
 thus replied : — " If indeed, my lord, it depends upon this, 
 whether or not you are to be king, confide in the event, 
 and be of good courage ; for no one shall be king before 
 you. I have medicaments, such as we need." " If, 
 then," said Darius, " you are possessed of a device, now 
 is the time for putting it in practice : defer not to 
 use it ; — for to-morrow is to be our trial." (Ebares, 
 as soon as it was dark; took the favourite companion 
 of the horse Darius was to ride to the suburbs, where he 
 left it, and led the horse afterwards to the same place. 
 
 At dawn of day, the six, according to appointment, 
 appeared on horseback, and proceeded through the su- 
 burbs : when they drew near the place where the mare had 
 been left, the horse of Darius moved forwards and neighed : 
 at the same instant there was a flash of lightning with 
 thunder from a clear sky. These things happening to 
 (86) 
 
234 ACCESSION OF DARIUS. 
 
 Darius as if by concert, accomplished his designation ; 
 and the others alighting 1 from their horses, did him rever- 
 ence as king. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 The twenty satrapies of darius. 
 
 Darius, son of Hystaspes, was acknowledged king. 
 And, except the Arabians, all the nations of Asia whom 
 Cyrus first, and Cambyses afterwards had vanquished, 
 submitted to his sway. The Arabians indeed never yielded 
 obedience, or became subject to the Persians ; but re- 
 mained on terms of alliance, affording to Cambyses passage 
 to Egypt ; for without their consent the Persians would 
 never have been able to penetrate into Egypt* 
 
 Darius contracted his first marriages in Persian families : 
 — he took to wife the two daughters of Cyrus — Atossa, 
 and Artystone : the first had been the wife of her brother 
 Cambyses, and afterwards of the Mage ; but Artystone 
 had not before been married : he took also Parmys, 
 daughter of Smerdis, son of Cyrus ; and had besides the 
 daughter of Otanes, who had detected the Mage. When 
 his authority was every where confirmed, he set up first 
 a statue of himself in stone : it represented his person on 
 horseback, and bore an inscription to this purport: — 
 " Darius, son of Hystaspes, by the courage of his horse — 
 the name of which was given— and by means of GEbares, 
 his groom, obtained the kingdom of Persia." These 
 things being accomplished in Persia, he next distributed 
 his dominions into twenty governments, called satrapies. 
 And having arranged the provinces, and appointed 
 
 (89) 
 
THE TWENTY SATRAPIES. 235 
 
 governors to them, he fixed the tax which was to accrue 
 to him from each. In this distribution he joined conti- 
 guous nations together ; or sometimes passing over those 
 which bordered on each other, he assigned to the same 
 government nations lying more remote.* 
 
 [Thus he regulated the governments and the annual revenues : 
 — Those who paid tribute in silver were to bring the stipulated 
 weight according to the Babylonian talent; while the Euboic 
 talent was the measure for gold: — the Babylonian talent is 
 equal to seventy Euboic pounds. Neither in the reign of 
 Cyrus, nor again in that of Cambyses, were any fiscal ordi- 
 nances established ; but the nations brought presents. On ac- 
 count of this taxing, as well as for several measures of a similar 
 kind, the Persians were wont to say that Darius was a trader ; 
 Cambyses a lord ; but Cyrus a father : — for the first managed 
 all his affairs with a view to gain ; — the second was at once 
 severe and negligent; while the last was gentle, and in every 
 thing laboured for the good of his subjects. 
 
 The Ionians, the Magnesians— of Asia, the JEolians, the 
 Carians, the Lycians, the Mileyans, and the Pamphylians, 
 were together enjoined to furnish four hundred talents of silver : 
 — these formed the first satrapy. The Mysians, the Lydians, 
 the Lasonians, the Cabalians, and the Hygennians, were taxed 
 at five hundred talents : — this is the second satrapy. The Hel- 
 lespontines— on the right {the Asiatic) side, the Phrygians, the 
 Thracians —of Asia, the Paphlagonians, the Mariandynians, 
 and the Syrians, paid three hundred and sixty talents : — this is 
 the third satrapy. The Cilicians furnished three hundred and 
 sixty white horses— one for every day of the year ; besides five 
 hundred talents of silver. Of this sum, one hundred and forty 
 
 * The version commonly given of this passage contradicts the facts as 
 stated presently afterwards by our author. His meaning seems to be that, 
 instead of making all the satrapies compact and orbicular, some of them 
 -were composed of nations lying on a straggling line, and which, for rea- 
 sons of local convenience, might best be comprehended under the same 
 superintendant. Major Rennell notices the seeming inconsistency 
 without fully explaining it. 
 
 (90) 
 
:23(J THE TWENTY SATRAPIES. 
 
 talents were employed in maintaining a body of horse in 
 Cilicia ; the remaining three hundred and sixty were carried to 
 Darius: — this is the fourth satrapy. The country extending 
 from the city Posidaeum, built by Amphilochus, son of Am- 
 phiaraus, on the borders of Cilicia and Syria, as far as Egypt, 
 — excepting a district belonging to Arabia, which was exempt 
 from tribute — paid three hundred and fifty talents: — rthis, 
 which was the fifth satrapy, includes all Phoenicia, the country 
 called the Syrian Palestine, and Cyprus. Egypt, and the 
 parts of Libya contiguous to Egypt, with Cyrene and Barca, 
 which were comprehended in the Egyptian government, paid 
 seven hnndred talents, exclusive of the revenues accruing from 
 the fish of the lake Mceris ; and exclusive also of an additional 
 tribute of grain : for 120,000 measures were furnished to main- 
 tain the Persians and their auxiliaries, who occupied the white 
 fortress at Memphis : — this is the sixth satrapy. The Satta- 
 gydes, the Gondarians, the Dadices, and the Aparytes, were 
 comprehended in the seventh satrapy, and paid one hun- 
 dred and seventy talents. Susa and the remaining part of 
 Cissia, formed the eighth satrapy, and paid three hundred 
 talents. 
 
 Babylon, and the rest of Assyria, rendered to Darius 1,000 
 talents of silver, and five hundred youths, for the service of the 
 palace : — this was the ninth satrapy. Ecbatana, with the rest 
 of Media — the Paricanians, and the Orthocorybantians, paid 
 four hundred and fifty talents, and formed the tenth satrapy. 
 The Caspians, the Pausices — both Pantimathians and Dareites, 
 rendered two hundred talents : — this is the eleventh satrapy. 
 The tribute of the Bactrians, as far as the JEglians, was fixed at 
 three hundred and sixty talents : — this was the twelfth sa- 
 trapy. From Pactyica, and the Armenians, and the neigh- 
 bouring people, as far as the shores of the Euxine, four hundred 
 talents were received ; — and this is the thirteenth satrapy. 
 The Sagartians, the Saranges, the Thamanaeans, the Utians, 
 and the Mycians, with the islanders of the Erythraean sea, 
 where the king sends those whom he banishes, paid a tribute of 
 six hundred talents ; and formed the fourteenth satrapy. The 
 Saces and the Caspians (or Casians) rendered two hundred 
 
 (93) 
 
THE TWENTY SATRAPIES. 237 
 
 and fifty talents : — this was the fifteenth satrapy. The Par- 
 thians, the Chorasmians, the Sogdians, and the Arians, paid 
 three hundred talents ; and made the sixteenth satrapy. The 
 Paricanians and the .Ethiopians of Asia, furnished four hun- 
 dred talents :'■ — this was the seventeenth satrapy. The Matie- 
 nians, the Saspirians, and the Alarodians were taxed at two 
 hundred talents ; and constituted the eighteenth satrapy. 
 From the Moschians, the Tibarenians, the Macrosians, the 
 Mossy ncecians, and the Marsians, three hundred talents were 
 demanded : they formed the nineteenth satrapy. The Indians, 
 a people much more numerous than any other that is known, 
 contributed a sum proportionately larger than that of any 
 other division, for they paid three hundred and sixty talents of 
 gold dust (or ingots) ; this was the twentieth satrapy. 
 
 Now if these sums, reckoned by the Babylonian talent, are 
 reduced to the Euboic, they will amount to 9,840 talents ; and 
 if gold is reckoned at thirteen times the value of silver, 
 then the ingots above-mentioned will amount to 4,680. 
 These sums computed, make the yearly tribute collected 
 by Darius, amount to 14,560 Euboic talents. Not to 
 mention smaller sums. This tribute he derived from Asia, 
 and from no great extent of Libya. But at a later period 
 he received an additional revenue from the islands (of the 
 JEgccan sea) and from Europe as far as Thessaly. This 
 treasure was preserved by the king in the following manner : — 
 The metal was melted down, and poured into earthen jars, 
 which when filled were broken away : as often as money was 
 wanted, the sum required for the occasion was struck from the 
 masses. 
 
 Such were these governments, and their appointed taxes. 
 Persia itself, and that country alone, I have not enumerated 
 as paying tribute ; for its people were exempted from taxes : 
 yet though they paid no stipulated sums, they offered gifts. 
 The Ethiopians bordering upon Egypt, whom Cambyses sub- 
 dued when he advanced against the Macrobian Ethiopians— 
 who live about the sacred city Nysa, and celebrate festivals to 
 Bacchus—these people, I say, with their neighbours, who 
 treat their dead in the same manner as the Calantian Indians, 
 (97). 
 
238 NATIONS OF INDIA. 
 
 and inhabit subterranean dwellings — these together fur- 
 nished — and in my time continued to do so — every third year, 
 two chcenices of unmolten gold, two hundred planks of ebony, 
 five Ethiopian children, and twenty large elephants' tusks. 
 The Colchians compounded to make an offering ; as did the 
 adjoining people as far as mount Caucasus, which forms the 
 limit of the Persian sway ; for those who occupy the country 
 north of Caucasus mind not the Persians. These people con- 
 tinued in my time to furnish, once in five years, the appointed 
 offering, which consisted of two hundred youths of both sexes. 
 The Arabians every year make an offering of a thousand talents 
 of frankincense. Such are the gifts which the king receives, 
 besides the tribute. 
 
 The Indians obtain the great quantity of gold which, as I 
 have said, the king receives from them, in the manner presently 
 to be described. The eastern part of India is a desert of sand, 
 and of all the nations known to us, or of which we possess any 
 certain information, the Indians are the farthest towards the 
 east, being, on that side, the first people of Asia : for the 
 sands render the country beyond them towards the east unin- 
 habitable. The nations of India are many, and speak different 
 languages. Some of these nations are nomadic; some not. 
 Some inhabit the marshes of the river, and eat raw fish, which 
 they pursue, and take in vessels, formed of reeds (bamboo) 
 each division (between the knots) of the reed, forms a boat 
 (canoe). These Indiaus wear garments made from a species of 
 rush, which grows by the rivers' side. The plant, when ga- 
 thered, is beaten, and then platted in the manner of matting, 
 and is worn as a covering to the breast. Other Indian nations, 
 living to the east of those last mentioned, are nomadic, and eat 
 raw flesh : they are called Padaeans ; and their customs are 
 such as these — When any one labours under disease, whether 
 man or woman, the nearest relatives or most familiar friends 
 kill him; professing as their motive that if the person were 
 wasted by disease, his flesh would become corrupt (unfit to be 
 eaten). You shall therefore find a sick man denying himself 
 to be ill. But his friends, being of a contraiy opinion, kill and 
 feast upon him. Thus also, when a woman is ill, her nearest 
 
 (99) 
 
NATIONS OF INDIA. 239 
 
 relatives follow the same practice as the men. Whoever also, 
 attains old age, they kill and devour ; but this happens to 
 few; for most, falling into some malady, are put to death. 
 With some other Indians, it is the rule not to take life from 
 any thing that has breathed. They neither sow the ground, 
 nor think of constructing houses; but subsist on herbs; their 
 country produces also spontaneously a grain , the size of millet, 
 enclosed in a husk : this they gather and eat, husk and all, 
 boiled. If any one of their number falls sick, he goes forth to 
 some desert place, and there lays himself down ; nor does any 
 one take thought of him, either dead or sick. All the Indians 
 I have mentioned, are extremely gross in their manners. Their 
 complexion is nearly the same as that of the Ethiopians, whom 
 also they in other respects resemble. They occupy a region 
 very remote from the Persians, which lies towards the south, 
 and never yielded obedience to king Darius. 
 
 There are other Indians not far distant from the city 
 Caspatyrus, and the region Pactyica, and therefore north of 
 the Indian nations just mentioned. The mode of life followed 
 by these is similar to that of the Bactrians. They are the 
 most warlike of all the Indians ; and it is these who furnish 
 the gold. There is in that quarter a district, rendered unin- 
 habitable by sands. This sandy desert abounds with ants, 
 which in size are between a dog and a fox. Some of 
 the species caught there are preserved by the Persian 
 king. These ants form their habitations under ground, bur- 
 rowing into the sand in the same manner as ants are seen 
 to do in Greece ; and indeed in the form of their bodies they 
 are very similar. The sand in which these animals work their 
 way, is fraught with gold ; to collect which, the Indians pro- 
 ceed to the desert. Each man takes three camels, leashed 
 together abreast : — a female being led between two males : 
 the man rides the female, which he takes care is one that has 
 been just parted from her young. Now camels are not in- 
 ferior to horses in swiftness ; and are besides able to support 
 much heavier burdens. The figure of the camel is so well 
 known to well-informed Greeks, that I need not describe it ; 
 (103) 
 
240 NATIONS OF INDIA. 
 
 yet some may not know that the camel in its hind legs, has 
 four thigh bones, and four knees. 
 
 Thus equipped then, the Indians proceed to collect the 
 gold ; and they calculate the time so as they may be en- 
 gaged in the pursuit during the very hottest time of the day ; 
 for just at the hour of the greatest heat, the ants hide themselves 
 under ground : and in that climate, the sun is the most fervent, 
 not as elsewhere, at noon ; but in the morning, from the time 
 when it has risen some way, until the hour at which market 
 closes :* during this space the sun burns more intensely than 
 at noon in Greece ; so that the people, it is said, sprinkle 
 themselves then with water. At mid-day, the sun is nearly 
 equally ardent in India as elsewhere ; but presently, as the 
 day declines, the heat becomes such as in other countries it 
 is felt in the morning : towards evening, the temperature 
 declines still more ; and at sun-set, the cold is very great. 
 When the Indians arrive at the spot, they fill their leathern 
 bags with the sand, and then retreat as precipitately as possible. 
 For instantly that the ants perceive, by the smell, as the 
 Persians say — that the men are there, they pursue them ; 
 and in swiftness, these animals so far surpass any other crea- 
 tures, that unless while the ants are rallying for the chace, 
 the Indians had gained some good distance, not a man of them 
 could be saved. Now it is that the male camels, being 
 inferior in swiftness to the females, would hang in the rear, 
 if they were not drawn along by the female, who is between 
 them ; for she, mindful of the young she has left, gives way to 
 no sense of fatigue. Thus it is, as the Persians affirm, that 
 the Indians obtain the greater part of their gold; for the 
 quantity raised from mines is small. 
 
 While Greece enjoys a climate of the most happy tem- 
 perament, it happens that the rarest productions fall to the 
 share of the very extremities of the habitable earth ; and thus 
 India, as I have just said, is the farthest inhabited region 
 towards the east, and there the animals — both quadrupeds 
 
 * About an hour before noon. 
 
 (106) 
 
ARABIA. 241 
 
 and birds, are much larger than in other countries : — we must 
 except the horse, which is surpassed in size by the Nisaean 
 horses of the Medes. In India also is found this prodigious 
 quantity of gold — partly dug from the earth, partly brought 
 down by the torrents, and partly seized in the mode above 
 described. And there also are found those trees of the forest 
 which, instead of fruit, bear wool (cotton) superior both in 
 beauty and goodness to that of sheep. It is from these trees 
 that the Indians obtain their clothing. 
 
 Again : — Arabia is another extremity of the habitable 
 earth, towards the south, and this is the only country which 
 produces frankincense, and myrrh, cassia, cinnamon, and 
 ledanum. All these productions, excepting only myrrh, the 
 Arabians obtain with extreme difficulty. Frankincense they 
 collect by burning the odoriferous gum — storax — the same 
 which is imported into Greece by the Phoenicians ; it is, I 
 say, by fumigation with this gum that they obtain frankin- 
 cense ; for the trees which bear it, are guarded by winged 
 serpents of a small size, and various forms, which in great 
 numbers surround every tree : they are similar to those which 
 invade Egypt (p. 135) and are by no means to be driven from 
 the trees except by the smoke of the gum storax. The Ara- 
 bians affirm that the whole country would be filled with these 
 serpents, if that did not take place which I know happens to 
 vipers. By the wise providence of God, as we. may well 
 believe, it is that those creatures which are timid, and which 
 serve for food to others, are all so constituted as to be very 
 prolific; lest in being preyed upon, the species should become 
 extinct : while fierce and noxious animals produce but few. 
 Thus, for example, the hare, which is hunted by all— beasts, 
 birds, and men, is the only animal that brings forth without 
 intermission— nursing at the same time young in every stage ; 
 but the lioness, on the coutrary — the mightiest and the most 
 daring of animals, brings forth only once in her life ; nor can 
 she bear again.* 
 
 * Nam dum partum edit, simul uterum ejecit. Cujus rei hasc causa 
 est : quando catulus in utero sese incipit raovere, turn vero quoniam 
 (108) R 
 
242 PRODUCTIONS OF ARABIA — 
 
 And thus also, if vipers, and if the flying serpents of Arabia 
 multiplied as fast as their nature admits, the earth would not 
 be habitable to man. But these creatures destroy each 
 other : — the female inflicts death by her bite upon the male ; 
 and then the young, avenging their father, tear in pieces their 
 mother. Yet those serpents that are not hurtful to man 
 produce eggs, from which many young are hatched. Vipers 
 are indeed found in all parts of the earth ; but flying serpents 
 abound in Arabia, and no where else. 
 
 In the mode I have mentioned the Arabians obtain frankin- 
 cense : — Cassia is thus procured : — having covered every part 
 of the body and the face, except the eyes, with skins and 
 hides, they set out towards a shallow lake, near which the 
 cassia grows :— around, and in this lake, lodge winged animals, 
 very similar to bats : —they utter a fearful cry, and are ex- 
 tremely fierce. These creatures they ward off from the eyes, 
 while they gather the cassia. Cinnamon is collected in «a 
 manner still more admirable. — Where it grows, or what soil 
 bears it, we know not — unless we adopt the account, ,more 
 probable than any other, given by those who say that it grows 
 in the region in which Bacchus was nursed, whence, as the 
 Arabians say, certain large birds bring the husks which we, 
 from the Phoenicians, call cinnamon. These birds bring them 
 with clay, to form their nests, which they construct upon the 
 inaccessible summits of mountains. To obtain the cinnamon, 
 the Arabians adopt the following device ; — they bring into the 
 neighbouring plains a plentiful supply of the flesh of oxen, 
 asses, and other beasts of burden : having placed these as near 
 as possible to the nests, the men retire to a distance : the birds 
 then fly towards the flesh, and bear away portions of it to their 
 nests, which not being strong enough to sustain the weight, 
 are broken, and fall to the earth : the men then coming up 
 gather the cinnamon, which they carry into different 
 countries. 
 
 ungues habet longe omnium acutissimos, fodicat uterum ; augescensque 
 multo magis penetrat lacerando ; ad extreinum, quando partus iustat, 
 •nihil amplius sani in utero supcrest. All this is false. 
 
 (Ill) 
 
ETHIOPIA— EUROPE. 243 
 
 The procuring of ledanum, called by the Arabians ladanunt, 
 is even yet more wonderful ; for though the most odoriferous 
 of substances, nothing can be more offensive to the smell than 
 the source whence it is derived ; for it is found adhering to the 
 beards of goats, like gum that exudes from trees. It is used 
 in preparing many ointments, and the Arabians burn it more 
 than any other incense. So much for these aromatics, of 
 which the fragrancy is such, that all Arabia breathes a divine 
 perfume. 
 
 This country produces two kinds of sheep, worthy of admi- 
 ration, and no where else to be found. The one species have 
 tails not less than three cubits long, which if suffered to trail 
 on the ground, would be so bruised as to ulcerate : but to 
 remedy this inconvenience, every shepherd is obliged to prac- 
 tise the craft of the carpenter, so far as to construct carriages, 
 upon which he binds the tails of his sheep : — so every sheep's 
 taH keeps its chariot. The other species of sheep have broad 
 tails — even as much as a cubit wide. 
 
 The extremity of the habitable earth towards the south is 
 formed by Ethiopia, which lies south-west of Arabia. And 
 this region affords much gold, and has elephants of vast bulk, 
 and forest trees of all kinds, and ebony, and men of great 
 stature, great beauty, and extraordinary longevity. These 
 then are the extremities of the earth in Asia and Libya. 
 Concerning its extremities in Europe, towards the west, I have 
 no certain information. For I do not myself assent to the 
 opinion of those who affirm, that there is a certain river called 
 by barbarians Eridanus, discharging itself into a northern sea, 
 from which amber is said to be brought. Nor do I know 
 that there are islands named Cassiterides,* whence cassiteros 
 (tin) is imported to us. For the name Eridanus may convince 
 us that it is of Grecian, not of barbarian origin, and probably 
 invented by some poet. Besides, though I have sought in- 
 formation, I have never heard from any one who had himself 
 seen it, that there is a sea beyond Europe (towards the north.) 
 Yet it is certain, that both tin and amber are brought from 
 the extreme parts of Europe. 
 
 * The Seilly Islands, or Britain. 
 
 (115) R 2 
 
244 PLAIN OF THE CHORASMIANS. 
 
 That there is much gold in the northern regions of Europe 
 is also certain : but how it is obtained, I cannot positively 
 relate. It is indeed affirmed that the Arimaspians, a one- 
 eyed nation, take it by force from griffins. But I cannot 
 believe that there are men in other respects like the rest of 
 mankind, who have, from birth, only one eye. — (/ say then} 
 that the extremities of the inhabited earth, which surround 
 and enclose all other lands, possess those productions which we 
 esteem most excellent and rare. 
 
 There is in Asia a plain, shut in on every side by mountains, 
 through which there are five passes. This plain formerly be- 
 longed to the Chorasmians, being situated in the borders of 
 that people, and of the Hyrcanians, and Parthians, and 
 Sarangians, and Thamanians : but since the domination of 
 the Persians, it has been the property of the king. From 
 these encircling hills rises a large river named Aces, which 
 in five separate channels irrigates the lands of the people 
 above-mentioned : — a stream issuing from each of the ravines, 
 flows towards each people : but since the Persian conquest of 
 this country, miseries which I shall describe have been in- 
 flicted upon them. — The king caused the mountain passes to 
 be closed, placing a gate at each entrance. The passage of 
 the water being stopped, the' plain became a lake, for the 
 water continued to pour in, but found no exit. Those there- 
 fore who hitherto had received the benefit of these streams, 
 suffered the most extreme ills from the want of water. In the 
 winter indeed these people, like others, have rain ; but in 
 the summer, when they sow their millet and sesame, they 
 sought for it vain. No water being granted to them, they, 
 with their wives, proceeding to Persia, and standing before 
 the palace, made a loud outcry. At their urgent request 
 the king ordered that gate to be opened which led towards the 
 lands of those who were most in need, and when these were 
 satiated, the sleuce was shut, and another opened to supply 
 the fields of those who next were in most extreme want. As I 
 have been informed, very large sums, besides the tribute, are 
 paid to procure an order for opening a sleuce.] 
 
 (117) 
 
245 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 STORY OF INTAPHERNES: OF OROETES AND POLY- 
 CRATES. 
 
 Intaphernes, one of the seven conspirators against the 
 Mage, suffered death in consequence of an act of vio- 
 lence, soon after the revolution. Wishing for an audi- 
 ence with the king, he sought to enter the palace ; — for 
 such was the law agreed upon among them, that any 
 one of the seven conspirators might have freedom of 
 access to the king, without the formality of an introduc- 
 tion, excepting only his bedchamber. Intaphernes there- 
 fore, being one of the seven, thought proper to claim his 
 right of immediate entrance on one occasion, when both 
 the porter and the internuncio obstructed his progress, 
 affirming that the king was in bed. But Intaphernes 
 thinking this a falsehood, drew his scymetar, and cut off 
 the ears and the noses of both, and stringing them on a 
 bridle, put them about the necks of these officers, and so 
 dismissed them. They, presenting themselves before the 
 king, related the cause of what they had suffered. Darius 
 at first apprehended that this 4eed had been perpetrated by 
 the consent of the six, and therefore sent for each of them, 
 and separately demanded whether he approved of what 
 had been done. When he found that they were not 
 parties to the act, he arrested Intaphernes — himself, his 
 children, and all his relations, having great reason to 
 suppose that he might be plotting rebellion in concert with 
 them. After putting them in confinement, he condemned 
 them to die. But the wife of Intaphernes, coming to 
 the gates of the palace, continued for a length of time 
 weeping and lamenting, and at last moved Darius to 
 compassion, who sent a messenger to address to her from 
 (119) R 3 
 
246 OR(ETHS AND 
 
 himself these words — " Woman ! Darius the king grants 
 to you the power to release one of your family, now im- 
 prisoned — him whom you shall choose." She, after con- 
 sideration, replied — " If the king grants me the life of 
 one, I select from all — my brother." When Darius 
 heard her answer, he wondered, and sent this question — 
 " Woman ! the king inquires the reason why, leaving 
 your husband and children to their fate, you have chosen 
 your brother to survive, though he is less near to you 
 than your children, and less endeared than your hus- 
 band." She replied — " O king ! if it shall please the 
 gods, I may have another husband, and other children ; 
 but as my father and mother are no more, I can never have 
 another brother ; for this reason therefore I have chosen 
 him." Darius thought she had determined well, and 
 granted to her, in good will, not only her brother, but 
 her eldest son also : — all the others he put to death. In 
 this way presently perished one of the seven. 
 
 About the time when Cambyses was labouring under 
 his last sickness, the following events took place. — 
 Orcetes, a Persian, who had been appointed governor of 
 Sardis by Cyrus, devised a most atrocious violence to- 
 wards Polycrates of Samos, from whom he had received no 
 injury — who had uttered no contumely against him — whom 
 he had never seen, and whom nevertheless he sought to 
 lay hold of, and to destroy. The occasion of this ill-will 
 is commonly said to have been this : — Orcetes and another 
 Persian, named Mitrobates, prince of the province of 
 Dascylium, were sitting together at the palace gates, 
 and in the course of conversation, fell into dispute, and in 
 challenging for themselves the praise of military virtue, 
 Mitrobates reproachfully said to Orcetes — " And are you 
 to be reckoned a man, who have not obtained for the king 
 the island of Samos, which lies so near to your province, 
 and which might so easily be conquered, and of which one 
 of the natives, with fifteen armed men, seditiously possessed 
 
 (120) 
 
POLYCRATES. 247 
 
 himself, and now governs V Orostes, as they say, deeply 
 stung with this reproach, conceived the desire, not indeed 
 of revenging himself upon the man who had uttered it, 
 but of destroying Polycrates, on account of whom he had 
 been so offended. There are a few who affirm that 
 Orostes sent a herald to Samos to make some demand, 
 which is not specified, and that at the time Polycrates 
 was reclining in the saloon — Anacreon of Teios being 
 present ; and that either from an intentional contempt 
 towards the message of Oroetes, or from mere accident, 
 when the herald presented himself and delivered his mes- 
 sage, Polycrates being turned to the wall, neither inclined 
 towards him, nor gave him any reply. 
 
 In these two ways the story of the death of Polycrates 
 is told. Every one may adopt that which he thinks most 
 probable. Oroetes then residing at Magnesia on the 
 Meander, sent Myrsus, son of Gyges,. a Lydian, to Samos 
 with a despatch; but whose real errand was to inform 
 himself of the dispositions of Polycrates. Now Poly- 
 crates is the first of the Greeks, of whom we have any 
 knowledge, who formed the plan of acquiring the domi- 
 nation of the sea; unless indeed we except Minos of 
 Cnossus, or any other who before his time might be master 
 of the sea. But within the boundaries of authentic his- 
 tory, Polycrates is the first who entertained the confident 
 expectation of ruling by this means Ionia and the islands. 
 Oroetes being informed of his designs, sent to him a 
 letter to the following effect : — " Thus says Oroetus to 
 Polycrates : — I am informed that you are concerting great 
 enterprises, and that your pecuniary means are not equal 
 to the extent of your designs. Now if you will adopt the 
 plan I propose, you will at once promote your own affairs, 
 and save me. For the kin,g Cambyses meditates my 
 death, of which I have certain information ; if therefore 
 you will transport me and my treasures to Samos, you 
 shall have one part of them, and I another. Possessed 
 (122) R 4 
 
248 ORCETES AND 
 
 of this wealth, you may become master of all Greece. 
 But if you entertain doubts of what I say concerning my 
 treasures, send one of your most trusty ministers, to 
 whom I will exhibit them." 
 
 Polycrates was delighted with this communication, and 
 accepted the condition : and eagerly panting after the 
 money, he first sent to inspect it, Maeandrius, son of Mse- 
 andrius, a citizen of Samos, who was his secretary, and 
 who not long afterwards dedicated at the temple of Juno 
 all the ornamental furniture — and it was indeed admir- 
 able, belonging to the saloon of Polycrates. Oroetes 
 learning that he was to expect some one to inspect his 
 treasures, filled eight large coffers with stones, nearly to 
 the brim, strewing the surface with gold pieces: then 
 sealing down the chest, he held them in readiness. Ma3- 
 andrius arrived, viewed the coffers, and made his report 
 to Polycrates ; who, contrary to the prohibitions of the 
 seers, and the advice of his friends, prepared to go him- 
 self (to the continent). His daughter moreover had, in 
 a vision, seen her father aloft in the air, washed by Jove 
 (the rain) and anointed by the sun. She having seen 
 this vision, sought by all possible means to prevent his 
 leaving Samos to visit Oroetes ; and even as he was going 
 on board the galley, she besought him with imprecations 
 (or with ill auguries) not to proceed. But he threatened 
 her that if he returned safe, he would a long time keep 
 her from marrying. To which she replied, by uttering 
 a wish that so it might be ; for she had rather remain any 
 length of time unmarried, than be deprived of her father. 
 But Polycrates spurning all advice, set sail to visit 
 Oroetes, taking with him not a few of his friends, among 
 whom was Democedes, son of Calliphon, of Crotona, the 
 most skilful practitioner of medicine in his times. Very 
 soon after Polycrates reached Magnesia, he miserably 
 perished by a death unworthy both of his rank and cha- 
 racter; for, excepting the tyrants of Syracuse, not one 
 
 (125) 
 
POLYCRATES. 249 
 
 of. the Grecian tyrants could be cbmpared with Polycrates 
 for magnificence. — In a mode indescribably unworthy, 
 did Orcetes put Polycrates to death; — for he cru- 
 cified him ! Those of his attendants who were Sa- 
 mians he dismissed, commanding them to thank him for 
 their liberty ; but all those who were strangers or servants 
 he held for slaves. Thus did Polycrates, while suspended 
 on the cross, accomplish the vision of his daughter, for 
 he was washed by Jove, when it rained, and anointed by 
 the sun with the exuding humours of his own body. And 
 thus terminated the many felicities of Polycrates, accord- 
 ing to the predictions of Amasis king of Egypt. 
 
 But not long afterwards, vengeance on account of Poly- 
 crates overtook Orcetes. For after the death of Cambyses, 
 and during the reign of the Mages, Orcetes, who continued 
 at Sardis, had sent no aids to the Persian government, 
 then under the usurped administration of these Medes (the 
 Mages,) but availing himself of the perturbation of the 
 times, had put to death Mitrobates, the prefect of Dascy- 
 lium, who had reproached him on account of Polycrates. 
 He killed also Cranaspes, son of Mitrobates ; both of them 
 men of high repute in Persia. Many other atrocities he 
 perpetrated ; and a certain courier of Darius who brought 
 unwelcome despatches, he waylaid on his return, and 
 killed ; and so disposed of the bodies — both of man and 
 horse, that they were never more seen. 
 
 Darius, from the time of his accession, had wished to 
 wreak vengeance upon Orcetes for all his crimes, and 
 especially for the murder of Mitrobates and his son. 
 But he judged it not proper to send a force against him 
 openly, while the affairs of the state were still unsettled, 
 and his own authority but recently established ; besides 
 that he knew Orcetes commanded a large force — was 
 attended by a thousand Persian spearmen, and held the 
 government of Phrygia, Lydia, and Ionia. Under these 
 circumstances, Darius, to meet the difficulty, summoned 
 (127) 
 
250 DEATH OF ORGETES. 
 
 the most eminent of the Persians, whom he thus ad- 
 dressed. — " Who among you — Persians ! will undertake 
 to achieve for me by skill, what cannot be effected by 
 force and arms ? For where skill is needed, force is un- 
 availing. Who then among you will either bring Orostes 
 alive to me, or put him to death ? Far from profiting the 
 Persians, he works us great mischiefs. He it was who 
 destroyed two of us — Mitrobates and his son, and he it 
 was who killed the messenger sent by me to summon 
 him; and now he displays towards us an insolence not to 
 be endured." 
 
 Thus spoke Darius : — presently thirty Persians professed 
 severally their willingness to accomplish the plan alone. 
 And when they contended who should attempt it, Darius 
 commanded them to draw lots. This they did, and 
 Bagaeus, son of Artontes, obtained the lot. To effect his 
 purpose, he wrote many letters, on a variety of affairs, 
 to which he affixed the seal of Darius : with these he 
 proceeded to Sardis, and on his arrival, being introduced 
 to an audience of Orostes, he took the letters, one by one, 
 and gave them to the royal secretary to read : — for all the 
 governors of provinces have with them royal secretaries. 
 These letters Bagaeus delivered as a means of making 
 trial of the guards, whether they were disposed to revolt 
 from Orcetes. Observing them to pay respectful atten- 
 tion to the letters, and especially to the commands which 
 they contained, he delivered one in which were these 
 words — " Persians ! king Darius forbids you to be guards 
 to Orcetes." They hearing this, lowered to him their 
 lances. Bagaeus seeing them so obedient to the mandate, 
 became instantly confident, and delivered the last of the 
 letters to the secretary, in which was written — " King 
 Darius commands the Persians at Sardis to kill Orcetes." 
 The guards no sooner heard this, than they drew their 
 scymetars, and slew him on the spot. Thus the avengers 
 of Polycrates of Samos overtook Orcetes the Persian. 
 
 (128) 
 
251 - 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 DEMOCEDES. 
 
 Not long after the time when the treasures of Orcetes 
 had arrived and been received at Susa, it happened that 
 king- Darius, in alighting from his horse while hunting, 
 twisted his foot so severely that the ankle was completely 
 dislocated. At first he put himself under the care of the 
 Egyptians whom he retained about him, and whom he 
 had believed to be eminent in the healing art. But they 
 by twisting the foot, and using force, increased the mis- 
 chief. So severe was the pain, that for seven days and 
 nights Darius had no sleep : on the eighth, as he grew 
 worse, some one announced to the king that, being at 
 Sardis, he had there heard of the medical skill of Demo- 
 cedes of Crotona. Darius commanded him instantly to 
 be brought in. He was found in a neglected condition 
 among the slaves of Orostes, and when brought forward, 
 he dragged fetters behind him, and was clad in rags. 
 
 As he stood in the midst, he was asked by Darius if he 
 was versed in the art : he denied, fearing lest he should 
 be recognized, and so his return to Greece should be for 
 ever prevented; but Darius perceiving that he was in 
 truth a man of skill, commanded whips and goads to be 
 fetched. He then professed himself, saying that, though 
 very far from being well acquainted with medicine, yet, 
 that having waited upon a certain physician, he had 
 acquired some rude knowledge of the art. Upon this the 
 king put himself under his care, and he, using the Gre- 
 cian methods of cure, and adopting mild remedies after 
 the violent means that had been employed, obtained sleep 
 (130) 
 
•2frf 
 
 DEMOCEDES 
 
 for his patient, and in a short time effected a perfect 
 cure, when Darius had despaired of ever regaining the 
 use of the foot. The king afterwards bestowed upon 
 Democedes two pairs of golden fetters. In receiving 
 them, he asked if the king, in recompense for the cure, 
 intended to assign to him a double ill. Darius pleased 
 with this speech, sent him to his wives, who were informed 
 by the officers of the palace, " that this was the man who 
 had restored the king's life." Each of them dipped a 
 goblet into a coffer of gold pieces, and presented it to 
 Democedes ; and so liberally did they do this, that the 
 servant who followed him, named Scitus, collected a large 
 sum; merely by picking up the pieces which fell from the 
 goblets. 
 
 This Democedes left Crotona, and came to attend on 
 Polycrates from the following circumstances : — His father 
 was a man of so irascible and difficult a temper, that at 
 length he left him and came to iEgina ; there he estab- 
 lished himself, and though unfurnished with means, and 
 destitute of the instruments of his profession, in the first 
 year he outstripped the most eminent physicians of the 
 island. In the second year, a talent was voted to him by 
 the JEginetans, as a pension from*the public purse. In the 
 third year, the Athenians granted him one hundred 
 pounds.* In the fourth year, he was hired by Poly- 
 crates, at a salary of two talents : thus it was that he 
 came to Samos. This man it was who raised so high the 
 reputation of the physicians of Crotona, for there was a 
 time when, throughout Greece, they were esteemed to be 
 the most eminent in the profession; and next to them, 
 those of Cyrene. About the same period the Argives were 
 talked of as the first musicians. 
 
 After Democedes had healed Darius at Susa, he 
 
 * If the text in this place has not suffered injury, the sums voted to 
 this physician may be valued as follows: — By the jEginetans about £ 194. 
 By the Athenians, £322. By Polycrates £388. 
 
 (132) 
 
OF CROTONA. 253 
 
 obtained a spacious house — was a guest at the king's 
 table, and, excepting that he could not return to Greece, 
 possessed all he could wish for. By his intercessions 
 with Darius, he rescued the Egyptian surgeons who had 
 first been employed, and whom the king was about to 
 empale, because they had been surpassed by a Greek 
 physician. Eleus also, the seer, who had followed Poly- 
 crates, and who remained neglected among the captives, 
 Democedes set at liberty ; for he possessed great influence 
 with the king. 
 
 A short time after these events, it happened that 
 Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, and now the wife of 
 Darius, had a tumour on the breast, which breaking, 
 spread. While it was but small, she, from modesty, 
 concealed it, and spoke of it to no one : but when it grew 
 worse, she sent for Democedes, and showed it to him. 
 He declared he could heal her ; yet first exacted from her 
 a solemn promise that, as his recompense, she would do 
 for him whatever he might ask ; and he engaged to ask 
 nothing which it would be dishonourable to her to grant. 
 When, by the exercise of his art, he had restored her 
 to health, Atossa, instructed by Democedes, took a 
 favourable opportunity to address Darius as follows — 
 " Possessed as you are, my lord, of forces so great, do 
 you sit still ? Will you not acquire for the Persians some 
 new people or power ? It would be well that a man in 
 the prime of life, and who is the master of immense 
 wealth, should exhibit himself in signal enterprises, that 
 the Persians may learn that they are governed by a man. 
 Two reasons should influence you to adopt such a course ; 
 first, as I have said, that the Persians may know that it 
 is a man who rules them, and secondly, that they, being 
 worn in war, and drawn from an idle life, may not hatch 
 conspiracies against you. Now, in the vigorous season 
 of youth, is the time to make yourself known by some 
 worthy enterprize. — While the body is yet tending to- 
 (134) 
 
254 DEVICE OP 
 
 wards its perfection, the mind grows also; and again 
 decays as the body withers in age, and becomes feeble in 
 action." Thus she repeated the part she had been taught. 
 Darius thus replied. — " Woman ! you have said only what 
 I have myself resolved to do : for I have already deter- 
 mined to construct bridges connecting this continent 
 with the other, and so to invade the Scythians : and I 
 shall very shortly put my plan in execution." Atossa thus 
 replied — " Let alone this war with the Scythians at 
 present; for whenever you please you may make them 
 your subjects. But first lead your armies for me against 
 Greece, for after what I have been told, I wish extremely 
 to obtain waiting women from the Lacedaemonians, and 
 the Argives, and from the people of Attica, and from the 
 Corinthians. And now you have with you a man, than 
 whom none can be better qualified to inform you of 
 whatever relates to Greece ; or to be your guide there — - 
 I mean the man who restored your foot." Darius an- 
 answered — " Since you are of opinion, that we should 
 make our first trial upon Greece, I think it will be most 
 proper first of all to send some Persians as spies, and with 
 them the man whom you mention, who making themselves 
 acquainted with the affairs of Greece, may afterwards 
 inform us of what they have learned ; and then, upon 
 such information, we may set out to invade that country." 
 Thus he spoke: and he no sooner spoke than acted; 
 for at the very first dawn of day, summoning fifteen dis- 
 tinguished Persians, he commanded them to place them- 
 selves under the conduct of Democedes, and to pass 
 throughout all the coasts of Greece ; yet taking care that 
 he did not make his escape ; but by all means to bring 
 him back with them. Having given them these instruc- 
 tions, he next called for Democedes, whom he required to 
 guide the Persians through Greece, exhibiting every 
 thing to them ; and himself to return. He then com- 
 manded him to take with him all his moveables, as 
 
 (135) 
 
DEMOCEDES. 255 
 
 presents to his father and brethren, promising to replace 
 them by manifold gifts. Darius moreover said that, for 
 the transport of these presents, a vessel should accompany 
 them, charged with all kinds of riches. Nor do I believe 
 that he had any sinister intention in making these pro- 
 mises. But Democedes apprehending that Darius meant 
 only to put him to the trial, and to see whether in taking 
 his departure, he would accept whatever was offered 
 him (as if not intending to return,) replied that he would 
 leave at Susa all his effects, ready for him when he should 
 return ; yet he said he would accept the merchant vessel 
 which Darius had promised for the conveyance of the 
 presents to his kinsmen. After severally receiving these 
 instructions, the party was despatched by the king to the 
 coast. 
 
 Going down to Sidon in Phoenicia, they fitted out two 
 triremes as well as a large merchant vessel, laden with 
 precious commodities of all sorts. Every thing being 
 provided, they sailed for Greece, and keeping near the 
 land, they inspected the whole coast, making notes (or 
 maps and draivings) of all they saw. When they had in- 
 spected whatever was most remarkable, they proceeded 
 to Tarentum in Italy. There Aristophilides, king of 
 Tarentum, to gratify Democedes, removed the rudders of 
 the Median ships, and detained the Persians as spies. 
 Meanwhile Democedes made his way to Crotona, and 
 when he had reached that place, Aristophilides set the 
 Persians at liberty, and restored to them what he had 
 detached from their vessels. 
 
 The Persians quitting Tarentum, pursued Democedes 
 to Crotona. Finding him in the public assembly, they 
 laid hands on him. Some of the Crotonians, fearing the 
 Persian power, were disposed to deliver him ; but others, 
 opposing, struck the Persians with their staves, who then 
 thus addressed the people — " Men of Crotona ! look well 
 to what you are doing. — You are rescuing a man who is 
 (137) 
 
256 ESCAPE OF DEMOCEDES. 
 
 a run-away from the king. How think you king Darius- 
 will bear to be thus aggrieved? Can it end well for 
 you if you take the man from us 1 What city shall we 
 sooner attack than your's ? What people shall we sooner 
 reduce to slavery than you ?" Nor did this avail to 
 move the Crotonians, who in fact rescued Democedes, 
 and seized the transport which followed the Persians, 
 who, thus deprived of their guide, returned to Asia, 
 without exploring any further the coasts of Greece. As 
 they took their departure, Democedes enjoined them to 
 inform Darius that he was about to be united in marriage 
 to the daughter of Milo. Now the name of Milo the 
 wrestler was in high esteem with the king, and as it 
 seems to me Democedes hastened this marriage by the 
 efficacy of large sums of money, in order that he might 
 appear to Darius a man of consequence in his own coun- 
 try. The Persians proceeding on their voyage from Cro- 
 tona, were cast away upon Japygia {Apulia) where they 
 were made slaves, but presently redeemed by Gillus, an 
 exile from Tarentum, who conducted them back to Darius, 
 In reward for this service, the king professed his rea- 
 diness to do for him whatever he wished. Gillus, after 
 narrating his misfortunes, asked to be restored to Ta- 
 rentum. And that he might not trouble Greece, which 
 must happen, if on his account a large expedition 
 were sent into Italy, he stated that the aid of the Cni- 
 dians alone would suffice to effect his restoration. 
 Thinking that, as these were on terms of amity with 
 the people of Tarentum, they would more easily than 
 others be able to procure his return. Darius assented 
 to this proposal, and adopted measures accordingly ; 
 for he sent a' messenger to Cnidos, commanding them to 
 return Gillus to Tarentum. The Cnidians obeyed the 
 injunction ; but the people of Tarentum would not 
 yield to persuasion, and they were not in condition to 
 compel submission by force. Such was the issue of this 
 
 (138) 
 
SYLOSON. 257 
 
 affair, which is related, because the Persians, above- 
 mentioned, were the first persons who came from Asia 
 with the express design of exploring- Greece. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 STORY OF SYLOSON AND RUIN OF SAMOS. 
 
 Not long afterwards Darius the king took Samos : 
 this was the first place, either Grecian or barbarian, of 
 which he made himself master. The occasion of the 
 enterprize was as follows. — While Cambyses was with 
 his army in Egypt, great numbers of Greeks frequented 
 that country; — some, of course, for purposes of mer- 
 chandize ; some, as being included in the army ; and some, 
 merely to view the country. Of this class was Syloson, 
 son of Ajax, brother of Polycrates, and an exile from 
 Samos. Now it happened fortunately for this Syloson, 
 that one day, as he was walking in a public square at 
 Memphis, clad in a scarlet cloak, Darius who then was 
 one of the body-guard of Cambyses, and a person of no 
 great importance, chanced to see him, and conceiving a 
 strong wish to possess the cloak, approached the wearer, 
 and asked to purchase it. Syloson seeing Darius won- 
 derfully smitten with the cloak, said — impelled by a 
 divine impulse — " I will not sell it for any sum ; but if 
 forsooth you must have it, I give it you." Darius ap- 
 plauding his generosity, took the vest. Syloson, on his 
 part, considered that he had lost it by a foolish easiness 
 of temper. Time passed on — Cambyses died — The 
 Mage was overthrown by the seven; — and of -the seven, 
 (140) s 
 
258 SYLOSON. 
 
 who should obtain the sovereign power but this very 
 Darius ! 
 
 When Syloson learned that the kingly dignity had 
 devolved upon the man to whom, at his request, he had 
 given his cloak some time before in Egypt, he repaired to 
 Susa, and sat himself down upon the threshhold of the 
 royal palace, and there professed that he was " the 
 benefactor of Darius." The porter repeated this to the 
 king, who wondering, said, "What Greek can have done 
 me any service, and have earned my gratitude ? for I am 
 but just invested with the regal power. Scarcely an 
 individual of that nation — or not even one, has yet 
 arrived at my court ; nor do I know myself to be in- 
 debted to any Greek. Yet bring him in, that I may 
 know what the man would have in saying this." The porter 
 introduced Syloson, and as he stood in the midst, the 
 interpreters asked him who he was, and what he had per- 
 formed, which entitled him to call himself the king's 
 benefactor. Syloson then related the whole story of the 
 cloak, and affirmed that he it was who had given it. 
 To this Darius replied — " Most generous of men ! are 
 you indeed the person who, when I possessed no power, 
 bestowed the gift which, though in itself inconsiderable, 
 claims as much gratitude as the most important present 
 given to me now 1 In return for this cloak, I will now 
 bestow upon you such an amount of gold and silver, that 
 you shall never need to repent having conferred a favour 
 upon Darius, son of Hystaspes." — " O king," replied 
 Syloson, " give me neither silver nor gold ; but save and 
 give to me my country — Samos, of which, since Poly crates 
 my brother was put to death by Orostes, a servant of 
 ours has possessed himself. This give me without blood- 
 shed — without reducing the people to slavery." 
 
 In consequence of his representations, Darius des- 
 patched a body of men under the command of Otanes — 
 one of the seven, instructing him to fulfil in all things the 
 
 (141) 
 
MyEANDRIUS. 259 
 
 wishes of Syloson. Otanes went therefore to the coast, 
 and there made preparation for embarking his forces. 
 Samos was then governed by Mseandrius, son of Msean- 
 drius, to whom Polycrates had entrusted the adminis- 
 tration of affairs. This man, with the most upright 
 intentions (or, wishing to seem eminently just) failed to 
 accomplish his purpose. When the death of Polycrates 
 was made known to him, he adopted the following mea- 
 sures :• — first he reared an altar to Jupiter the Liberator, 
 and traced around it the sacred inclosure which is now 
 seen in the suburbs of the city. This done, he called an 
 assembly of all the citizens, whom he thus addressed — " To 
 me, as you well know, is committed the sceptre and entire 
 power of Polycrates ; and nothing prevents my now exer- 
 cising this authority over you. But what I condemn in a 
 neighbour, that, as far as in me lies, I will avoid doing. 
 For as 1 liked not to see Polycrates exercising despotic 
 power over men who where his equals, neither can I 
 endure that any one, whoever he may be, should do the 
 like. Polycrates has met his fate ; and I lay down the 
 supreme power, and proclaim to you — Equality. Yet I 
 think it equitable to myself, that so much distinction as 
 this should be granted me ; — that I should have six 
 talents taken from the treasures' of Polycrates ; and more- 
 over I would ask the priesthood for myself and posterity 
 for ever, of Jupiter the Liberator, to whom I have con- 
 secrated an altar, and under whose auspices I now invest 
 you with liberty." Such was the proposition he made to 
 the Samians. One of them rising up, said — " In truth 
 you are unworthy to rule over us, being as you are a 
 wicked and pestilent fellow. Fitter would it be that 
 you should render an account of the treasures you have 
 handled." This was spoken by Telesarchus, a citizen of 
 reputation. 
 
 Mseandrius now perceiving that if he were to lay down 
 the authority he held, some one would rise up to become 
 (143) s 2 
 
260 RUIN OF 
 
 a tyrant in his room, no longer thought of relinquishing 1 
 his power. Having retired to the acropolis (citadel) he 
 summoned one and another on pretence of giving an 
 account of the treasures ; but as they arrived, he seized 
 and put them in irons. While they continued in prison 
 Maeandrius was attacked with a disease, and his brother, 
 named Lycaretus, supposing he would die, in order that 
 he might the more readily possess himself of the govern- 
 ment of .Samos, put all the prisoners to death : — or, as it 
 is probable, they refused liberty (on the terms offered 
 by Lycaretus.) 
 
 When the Persians arrived at Samos, bringing with 
 them Syloson, no one lifted a hand to oppose them, 
 and the partisans of Maeandrius, and he himself, pro- 
 fessed themselves ready to give their word that they 
 would abandon the island. Otanes agreed to this pro- 
 posal, and ratified the engagement. And a number of 
 the most distinguished Persians, having caused seats to 
 be placed for them, reposed at their ease, opposite to the 
 acropolis. But Maeandrius had a brother named Cha- 
 rilaus, scarcely sane, who, on account of some fault, was 
 bound in the dungeon. He, having over-heard what had 
 taken place ; and, by peeping through the chinks of the 
 dungeon, having seen the Persians sitting carelessly, 
 loudly demanded to be allowed to speak with Maeandrius, 
 who, hearing his demand, ordered him to be released and 
 brought before him. He was therefore brought up, and 
 instantly began to reproach and upbraid his brother, and 
 to urge him to fall upon the Persians. — " Most cowardly 
 of men," said he ; " me, your own brother, who have 
 committed against you no wrong worthy of bonds, you 
 have adjudged to irons in the dungeon ; while you dare 
 not avenge yourself upon these Persians, who so easily 
 might be vanquished, when you see them ejecting you, 
 and making you a homeless wanderer. But now if 
 you are in dread of them, commit the auxiliaries to me, 
 
 (145) 
 
SAMOS; 261 
 
 and I will make them pay dearly for coming here ; and I 
 am ready also to send you away from the island." 
 
 Thus spoke Charilaus ; and Mseandrius gave his con- 
 sent ; not, as it seems to me, that he was himself brought 
 to such folly as to think that, with his forces, he could 
 overcome those of the king ; but rather he grudged that 
 Syloson should, without effort, obtain the city uninjured. 
 By provoking the Persians, he wished to inflict the 
 greatest possible damage upon the island; and that so 
 enfeebled, the city might be surrendered ; — well knowing 
 that if the Persians suffered any ill treatment, they 
 would be exasperated against the Samians ; and knowing 
 also, that he had for himself a safe way of escape from the 
 island, whenever he pleased. For he had caused a 
 secret passage to be dug from the acropolis to the sea. 
 Maeandrius therefore sailed away from Samos. Mean- 
 while Charilaus arming all the auxiliaries, and throwing 
 open the gates, led them against the Persians, who thought 
 of nothing of the kind, but supposed every thing to be 
 amicably arranged. The auxiliaries making a sudden 
 charge upon these Persian grandees,* killed them all. 
 Presently the rest of the Persians came up to their 
 aid, and pressed upon the auxiliaries until they were 
 driven back, and obliged to take refuge in the citadel. 
 
 Otanes, the general, seeing so great a calamity inflicted 
 on the Persians, remembered to forget the commands 
 given to him by Darius when he set out — to put none 
 of the Samians to death, nor to make slaves of them, 
 but to deliver the island" unhurt to Syloson: — disregard- 
 ing these instructions, he gave orders to his forces to 
 put to the sword all whom they found, whether old or 
 young. Forthwith one part of the army laid siege to the 
 acropolis, while the remainder killed every one they met, 
 
 * SuppcxpopevnevovQ — persons accustomed to be borne in a sedan or 
 litter. 
 
 (147) S 3 
 
262 RUIN OF SAMOS. 
 
 as well within as without the temples. Maeandrius 
 escaping from Samos, sailed to Lacedsemon, where he 
 arrived with the riches he had brought away. From 
 among these treasures he selected vessels of gold and 
 silver, which he delivered to his servants to be cleansed. 
 While these articles were about, he went to converse 
 with Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, 
 and brought him home. When Cleomenes beheld the 
 goblets, he was struck with admiration and surprize, upon 
 which Maeandrius besought him to take away whatever 
 he pleased : — this request he repeated again and again ; 
 but Cleomenes was a man of rare integrity, who did not 
 deem it right even to accept a gift, and being informed 
 that the stranger had made presents to several of the 
 citizens, with the view of obtaining succours, he addressed 
 himself to the Ephors, declaring that it would be better 
 for Sparta if the Samian stranger left Peloponnesus — ■ 
 " lest," said he, " he should persuade me or some other 
 Spartan to do ill." They, in compliance with his advice, 
 expelled Maeandrius by the public cryer from Sparta. 
 
 The Persians having dragged Samos, as with a net, 
 delivered the island to Syloson, utterly destitute of inha- 
 bitants. But some time afterwards, Otanes the general 
 being warned by a dream, and by a disease which attacked 
 him, re-peopled the island. 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 SECOND FALL OF BABYLON. 
 
 While the Persian fleet was on its way to Samos, the 
 Babylonians revolted, having already amply prepared 
 
 (150) 
 
SIEGE OF BABYLON. 263 
 
 themselves. For during the reign of the Mage, and 
 after his overthrow by the seven conspirators, and while 
 affairs were unsettled, they laid in provisions against a 
 siege: these operations they contrived to conceal. But 
 after their revolt was declared, they adopted the expe- 
 dient of strangling all the women, excepting only their 
 mothers, and one favourite wife for each man : — each 
 man, I say, chose from his household one woman to pre- 
 pare his food, all the rest they strangled, to save the 
 consumption of provisions. As soon as Darius heard 
 what had taken place, he assembled the whole of his 
 forces, and marched against them, and reaching the city 
 besieged it ; — a siege which the Babylonians treated with 
 extreme indifference ; and going upon the top of their 
 walls, they danced, and derided Darius and his army. 
 One of them uttered this taunting speech — " Persians ! 
 why sit you there ? why not go hence ? You shall make 
 us captives when a mule shall have young !" The Baby- 
 lonian who spoke this, believed that what he mentioned 
 could never happen. 
 
 One year and seven months had passed away, and 
 Darius with his whole army fretted that they could not 
 take the city. He had practised every stratagem, and em- 
 ployed every machine of war without effect. Among 
 other means which he tried, was that by which Cyrus 
 had taken the city. But the Babylonians were most assi- 
 duously on their guard; nor could he at all surprise 
 them. In the twentieth month, a prodigy happened, 
 which attracted the notice of Zopyrus, son of Megabysus, 
 one of the seven conspirators against the Mage. — One 
 of the sumpter mules brought forth young. Zopyrus not 
 believing the report, went himself and saw the foal. He 
 enjoined his servants to keep the matter secret, and then 
 reflec ing on the occurrence, recollected the speech of 
 the Babylonian who, at the commencement of the siege, 
 had said that the place might be taken when a mule 
 (153) s 4 
 
264 STRATAGEM OF 
 
 should have young : he therefore concluded that Babylon 
 was now pregnable ; for he deemed that the speech was 
 inspired, and that the event which had just happened to 
 himself was portentous. 
 
 Believing therefore that Babylon was now fated to be 
 taken, he went to Darius, and asked him if he viewed the 
 capture of the city as a matter of high importance ; and 
 being answered in the affirmative, he considered how he 
 might be the person to take it, and how the exploit might 
 be altogether his own ; — for among the Persians, those 
 who achieve extraordinary actions for the good of their 
 country, are held in the very highest honour. Now no 
 other mode of accomplishing his object seemed practi- 
 cable, but that of going over to the enemy in a state of 
 disgraceful mutilation. Immediately, deeming as a trifle 
 his own sufferings, he inflicted upon himself an irre- 
 mediable mutilation; for he cut off his own nose and 
 ears — shaved his locks, tore himself with whips, and thus 
 presented himself before Darius. Darius seeing a man 
 of rank thus ignominiously disfigured, was deeply 
 affected, and starting from his throne, uttered an out- 
 cry, inquiring who had thus deformed him, or why ? 
 To this inquiry, \ Zopyrus replied — "There is no man 
 except yourself who has power thus to treat me. Nor 
 has any hand, O king, but my own done this. — Yes, I 
 have done it, impatient that the Persians should be 
 mocked by the Assyrians." — " Most wretched of men," 
 replied the king, " to a most shameful deed you give a 
 name of virtue, in professing that you have thus incurably 
 injured yourself in spite against the besieged » Foolish 
 man ! and how shall this ignominy, think you, bring 
 the enemy into our power ? Have you lost your senses 
 in thus destroying yourself?" 
 
 " If," said Zopyrus, " I had communicated to you my 
 purpose, you would not have suffered me to accomplish 
 it. But now I have effected it on my own will ; and now, 
 
 (155) 
 
zopyrus. 265 
 
 unless you are wanting to your own interests, we shall 
 take Babylon. For, just as I am, I will present myself 
 at the walls, and say that it is by you I have been thus 
 treated ; and I think that they, being convinced of the 
 truth of what I affirm, will confer upon me a command. 
 Do you then, on the tenth day after I shall have entered 
 the walls, send forward a thousand men, such as you will 
 least regret the loss of; and station them near the gate 
 of Semiramis. Then again, seven days after that, send 
 me two thousand men to the gate of Ninus. After that, 
 let twenty days elapse, and then lead other four thousand 
 to the gate of the Chaldseans, and station them there ; 
 but let neither these nor the first bands have any other 
 weapons than their swords. After that day — the twen- 
 tieth from the last, let the rest of the army invest the 
 wall on all sides ; but place the Persians for me at the 
 Belidian and the Cissian gates. As I think, after I have 
 performed several signal exploits, the Babylonians will 
 entrust every thing to me, even the keys of the gates. 
 And then it will be for us to act our parts." 
 
 Having given these instructions, Zopyrus went to the 
 gates, where he paced up and down, as if he were indeed 
 a deserter. Those who were stationed on the turrets 
 seeing him, quickly descended, and having slid aside the 
 wicket a little space, they demanded who he wa , rad for 
 what purpose he came. He declared himself to be 
 Zopyrus, and said that he came over to them as a de- 
 serter. The porters hearing this, admitted Mm, 
 brought him into the assembly of the people : the-" stand- 
 ing before them, he deplored his miseries, and sa ; d that it 
 was from Darius he had suffered the injuries which, in 
 fact, he had inflicted on himself; and that he had under- 
 gone this punishment because he had advised him to rahv 
 the siege, seeing that no means of taking the city pre- 
 sented themselves. " And now," continued he, "I come 
 to you Babylonians with the best good will for youi 
 (156) 
 
266 CAPTURE OF 
 
 -vice, and for the greatest damage to Darius and the 
 Persian army. Nor shall he who has thus ignominiously 
 branded me, escape with impunity. — I am well acquainted 
 with all his projects." 
 
 The Babylonians seeing a man so distinguished among 
 the Persians deprived of his nose and ears, and with his 
 clothes stained with blood from his stripes, confidently 
 relied on the truth of his assertions, and believed that he 
 came over to them as an ally. They were therefore dis- 
 posed to grant him his request, which was, that he might 
 command a band of men. Having received this com- 
 mand, he did as he had concerted with Darius ; for on the 
 tenth day he led forth the Babylonian troops, and sur- 
 rounding the first thousand men whom Darius had sta- 
 tioned, he put them all to the sword. 
 
 The Babylonians then perceiving that his conduct cor- 
 responded with his professions, and being greatly elated 
 with joy, were ready to place themselves altogether at his 
 disposal. He, waiting the expiration of the appointed 
 days, again led forth a chosen body of Babylonians, and 
 slaughtered the two thousand men sent out by Darius. 
 After this exploit, the mouths of the Babylonians were 
 filled with the praises of Zopyrus. He again waiting the 
 appointed time, conducted the troops under his command 
 to «h olace agreed upon, and surrounding the four thou- 
 sand Persians, put them to the sword. Upon this new 
 success, Zopyrus became every thing to the Babylonians — 
 was constituted commander-in-chief; and entrusted with 
 the guardianship of the wall. 
 
 At length, when according to their agreement, Darius 
 madtt an assault on all sides, Zopyrus manifested the fraud 
 he had practised ; for while the Babylonians ascending 
 the waJls prepared to repel the attack of Darius, Zopy- 
 rus, throwing open the Cissian and Belidian gates, led 
 the Persians within the walls. The Babylonians who 
 witnessed what was done, fled to the temple of Jupiter 
 
 (158) 
 
BABYLON. 267 
 
 Belus, while those who knew nothing of it, remained 
 severally at the posts where they were stationed, until 
 they also learned that they were betrayed. Thus the 
 second time was Babylon taken. 
 
 When Darius had made himself master of the city, he 
 destroyed the walls, and tore away all the gates, which 
 Cyrus, on a similar occasion had not done. Moreover, he 
 empaled nearly ,three thousand of the principal citizens ; 
 but he allowed the others to inhabit the place ; and, to 
 supply them with wives — for, as we have already men- 
 tioned, they had strangled their women to spare pro- 
 visions — he commanded the people of the surrounding 
 country to send each a stipulated number of women to 
 Babylon. In this way 50,000 women were obtained, from 
 whom the present inhabitants of the city are descended. 
 
 In the judgment of Darius, no Persian of any age, 
 ancient or modern, deserved more the gratitude of his 
 country than Zopyrus ; — excepting always Cyrus, with 
 whom no Persian has ever ventured to compare himself. 
 Darius is reported frequently to have uttered the sentiment, 
 that he had rather Zopyrus should not have suffered so 
 ignominious a mutilation, than acquire twenty Babylons. 
 He held him in the highest honour, and every year 
 bestowed upon him such gifts as are most esteemed among 
 the Persians, and he assigned to him for life the reve- 
 nues of Babylon, besides many other advantages. It was 
 the son of this Zopyrus, named Megabysus, who fought 
 the Athenians and their allies in Egypt ; and Zopyrus, 
 a son of that Megabysus, deserted from the Persians and 
 came to Athens. 
 
 
 (160) 
 
BOOK IV. 
 
 MELPOMENE. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 THE SCYTHIAN NATIONS. 
 
 After the capture of Babylon, Darius undertook an 
 expedition against the Scythians. For as Asia was 
 prolific in men, and yielded to him a vast influx of money, 
 he indulged the wish to avenge upon that people the 
 ancient wrong they had committed in invading the 
 Median territory, and overthrowing their opposers. As 
 I have before said, (p. 50,) they ruled the upper Asia 
 during eight-and-twenty years, when in pursuing the 
 Cimmerians, they made an inroad upon Asia, and over- 
 threw the empire of the Medes, who before the arrival 
 of the. Scythians, had held the sovereignty of Asia. The 
 Scythians, when, after being absent from their homes 
 so long a time as eight-and-twenty years, they re- 
 turned, encountered difficulties not less than they had 
 met in Media. For they found themselves opposed 
 by an army far from inconsiderable. This army con- 
 sisted of the sons of the women they had left in Scythia, 
 and of their slaves. 
 
 [The Scythians drink milk, and all the slaves who attend to 
 the business of milking, are deprived of sight. Two slaves are 
 employed together ; for while one milks the mare, the other 
 
 (2) 
 
THE SCYTHIANS. 269 
 
 by tubes formed of bones, causes an inflation of the udder : 
 this process, as they think, increases the quantity of milk.* 
 When they have obtained the milk, they pour it into deep 
 hollow bowls. The blind slaves are then stationed around 
 these bowls, and give a whirling motion to the milk. That 
 which swims on the surface they remove, deeming it the 
 choicest part: while that which subsides, is accounted of less 
 value. It is for performing this operation, that the Scythians 
 put out the eyes of all the prisoners they take in war. And 
 they are not agriculturists, but feeders of cattle. f 
 
 From these slaves, and from the Scythian women, a new 
 race had arisen. And these youths, aware of their origin, 
 opposed those who were returniug from Media. The first 
 step they took, was to intercept the territory they occupied, by 
 digging a wide trench, stretching from mount Taurus to the 
 Palus Maeotis, which is of great extent. Then they sta- 
 tioned themselves, so as to oppose by arms the attempts of 
 the returning Scythians to enter the country. Many battles 
 were fought. At length, as no advantage was gained by those 
 who returned, one of them thus proposed his advice :— 
 " Scythians! what are we doing? — We are fighting with 
 our slaves, and must either suffer the diminution of our own 
 numbers at their hands, or, with our own hands diminish the 
 numbers of those who should serve us. Now therefore it 
 seems to me that, laying aside our spears and bows, we 
 should each take his horsewhip, and so approach them. For 
 so long as they see us bearing arms, they will think themselves 
 to be of like nature, and like origin with us ; but when they 
 behold us armed only with whips, they will learn that they 
 are slaves ; and conscious of inferiority they will not abide our 
 attack." The Scythians adopted this advice, and the youths, 
 smitten at heart, no longer thought of fighting, but fled. 
 Such was the mode in which the Scythians, after they had 
 
 * • • • • tovtovq EvSevTee eg tu)v SrjXewv iiTiTtov ra apBpa 
 tyvaioai TOtat OTOfjiacn .... The Arabs practise a similar method. 
 
 t Therefore, the preparation of butter and cheese is the principal 
 labour in their economy. 
 
 (4) 
 
270 FABULOUS HISTORY OF 
 
 ruled Asia, and were expelled by the Medes, returned to their 
 native regions. And it was to avenge this (ancient) invasion 
 that Darius collected a force to attack them. 
 
 The Scythians, according to their own account, are the most 
 recent of all people. They say that the first man who ap- 
 peared in their land — heretofore a wilderness, was named 
 Targitaus, whose parents, as they afiirm — though for my own 
 part, I give the story no credit, were Jupiter and a daughter of 
 the river Borysthenes ; — such was the extraction of Targitaus. 
 He had three sons, named Lipoxa'is, Arpoxai's, and the 
 youngest, Colaxais. During the reign of these, there descended 
 in Scythia from heaven, a plow, a yoke, an axe, and a goblet 
 of gold. The eldest of the three was the first to see them. 
 As he approached, intending to take them, the gold, just as 
 he drew nigh, became fervent. He withdrew, and the second 
 came up. Again, the same event took place ; and both were 
 thus repulsed by the burning gold. Last came the youngest, 
 and when he approached the fire was quenched, and he car- 
 ried the articles home with him. The others reflecting upon 
 this occurrence, yielded the supreme authority undivided to 
 their younger brother. From Lipoxa'is, as they say, are 
 descended that family of Scythians, called Auchates : — from 
 Arpoxai's, the middle brother, sprung those called Catiarians 
 and Traspians ; and from the youngest, the royal race, called 
 Paralates. The name Scolotians, derived from the sirname 
 of their king, is the common appellation of all whom the 
 Greeks call Scythians. 
 
 Such, according to their own account, is the origin of this 
 people ; and they reckon the whole number of years from their 
 first king Targitaus, to the time of the invasion by Darius, to 
 be neither more nor fewer than a thousand. The sacred gold 
 is preserved by the kings with the greatest care ; and once 
 in every year each brings it home, and celebrates great pro- 
 pitiatory sacrifices to it. The Scythians afiirm that if he who 
 has this sacred gold sleeps in the open air during the festival 
 he will not survive the year : on which account they confer 
 upon him as much land as he can ride round in one day. 
 His domain being very extensive, Colaxais is said to have 
 
 (7) 
 
THE SCYTHIANS. 271 
 
 erected three kingdoms for his three sons. One of these divi- 
 sions was larger than the other two ; and in this the gold is 
 preserved. The region which lies towards the north, above 
 the extremest inhabited districts, are such that neither the 
 sight can penetrate into them, nor can they be passed through ; 
 this difficulty is occasioned by the suffusion of feathers ; for 
 with feathers (snow) the whole land is covered, and the whole 
 air filled ; and it is these which intercept the sight. This is 
 the account given of themselves, and of the regions beyond 
 them, by the Scythians. But the Greeks who inhabit the 
 shores of the Euxine, affirm that Hercules, when he drove 
 away the herds of Geryon, arrived in this country, which was 
 then a desert, and which now the Scythians occupy. Geryon, 
 they say, lived in an island without the Euxine, called by the 
 Greeks the Red island, and which is near Gades, in the 
 ocean beyond the pillars of Hercules. — The ocean, they say — 
 but they are not able to give proof of their assertions, com- 
 mences from the regions where the sun rises, and runs round 
 the whole earth.* — Thence Hercules arrived in the region now 
 called Scythia; there the wintry cold seized him, and he, 
 drawing his lion's skin about him, fell asleep : meanwhile his 
 mares, which he had loosened from his chariot to feed, dis- 
 appeared by a divine chance. 
 
 When Hercules awoke, he made search for his mares ; and, 
 after passing through the whole region, arrived at length in 
 the land called Hylaea. There, in a cave, he discovered a 
 certain monstrous viper, having two natures; for, from the 
 loins upwards, its form was that of a woman ; while the lower 
 part was serpent-like. After admiring for a while this mon- 
 ster, he inquired of her if she had any where seen his strayed 
 mares. She replied that she herself had them; nor would 
 yield them up, unless he remained with her. To obtain them, 
 he rested awhile at her request ; but she still deferred surren- 
 
 * Our author evidently supposed Ocean to be the name of a river. 
 See p. 113. This misconception prevented his deriving a just inference 
 from the many facts he had learned relative to unbounded seas beyond 
 Asia, Africa, and Europe. 
 
 (9) 
 
272 HISTORY OF THE SCYTHIANS. 
 
 dering the mares, in order to prolong his stay. At length, as 
 he desired to get them and be gone, she restored them with 
 these words — " Your mares came here ; — I have kept them 
 for you ; — you have redeemed them. But now tell me, what 
 shall I do with my three sons ? Shall I establish them in 
 this land, of which I am absolute sovereign ; or shall I send 
 them to you." "When," replied Hercules, "they have 
 attained man's estate, if you do as I direct, you will not err : 
 him among them whom you shall see able thus to bend this 
 bow, and to gird himself with this girdle, establish in your land ; 
 and him who shall fail to do what I say, send out of the 
 country. Thus acting, you will please yourself and me also." 
 He then drew out one of his bows — for he then carried two, 
 which he gave her, and the girdle — exhibiting its use — 
 together with a golden cup attached to the knot ; he then 
 took his departure. When the youths arrived at man's estate, 
 she named them; — the first, Apathyrsus, the second Gelon, 
 the youngest Scythes ; and mindful of the commands she had 
 received from Hercules, she followed his instructions. The 
 first two, Apathyrsus and Gelon, being unequal to the pre- 
 scribed effort, were expelled from the country by their mother. 
 But the youngest, Scythes, having accomplished it, remained 
 there. And from him all the Scythian kings derive their 
 origin, and even to the present day the Scythians wear cups 
 suspended at their girdles, in imitation of that cup which his 
 mother provided for Scythes. Such is the story told by the 
 Euxine Greeks. 
 
 There is also another account to which I myself rather 
 incline. The Nomadic Scythians, it is said, who dwell in 
 Asia, being pressed in war by the Massagetes, passed the river 
 Araxes, and entered Cimmeria. For the tract in which now 
 the Scythians feed their flocks was formerly so named. The 
 Cimmerians, when the Scythians appeared invading them with 
 a vast army, held a council in which two opposite opinions 
 were maintained, and both very strenuously: that of the 
 kings (nobility) was the best. For while the common people 
 thought that nothing could be done but retire from the coun- 
 try, and wished not to hazard opposition to such numbers ; 
 
 (11) 
 
CIMMERIANS. 273 
 
 the kings were for defending- their country against the in- 
 vaders. Nor would the people yield to the persuasions of 
 the kings, nor the kings to the voice of the people, who deter- 
 mined to retire and concede their lands to the invading army 
 without a struggle. But the kings thought good rather to fall 
 and die upon their own possessions, than to flee with the 
 people ; for they weighed the advantages they had hitherto 
 enjoyed against the ills that probably awaited them in aban- 
 doning their country. Such was the resolution formed on 
 both sides ; and being equal in numbers, the two parties 
 fought; (or — an equal number on both sides engaged in a 
 combat to decide the question) when the party of the kings 
 was vanquished by that of the people, and the slain were 
 interred by the Cimmerian commonality near the river Tyras, 
 where their sepulchre (tumulus) is yet to be seen. After per- 
 forming the rites of burial, they took their departure, and 
 the Scythians coming up, possessed themselves of the deserted 
 country. 
 
 At the present day, there are in Scythia — a Cimmerian 
 town — the Cimmerian Porthmia, (passages,) and a district 
 which bears the name Cimmeria. The Bosphorus is also 
 called the Cimmerian. It seems that these people, driven by 
 the Scythians into Asia, established themselves in the penin- 
 sular, where the Greeks founded the city Synope. And it is 
 known that the Scythians in following them, missed their way 
 when they invaded the Median territory : for the Cimmerians, 
 in their flight, proceeded constantly by the sea-side ; but the 
 Scythians, in the pursuit, had Caucasus on their right ; and 
 then turning towards the midland, poured in upon Media. 
 This last account is received in common by Greeks and Bar- 
 barians. 
 
 But Aristeas of Proconnesus, son of Caustrobius, in his 
 epic verses, says that, impelled by Phoebus, he had visited 
 the Issedones, and that beyond the Issedones dwell the 
 Arimaspians— a one-eyed nation; and beyond them the gold- 
 guarding Grypes; and then the Hyperboreans, bordering 
 upon the sea ; and that all these, excepting the Hyperboreans, 
 and commencing with the Arimaspians, have constantly 
 (13) T 
 
274 ARISTEAS. 
 
 encroached upon their neighbours. And that the Issedones 
 have been expelled from their lands by the Arimaspians, and 
 the Scythians by the Issedones ; while the Cimmerians, inha- 
 biting the shores of the southern sea,* pressed by the Scy- 
 thians, left their country. But in this account the poet does 
 not accord with the Scythians themselves. Of what country 
 Aristeas, author of these verses, was, I have said. I will 
 now relate what I heard concerning him in Proconnesus and 
 Cyzicus. Aristeas, they say — by birth not inferior to any of 
 the citizens — entering the shop of a fuller, died there : the 
 fuller closing his shop, went to announce the fact to the rela- 
 tives of the deceased : — the report of the death of Aristeas 
 had already pervaded the city, and had occasioned disputes 
 between those who affirmed it, and a man of Cyzicus, who had 
 come from Artaces, and who said that he had happened to 
 meet and converse with the poet on his way to Cyzicus. 
 While he vehemently affirmed this, the relatives of the de- 
 ceased presented themselves at the fuller's shop, with a bier, 
 to take the body away ; but on opening the dwelling, they 
 found no Aristeas — dead or living. After the lapse of seven 
 years, he made his appearance in Proponnesus, and composed 
 the poems which now are called by his name among the 
 Greeks. Having finished these poems, he disappeared a 
 second time. Such is the story current in these cities. 
 
 But what I am about to mention, I know happened to the 
 Metapontines in Italy, three hundred and forty years after the 
 second disappearance of Aristeas ; for thus I calculate the 
 time, comparing together what I heard at Proconnesus and at 
 Metapontus. The Metapontines affirm that Aristeas himself 
 visited their country, and appeared to them, commanding them 
 to consecrate an altar to Apollo, and to place near it a statue 
 inscribed with the name — Aristeas of Proconnesus : — that he 
 said it was to them alone, of all the Italiotes that Apollo 
 came ; — that he who now was Aristeas had then attended him 
 as a crow : — after saying this, he disappeared. The Meta- 
 pontines add, that when they sent to Delphi to inquire 
 
 * The Euxine— a southern sea to the Scythians. 
 
 (15) 
 
SCYTHIAN NATIONS. 275 
 
 of the god what that spectre might be, the Pythian com- 
 manded them to obey the dictates of the spectre, which should 
 issue to their benefit. They accordingly had fulfilled the 
 injunctions. And there is now to be seen a statue — bearing 
 the name of Aristeas, near the image of Apollo, and it is 
 wont to be encircled with laurel. This statue is placed in 
 the public square. So much for Aristeas. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 SCYTHIAN NATIONS. 
 
 Of the regions which lie beyond the country I have under- 
 taken to describe, no one possesses any exact knowledge. 
 At least I have never been able to find one who professed to 
 have seen them. For not even Aristeas of whom I have just 
 spoken, affirms himself in his poems to have gone beyond the 
 Issedones, and of the regions beyond, he speaks on the authority 
 of the Issedones. We shall now state all we have learned, 
 on certain information, after having made the most extensive 
 inquiries in our power. 
 
 Commencing from the port of the Borysthenians, which is 
 situated very nearly in the centre of the maritime borders of 
 Scythia, the first people met with are the Callipides, who are 
 Greco-Scythians. Beyond them is a nation called Alazones. 
 These and the Callipides, in other respects, follow the usages of 
 the Scythians ; but they sow and subsist upon corn, and cultivate 
 onions, and garlick, and lentils, and millet. Above the 
 Alazones dwell the agricultural Scythians, who raise corn, 
 not for their own use, but for sale. Beyond these are the 
 Neurians, the regions north of whom are, to the best of our 
 knowledge, uninhabited. These are the nations occupying 
 the course of the river Hypanis, and on the western side of the 
 Borysthenes {filling the space between those rivers.) 
 (17) T 2 
 
276 SCYTHIAN NATIONS. 
 
 Passing over the Borysthenes, one first enters Hylaea, 
 which lies on the sea coast (of the Euxine.) Ascending he- 
 yond Hylaea, you find those agricultural Scythians, whom the 
 Greek settlers by the river Hypanis call Borysthenians : 
 but they call themselves Olbiopolitans. The district occupied 
 by this nation extends eastward, three days' journey, as far as 
 the river Panticapes, and northwards, eleven days' passage 
 on the Borysthenes. To a great distance beyond this tract, 
 the country is uninhabited. When those deserts are passed, 
 the Androphagians (canibals) are found ; they are a distinct 
 people, not of the Scythian race; and all beyond them is 
 indeed a desert, in which, as far as we know, not any human 
 tribes are found. Eastward of the agricultural Scythians, and 
 on the farther side of the river Pantacapes, dwell the Nomadic 
 Scythians, who neither sow nor turn the soil. All this region, 
 excepting Hylsea, is destitute of trees; it extends eastward 
 fourteen days' journey, as far as the river Gerrhus. 
 
 Beyond the Gerrhus is the country of the royal Scythians — 
 the most valiant and the most numerous of the Scythian race, 
 and who deem the other tribes to be their slaves : their pos- 
 sessions extend southward, as far as Taurica (the Crimea :) 
 towards the east, they reach as far as the trench dug by the 
 sons of the blind slaves, and to the commercial port on the 
 Palus Maeotis, called Cremnis. They have possessions also 
 as far as the Tana'is. Northward, above the royal Scythians, 
 dwell the Melanchlaeans — a people distinct from the Scythians. 
 Beyond these, nothing is known but marshes and uninhabited 
 deserts. After passing the river Tana'is, you are no longer in 
 Seythia. The first portion of this region belongs to the Sau- 
 romates, who, commencing at the furthest recess of the Maeotic 
 gulph, possess an extent of country reaching northward fifteen 
 days' journey :— it is every where destitute of trees, both wild 
 and cultivated. The second division belongs to the Budians, 
 and is every where thickly covered with forests. A desert of 
 seven days' journey bounds the Budians towards the north. 
 After passing the desert, if you turn somewhat towards the 
 east, you find the Thyssagetes — a numerous and distinct peo- 
 ple, who subsist by the chace. Near to them, and indeed 
 
 (22) 
 
ARGIPP/EANS. 277 
 
 within the same region, there is a people called Jyrces, who 
 also live by hunting, which they practise in the following 
 manner :— The huntsman ascends a tree to watch his prey ; — 
 the whole country being woody. He has a horse, which is trained 
 to crouch on his belly as low as possible, and a dog also. 
 When therefore he spies game from the tree, he lets fly an 
 arrow — descends upon his horse, and pursues with his dog, 
 which secures the animal. Beyond these, and towards the 
 east, is found a secession from the Royal Scythians, who have 
 removed so far from home; 
 
 All the country hitherto mentioned, as far as the seceding 
 Scythians, is level and fertile : but beyond it, the surface is 
 stony and rugged. After travelling over a great extent of 
 this rude wilderness, you arrive at the foot of lofty mountains, 
 occupied by a nation said to be bald — women as well as men, 
 by nature : they have flat noses and broad chins, and speak a 
 language peculiar to themselves ; their dress is Scythian, 
 they subsist on the fruit of a tree named ponticus, about the 
 size of a fig tree : the fruit it bears, is of the bigness of a bean, 
 and contains a stone. When ripe they press and strain it 
 through a cloth : the juice which runs from it is thick and 
 black, and is called aschy. This liquor they suck, or drink, 
 mixed with milk. The dregs have consistency enough to be 
 formed into cakes, which are eaten. They possess but few 
 cattle, their pastures not being highly productive. Every 
 man lives under a tree ; and when winter arrives, he forms a 
 shelter by stretching over it a thick white woollen cloth, 
 which, during the summer, they remove. These people are 
 injured by none, for they are accounted sacred ; nor do they 
 possess any weapon of war. Moreover they -act as arbiters 
 between their neighbours; and he who takes refuge among 
 them is inviolable. These people are called Argippgeans. 
 
 Thus far these regions and the people who occupy them are 
 well known ; for they are visited by some of the Scythians 
 from whom information concerning them is easily obtained, as 
 well as from the Greeks of the Borysthenic and other ports of 
 the Euxine. , The Scythians, who travel as far as the bald 
 Argippyeans, require the aid of interpreters of seven languages 
 (24) T 3 
 
278 ISSEDONES. 
 
 in the course of their journey. So far then is known ; but 
 beyond the bald nation, certain information does not extend ; 
 for they are bounded by lofty, abrupt, and trackless moun- 
 tains which no one has passed over. The Argippaeans affirm, 
 but I think with no appearance of truth, that these heights are 
 occupied by goat-footed men, and that beyond them is a peo- 
 ple who sleep six months of the year : — Of all this I credit not 
 a word.* The country eastward of the bald nation is well 
 known to be inhabited by the Issedones ; but the region north 
 of these, like that above the Argippaeans, is not known to either 
 people, excepting the reports just mentioned. 
 
 The Issedones are said to practise the following customs : — 
 When a man's father dies, all the relatives bring cattle ; 
 which they slaughter, and cut up the flesh along with that of 
 their host's deceased parent; and mingling all the flesh together, 
 feast upon it. From the skull, they remove the hair, inte- 
 guments, and contents, and then gild it. After which, it is 
 used in their grand annual festivals, as a consecrated cup, when, 
 like the Greeks, the son celebrates the anniversary of his 
 father's death. These people also are accounted just, and 
 among them the women exercise equal authority with the men. 
 The Issedones are well known ; but they affirm that beyond 
 them are a one-eyed race of men, and the gold-guarding 
 griffins : at least, such is the report derived from them by the 
 Scythians, from whom we have received it ; yet they give to 
 these people a name of Scythian origin — Arimaspous ; for 
 in the Scythian language Arima means one, and spou — eye. 
 
 Throughout the region of which I have just spoken, the 
 winter is extremely severe, and during eight months of the 
 year the cold is insupportable ; so much so, that water poured 
 upon the ground does not at all penetrate, unless near a fire. 
 Even the sea congeals, and the Cimmerian Bosphorus becomes 
 
 * Herodotus is not seldom credulous, where he might well have been 
 more cautious ; and sometimes he utterly rejects what needed only to be 
 separated from the phraseology of exaggeration. The modern reader will 
 easily recognize in the goat-footed nation, the wearers of snow shoes; — 
 and in the nation sleeping six months, the arctics wlio pass their long 
 and day-less winter underground. 
 
 (28) 
 
CLIMATE OF gCYTHIA. 279 
 
 one solid mass, so that the Scythians who live on this side the 
 trench, lead their armies and drive their chariots over it to 
 invade the lands of the Sindians. The severe frost continues 
 eight months, and even during the remaining four the cold is 
 considerable. Indeed, the winter in these regions is alto- 
 gether unlike that of any other country, for in that season the 
 rain is scarcely worth mentioning ; but during the summer 
 it rains without intermission. Thunder is not heard there at 
 the time of the year when it is most common in other climates ; 
 but in summer is frequent. If it happens in winter, the people 
 in amazement deem it portentous. And thus also an earth- 
 quake, whether in summer or winter, is thought portentous 
 by the Scythians. The horse endures the cold of the climate : 
 which neither the mule nor the ass can support; yet in other 
 countries, if the horse is exposed to frost he perishes, while 
 the ass and the mule bear the cold. I am of opinion that it 
 is the cold which prevents the cattle in Scythia from having 
 horns ; and in this opinion I am confirmed by a line of Ho- 
 mer in the Odyssey : — 
 
 " Libya, whose rams put forth their sudden horns." 
 
 This is well said, because in hot climates horns grow early ; 
 while in countries where the cold is severe, the cattle either 
 have no horns at all, or produce them tardily; and I think 
 the cold is the reason of the difference. But now — for my 
 manner from the commencement of this work has been to 
 pursue digressions — I wonder from what cause it is that in 
 Elia, though the cold is not extreme, and though no visible 
 impediment exists, mules cannot be bred. The Elians them- 
 selves affirm that this happens in consequence of a curse 
 which obliges them to breed all the mules they have need of 
 in the neighbouring districts. 
 
 As to the feathers which the Scythians affirm fill the air, 
 and prevent the region where they fall from being either seen 
 or traversed — my opinion is that, in those remote countries 
 snow falls perpetually — less of course in the summer than 
 in the winter. Now whoever has seen snow fall in thick 
 (31) t 4 
 
280 HYPERBOREANS. 
 
 flakes, will comprehend my meaning ; for it very much resem- 
 bles feathers. And I think also that it is from the severity 
 of the winter, that the northern parts of the continent are 
 uninhabitable, and that when the Scythians and their neigh- 
 bours talk of feathers {rendering those regions impassable) they 
 only use figurative language. Such are the accounts given of 
 these distant countries. 
 
 Concerning the Hyperboreans, neither the Scythians nor 
 any other people of those parts, unless it be the Issedones, say 
 any thing. Nor do I believe that even they make mention 
 of such, though, according to the Scythians, they talk of a 
 one-eyed nation. Yet Hesiod says something of the Hyper- 
 boreans ; as also does Homer, if indeed the poems called 
 Epigones are his. The Delians speak of them much more 
 at large. They say that the consecrated gifts enveloped in 
 wheat straw, were brought from the Hyperboreans, and came 
 among the Scythians ; from them they passed on continually, 
 being received in succession by each bordering people, till they 
 had traversed to the remotest west, even as far as the Adriatic : 
 thence they were sent forwards towards the south, and were 
 received by the Dodonaeans — first of the Greeks ; from them 
 they descended to the Melian gulph ; and from thence passed 
 over to Euboea. From city to city they were sent on, as far 
 as Carystus : thence, leaving Andros untouched, the Carys- 
 tians, who were the bearers, took them to Tenos; and the 
 Tenians to Delos. Thus it was, say they, these sacred articles 
 came to Delos. The Hyperboreans, as the Delians affirm, 
 first sent their gifts by two damsels, named, as they say, Hy- 
 peroche and Laodice : and with them, for safety sake, the 
 Hyperboreans sent five of their citizens as attendants ; these 
 are now called Perpheres, and are held in high honour at 
 Delos. But when these failed to return to their homes, the 
 Hyperboreans, deeply grieving to find that their messengers 
 did not again make their appearance, thenceforward bore their 
 offerings, wrapped in wheat straw, to their frontiers, and 
 entrusting them to their next neighbours, enjoined them to 
 pass the gifts forward to the next nation; and so to be 
 conveyed till they arrived, as it is said, at Delos. I have 
 
 (33) 
 
HYPERBOREANS. 281 
 
 myself seen something which might remind one of the trans- 
 mission of these sacred gifts ; I mean what is practised by the 
 women of Thrace and Paeonia ; — when they sacrifice to the royal 
 Diana, they fail not to enclose the offering in wheat straw : — 
 these observances I have witnessed. 
 
 In commemoration of the Hyperborean damsels who died 
 at Delos, the youth of that island — both lads and lasses, shear 
 their tresses : and the latter, before marriage, cutting off a 
 plait of hair, twist it round a reed, and place it upon the 
 sepulchre : — the sepulchre is within the temple of Diana, on 
 the left hand as you enter, and near it has sprung up an olive 
 tree. The Delian young men 4 also, twisting locks of their hair 
 about some plant, deposit them in like manner on the tomb. 
 Such is the honour conferred upon these damsels by the 
 Delians. They likewise affirm that, even before the arrival 
 of Hyperoche and Laodice, two Hyperborean virgins, named 
 Arge and Opis, traversing the same nations, came to Delos. 
 These brought to Ilithyna (Lucina) the appointed tribute 
 for speedy delivery. But Arge and Opis, they say, arrived 
 in company with the very gods ; wherefore they attribute to 
 them honours of a different kind : for the women collect lar- 
 gesses for them; — invoking their names in the hymn which 
 Olen the Lycian composed for them. And, taught by the 
 Delians, the islanders and the Ionians have learned to celebrate 
 in song Opis and Arge — to invoke their names, and to collect 
 largesses for them. It is this Olen who, coming from Lycia, 
 composed the other ancient songs which are sung in Delos. 
 When the legs of the victims have been consumed on the 
 altar, all the ashes are strewed on the sepulchre of Opis and 
 Arge. This tomb is behind the temple of Diana, towards the 
 east, and near the banquetting hall of the Ceians. 
 
 So much for the Hyperboreans. For I shall not relate 
 what is reported concerning Abaris, who they say was a 
 Hyperborean, and who, without eating, traversed all the earth; 
 bearing an arrow (or, borne upon an arrow.) — If in truth 
 there are Hyperboreans ; there ought to be Hypernotians also.* 
 
 * Hyperboreans— men above or beyond the north. Hypernotians— 
 
 (36) 
 
282 GEOGRAPHY 
 
 For ray own part, 1 cannot but smile when I see many persons 
 who, without intelligence in such matters for their guide, 
 draw maps of the circumference of the earth. For they trace 
 the (river) Ocean running round the circuit of the earth, and 
 the earth itself they make circular, as if it had been turned in 
 a lathe. Moreover they make Asia equal to Europe. Very 
 briefly I will display the magnitude of each of them, as well 
 as their figure severally. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 GEOGRAPHY OF THE THREE CONTINENTS. 
 
 The Persians occupy the region which extends to the 
 southern sea, called the Erythraean. Above these, towards the 
 north, are the Medes. Above the Medes the Saspires ; be- 
 yond them the Colchians, who inhabit the shores of the nor- 
 thern sea (the JSuxine) into which the Phasis discharges 
 itself. These four nations occupy the space between the two 
 seas. 
 
 From this tract turning westward, two irregularly shaped 
 tracts of land stretch out, each being surrounded by the sea, as 
 
 men beyond the south. Our author's meaning in the words which 
 follow has been much disputed. Some interpreters have too hastily sup- 
 posed that Herodotus here states as ridiculous the idea of the earth's 
 rotundity: but the phrase he employs does not bear that sense — 
 zovaav (rrjy yr]v) KvKXorepsa tog ano ropvov. This must not be ren- 
 dered < round as a ball.' In our author's time many rude maps were 
 extant in which, as appears from several allusions, Greece was made 
 the centre of an even circle, formed by the river Ocean. In order to bring 
 the several regions of the earth within this regular boundary, Europe 
 was made no larger than Asia ; whereas, in the opinion of Herodotus, it 
 extended an unlimited distance north and west : for he does not 
 credit the accounts of a northern sea. 
 
 (38) 
 
OF THE CONTINENTS. 283 
 
 I shall describe. The first of these tracts (Asia Minor) on the 
 northern side, commences at the river Phasis, and stretches a 
 line of coast along the Euxine and the Hellespont, as far as 
 (the promontory) Sigeum of Troas. On the south, the same 
 track, commencing at the Myriandrian Gulph, which lies hard 
 by Phoenicia, extends its line of coast as far as the Triopian 
 promontory. Within this space thirty nations are included. 
 Such then is the first of these tracts. 
 
 The other begins at the borders of Persia, and extends along 
 the Erythraean Sea. It comprehends Persia, then Assyria, 
 then Arabia. It terminates, by an artificial boundary only, 
 at the Arabian Gulph, where Darius led a trench into it from 
 the Nile. But now between Persia and Phoenicia, there lies 
 a wide and various country. From Phoenicia the same tract 
 extends along the shores of this sea (the Mediterranean) in- 
 cluding Syria and Palestine and Egypt, where it terminates ; 
 and it comprehends only three nations. These then are the 
 parts of Asia which lie westward of Persia. 
 
 The regions eastward of the Persians, Medes, Saspires, and 
 , Colchians, on one side (the south) are bounded by the Ery- 
 thraean Sea, and on the north by the Caspian and the Araxes, 
 which runs towards the east. Asia is inhabited as far as In- 
 dia, beyond which country, eastward, all is a desert, the extent 
 of which is known to no man. Such is the figure and extent 
 of Asia. 
 
 Libya is comprised within another and a distinct tract; it 
 commences from the borders of Egypt : — the Egyptian boun- 
 dary of this tract is very narrow, for the distance from our sea 
 to the Erythraean is not more than 100,000 fathoms, or about 
 1,000 furlongs. But from this narrow neck it becomes of vast 
 extent, and then receives the name — Libya. 
 
 I wonder at those who divide and lay down the boundaries 
 of Libya, Asia, and Europe, as if the difference between them 
 were not very great. For while in length, Europe extends 
 along both, no comparison can be formed by which to estimate 
 their relative width.* Libya declares itself to be circum- 
 
 * Larcher and Beloe translate this passage as if Herodotus intended to 
 (42) 
 
284 CIRCUMNAVIGATION 
 
 navigable, except where it is bounded by Asia. The first 
 person known to have proved this, was Necho, king of Egypt. 
 When he ceased to carry on the canal leading from the Nile to 
 the Arabian Gulph, he sent out some Phoenicians, instructing 
 them to sail round by the Pillars of Hercules (straits of Gibral- 
 tar) to the northern sea (the Mediterranean) and so to return to 
 Egypt. These Phoenicians therefore, parting from the Ery- 
 thraean Sea, navigated the southern sea. When autumn ar- 
 rived, they drew to shore on that part of Libya opposite to 
 which they might be : there they sowed the ground, and awaited 
 the harvest, which, when they had reaped, they again set 
 sail. Thus they continued their progress during two years : 
 in the third, doubling the Pillars of Hercules, they arrived 
 in Egypt. These persons affirmed, what to me seems incre- 
 dible, though it may not to another — that, as they sailed round 
 Libya, they had the sun (rising) on the right hand. In this 
 way was Libya first made known. 
 
 Long after the Phoenician voyage, as the Carthagenians 
 relate, Sataspes, son "of Teaspes, of the Achsemenidian family, 
 was sent out to circumnavigate Libya; though he failed to 
 accomplish his task. For, appalled by the length and deso- 
 lation of the voyage, he turned back without having achieved 
 the toil imposed upon him by his mother. This Sataspes had 
 violently insulted a daughter of Zopyrus, son of Megabysus ; 
 for which offence he was about to be empaled by the order of 
 king Xerxes, when his mother, who was the sister of Darius, 
 interceded for him, saying that she would inflict upon her son 
 a still greater punishment, for she would lay upon him the ne- 
 cessity of circumnavigating Libya, until he should arrive in the 
 Arabian Gulph. Xerxes consented to this proposal, and 
 Sataspes going to Egypt, there hired a ship and mariners, and 
 thence sailed through the Pillars of Hercules. Having passed 
 these, and doubled the extreme point of Libya, which bears 
 the name of Soloeis, he sailed southward ; but after traversing 
 
 say that Europe was much less wide than Libya or Asia. But I think the 
 intention of his argument in this and other places supposes that he 
 thought Europe far more ample than either, in both its dimensions. 
 
 (43) 
 
OF AFRICA. 285 
 
 during many months a vast extent of sea, and knowing that 
 still more must be passed, he turned his course, and sailed hack 
 to Egypt. Thence he proceeded to Persia, and presented him- 
 self before Xerxes. — He said that at the remotest part of the 
 coast, along which he sailed, he saw men of diminutive stature, 
 clad in leaves of the palm tree, who, whenever the sailors 
 drew to shore, abandoned their towns, and fled to the hills. 
 His people entering did the natives no other injury than taking 
 their cattle. The reason why he could not sail entirely round 
 Libya was, he said, that, in attempting further progress, his 
 ship stuck fast. But Xerxes not giving credit to the excuse 
 he made for not fulfilling the appointed task, condemned him 
 to undergo his first sentence, and he was empaled. The chief 
 officer of Sataspes, instantly as he heard of his death, fled to 
 Samos with great wealth. This treasure was seized by a 
 certain Samian, whose name I well know, and purposely 
 conceal. 
 
 The greater part of (the hitherto unknown regions of) Asia, 
 was explored under the direction of Darius. This king wish- 
 ing to know on what part of the coast the Indus meets the sea — 
 a river which, after the Nile, is the only one that produces 
 crocodiles, sent ships with persons upon whose fidelity and truth 
 he could rely, and among these was Scylax of Caryandea. 
 These, setting out from Caspatyrus, a city of Pactyica, de- 
 scended the river in its course towards the east, till they reached 
 the sea; then sailing westward, after the lapse of twenty 
 months from their departure, they arrived at the spot whence 
 the Phoenicians, mentioned above, set out who were sent by 
 the king of Egypt to sail round Libya. After this voyage had 
 been accomplished, Darius subdued the Indians, and frequented 
 that sea {Indian Ocean). And thus Asia, excepting the ex- 
 treme eastern parts, became known, and its similarity to Libya 
 was discovered. 
 
 But as to Europe, no one hitherto has discovered whether, 
 on the north and on the east, it is surrounded by the sea. In 
 extent it is known to reach as far as both (Asia and Libya). 
 Nor can I conjecture why, as the earth is one, it has received 
 three names — the names of women; or why the Nile of 
 (45) 
 
286 NAMES OF THE CONTINENTS. 
 
 Egypt, and the Phasis of Colchis — or, as some say, the river 
 Tanais, the Maeotis, and Porthmeia in Cimmeria — should be 
 chosen as points of separation. Nor can I learn who it was 
 that established these artificial distinctions, or whence were 
 derived these appellations. The Greeks in general affirm that 
 Libya was so called from a native woman of that name ; while 
 Asia received its designation from the wife of Prometheus. 
 But the Lydians claim that name, affirming that Asia was so 
 called from Asias, son of Cotys, and grandson of Manes ; — not 
 from the grandson of Prometheus, and from whom a Sardian 
 family is still called the Asian tribe. 
 
 But concerning Europe, we are ignorant, not only of its 
 extent, and whether it is surrounded by the sea, but of the 
 derivation of its name, or who conferred it. Unless indeed we 
 should say that this region which anciently like the other 
 continents, was anonymous, received its appellation from the 
 Tyrian Europa. Yet she was manifestly an Asiatic, nor came 
 into the country which the Greeks now call Europe ; but 
 passed only from Phoenicia to Crete, and from Crete to 
 Lycia. So much for these matters : — meanwhile, we employ 
 the designations which common usage has authenticated. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 EIGHT RIVERS OF SCYTHIA. 
 
 The {other) nations of the Euxine against which Darius 
 made war are — we except the Scythians — of all people the 
 most uncultivated. Nor, of all the tribes on this side the Pon- 
 tus,* have we any thing to say in praise of their intelligence ; 
 
 • I follow the translators in this passage : yet am inclined to think 
 that by the phrase — rotv ivtoq tov Hovrov — Herodotus meant the na- 
 tions within the Pontus, that is to say, those that were known and 
 visited by entering the Euxine, in other words— the nations lining its 
 shores. 
 
 (46) 
 
SCYTHIAN RIVERS. 287 
 
 nor do we know that, excepting only Anacharsis the Scythian, 
 they have produced one man of celebrity. Yet the Scythians 
 follow a mode of life than which nothing has been devised 
 by any people more wise ; and though I admire none of their 
 other practices, I admire this, the consequence of which is, 
 that none who invade them can escape, and that when they 
 wish not to be encountered, it is impossible to find them. — 
 To secure these advantages, they build neither towns nor 
 fortified places ; but bear their houses about with them. They 
 are all habituated to use the bow on horse-back ; they subsist 
 not upon the fruits of the soil, but upon their cattle, nor have 
 other dwellings than what may be drawn by oxen. How then 
 can such a people be otherwise than invincible and imprac- 
 ticable in war ? This mode of life has been adopted by them 
 in consequence of the nature of their country, which favours it ; 
 and it is aided also by their rivers. For Scythia is a region of 
 grassy and well-watered levels. — The rivers which take their 
 course through it, are scarcely less frequent than are canals in 
 Egypt. Those of them that are most noted, and which are 
 navigable to some distance from the sea, I shall enumerate ; — 
 such, for example, as the Ister, with its five mouths; then the 
 Tyras, the Hypanis, the Borysthenes, the Panticapes, the 
 Hypacyris, the Gerrhus, and the Tanais. — The courses of these 
 rivers are as follow: — 
 
 The Ister — the largest of all known rivers, flows with an 
 equal stream both winter and summer. It is the first river in 
 Scythia towards the west, and owes the greatness of its stream 
 to several rivers which discharge themselves into it. Within 
 the Scythian territory, there are five which join their waters 
 to those of the Ister : — these are— the river called by the 
 Scythians Porata, by the Greeks Pyretos: then the Tia- 
 rantus, the Ararus, the ISTaparis, and the Ordessus. The first 
 of the five is a large river, and flowing in an easterly direction, 
 mingles with the Ister. The second —the Tiarantus, is 
 smaller, and its course is more to the west. The Araras, the 
 Naparis, and the Ordessus, enter the Ister between the two 
 first named streams. These are the streams of Scythian 
 origin which swell the Ister. The river Maris rises in the 
 (49) 
 
288 THE ISTER. 
 
 country of the Agathyrses, and mingles also with the Ister. 
 From the summits of mount Haemus, three large rivers descend, 
 and flowing northward, also empty their streams into the Ister : 
 these are the Atlas, the Auras, and the Tibisis. It receives 
 moreover three streams from Thrace, and the Crobyzian Thra- 
 cians — namely the Athrys, the Noes, and the Artanes. And 
 also from Paeonia and mount Rhodope, the river Cios, which 
 divides Haemus nearly in the midst. From Illyria the Ister 
 receives the Angrus, the course of which is northerly ; this 
 river joins the Brongus, after watering the Triballian levels : 
 thus the waters of two large rivers fall at once into the Ister. 
 From the countries above the Umbrians flow the Carpis and the 
 Alpis into the Ister : these also descend towarcs the north. 
 For the Ister taking its rise among the Celts — the most westerly 
 nation of Europe, except the Cynetes, passes through the whole 
 extent of Europe, and discharges itself by the borders of 
 Scythia. It is by the contributed streams I have mentioned, 
 as well as many others, that the Ister becomes the largest of 
 rivers. If indeed by itself alone it were compared with the 
 Nile, it must in magnitude yield to the river of Egypt, for into 
 that stream no river, no rill descends to augment its waters. 
 The Ister runs with an equal stream summer and winter, for 
 this reason, as I think : — during the winter it remains at its 
 natural height, or is very little increased, because, in the coun- 
 tries through which it passes, little rain falls at that season, 
 the earth being covered with snow. Then, in the summer, 
 the snows which have fallen abundantly through the winter, 
 dissolve and flow into the Ister : at the same time frequent and 
 vehement rains augment its stream ; — for summer is there the 
 rainy season. By how much therefore the sun draws up to 
 himself more water in^he summer than in the winter, by so much 
 the contributions poured into the river are greater also in sum- 
 mer than in winter. By the opposition of these, a counterpoise is 
 produced, from which results the invariable equality of the river. 
 After the Ister, the next of the Scythian rivers is the Tyras : 
 this flows from the north, and takes its rise in a spacious lake, 
 which separates Scythia from Neurida : at its mouth there is a 
 colony of Greeks called Tyrites. 
 
 (51) 
 
THE HYPANIS : THE BORYSTHENES. 289 
 
 The third river is the Hypanis, which flows from a large 
 lake, around which white horses feed in a wild state. This 
 lake is very properly named — Mother of the Hypanis; for 
 from it that river arises : through a course of five days' sailing it 
 is shallow, and its waters are sweet ; but from thence to the 
 sea, a distance of four days, it is exceedingly bitter ; for there 
 it admits a spring so pungent, that, though small in quantity, 
 it taints all the waters of the Hypanis — by no means one of the 
 smallest of rivers. This fountain forms the boundary between 
 the lands of the agricultural Scythians and the Alazones : its 
 name, as well as that of the district whence it proceeds, is in 
 the Scythian tongue Exampaeus, or in Greek — the Sacred 
 Ways. In the country of the Alazones, the Hypanis and 
 Tyros approach ; but afterwards separate, leaving an ample 
 space between. 
 
 The fourth river is the Borysthenes, which after the Ister, is 
 the largest of these rivers, and in our opinion the most opulent, 
 not only of the Scythian, but of all rivers, excepting only the 
 Nile, with which no other may be compared. For the Borys- 
 thenes presents pasturages of great beauty, and singularly 
 favourable to the rearing of cattle ; fish of the rarest excellence 
 are produced in it abundantly; its waters are sweet to the 
 taste. It is limpid amid the turbid;— "excellent grain is pro- 
 duced on its banks ; and even the lands that are uncultivated 
 are thickly covered with vegetation. At its mouths salt in 
 great abundance is crystallized spontaneously. Fish of large 
 size, called antacaeus, free from prickly bones, are caught 
 there, and cured. We mention not many other admirable 
 productions. The Borysthenes is known to flow from the 
 north, through a course of forty days' sailing, at which dis- 
 tance from the sea it leaves the country qplled Gerrhus. But 
 what nations it visits above the region we have named is not 
 ascertained. Yet there is reason to suppose that, when it 
 reaches the agricultural Scythians, it has traversed an unin- 
 habited region. These Scythians occupy its banks through 
 a space of ten days' sailing. Of this river, as of the Nile, and 
 of these only, the sources are unknown— not to me only, but, 
 I believe, to all the Greeks. When it approaches the sea, 
 (53) tJ - 
 
290 RIVERS OF SCYTHIA. 
 
 it mingles its waters with- those of the Hypanis in the same 
 morass. The projecting land between these rivers is called 
 the promontory of Hippolaus, and it contains a temple of Ceres. 
 Beyond this temple, and towards the Hypanis, dwell the 
 Borysthenians. 
 
 The fifth river is the Panticapes; this also rises in a lake, 
 and runs southward. The space between this river and the 
 Borysthenes is occupied by the agricultural Scythians ; it 
 passes Hylsea, and afterwards mingles itself with the 
 Borysthenes. 
 
 The sixth river is the Hypacyris, which proceeding from 
 a lake, and running mid-way through the tracts of the no- 
 madic Scythians, finds its exit near the city Carcinitis, leaving 
 on the right Hylaea, and the race course of Achilles, as it is 
 called. 
 
 The seventh river is the Gerrhus, which parts from the 
 Borysthenes where that river becomes known, and in the 
 region to which it gives its name — Gerrhus. In its course 
 towards the sea, it separates the nomadic from the royal Scy- 
 thians, and then loses itself in the Hypacyris. 
 
 The eighth river is the Tanais, which has its distant source 
 in a large lake, and empties itself into one still larger — the 
 Maeotis, which divides the royal Scythians from the 
 Sauromatians. „The Tanais receives another river named the 
 Hyrgis. 
 
 Such are the celebrated rivers which benefit the territory of 
 the Scythians. The grasses produced on their banks are the 
 most nutritive to cattle of any we have known : convincing 
 proofs of which present themselves to any one who opens 
 the animals that are fattened in Scythia. These people 
 therefore enjoy abundance. 
 
 (58) 
 
291 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 SCYTHIAN CUSTOMS. 
 
 The customs of the Scythians, besides what we have men- 
 tioned, are such as follow: — The only gods they propitiate 
 are — first of all Vesta, then Jupiter, and the Earth — the wife 
 of Jupiter, as they think. ISText to these Apollo, and Venus 
 Urania, and Hercules, and Mars. These divinities are wor- 
 shipped by all the Scythians. But the royal Scythians sacri- 
 fice to Neptune also. Vesta, in the Scythian tongue, is called 
 Tahiti. Jupiter, as I think very properly is called Papeeus, 
 {father) — the earth is named Apia; — Apollo, (Etosyrus; — 
 Venus Urania, Artimpasa; — Neptune, Thamimasadas. Sta- 
 tues, altars, and temples, they erect to none but to Mars. 
 Their mode of sacrifice is in all places and on all occasions the 
 same. The victim stands with its fore-feet tied with a cord : the 
 sacrificer places himself behind the beast, and pulling the 
 cord throws the animal down : as it falls he invokes the god 
 to whom the sacrifice is offered : then twisting the cord round 
 its neck, tightens it with a stick, until the animal is strangled. 
 No fire is kindled, no auspices observed, no libations made ; 
 but when the animal is strangled and flayed, they address 
 themselves to the cooking it. But the Scythian regions being 
 utterly destitute of trees, they have recourse to a contrivance 
 for cooking their meat. — When they have flayed the animal, 
 they strip all the flesh from the bones, and put it into pots — 
 if they have them — made in the country, and which, though 
 of a much larger size, are similar in form to the Lesbian 
 bowls. In these they cook the flesh, burning the bones be- 
 neath the vessels.* If they do not possess a pot of this kind, 
 they enclose the flesh of the victim in the {integuments of the) 
 
 * See Ezekielxxiv. 5. " Take the choice of the flock, and burn also 
 the bones under it," &c. 
 
 (61) u 2 
 
292 SCYTHIA"N RITES. 
 
 belly, with water, and burn the bones underneath, which 
 blaze brightly, while the integuments easily contain the flesh 
 freed from the bones. Thus the ox is made to cook himself; 
 and other victims are served in the same manner. When the 
 flesh is dressed, the sacrificer offers (or observes auspices) by 
 throwing before him parts of the flesh and of the intestines. 
 They sacrifice also other cattle, of which horses are the 
 chief. 
 
 In this manner, and with such victims, do they sacrifice to 
 the other gods ; but to Mars thus : — In every district where 
 the princes assemble, there is erected a structure sacred to 
 Mars, which is formed in the following manner : — With 
 faggots they form a pile, three furlongs in both dimensions, 
 but not so high. Upon this a quadrangular platform is con- 
 structed, three sides of which are steep ; but the other is acces- 
 sible. Every year one hundred and fifty waggon-loads of 
 faggots are brought to replace what has been decayed by the 
 weather. On the summit of this heap, each tribe places an 
 old iron scymetar, which they consider as the image (symbol) 
 of the god ; and to this scymetar they offer annual sacrifices 
 of cattle and horses; and they present to these (scymetars) 
 more offerings than to all the other gods. Every hundredth 
 man of the prisoners taken in war they immolate — not in the 
 same manner as cattle, but otherwise. For first they pour 
 libations upon the heads of the human victims, and then 
 slaughter them over vessels ; these vessels are carried upon the 
 pile, and the blood is poured upon the scymetar. While this 
 is done aloft, below, near the temple (the consecrated enclosure) 
 they cut off the right shoulders with the arms of all who have 
 been immolated, and throw them into the air. After having 
 slain all the victims, they depart : — the arm lies where it falls 
 at a distance from the body. Such are the institutions' which 
 regulate their sacrifices. Swine they never use, nor will by 
 any means have them reared in their country. 
 
 Their usages in war are the following : — Every Scythian 
 drinks the blood of the first man he overthrows in battle ; and 
 he cuts off the heads of all he kills, and carries them to the 
 king; for not until he has brought a head, does he take his 
 
 (64) 
 
USAGES IN WAR. 293 
 
 share in the booty that may be won. The Scythian scalps a 
 head in this way — he makes a gash round by the ears, and 
 then giving the head a shake, separates it from the skin : 
 having scraped away the flesh with the rib of an ox, he kneads 
 it (the skin) with his hands, and when it is well softened, uses 
 it as a towel, or attaches it boastfully to the bridle of his horse. 
 He who possesses the greatest number of these towels of skin, 
 is held in the highest honour for valour. Many Scythians 
 sowing these skins together, form cloaks of them, like the 
 leathern hoods worn by shepherds. And many, taking the 
 skins with the nails from the right hand of those they have 
 slain, form with them coverings to their quivers. The human 
 skin is in fact thick ; and when tanned, excels almost all other 
 skins in brilliancy and whiteness. Many taking the entire 
 skin of their enemy, and stretching it upon pieces of wood, carry 
 it on horseback. — Such are their customs. 
 
 The heads, not indeed all, but those of their greatest ene- 
 mies, they dispose of in this manner :— They saw off the skull 
 just above the eye-brows, and cleanse it. If the man is poor, 
 he contents himself with stretching over its external surface 
 a piece of bull's-hide, and so uses it ; but the rich Scy- 
 thian, besides the piece of hide, lines the skull with 
 gold, and then it serves him for a drinking cup. In this 
 way they serve the heads even of their nearest relatives, if 
 on occasion of some disagreement, they have gained the advan- 
 tage over them in an appeal to the king. When strangers of 
 any importance visit a Scythian, he produces these skulls — 
 recounts how, though his relatives, they attacked him, and 
 how he vanquished them ; and upon sueh actions they confer 
 the praise of virtue. 
 
 Once in every year the governor of each district mingles a 
 cup of wine of which those Scythians only drink who have de- 
 stroyed enemies ; while those who have not achieved so much, 
 taste not the wine, but sit disgraced apart : and this is deemed 
 an extreme ignominy. Those who have slain great numbers 
 quaff a double cup. Seers are numerous among the Scythians, 
 who predict by means of willow twigs. Having collected a 
 number of large bundles of rods, they place them on the 
 (66) u 3 
 
294 JUDGMENT OF THE SEERS. 
 
 ground, unbind them, and placing each rod apart, then utter 
 their predictions. While pronouncing their prediction, they 
 again collect the rods, and again place them singly apart. 
 This is the original divination of the country. An effeminate 
 class of persons pretend to deliver responses from Aphrodite. 
 This kind is practised with the bark of the linden-tree : — 
 having divided the bark into three portions, they weave it 
 round their ringers, and then releasing it, pronounce their 
 response. 
 
 When a Scythian king is attacked with disease, he sends 
 for three of the most noted seera, who, in the above-mentioned 
 manner, give their divinations. Most often these persons 
 declare that such or such a member of the community has 
 sworn falsely by the royal hearth — for it is the established 
 custom of the Scythians, on the most solemn occasions, to 
 swear by the royal hearth. Forthwith the person thus accused 
 is arrested, and brought forward; and when he appears, is 
 charged by the seers, who indict him ' on manifest proof by 
 divination, of having forsworn himself by the royal hearth, 
 and so of having occasioned the king's illness.' The accused 
 man denies the charge — declares he is not perjured, and deeply 
 resents the imputation. Upon this denial, the king calls for 
 another set of seers, double in number; and if these also, 
 upon inspecting the divination, convict him of perjury, he im- 
 mediately suffers decapitation, and his goods are taken pos- 
 session of by the first seers. But if the second set discharge 
 the accused, others are called in; and even others after 
 them; and if by the decision of the majority, the man is 
 acquitted, sentence of death is given against the first set of 
 diviners. 
 
 They perish in the following mode : — A waggon is filled with 
 faggots ; oxen are yoked to it ; — the seers, with their feet tied, 
 their hands bound behind them, and their mouths gagged, are 
 stowed in the midst of the faggots, which are set on fire, and 
 the oxen are frightened and driven off. Often these animals 
 are burned with the seers ; — often, half burned, they effect 
 their escape when their traces are consumed. In this mode 
 seers are burned, for other crimes as well as for the one men- 
 
 (69) 
 
BURIAL OF THE KINGS. „ 295 
 
 tioned : and such are called false prophets. A Scythian 
 king puts to death the male children of those whom he con- 
 demns to die ; the daughters only are suffered to escape. The 
 Scythians in ratifying a covenant by oath, observe the follow- 
 ing usages : — They pour wine into a large earthern vase, with 
 which they mingle the blood of the covenanting parties, drawn 
 by the stroke of an awl, or by a knife. In this mingled cup 
 they immerse a scymetar, several arrows, a hatchet, and a 
 javelin: this done, they utter many prayers; and then the 
 contracting parties drink the mixture, in which they are joined 
 by the chief persons in their train. 
 
 The sepulchres of the kings are in the district named 
 Gerrhus, where the Borysthenes becomes navigable. There, 
 when one of their kings dies, the Scythians dig a large qua- 
 drangular pit, and thither, when it is ready, they bring the 
 corpse, cover it with wax, lay open the body, cleanse it, and 
 fill the cavity with the cyprian aromatic, cut small, and incense, 
 and parsley, and aniserseed : after which it is sown up. Then 
 they carry the corpse in a chariot to another tribe, where the 
 people, as soon as they receive the dead, practise what has 
 been done by the royal Scythians — they amputate a portion 
 of their ears, cut their hair round the head, rend the skin of the 
 forehead and nose, and thrust an arrow through their right 
 hands. The chariot bearing the royal corpse, is then passed 
 on to another province of his kingdom ; meanwhile they to 
 whom it was first brought follow it. When thus they have 
 traversed the realm, they find themselves again in the province 
 of Gerrhus, which is the most remote of all the Scythian 
 regions. There they give it burial, placing the body on a 
 mattress of straw (or grass). On this side, and on that of the 
 body, they plant spears, and cover it with wood, and roof it 
 over with hurdles of willow : in the remaining space of the 
 pit, they inter one of the late king's women, whom they strangle 
 for the purpose ; and with her his cup bearer, his cook, his 
 groom, his minister, his courier, his horses, as well as some 
 articles of every kind he may have need of, and several 
 golden goblets — neither silver nor brass is in use among them. 
 This done, they all contend eagerly with each other in the 
 (71) u 4 
 
296 ROYAL SEPULCHRE. 
 
 work of heaping over the whole a mound of earth (tumulus) 
 as vast a possible. 
 
 When a year has transpired, they perform new rites. Those 
 of the late king's attendants who most assiduously served him, 
 and who were native Scythians; — for he commands the ser- 
 vices of whom he pleases among his subjects, and has no 
 purchased slaves; — these, to the number of fifty, wiih the 
 same number of the finest horses, are strangled. The bodies 
 are then embowelled, cleansed, filled with chaff, and sewed 
 up. Half the felley of a wheel is fixed supine upon two 
 pieces of wood, and the other half upon other pieces ; in the 
 same manner many wheels are prepared. Then, spitting the 
 horses upon stout stakes, driven through the body from tail to 
 neck, they mount them on the half- wheels, in such a manner 
 that the shoulders of the horse may be supported by one of 
 the half-wheels, and the hind parts by another, which passes 
 under the belly near the thighs; while both fore and hind legs 
 hang suspended in the air. The horse is furnished with bit 
 and bridle ; the latter being brought forwards and fixed to a 
 stake. The fifty youths who have been strangled are then 
 severally placed upon the horses ; this is effected by passing 
 a stake along the spine to the neck ; the stake is fastened in 
 a perforation of the beam on which the horse is spitted. 
 Having stationed these troopers in. a circle round the tomb, 
 they depart. 
 
 Such is the mode in which the kings are buried. On the 
 death of a private person, his nearest relatives carry the body, 
 laid on a carriage, from house to house among his friends, 
 each of whom receives it, and entertains those who follow 
 with good cheer. And to the corpse they present, as to the 
 other guests, a portion of every dish. During forty days, the 
 bodies of private persons are thus borne about, and are then 
 buried. Scythians who have been engaged in performing 
 these rites of sepulture, purify themselves in the following 
 manner : — first they anoint and bathe the head ; and for 
 (purifying) the body, they fix three sticks in the ground, 
 inclining towards each other; over these they stretch thick 
 woollen cloths, joined together as closely as possible : then 
 
 ■ (73) 
 
ANACHARSIS. 297 
 
 they cast into a cavity in the midst of the tent — formed by 
 the sticks and cloths — stones heated to a transparent brightness. 
 
 In Scythia there grows a plant resembling flax, only 
 that it is more thick and tall, and therefore preferable. 
 This both grows spontaneously, and is cultivated, and from 
 it the Thracians manufacture vestments which none but persons 
 well versed in such matters can distinguish from linen of flax. 
 The Scythians then take some of the seed of this plant, and 
 slipping it beneath the tent of woollen cloth, throw it upon 
 the glowing stones : when thus heated, it emits a vapour of 
 mofe power than any fumigation used by the Greeks. The 
 Scythians, intoxicated with the fumes, begin to roar, and the 
 sudorific serves them instead of washing; for on no account 
 will they bathe the body in water. Their women bruise 
 Cyprus and cedar wood, and the wood of the tree that bears 
 frankincense, upon a rough stone, with water ; and when the 
 bruised mass becomes a thick paste, they plaister the whole 
 body and face with it. This not only serves them as a per- 
 fume, but the next day, when the cataplast is removed, the skin 
 is both cleansed and brightened. 
 
 The Scythians are excessively averse to the admission of 
 foreign usages — even those of another Scythian province. 
 But to none are they so much opposed as to those of the 
 Greeks. Of this aversion they gave proof in the instance of 
 Anacharsis, and afterwards of Scylas. Anacharsis, after 
 visiting many countries, displaying wherever he went his 
 eminent wisdom, on his return towards Scythia, sailed through 
 the Hellespont, and went ashore at Cyzicus, where he found 
 the people celebrating, with extraordinary magnificence, a 
 feast in honour of the mother of the gods. There Anacharsis 
 made a vow to the goddess, that if he returned safe and sound 
 to his home, he would sacrifice to her in the same manner as 
 he saw done by the people of Cyzicus, and also institute 
 vigils. When he arrived in Scythia, he retired into Hylaea — 
 to a spot near the race-course of Achilles, and which is every 
 where thickly covered with trees. Hiding himself in the 
 seclusion, Anacharsis performed all the rites proper to the 
 goddess— holding a drum, and being invested with little 
 (76) 
 
298 FATE OF 
 
 images. While thus employed, he was seen by a Scythian, 
 who denounced him to Saulius the king, who came himself, 
 and no sooner did he witness the fact, than he shot him dead ; 
 and at the present day, if you mention Anacharsis, the Scy- 
 thians profess that they know no such person ; only because 
 he travelled in Greece, and adopted foreign customs. I heard 
 from Timnes, guardian of Ariapithes, that Anacharsis was 
 paternal uncle of Idanthyrsus, king of Scythia, and son of 
 Gnurus, who was son of Lycus, who was son of Spargapithes. 
 If then Anacharsis was of this family, it appears that he 
 died by the hand of his own brother; for Idanthyrsus was 
 the son of Saulius, and it was Saulius who killed Anacharsis. 
 
 I have indeed heard another story told by the Pelopon- 
 nesians concerning Anacharsis. They affirm that he had 
 been sent out by the Scythian king that he might acquire 
 Greek learning. On his return home, he informed the king 
 who sent him that the Greeks, universally, excepting only the 
 Lacedaemonians, applied themselves assiduously to the attain- 
 ment of all kinds of wisdom ; but that to these alone it be- 
 longed wisely to speak and to hear. But this has been prettily 
 imagined by the Peloponnesian Greeks. The person of whom 
 we are speaking perished in the manner above related, and the 
 cause of his death was nothing else than his having introduced 
 foreign usages, and having held familiar intercourse with the 
 Greeks. Many years afterwards Scylas, son of Ariapithes, 
 underwent a similar fate. Ariapithes the Scythian king, had 
 several sons, among whom was Scylas, born of a foreign 
 mother — a woman of Istria. She taught her son the language 
 and learning of Greece. In course of time, Ariapites was 
 traiterously killed by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrses. 
 Scylas then succeeded to the kingdom, and espoused his 
 father's wife, named Opcea, a Scythian woman, who had 
 borne to the late king a son named Oricus. Scylas, though 
 king of Scythia, could not endure to conform to the Scythian 
 mode of life : but under the influence of the notions he had 
 imbibed in his early years, inclined much more to the usages 
 of Greece. The course he pursued was this — Whenever he 
 led the Scythian forces to the Borysthenians — these Borys- 
 
 (78) 
 
SOYLAS. 299 
 
 thenians profess themselves to be from Miletus — as he 
 approached the town, he left the army in the vicinity, while he 
 himself entering the wails, closed the gates, and then throwing 
 aside the Scythian garb, assumed the Grecian dress, and thus 
 attired, frequented the public places, unattended by guards, 
 or any person whatever : meanwhile the gates were guarded 
 lest some Scythian should see him so habited. In other 
 respects also he adopted the Grecian modes of living, and 
 performed sacrifices to the gods according to the rites of the 
 Grecian worship. When he had remained in this place a 
 month or more, he took his departure, having reassumed the 
 Scythian dress. This he did often, and even erected for 
 himself a mansion in the city, and married a woman who was 
 a native of the place. But when the fated time of his cala- 
 mity arrived, it happened on the following occasion : — He 
 greatly desired to be initiated in the mysteries of Bacchus. 
 Just when the initiatories were about to be delivered to him, 
 a signal prodigy occurred : — He had, as I have already men- 
 tioned, a mansion in the city of the Borysthenians, and this 
 residence was spacious, including magnificent grounds; and 
 around it were placed sphinxes and griffins, carved in white 
 marble. But the god cast his bolt upon the palace of Scylas, 
 and all was consumed. Notwithstanding this event, Scylas 
 accomplished his initiation. Now the Scythians are wont to 
 reproach the Greeks on account of the Bacchanalian orgies ; 
 for, as they say, it is not reasonable to institute worship to a 
 god who urges men to madness. When therefore Scylas was 
 initiated in the orgies, a certain Borysthenian gave infor- 
 mation of the fact to the Scythians, in these terms—" You 
 Scythians are wont to deride us when, possessed by the god, 
 we fulfil the orgies. But this very daemon has got possession 
 of your own king ; and he now celebrates the orgies, and is 
 maddened by the god. If you doubt my word follow, and 
 I will shew him to you." The Scythian chiefs followed him, 
 and the Borysthenian leading the way, placed them in con- 
 cealment upon a tower. When Scylas passed in the 
 midst of the frantic mob, and the Scythians beheld him 
 in the orgies, they deemed it a great and grievous cala- 
 (79) 
 
800 FATE OF SCYLAS. 
 
 mity, and retiring, made known to the whole army what they 
 had seen. 
 
 When after this, Scylas returned to his hearth, the Scy- 
 thians revolted and set up his brother Octamasades, son of the 
 daughter of Teres. He, informed of what was done against 
 him, and on what account, took refuge in Thrace. When 
 Octamasades learned the place of his retreat, he invaded that 
 country, and on reaching the banks of the Ister, found him- 
 self opposed by the Thracians. Just as the two armies were 
 about to engage, Sitalces sent a herald with this message to 
 Octamasades — " Why need we try each other's strength. — 
 You are the son of my sister, and you have with you my 
 brother. — Restore him to me, and I will surrender your bro- 
 ther to you. So doing, neither you nor I shall incur the 
 perils of war." Such was the proposal of Sitalces ; for his 
 brother had taken refuge with Octamasades. He assented, 
 and while he surrendered his maternal uncle, received his 
 brother Scylas. Satalces, on his part, retired with his bro- 
 ther, and Octamasades beheaded Scylas on the spot. Thus 
 rigidly do the Scythians adhere to their own customs, and 
 thus punish those who illegally adopt foreign usages. 
 
 I have never been able to learn with exactness the popu- 
 lation of Scythia, concerning which I heard many discordant 
 accounts — some saying that the Scythians are extremely 
 numerous; and others affirming that those properly termed 
 Scythians are very few. I will relate what I myself ob- 
 served. — Between the Borysthenes and the Hypanis, is a 
 region called Exampaeus, which, as I have already had occa- 
 sion to mention, (p. 289) contains a bitter spring, flowing 
 into the Hypanis, and rendering the waters of that river unfit 
 to be drank. In this district there is a brazen cauldron, six 
 times as large as that which was dedicated by Pausanias, son 
 of Cleombrotus, and placed at the mouth of the Euxine. 
 But for the sake of those who have not seen the Pontine 
 cauldron, I will describe the dimensions of the Scythian 
 vessel; — it easily contains six hundred amphoras, and it is 
 six fingers in thickness ; and the natives affirm that it was 
 formed of the points of arrows. For one of their kings, named 
 
 (81) 
 
INVASION OF SCYTHIA. 301 
 
 Ariantus, wishing to know the number of the Scythians, 
 commanded each of his subjects to bring him one arrow-head, 
 threatening with death those who neglected to do so. In 
 consequence, a vast amount of points was accumulated, and 
 by way of leaving a monument of himself to posterity, he 
 caused^this vessel to be formed from them, which he conse- 
 crated in the district above-mentioned. This story I heard in 
 proof of the populousness of Scythia. 
 
 Excepting its many large rivers, Scythia presents no- 
 thing to excite admiration. We might indeed include its 
 vast plains : and I will also mention the impression of the 
 foot of Hercules, which they show you on a rock, near 
 the river Tyras : it resembles the print of the human foot, 
 but is two cubits in length. But I resume my proposed 
 narrative. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 INVASION OF SCYTHIA BY DARIUS. 
 
 Darius, in making preparations to invade Scythia, des- 
 patched messengers in various directions, exacting from 
 some of his subjects a levy of land forces ; from others 
 requiring ships ; while upon others he imposed the task 
 of constructing bridges across the Thracian Bosphorus. 
 Artabanus, son of Hystaspes, and brother of Darius, 
 opposed this enterprize, alleging the poverty of the 
 Scythians. But these prudent dissuasions availed nothing, 
 and he desisted from urging his advice. All being in 
 readiness, Darius at the head of his army left Susa. 
 Then it was that a Persian named CEobazus, who had 
 three sons serving in the army, besought Darius to leave 
 him one of them. The king, affecting the tone of friend- 
 (84) 
 
-302 THE EUXINE. 
 
 ship, and as if he thought the request reasonable, said 
 that all the three should be left. The father was de- 
 lighted, supposing that his sons were to receive their dis- 
 charge from the service. But Darius commanded the 
 attendants to put to death the three sons of CEobazus ; this 
 order they executed, and left the bodies on the spot. 
 
 Darius proceeded from Susa to Chalcedon, where the 
 bridges had been constructed across the Bosphorus : 
 taking ship at that place he sailed to the Cyanean islands, 
 which formerly, as the Greeks affirm, were unfixed. 
 There, sitting at the temple, he surveyed the fair prospect 
 of the Euxine — a sea beyond any other admirable. 
 
 [The length of this water is 11,100 furlongs: its breadth, 
 at the widest part, is 3,300 furlongs : its exit is four furlongs 
 wide, and about one hundred and twenty in length. It 
 was upon this neck, called the Bosphorus, that the bridge 
 was constructed. The Bosphorus extends to the Propontis, 
 and the Propontis is five hundred furlongs wide, and 1,300 
 long : it discharges itself by the Hellespont, which at its 
 narrowest part, measures seven furlongs : its length is four 
 hundred. The Hellespont communicates with the open 
 iEgaean Sea. 
 
 These measurements are thus calculated :— A vessel in a 
 long day will make about 70,000 fathoms ; and in the night 
 60,000 ; now from the Bosphorus to the Phasis, which is the 
 greatest length of the Euxine, is a distance of nine days' and 
 eight nights' sailing. This makes 1,110,000 fathoms, or 
 11,100 furlongs. Then from Sindica to Themiscyra, upon 
 the Thermodon, where the Euxine is broadest, is a distance 
 that may be passed in three days and two nights, which make 
 330,000 fathoms, or 3,300 furlongs. It is thus I have cal- 
 culated the measurements of the Euxine, the Bosphorus, and 
 the Hellespont, which are such as I have described them. 
 The Euxine receive the waters of the Palus Maeotis — a gulph 
 not much less than itself, and which is called the mother of 
 the Euxine.] 
 
 (86) 
 
JUNCTION OF THE BOSPHORUS. 303 
 
 Darius having surveyed the sea, returned to the bridge, 
 of which Mandrocles, a Samian, was the architect. He 
 surveyed also the Bosphorus, and on its banks erected 
 two columns of white marble, which bore inscriptions, one 
 in the Assyrian, the other in the Greek characters, con- 
 taining a list of all the nations composing his army ; and 
 he had some from every country of his dominions. This 
 army, exclusively of the fleet which consisted of 600 
 vessels, was computed — horse and foot together, to 
 amount to 700,000 men. These two columns the Byzan- 
 tines afterwards transported to their city, and have used 
 them for constructing the altar of the Orthosian Diana. 
 They left, however, a single stone of the columns, covered 
 with Assyrian writing, near the temple of Bacchus, at 
 Byzantium. The bridge constructed by Darius was 
 situated, as nearly as I can calculate, half-way between 
 Byzantium and the temple which stands at the (inner) 
 mouth of the Bosphorus. 
 
 Pleased with the bridge of barges, Darius presented to 
 the Samian architect Mandrocles, a tithe of all ; and from 
 these, Mandrocles took a portion to be dedicated at the 
 temple of Juno, Cat Samos) the value of this portion was 
 expended on a picture, representing the entire junction of 
 the Bosphorus, and exhibiting king Darius, seated on a 
 throne, while his army passed over: the epigraph was as 
 follows : — 
 
 " To Juno, Mandrocles this offering gave : — 
 He joined by boats the fish-abounding wave 
 Of Bosphorus ; — earned for himself a crown ; 
 And pleased his king ; and gained his isle renown." 
 
 Such was the monument of the man who constructed 
 the bridge. Having recompensed Mandrocles, Darius 
 passed over into Europe. He had enjoined the Ionians 
 to sail into the Euxine, as far as the Ister, where they 
 were to wait his arrival, and in the mean time to construct 
 (89) 
 
304 MARCH OF DARIUS. 
 
 a bridge over the river. For the Ionians, JEolians, and 
 Hellespontines, conducted the naval force. The fleet 
 passing the Cyanean islands, sailed directly for the Ister, 
 and ascending the stream two days' voyage, yoked the 
 neck of the river, just above the point where it parts 
 into the seven streams which form its mouths. Darius 
 passing over the Bosphorus by the bridge of boats, ad- , 
 vanced through Thrace ; and when he arrived at the 
 fountains of the Tearus he encamped three days. This 
 river is said by those who dwell upon its banks to be the 
 finest of all streams for the healing qualities of its waters, 
 which are especially efficacious in curing blains, both in 
 men and horses. There are thirty-eight of these fountains, 
 gushing from the same rock, some of which are cold, 
 others hot. They are situated half-way between the city 
 Heraeus, near Perinthus, and Apollonia, on the Euxine, 
 and two days' journey from both. The Tearus empties 
 itself into the Contadestus, and this into the Agrianis, 
 and this into the Hebrus, and this into the sea near the 
 city iEnus. Darius, we say, formed his camp near the 
 Tearus, with which he was so much pleased that he 
 erected a column on its banks, bearing the following in- 
 scription : — " The waters of the heads of the Tearus sur- 
 pass in beauty and goodness the waters of all other rivers. 
 And the best and handsomest of men came to them, lead- 
 ing an army against the Scythians — even Darius, son of 
 Hystaspes, king of the Persians, and of all the continent." 
 Such was this inscription. 
 
 Proceeding thence, Darius reached another river, named 
 Artiscus, which runs through Odrysas. And here, march- 
 ing his army into an open space, he commanded each man 
 as he passed to place a stone: — several large mounds 
 of stones were left on the spot : he then moved onwards. 
 The first people conquered by Darius before he reached 
 the Ister were the Getes, who profess themselves to be 
 immortal. The Thracians of Salmydessus, and those 
 
 (93) 
 
ZALMOXIS. 305 
 
 living above Apollonia and Mesambria, called Scyrmiades, 
 and Nipsaeans, surrendered to him without striking a 
 blow. But the Getes, through fool-hardiness, faced him, 
 and were presently reduced to slavery. 
 
 [These people are at once the most noble, and the most 
 virtuous of the Thracians. Their profession of immortality is 
 of this kind: — They believe that they do not actually die; 
 but that when any one deceases, he goes to the daemon Zal- 
 moxis, or, as some of them name him, Gebele'izis. Once in 
 five years they despatch one of themselves, taken by lot, as 
 a messenger to Zalmoxis, to inform him of their particular 
 wants. Their mode of sending him is this : — Three persons are 
 placed together, each holding a javelin : others, taking up him 
 who is to be sent to Zalmoxis by the arms and feet, give him 
 a swinging motion, and then throw him into the air upon the 
 spikes. If he is mortally pierced, they deem the god to be 
 propitious to them. But if he fails to die, they lay the blame 
 on the messenger, accusing him of being a base fellow. Then 
 they despatch another, having first given him his orders. 
 These same Thracians discharge their arrows at the heavens 
 when it thunders and lightens, as a menace to their god ; 
 and they believe that there exists no other god but their 
 own. 
 
 According to what I learned from the Greeks of the Hel- 
 lespont and the Euxine, this Zalmoxis was a man, and the 
 slave of Pythagoras, son of Mnesarchus, at Samos. Having 
 obtained his liberty, he amassed great riches, with which he 
 returned to his own country. The Thracian manners and 
 mode of life were wretched and gross in the extreme. But 
 Zalmoxis had been conversant with the Ionic usages, and with 
 institutions better founded than those of Thrace ; he had 
 moreover been familiar with the Greeks, and especially with 
 Pythagoras — a sage of great eminence among them : on his 
 return, he constructed a saloon, in which he received and 
 sumptuously entertained the chiefs of the country. While 
 they frequented his table, he taught them his doctrine, affirm- 
 ing, that neither he nor his guests, nor their descendants, for 
 (95) X 
 
306 COUNSEL OF COES 
 
 ever, would die, but would go to that region where they would 
 always live in the possession of every good. During the 
 time that he took these measures, and held this discourse, 
 he caused a subterraneous abode to be constructed, and when 
 it was completed, he vanished from the sight of the Thra- 
 cians : for descending into this vault, he remained there three 
 years. The Thracians regretted and mourned him as dead ; 
 but in the fourth year, he appeared to them again, and 
 by this means persuaded them of the truth of what he had 
 said. 
 
 For my own part, I care neither to doubt nor to believe 
 this story of Zalmoxis and his vault. But I am of opinion that 
 he lived many years before the time of Pythagoras : — and whe- 
 ther he were a man, or a country daemon of the Getes, I take 
 my leave of him.] 
 
 The Getes, whose opinions I have mentioned, being 
 vanquished by the Persians, were united to the army. 
 When Darius with his land forces reached the Ister, he 
 passed the whole army over, and then commanded the 
 Ionians to dissolve the bridge ; and, with their men from 
 the fleet, to follow him by land. Just as they were about 
 to fulfil this command, Coes, son of Erxander, general of 
 the Mityleneans, having first asked if advice would be re- 
 ceived in good part, thus addressed Darius : — " You are 
 about, O king, to invade a country whose inhabitants 
 neither cultivate their soil, nor dwell in cities. I advise 
 therefore that you suffer this bridge to remain where it 
 is, and that you leave those who constructed it to guard 
 it. If, then, we meet with the Scythians and succeed 
 according to our wishes, we shall have a way of return ; 
 or should we not be able to find them, we shall in like 
 manner possess the means of a safe retreat. Not that I 
 fear our being overcome by the Scythians in battle ; but 
 rather I apprehend lest — unable to meet them — we should 
 suffer some calamity in our wanderings. Let it not seem 
 to any one that I give this advice for my own sake, that 
 
 (97) 
 
ADOPTED BY DARIUS. 307 
 
 I may remain here. For while I openly declare what 
 appears to me most advantageous to you, Sire, I am ready 
 to follow you ; nor would I be left behind." 
 
 Darius was much pleased with the advice of the Greek, 
 and thus replied: — "Lesbian guest! when I shall have 
 returned in safety to my palace, present yourself before 
 me, that I may requite your good counsel with good 
 deeds." Thus saying, he tied sixty knots in a thong, and 
 addressing himself to the Ionian tyrants said — " Ionians! 
 I change my first resolution concerning the bridge. Take 
 this thong, and beginning on the very day when you see 
 me set out against the Scythians, loose every day a knot. 
 If at the expiration of that time I do not appear, and 
 yet all the days numbered by the knots are passed, then 
 return every one of you to his home. Meanwhile, as I 
 have changed my purpose, guard the bridge, and with all 
 diligence preserve and watch it. Thus doing, you will 
 win my especial favour." After this Darius pushed 
 forwards. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 ULTRA SCYTHIAN NATIONS. AMAZONS. 
 
 [The Scythian territory lies opposite to Thrace, on the 
 coast : for Scythia begins at the gulph where Thrace termi- 
 nates, and where the Ister, after making a turn towards the 
 east, discharges its waters.* I now propose to describe the 
 
 * The Danube runs northward for some distance, parallel with the 
 coast of the Euxine, and then, making a turn eastward, reaches 
 that sea. This passage has been variously rendered, the difference is 
 unimportant. 
 
 (99) x 2 
 
308 SCYTHIA: JTAURICA. 
 
 Scythian regions, commencing at the Ister, and to state the 
 extent of its sea-coast. Ancient Scythia is the more southern 
 region which extends from the Ister to the city Carcinitis. 
 From that city, proceeding along the same coast, is a moun- 
 tainous region, projecting into the Euxine, and inhabited by 
 the Taurian nation, as far as the Trachea of the Qhersonese, 
 which stands on the coast of the eastern sea. The line of 
 Scythian coast takes two directions, one tending towards the 
 south, the other towards the east, similar to the coasts of 
 Attica* The Taurians therefore bear almost the same relation 
 to the rest of Scythia, as any foreign people might bear 
 to Attica, who should settle about the promontory of Sunium, 
 which stretches out into the sea from Thoricum, to Anaplys- 
 tum. Thus I compare small things with great. — Such then is 
 Taurica. But for the sake of those who have never visited the 
 Attic shores, I will use another comparison. — Suppose some 
 people, distinct from the Japyges, occupied exclusively the 
 promontory from Brentesium (Brundusium) to Tarentum. 
 Many other promontories, besides the two I have mentioned, 
 might be compared to Taurica. 
 
 From Taurica, and along the coast of the sea eastward, 
 the country is occupied still by Scythians, above the Taurians, 
 who extend along the shores of the Cimmerian Bosphorus, and 
 the western coast of the Palus Maeotis, as far as the Tanai's, 
 which empties itself into the farthest recess of that lake. 
 Now to return to the Ister, and to proceed thence inland, 
 we find Scythia bounded, first by the Agathyrses; then by the 
 Neurians ; next by the Androphages ; and lastly by the Me- 
 lanchlaeans. 
 
 Scythia being nearly a square, its two lines of coast are 
 just equal to its two inland boundaries. For, from the Ister 
 to the Borysthenes, is a distance of ten days' journey; and 
 from thence to the (entrance of the) Palus Maeotis is another 
 ten. Again, from the sea-coast to the interior, where the 
 
 * Our author seems to have supposed that the Crimea extended 
 much more prominently into the Euxine than it actually does ; the 
 same error led him to speak of the Palus Maeotis as almost equal to the 
 Euxine. 
 
 (101) 
 
THE TAURIANS. 309 
 
 Melanchlaeans border upon the Scythians, is twenty days' 
 journey. I calculate a day's journey at two hundred fur- 
 longs. On this computation the oblique sides of Scythia will 
 measure 4,000 furlongs, which is also the distance directly 
 through the midst of the country. Such is the extent of this 
 land.] 
 
 The Scythians on consultation deemed themselves un- 
 able alone to contend in pitched battles with Darius: 
 they therefore sent messengers to the neighbouring na- 
 tions. And hearing that so large an army was advancing, 
 the kings of those nations met together for consultation. 
 The kings who met on this occasion were those of the 
 Taurians, the Agathyrses, the Neurians, the Androphages, 
 the Melanchlaeans, the Gelons, the Budians, and the 
 Sauromates. 
 
 [The customs of the Taurians are such as these : — They 
 sacrifice to the Virgin all who are cast away upon their 
 shores, as well as every Greek they can find, or who visits 
 their coasts. Having performed the preparatory rites, they 
 knock the victim on the head with a club. Some say that 
 they cut off the head, and fix it on a cross, and then pre- 
 cipitate the body from the height on which the temple stands. 
 Others, agreeing in what relates to the head, deny that the 
 body is thrown from the precipice ; and affirm that it is in- 
 terred. The Taurians declare that the daemon to whom they 
 perform this sacrifice is Iphigenia, daughter of Agamemnon. 
 Those of their enemies whom they take in battle, they de- 
 capitate, and carry the heads home with them. The head is 
 transfixed on a pole, which is set up on the, top of the house, 
 and most often on the chimney. And they say that these 
 heads are elevated in this manner as the guardians of the 
 entire habitation. These people subsist upon the spoils of 
 war. The Agathyrses are a luxurious people, and wear a 
 profusion of gold. They disregard the laws of marriage, and 
 live promiscuously without jealousy or envy. In their other 
 customs they approach to the usages of the Thracians. 
 (104) x 3 
 
310 NEURIANS: MELANCHLJSANS. 
 
 The Neurians follow the Scythian mode of life. In the 
 generation preceding that of the Persian invasion, it happened 
 to them to be driven from their country by serpents, of which 
 a vast multitude appeared in their lands ; — a great proportion 
 coming from the deserts above them. Thus expelled from 
 their homes, they established themselves among the Budians. 
 It seems these people are enchanters ; and it is affirmed by the 
 Scythians, as well as by the Greeks settled in Scythia, that 
 during a few days in each year, every Neurian becomes a 
 wolf; after which he resumes his proper form. But for my 
 own part I cannot credit such a story, although they affirm 
 nothing less, and support their assertion with an oath. The 
 Androphages (canibals) are of all mankind the most ferocious 
 in their manners. — They pay no regard to the common laws 
 of right ; indeed they observe no laws whatever. They are 
 nomadic. Their dress is similar to that of the Scythians: 
 their langnage is peculiar to themselves, and they alone of all 
 these nations eat the flesh of man. 
 
 The Meianchlaeans derive their name from their apparel, 
 which is invariably black ; their customs are the same as those 
 of the Scythians. The Budians are a great and populous 
 nation. They (paint their bodies) a fierce blue and red. In 
 their country there is a city built entirely of wood : it is called 
 Gelonus ; each side of its walls measures thirty furlongs : the 
 walls are wooden, and of great height. The houses also, and 
 the temples are of wood. There are at Gelonus temples de- 
 dicated to the Grecian gods, furnished after the Grecian 
 fashion with images, altars, and chapels; and these also 
 formed of wood ; and here, once in three years, they cele- 
 brate the feast of Bacchus, with its accustomed orgies ; for 
 the people of this city are of Greek extraction, who having 
 been expelled from the maritime towns, settled among the 
 Budians ; and their language is a mixture of the Greek and 
 Scythian tongues. The Budians differ from these Gelonians 
 both in language and mode of life ; for they being the abo- 
 rigines are nomadic, and alone among these nations devour 
 vermin. But the Gelonians cultivate the soil, and subsist on 
 grain, and have gardens: nor do the two races at all resemble 
 
 (109) 
 
BUDjANS: SAUROMATIANS. 311 
 
 each other in appearance or complexion. The Greeks err 
 therefore in calling the Budians— Gelonians. Their country 
 is throughout thickly covered with trees of every kind. In 
 the midst of a dense forest is a spacious and profound lake, 
 with an extent of marsh, surrounded by reeds, and here 
 are taken otters, beavers, and other square-faced animals, 
 the skins of which serve for edgings to cloaks ; and a part 
 extracted from their bodies, is used medicinally. 
 
 Of the Sauromatians the following particulars are related. — 
 When the Greeks had fought the Amazons, whom the Scy- 
 thians call Oiorpata — a word signifying — manslayers ; for. 
 oior means a man, and pata to kill. I say, when the 
 Greeks had, as they affirm vanquished the Amazons in battle 
 at the Thermodon, they returned, bringing with them, in three 
 ships, all the Amazons they had been able to take alive. 
 But when they stood out to sea, these captives slaughtered 
 the men, and then, knowing nothing of the management of a 
 ship, nor of the use of the rudder, the sails, and the oars, 
 they were borne along by the winds and waves. Thus driven, 
 they reached the shores of the Cremnians on the Palus 
 Moeotis. These people are included within the territory of 
 the free (royal) Scythians. The Amazons going ashore, 
 marched forward to the inhabited part of the country, and 
 seizing the first herd of horses they met with, mounted, them, 
 and ravaged the lands of the Scythians. The Scythians 
 knew not what to think of them, for they were unacquainted 
 with the language and dress of the invaders, and could neither 
 guess what nation they belonged to, nor whence they came. 
 From their stature and gait, supposing them to be men, they 
 gave them battle, and only when they saw them slain on the 
 field, perceived that they were women. They resolved there- 
 fore no more to attack them as enemies, but to depute a sufficient 
 number of Scythians to encamp near them — to watch their 
 movements — to retire rather than fight when pursued, and 
 gradually to gain acquaintance with them. This was effected 
 by degrees, the two camps approached, and at length the 
 Scythians and the Amazons became acquainted, the latter 
 consenting to become the wives of the former. Thus they 
 UL12) x 4 
 
312 THE AMAZONS. 
 
 lived together. The men, finding it impracticable to learn 
 the language of the Amazons, taught them their own, and 
 when sufficiently versed in it, the men thus addressed their 
 wives — " We have parents and possessions. Let us therefore 
 no longer lead this kind of life ; but let us return and live 
 together with our kindred ; and you — and you alone, shall 
 be our wives." To this the women replied — "We cannot 
 dwell with your women ; for their habits and ours are not at 
 all similar. We use the bow and the javelin, and ride on 
 horse-back, and are ignorant of all female employments. 
 But they do none of those things to which we are habituated ; 
 on the contrary, they sit at home in their waggons, busied 
 in womanish labours, nor ever follow the chace, nor go 
 abroad. We could not therefore by any means consort with 
 them. But now if you would retain us as your wives, and if 
 you wish to act towards us like honest men, go to your 
 parents, receive your share of their possessions, and then 
 return and live with us." 
 
 The men yielding to this proposal acted accordingly, and 
 having taken the portion of goods that fell to them, returned 
 to the Amazons, who thus addressed them — " Fear and dread 
 are upon us when we think of dwelling in this country, both 
 because we have deprived you of your fathers, and because 
 we have so greatly ravaged your lands. But now, as you 
 think good to make us your wives, arise, and go with us out of 
 the country, and we will settle beyond the Tana'is." The Scy- 
 thians consented to this proposal also ; and altogether passed 
 the Tanais, and journied eastward three days beyond the 
 river, and three days also northward of the Palus Maeotis ; 
 there they established themselves in the district which they 
 still occupy. Ever since that time the wives of the Sauro- 
 matians have maintained their ancient mode of life — pursuing 
 the chase on horseback, sometimes with, and sometimes with- 
 out their husbands: they also go out to war, and are habited 
 in the same manner as the men. The Sauromatians speak the 
 Scythian language, but have received it from their ancestors 
 incorrectly, owing to the imperfect manner in which the 
 Amazons first learned it. An established rule among them 
 
 (117) 
 
SCYTHIAN EMBASSY. # 313 
 
 forbids a woman to marry until she has slain a man in battle. 
 Some women therefore become old before they marry, not 
 having been able to satisfy the law.] 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 RETREAT OF THE PERSIANS FROM SCYTH1A. 
 
 The Scythian messengers arrived where the kings of the 
 nations above-mentioned were assembled, and informed 
 them that the Persian, after having conquered all the 
 nations of the other continent (Asia) had thrown a bridge 
 over the Bosphorus, and had passed over into this con- 
 tinent. — That having effected his passage, he had van- 
 quished the Thracians, and formed a bridge over the 
 Ister, with the intention of seizing for himself all their 
 lands. " You, therefore," said they, "must by no means 
 sit by and see us ruined ; but rather feeling with us, join 
 us to oppose the invader. If you refuse to do so, we, 
 pressed by him, shall either abandon our country, or if we 
 remain, accept conditions from him. For what else should 
 we do if you are unwilling to aid us. Nor shall you then 
 find yourselves in an easy situation ; for the Persian ad- 
 vances not more against us than against you ; nor after 
 subduing us will he leave you alone. Of the truth of 
 what we affirm we can give you a sufficient proof. — If 
 indeed the Persian had purposed to make war upon us 
 only in revenge of the servitude in which formerly we 
 held them, he would have avoided war with any other 
 people, and so have marched directly into our country; 
 thereby making it manifest to all that his invasion was 
 (118) 
 
314 COUNCIL OF KINGS. 
 
 directed against the Scythians only. But now, instead of 
 doing so, he had no sooner passed over into this con- 
 tinent, than he subjugated every people that came in his 
 way. Already has he reduced the rest of the Thracians, 
 and even our near neighbours the Getes." 
 
 The assembled kings deliberated upon this commu- 
 nication, and their Opinions were divided. — The kings of 
 the Gelonians, of the Budians, and of the Sauromates, 
 agreed in consenting to aid the Scythians. While the 
 king of the Agathyrses, of the Neurians, of the Andro- 
 phages, the kings of the Melanchlseans, and of the Tau- 
 rians, thus" replied to the Scythian ambassadors: — "If 
 you had not first injured the Persians, and been the 
 authors of the war, what you now ask would seem to us 
 reasonable, and we should yield to your will, and act in 
 concert with you. But in fact you invaded their country, 
 in which invasion we had no share ; and you held power 
 over the Persian so long as it was permitted to you by the 
 god ; and now they, incited by the same god, shall render 
 to you what you gave to them. For ourselves, as we did 
 not then injure these men, so neither will we now attempt 
 to do them ill. Yet should the Persian advance upon 
 our lands, and so become the aggressor, we shall no 
 longer stand still. Meanwhile we shall keep ourselves 
 to ourselves. And we are of opinion that the Persian 
 comes not against us, but only against those who were the 
 authors of wrong." 
 
 When these replies were reported to the Scythians, 
 they resolved to avoid all kinds of open and direct warfare 
 with the enemy, especially as their allies came not to 
 their assistance : but to recede and to draw off covertly ; 
 and on their way to fill up all the wells and fountains, 
 and to trample down all the produce of the earth. To 
 effect these objects, they divided their army into two 
 bodies. With one of these divisions — commanded by 
 Scopasis, were joined the Sauromates, and these— if the 
 
 (120) 
 
MEASURES OF THE SCYTHIANS. 315 
 
 Persian took that course, were to retreat directly towards 
 the Tanais, along the shores of the Palus Mseotis ; and 
 when he should retrace his steps, then they were to 
 pursue him. Such was the part assigned to one division 
 of the Royal Scythians. The other two, of which the 
 greater was commanded by Idanthyrsus, and the other by 
 Taxacis, were to be united, and to join themselves also 
 to the Gelones and Budians. This combined army was 
 to keep a day's march in advance of the Persians ; — still 
 retreating before them, and effecting the (devastations) 
 agreed upon in the council. And moreover, they were 
 to draw the enemy directly towards the territories of 
 those nations who -had refused their alliance, in order to 
 bring the war upon them; so that, though they would 
 not freely engage in the contest against the Persians, 
 they might be compelled to take part in it. After this, 
 they were to return into their own districts, and if on 
 consultation it should seem advisable, they were to 
 attack the enemy. 
 
 Having concerted these measures, the Scythians ad- 
 vanced to meet Darius, sending forwards, as scouts, the 
 very best of their cavalry. Their waggons, which were 
 the habitations of their children and wives, they sent 
 away with all their cattle, retaining only such as were 
 necessary for the subsistence of the army. This 
 waggon train was directed to proceed continually to- 
 wards the north. 
 
 The advanced cavalry of the Scythians fell in with 
 the Persians about three days' march from the Ister, and 
 having discovered them, they formed their own camp at 
 the distance of one day's journey from them: at the 
 same time they destroyed the entire produce of the earth 
 in the neighbourhood. The Persians no sooner saw the 
 Scythian horse, than they followed their track, while 
 these continually retired. Thus they pursued that body 
 of the Scythians which took the eastern road, towards 
 (122) 
 
316 ADVANCE OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 the Tanais. This river the Scythians passed — the Per- 
 sians still pursuing-, till having traversed the territory 
 of the Sauromates, they arrived in the country of the 
 Budians. 
 
 All the time that the Persians were passing through 
 the Scythian and Sauromatian lands, they met with no- 
 thing to pillage ; for the, whole region was utterly waste. 
 And when they arrived in the country of the Budians, 
 they discovered the wooden town, deserted of its inha- 
 bitants, and emptied of every article. After burning the 
 town, they continued to follow the track of the retreating 
 Scythians. At length, having completely traversed the 
 Budian lands, they reached the desert beyond that coun- 
 try, which extends a distance of seven days' journey, and 
 which is entirely destitute of inhabitants. Beyond the 
 wilderness dwell the Thyssagetes, in whose territory four 
 large rivers arise, which after watering the lands of the 
 Mseotians, discharge themselves into the Palus Maeotis. 
 These rivers are the Lycus, the Oarus, the Tanais, and 
 the Syrgis. "When Darius reached this desert, he halted 
 on his march, and established his army on the banks of 
 the Oarus. There he constructed eight spacious for- 
 tresses, with an interval between each of about sixty 
 furlongs. The ruins of these structures remained in my 
 time. While he was thus occupied, the Scythians whom 
 he had pursued, making a circuit through the upper 
 country, returned to Scythia. These disappearing so 
 completely that they could be no more seen, Darius 
 abandoned the fortifications in an unfinished state, and 
 himself turned his march in a westerly direction, sup- 
 posing that the Scythians he had followed constituted 
 the entire nation, and that they had fled towards the 
 west. 
 
 Advancing by rapid marches, he arrived in Scythia, 
 and there fell in with the two combined divisions of 
 the Scythian army. He pursued them; but they still 
 
 (125) 
 
PERPLEXITY OF DARIUS. 317 
 
 kept a day's march before him. As he desisted not from 
 the pursuit, the Scythians put in practice their original 
 plan, and retired into the territory of those who had 
 refused to aid them. First they retreated among the 
 Melanchlaeans, who by this means were annoyed by the 
 incursion of both armies. Then they led the war into 
 the lands of the Androphages, troubling them, and next 
 retired into Neurida. When the Neurians had sus- 
 tained this disturbance, the Scythians fled towards the 
 Agathyrses. These people, seeing their neighbours dis- 
 tractedly fleeing before the Scythians, sent a herald to 
 them before they had entered their country, forbidding 
 them to transgress their borders, and declaring that 
 should they attempt to invade the Agathyrsian territory, 
 they must first fight its defenders. Having made this 
 declaration, the Agathyrses advanced to protect their 
 frontiers, determined to repel the intruders. As for the 
 Melanchlaeans, the Androphages, and the Neurians, when 
 they saw themselves invaded by both the Persians and the 
 Scythians, they made no stand against either, but for- 
 getful of their former menaces, retreated further and still 
 further north. 
 
 The Scythians, when they found that the Agathyrses 
 interdicted their advance, did not proceed ; but leaving 
 the Neurians, led the Persians into Scythia. This mode 
 of proceeding had now been adhered to a long time ; at 
 length Darius despatched a horseman to the Scythian 
 king Idanthyrsus, with the following message :— " Infa- 
 tuated man ! why dost thou always flee when alternatives 
 are at thy option 1 If thou deemest thyself strong enough 
 to contend with my forces, stand — cease thy wanderings, 
 and fight. But if thou art conscious of inferiority, 
 then arrest thy .march, offer to thy lord the gifts of 
 earth and water,* and come to a conference." To 
 
 * The usual tokens of submission. 
 
 (126) 
 
318 REPLY OF 1DANTHYRSUS. 
 
 this challenge the Scythian king-, Idanthyrsus, thus 
 replied : — 
 
 " Persian ! know that I have never fled in fear from 
 any man ; nor do I now so flee from thee. Nor do I act 
 otherwise (in thus wandering about) than I am accus- 
 tomed to do even in time of peace. Why I have not 
 ere this given thee battle, I will explain: — we possess 
 neither towns nor cultivated lands which we should fear 
 might be captured and ravaged, and which might induce 
 us hastily to engage with thee. But now if at any rate 
 it must be that we fight — we have the sepulchres of our 
 fathers : — come on — find them — attempt to disturb them ; 
 and then shall ye know whether, for the tombs of our 
 ancestors we will fight or not. Meanwhile, unless we see 
 reason to alter our purpose, we shall not give thee battle. 
 Let this serve for an answer to thy challenge to fight. 
 And now know that the only masters I acknowledge are 
 Jupiter, my ancestor, and Vesta, queen of the Scythians. 
 Instead of the gifts of earth and water, I send thee such as 
 befit thee. — And thou callest thyself my lord ! I tell thee, 
 weep thy misfortunes !" — This (last) was a Scythian phrase : 
 — such was the message brought by the herald to Darius. 
 
 The Scythian kings had been filled with rage at the 
 mere mention of servitude ; and they instructed that divi- 
 sion of the army with which the Sauromates were joined, 
 and which was under the command of Scopacis, to pro- 
 ceed towards the Ister, and to confer with the Ionians, 
 who guarded the bridge over that river. For themselves 
 who remained, they resolved no longer to lead the Per- 
 sians from place to place, but to fall upon them every 
 time they knew them to be taking their food. Having 
 observed the time when the army of Darius was so 
 occupied, they executed their project. The Scythian 
 horse constantly put to flight the Persian cavalry, which 
 yet saved itself by falling back upon the infantry ; 
 for the infantry failed not to afford them support. And 
 
 (128) 
 
STRATAGEMS OF THE SCYTHIANS. 319 
 
 the Scythians, after driving in the enemy, turned about in 
 fear of the infantry. The Scythians made similar as- 
 saults by night. 
 
 A remarkable circumstance occurred in these attacks 
 upon the camp of Darius, which proved advantageous to 
 the Persians, and equally injurious to the Scythians. — 
 This was the terror given to the Scythian horses by the 
 braying of the asses, and the appearance of the mules ; 
 for, as I have before said, neither asses nor mules are 
 bred or kept in Scythia on account of the frosts. The 
 insolence of the asses so terrified the Scythian horses, 
 that, often, when the cavalry was advancing to charge, 
 the Persians, in mid-way, if the horses chanced to hear 
 the braying of the asses, they were panic struck, and 
 pricking their ears, turned about ; having never before- 
 heard the sound, or seen the form of those animals. In 
 some small degree the fortune of the war was affected >y 
 this circumstance. 
 
 The Scythians perceiving the embarrasment of the 
 Persians, (or seeing a great movement as if of departure) 
 and wishing to prolong their stay, that they might be 
 still further tormented with all the miseries of fa- 
 mine, adopted the following course ; — Leaving some 
 of their cattle under the care of keepers, they them- 
 selves withdrew to a distance : the Persians then 
 coming up, seized them eagerly. This was often re- 
 peated ; at length Darius found himself in a state of 
 destitution, and the Scythian kings informed of their 
 distress, sent a herald, bearing as gifts to Darius, a bird, 
 a mouse, a frog, and five arrows. The Persians inquired 
 of the herald what might be the meaning of these gifts ; 
 but he replied that he had been charged only to de- 
 liver them, and to return instantly; and he advised 
 them, if they were wise, to divine the intention of the 
 presents. The Persians thereupon held a consultation. 
 The opinion of Darius was that the Scythians meant by 
 (132) 
 
320 APPLICATION TO THE IONIANS. 
 
 these gifts to offer him earth and water. He conjec- 
 tured this because the mouse lives in the earth, and 
 subsists on the same food as man ; while the frog inhabits 
 the water: — the bird he thought prefigured the horse; 
 and the arrows signified that the Scythians surrendered 
 their military strength. Such was the opinion enter- 
 tained by Darius. But to this, Gobryas — one of the seven 
 who had removed the Mage, opposed his own: his con- 
 jectures relative to the Scythian gifts he thus expressed — 
 " Unless like birds, Persians, you soar to heaven, or 
 like mice you delve into the earth, or like frogs you hop 
 into the lakes, you shall never return to your homes ; but 
 shall be smitten with these arrows." Thus also the {other) 
 Persians interpreted the gifts. 
 
 That division of the Scythian army which at first had 
 been directed to keep near the Palus Maeotis, and after- 
 wards to proceed to the Ister, in order to communicate 
 with the Ionians, when they arrived at the bridge thus 
 addressed the Greeks — " Men of Ionia ! we come bearing 
 w h us emancipation for you, provided only that you 
 will listen to us. We are informed that Darius has 
 commanded you to guard the bridge sixty days only ; and 
 if, at the expiration of that time, he does not present 
 himself, has allowed you to depart to your homes. Now 
 if you adhere to these instructions, you will be blameless 
 in regard to him, and also towards us. Wait the ap- 
 pointed time, and then depart." The Ionians engaging 
 to comply with this advice, the Scythians instantly 
 wheeled off. 
 
 After the presents just mentioned had been sent to 
 Darius, the remaining Scythian force, both horse and 
 foot, arranged themselves in battle array against the 
 Persians. While they were waiting in their ranks, it 
 chanced that a hare ran mid- way between the two armies. 
 Forthwith the Scythians who. saw it pursued the animal 
 in disorder, uttering loud cries. Darius inquired the 
 
 (134) 
 
RETREAT OF THE PERSIANS. 321 
 
 cause of the tumult in the ranks of the enemy, and when 
 informed that they were following a hare, he said to those 
 about him, with whom he was accustomed to converse 
 freely — " These men hold us in great contempt, and I 
 think the interpretation which Gobryas put upon the 
 gifts was the true one. Now therefore, as we also are of 
 this opinion, we feel the need of good counsel to show how 
 a safe retreat may be , recovered." To this Gobryas re- 
 plied — " O kingj from report, I had scarcely formed an 
 idea of the destitution of these men* But now coming 
 among them, I have become better informed ; especially by 
 seeing how they can make sport of us. Now therefore it 
 seems to me, that as soon as night closes, we should 
 kindle our fires as we are accustomed to do ; and then, 
 having by some guile hidden our purpose from that part 
 of the army that is the least capable of undergoing ex- 
 cessive fatigue, and having also bound all the asses, we 
 should take our departure before either the Scythians 
 march to the Ister and destroy the bridge, or the Ionians 
 adopt some measures that shall be fatal to us." 
 
 Darius assented to the proposal, and as soon as night 
 came on, all those in the army who were the most ex- 
 hausted with fatigue, and the loss of whom would be the 
 least regretted, he left in the camp, and also caused all 
 the asses to be bound : these he left, in order that their 
 braying might be heard : and in leaving the infirm part 
 of the army, he used the pretext that they were to guard 
 the camp, while he, with the flower of the army, made a 
 sudden assault upon the Scythians. Having practised 
 this deception upon those who were to be abandoned, and 
 kindled the fires, Darius drew off towards the Ister with 
 the greatest possible speed. The asses finding themselves 
 deserted by their wonted companions, uttered so much 
 the louder brayings, and the Scythians hearing the noise, 
 confidently supposed that the Persians remained in their 
 station. 
 (135) X 
 
322 CONFERENCE OF THE SCYTHIANS 
 
 When day appeared, the men left in the camp dis- 
 covering that they had been betrayed by Darius, extended 
 their hands towards the Scythians, and made such pro- 
 fessions as suited their circumstances. On learning what 
 had taken place the two divisions instantly joined the 
 third, and being accompanied by the Sauromates, the 
 Budians, and the Gelones, pursued the Persians directly 
 to the Ister, But as the greater part of the Persian 
 army was infantry, and as moreover they were unac- 
 quainted with the way, the Scythians being on horse-back, 
 and taking the shortest course, missed their enemy, and 
 arrived at the bridge long before them. When they 
 arrived, finding that the Persians had not yet come, they 
 thus addressed the Ionians on board their ships — ** Men 
 of Ionia ! the number of the days appointed to you is 
 expired.— You do not do well in staying here longer. 
 But if hitherto your fears have detained you, now break 
 up the bridge, and as quickly as possible go hence, rejoic- 
 ing in your freedom, and giving thanks to the gods of 
 Scythia. As for the man who once was your lord, we 
 will so deal with him that he shall nev'er again make war 
 upon any people." 
 
 The Ionians held a consultation upon this proposition, 
 when Miltiades the Athenian, who commanded the forces 
 of his government — the Hellespontine Chersonese, ad- 
 vised to yield to the wishes of the Scythians, and to 
 emancipate Ionia. But Histiaeus of Miletus advanced an 
 opposite opinion — " It is," said he, " only from Darius 
 that we hold the government of our several cities, and if 
 the power of Darius is destroyed, I shall no longer be 
 able to rule the Milesians, nor you any of your people ; 
 for the people of every state would prefer a democracy to 
 a tyranny." Histiaeus had no sooner uttered this opinion, 
 than he gained over all who at first had adopted that of 
 Miltiades. Those who gave their votes on this side were 
 {then, or afterwards) in high esteem with the king. The 
 
 (138) 
 
with the ionians. 323 
 
 chiefs present were — of the Hellespontine tyrants — 
 Daphnis of Abydos ; Hippoclus of Lampsacus ; Hero- 
 phantus of Parium ; Metrodorus of Proconnesus ; Aris- 
 tagoras of Cyzicus ; and Ariston of Byzantium. From 
 Ionia — Strattis of Chios ; ^Eaces of Samos ; Laodamas 
 of Phocaea ; and Histiseus of Miletus, who opposed the 
 opinion of Miltiades. Of the iEolians no man of import- 
 ance was present except Aristagoras of Cyme. 
 
 These chiefs having adopted the advice of Histiseus, 
 resolved moreover, in the first place, to break up the foot 
 of the bridge on the Scythian side, to the, distance of an 
 arrow's shot from the bank, in order that while in fact 
 they did nothing, they might seem to be complying with 
 the wish of the Scythians, and at the same time might 
 prevent them from attempting to force the bridge. 
 In the next place, it was determined to send a mes- 
 sage, assuring them that in breaking up the bridge on 
 the Scythian side, they were making progress towards an 
 entire compliance with their pleasure. These resolutions 
 taken, Histiseus thus addressed the Scythians in the 
 name of his colleagues : — " Scythians ! you bring good 
 advice, and urge it seasonably. And as you point out to 
 us an advantageous course, so we shall not fail to consul}; 
 your interests. We are, as you see, breaking up the 
 bridge, and with the utmost assiduity shall go on, im- 
 pelled by the desire of freedom. Now while we are thus 
 occupied it will be your time for seeking the Persians, 
 and having found them, you will at once avenge upon 
 them our quarrel, and your own, as they deserve." 
 
 The Scythians confiding in the sincerity of the Ionians, 
 took their departure in quest of the Persians; but again 
 followed another route and missed them. The error was 
 attributable to the Scythians themselves; for had they 
 not destroyed the pastures, and stopped the wells, they 
 would inevitably have met the Persians ; but now their 
 own calculations of what was probable misled them — 
 (140) Y 2 
 
o24 ESCAPE OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 They imagined that the Persians would return through 
 the district in which forage for the horses and water 
 were still to be found ; and in that district they sought 
 for them. But the Persians held to the track they had 
 formerly passed, and so, though with great difficulty, at 
 length reached the bridge. It was night when they 
 arrived at the place, and finding the {foot of the) bridge 
 broken up, were seized with extreme dismay in the fear 
 that the Ionians had abandoned them, 
 
 There was in attendance upon Darius a certain Egyp- 
 tian—a man incomparable for the power of his voice. 
 This person was commanded by the king to stand on the 
 brink, and to call for Histiseus the Milesian. He did so, 
 and Histeeus hearing the first shout, brought up all the 
 whole fleet for transporting the army; and he also joined 
 the bridge to the shore. Thus the Persians escaped, 
 while the Scythians again erred in their search for them. 
 On account of their behaviour in this instance, the Scy- 
 thians are wont to fling reproaches against the Ionians, 
 saying that if the Ionians are indeed freemen, then must 
 they be condemned as of all mankind the most base and 
 cowardly; but if they are slaves, then may they be 
 thought of all slaves the most attached to their masters 
 and the most obsequious. 
 
 After proceeding through Thrace, Darius reached Ses- 
 tos of the Chersonese, where he embarked and passed 
 over to Asia, having appointed Megabazus, a Persian, to 
 command the army left in Europe. It was the same 
 Megabazus whom Darius had on some former occasion 
 honoured in presence of all the Persians by a speech 
 much to his credit. The king being about to eat some 
 pomegranates, when he opened the first, his brother Ar- 
 tabanus asked him what it might be of which he would 
 wish to possess as many as there were grains in the 
 fruit. Darius replied — " As many of Megabazus ; yes, 
 rather would he have so many such as he, than be lord 
 
 (143) 
 
CYRENE AND BARCA. 325 
 
 of Greece." So great was the esteem in which this 
 general was held among the Persians. Eighty thousand 
 men were left under his command in Thrace. Megabazus 
 left himself a lasting fame among the Hellespontines by 
 a sentiment he once ^uttered at Byzantium. On being 
 told that the Chalcedonians had founded their city in this 
 country seventeen years before the Byzantines had 
 appropriated the site they now occupy, he said — " At 
 that time certainly the Chalcedonians must have 
 been blind ; for otherwise they could never have fixed 
 upon a spot so dismal when one so fair might have been 
 chosen." With the forces left under his command, Mega- 
 bazus subdued those of the Hellespontines who before 
 had not favoured the Medes, (Persians.) 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF CYRENE AND BARCA. 
 
 About the same time a large force was sent into 
 Libya, the occasion of which I shall relate, after giving 
 some preliminary information. 
 
 [The descendants of the Argonauts having been expelled 
 from Lemnos by those Pelasgians who carried off the Athe- 
 nian women from Brauron, came to Lacedaemon, and pitched 
 their tents on Mount Tagetus, where they kindled fires. The 
 Lacedaemonians seeing their lights, sent a messenger to inquire 
 who and whence they were. They answered, this messenger 
 that — " They were Minyans — sons of the heroes who sailed in 
 the ship Argo, and who touching at Lemnos, left there sons, 
 from whom themselves were descended." When the Lace- 
 (145) Y 3 
 
326 THERAS AND THE 
 
 daenionians were informed of the origin of these Minyans, they 
 sent a second time to ask what they meant in coming into 
 the country, and in kindling fires. They replied that having 
 been expelled by the Pelasgians, they came to their fathers 
 (the Lacedaemonians) which was a justifiable course for them 
 to take. And they requested leave to dwell with them, 
 sharing the dignities of the state, as well as the property of 
 lands. The Lacedaemonians consented to admit the Minyans 
 on the terms proposed — influenced chiefly by this — that the 
 Tyndarides (Castor and Pollux) were in the Argonautic expe- 
 dition. The Minyans were therefore received ; lands were 
 assigned to them, they were distributed among the tribes, they 
 took Spartan wives, and dismissed those they brought from 
 Lemnos. 
 
 A short time only had elapsed before the Minyans dis- 
 played their arrogance by making themselves competitors for 
 the supreme power, and also by other iniquitious proceedings. 
 The Lacedaemonians decreed therefore to put them to death; 
 with this view they were apprehended and thrown into prison. 
 — The Lacedaemonians never execute criminals by day, always 
 by night. While therefore the prisoners were awaiting exe- 
 cution, their wives who were Spartan citizens, and daughters 
 of the principal men of the state, asked permission to enter 
 the prison, and converse with their husbands. No fraud 
 being supposed, permission was granted. They had no sooner 
 entered, than they exchanged all their clothing with their 
 husbands, who in this disguise passed out. Having thus 
 escaped, they again posted themselves on Mount Taygetus. 
 
 About the same time Theras, son of Autesion, son of Tisa- 
 menus, son of Thersander, son of Polynices, set out from 
 Lacedaemon to found a colony. Theras was by descent a 
 Cadmean, and maternal uncle to Eurysthenes and Procles, 
 the sons of Aristodemus. During the minority of these youths, 
 he was regent at Sparta ; but when they attained manhood, 
 and assumed the government, Theras having once tasted the 
 sweets of power, could not brook subjection to his nephews. 
 He professed his determination therefore not to remain at 
 Lacedaemon, but to embark and go to his kindred. In the 
 
 (147) 
 
MINYANS. 327 
 
 island now called Thera, but then Callista, there dwelt the 
 descendants of Membliares, son of Poeciles, a Phoenician. For 
 when Cadmus, son of Agenorus, was in quest of Europa, he put 
 in at this island — because the place pleased him, or for some 
 other reason ; and he left there several Phoenicians, among 
 whom was his kinsman Membliares. These Phoenicians occu- 
 pied the island Callista during eight generations, before Theras 
 arrived from Lacedaemon. He came leading with him many 
 of the people drawn from the tribes, whom he intended to 
 establish in the island — not by expelling its inhabitants, but by 
 forming with them the most friendly association. 
 
 The Minyans who had escaped from prison, and stationed 
 themselves on Mount Taygetus, were by the decree of the 
 Lacedaemonians still devoted to destruction. But Theras 
 then about to depart, entreated that none should be put to 
 death, and engaged to conduct them out of the country. The 
 proposition was assented to by the Lacedaemonians, and three 
 thirty-oared galleys proceeded with them to join the descen- 
 dants of Membliares. Yet it was but a few of the Minyans 
 who followed Theras ; for the greater number turned upon the 
 Paroreates and Caucons whom they drove from their lands* 
 and then separated into six companies, each of which built a 
 town. The names of these towns were Lempreum, Macistus, 
 Phrixas, Pyrgus, Epium, and Nudium. The greater part of 
 these settlements have in my time been overthrown. The 
 island in which Theras established himself has since retained 
 his name. 
 
 The son of Theras refused to sail with his father, who there- 
 fore said that he would leave him as a sheep among wolves. 
 Prom this speech the youth acquired the sir-name of CEolycus,* 
 and that appellation prevailed over his first name. CEolycus 
 had a son named iEgeus, and from him a numerous tribe in 
 Sparta derives its designation. The men of this tribe were 
 bereaved of their children, and (to avert the calamity) at the 
 command of an oracle, they reared a temple dedicated to the 
 Furies of Laius and CEdipus. From that time they no longer 
 
 * Ois sheep ; lycus wolf. 
 
 (149) y 4 
 
328 COLONY FOUNDED BY 
 
 lost their children. A like event happened to their descend- 
 ants in the island Thera. 
 
 So far the accounts of the Lacedaemonians support those 
 of the Theraeans ; but for the following particulars I have 
 the authority of the latter people only. Grinus son of JEsa- 
 nius, descendant of Theras, and king of the island of the same 
 name, came to Delphi to offer there a hecatomb on behalf of 
 his country. Among the Theraeans who followed him on this 
 occasion was Battus, son of Polymnestus, of the family of 
 Euphernides, one of the Minyans. ~ As the king of Thera was 
 consulting the oracle on certain matters, the Pythian pro- 
 nounced these words — " Found in Lybia a city." To which 
 he replied — O supreme power ! I am already an old man, 
 and bear up heavily under the weight of years. Command 
 therefore some one of these youths to execute what you 
 enjoin :" — as he spoke he pointed to Battus. This was all 
 that then took place. And on the return of the deputation no 
 regard was paid to the command of the oracle, for the The- 
 raeans neither knew where Libya was, nor could venture under 
 such ignorance to send out a colony. But during the seven 
 following years, no rain fell at Thera, and every tree 
 in the island, except one, withered. When the Theraeans 
 consulted the oracle, the Pythian again mentioned — " The 
 Libyan colony." (On their return) the Theraeans still 
 finding no relief to their misery, sent messengers to Crete 
 to discover if any Cretan or any sojourner in the island 
 had ever visited Libya. These messengers, as they roved 
 through the island, came to Itanus, where they formed ac- 
 quaintance with a purple-dyer, named Corobius, who affirmed 
 that he had once been driven by contrary winds upon the coast 
 of Lybia, and had visited the island Platea, on that shore. By 
 means of a gift, they persuaded this man to return with them to 
 Thera. A small number of persons first sent out to explore 
 the coast, were conducted by Corobius to the island Platea. 
 There they left him with provisions for some months, while 
 they returned directly to Thera with news of the island. 
 
 The prescribed time had long passed by — the Theraeans did 
 not return to Platea, and Corobius was reduced to starvation, 
 
 (152; 
 
THE THERjEANS. 329 
 
 when a Samian vessel — the master's name was Colaeus — on 
 its way to Egypt, put in at the island. Corobius related his 
 story, and the Samians left him provisions for a year. Then 
 weighing anchor, they endeavoured to make their way to 
 Egypt, but were encountered by an easterly wind, which not 
 abating, carried them beyond the Pillars of Hercules, and 
 under a divine guidance they reached Tartessus : — that port 
 had then never before been approached. On their return 
 home, they realized larger profits from their cargo than any 
 Greeks known of had ever gained, excepting perhaps Sostra- 
 tus, son of Laodomon, of JEgina, with whom no one can 
 compete. The Samians setting apart six talents, which were 
 a tenth of their gains, formed a brazen vase, in the Argolic 
 fashion ; around its rim were the heads of griffins arranged in 
 a quincunx. This vase they dedicated in the temple of 
 Juno : — it is supported by three colossal brazen figures, seven 
 cubits high, in a kneeling posture. Ever since that time both 
 the Cyrenaeans and the Theraeans have cultivated strict friend- 
 ship with the Samians. 
 
 The Theraeans, after they left Corobius on the island, re- 
 turned and announced to their countrymen that " they pos- 
 sessed a colony founded on an island off the Libyan coast." 
 The Theraeans then resolved, that throughout the seven dis- 
 tricts of the island, a man should be taken from every family 
 by lot to be sent to the settlement ; and that Battus should be 
 their leader and king. Thus they fitted out two fifty-oared 
 galleys for Platea. Such is the narrative of the Theraeans, 
 and so far they agree with the Cyrenaeans ; but the latter by 
 no means assent to what relates to Battus ; for they tell the 
 story as follows : — At Axus, a city of Crete, reigned Ete- 
 archus, whose daughter Phronima, having lost her mother, he 
 married again. The new wife no sooner entered the palace, 
 than she thought proper to behave as a very step-mother to 
 Phronima, against whom she plotted every possible mischief, 
 and at length accused her to the king of the most flagitious 
 conduct. Ie, prevailed on by his wife, devised a most 
 unrighteo y again; lis daughter. There was then at 
 
 Axus a 1 i jh merchant araed Themison. Him Etearchus 
 (154) 
 
330 B ATT US AND 
 
 entertained at his palace, and made him swear to perform for 
 him whatever service he should require. Then he committed 
 to him his daughter, enjoining the man to take her away and 
 cast her into the sea. But Themison, indignant at having 
 been deceived in the oath he had taken, renounced the bonds 
 of hospitality with Etearchus. Then taking the damsel, he 
 departed, and when he reached the open sea, in order to rid 
 himself of the obligation of the oath, he let her down into 
 the sea by ropes, and drew her up again, and took her to 
 Thera. 
 
 At Thera Phronima was taken by Polymnestus — a man of 
 distinction in the island, to whom she bore a son, who he- 
 sitated and stuttered in speaking. He was named Battus* 
 according both to the Theraeans and Cyrenaeans ; but I am in- 
 clined to think that they speak of different persons, and that 
 he of whom the former make mention acquired the name 
 Battus, after his arrival in Libya, from the Delphian oracle, 
 and from the dignity he sustained, for among the Libyans 
 Battus is the designation of a king; and I think that the 
 Pythian knowing that he would reign in Libya, called him 
 Battus, thus using a Libyan word. The circumstance to 
 which I refer was this : — When Battus had attained manhood, 
 he came to Delphi to inquire concerning the defect in his utter- 
 ance, and received an answer in these words : — 
 
 f Thou coraest of speech to ask ; but Phoebus seuds 
 Battus to Libya : — so the god intends, 
 Whose clime the shepherd's toil so much befriends." 
 
 As if the Pythian (instead of using the Libyan word Battus) 
 had said in Greek — " O king, thou comest," &c. Battus thus 
 replied — " O supreme disposer ! I did indeed come to inquire 
 concerning my speech ; but you, instead of replying, command 
 things impracticable, enjoining me to colonize Libya. By 
 what force then ? with what bands ?" Yet these remon- 
 strances moved not the Pythian, who would only give him the 
 the same response, he therefore departed and returned to 
 Thera. 
 
 (155) 
 
THE THBRJSANS. 331 
 
 But afterwards new calamities befel not only Battus, but 
 the other Theraeans ; and they, not perceiving the cause of 
 their misfortunes, sent to Delphi to inquire concerning the 
 impending ills. The Pythian replied — " It would go better 
 with them when with Battus they had founded Cyrene in 
 Libya." The Theraeans therefore despatched Battus with 
 two fifty-oared galleys ; but these, after proceeding to Libya, 
 having no object in view, returned to Thera. The Theraeans 
 attacked them, nor would suffer them to approach the land, 
 but ordered them to return whence they came. They, thus 
 necessitated, returned and formed a settlement on the island 
 called, as I before said, Platea, which lies off the Libyan 
 continent : it is said to be equal in size to the present city 
 of the Cyrenaeans. Two years they occupied the island ; 
 but as none of their affairs prospered, they left one of 
 their number behind, while all the others set sail for Delphi, 
 where they presented themselves at the temple, and declared 
 that although they had settled in Libya, they had experienced 
 no favourable turn in their affairs. The reply of the Pythian 
 was as follows : — 
 
 " Wise I should deem you, if though never there, 
 Better than I, who have, you could declare 
 The Libyan lands, which flocks so richly bear." 
 
 Battus and his followers again returned, finding that the 
 god did not hold them discharged from the duty of founding a 
 colony until they should settle upon Libya itself. When 
 therefore they reached the island, they took on board the men 
 they had left, and founded a town on the Libyan main, oppo- 
 site to the island, at a place named Aziris, which was enclosed 
 on two sides agreeably by wood-covered hills, and on the 
 other by a river. Here they dwelt six years; but in the 
 seventh, on the entreaty of the Libyans, who promised to lead 
 them to a better site, they left it. Having thus displaced the 
 colonists, the Libyans led them towards the west ; and lest 
 the Greeks should see the most beautiful part of the country, 
 they so arranged the time of 'their journey, as that they 
 (158) 
 
332 CYRENE. 
 
 should pass through it during the night. The name of the 
 district which they by this means concealed is Irasa. When 
 they had proceeded as far as a certain spring, said to be 
 consecrated to Apollo, they thus spoke — " Here Greeks you 
 may commodiously dwell, for here the heavens are opened to 
 you." 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 LATER HISTORY OF CYRENE AND BARCA. 
 
 During the life of Battus, the founder, who governed the 
 state forty years, and also during that of his son Arcesilas, 
 who reigned sixteen years, the Cyrenaeans remained in number 
 the same as when the colony was planted. But under their 
 third king Battus, called the fortunate, the Pythian excited 
 Greeks of all the states to sail for Libya, and take fellowship 
 with the Cyrenaeans, who indeed invited them to come and 
 divide the lands with them. The words of the oracle were 
 these : — 
 
 " He will too late repent who now refrains 
 To take a share on Libya's lovely plains." 
 
 A crowd of Greeks repaired to Cyrene, and divided off for 
 themselves a large tract of country. The neighbouring Libyans 
 with their king Adicran, seeing themselves deprived of their 
 territory, and insulted by the Cyrenaeans, sent to Apries, king 
 of Egypt, tendering their allegiance. He, collecting a large 
 force of Egyptians, despatched it against Cyrene. The Cyre- 
 naeans formed for battle in the district of Irasa, and near the 
 spring named Thesta, where they fought and conquered. For 
 the Egyptians not having before tried their strength with the 
 Greeks, had despised their enemy : they suffered however so 
 
 (159) 
 
 .4? 
 
KINGS OF CYRENE. 333 
 
 severely, that only a small nnmber survived to return to 
 Egypt- The Egyptians (p. 176) took such umbrage against 
 their king on this occasion, that they revolted from him. 
 
 Battus (the third king) was succeeded by his son Arcesilas, 
 who presently after his accession disagreed with his brothers. 
 They therefore retired into another part of Libya, where, upon 
 consultation, they founded a city which they called Barca — a 
 name it has retained to the present day. While engaged in 
 erecting their town, they moved the Libyans to revolt against 
 the Cyrenaeans. Arcesilas marched to attack both the Libyans 
 who had admitted the Greeks to their friendship, and these 
 revolted Greeks also. The Libyans fearing him, fled towards 
 the eastern tribes of their nation : Arcesilas pursued the fugi- 
 tives until he overtook them at Leucon, in Libya : there they 
 resolved to engage him, and giving battle, the Cyrenaeans suf- 
 fered so great an overthrow, that seven thousand of the heavy- 
 armed troops were left dead on the field. After this blow, 
 Arcesilas fell ill, and while under the influence of some drug, 
 was strangled by his brother Learchus. But the widow of 
 Arcesilas, whose name was Eryxo, by stratagem, put Learchus 
 to death. 
 
 Battus, son of Arcesilas, succeeded to the kingdom. He 
 was lame and hobbling in his walk. The Cyrenaeans, afflicted 
 by their late misfortune, sent to enquire at Delphi under what 
 mode of government they might more happily administer their 
 affairs. The Pythian commanded them to obtain from Man- 
 tinea of Arcadia, an arbitrator. The Cyrenaeans accordingly 
 made this request, and the Mantineans gave them one of their 
 citizens, named Demonax — a man in high repute among them- 
 selves. This person arriving at Cyrene, and learning the state 
 of affairs, first distributed the people into three tribes ; — the 
 first tribe comprising the Theraeans and their immediate neigh- 
 bours ; — the second comprehended the Greeks from Pelopon- 
 nesus and Crete; and the third, all those from the islands. 
 Then after assigning to Battus certain precincts, together with 
 the sacerdotal privileges, he remitted into the hands of the 
 people all the powers hitherto vested in the kings. 
 
 Things remained in this condition during the life of Battus ; 
 (162) ^ 
 
334 ARCESILAS AND 
 
 but under his son Arcesilas factious contestations arose for the 
 dignities of the state. For Arcesilas, son of Battus the lame, 
 and of Pheretima, declared he would no longer submit to the 
 regulations established by Demonax the Mantinean, and he 
 asserted the prerogatives possessed by his ancestors. Exciting 
 commotions on this ground, he was vanquished and fled to 
 Samos, while his mother retired to Salamis of Cyprus. Sa- 
 lamis was at that time governed by Evelthon, the same who 
 consecrated at Delphi an admirable censer which is placed in 
 the Corinthian depositary. Pheretima presenting herself at 
 the court of Evelthon, requested a body of troops by means 
 of which to re-establish herself and her son at Cyrene. But 
 Evelthon would give her any thing rather than an army. She, 
 in accepting his presents, said — " They were indeed handsome ; 
 but more handsome would be the army she had asked for." Such 
 was the answer she returned after every gift. At length he 
 sent her a golden spindle and distaff, with the wool, and 
 when Pheretima again made the same speech, Evelthon 
 replied — " These, not armies, are the gifts we offer to 
 the ladies.'' 
 
 Meanwhile Arcesilas was at Samos, where, by the promise 
 of a partition of lands, he invited persons of all classes to join 
 him, and collected a large force. Then he set out to Delphi 
 to inquire concerning his return (to Cyrene.) The Pythian 
 gave him the following answer : — " Apollo gives to four of 
 Battus and to four of Arcesilas — eight generations, the kingly 
 dignity at Cyrene. But advises that nothing beyond this grant 
 may be attempted. For thyself, on thy return to thy country, 
 be quiet. If thou findest an oven filled with jars, bake them 
 not, but set them abroad. Yet if thou shalt heat the oven, 
 enter not the sea-girt spot, or thou wilt die with the fattest of 
 the herd." Such was the response of the Pythian to Arcesilas, 
 who collecting his followers in Samos, returned to Cyrene. 
 There he regained possession of the government, yet, forgetting 
 the oracle, he wreaked vengeance upon the revolters who had 
 before obliged him to retire. Some abandoned their country 
 for ever ; others he apprehended and sent to Cyprus to be put 
 to death ; but these the people of Cnidos, at which island 
 
 (164) 
 
PHERETIMA. 335 
 
 they touched, rescued, and sent to Thera. Some others of 
 the Cyrenaeans taking refuge in a spacious castle, belonging to 
 a private person named Aglomachus, Arcesilas piled com- 
 bustibles around it, and consumed all together. Afterward 
 learning from his own conduct what must have been the mean- 
 ing of the oracle when the Pythian prohibited his baking the 
 jars he might find in the oven, he of his own motion left 
 Cyrene ; for he apprehended the predicted death, and sup- 
 posed that city to be the place intended by the sea-girt spot. 
 He had espoused a kins-woman — the daughter of Alizar, king 
 of Barca : he therefore repaired thither. But the Barcaeans, 
 with certain Cyrenaean refugees, seeing him in the public place, 
 killed him, and also his father-in-law, Alazir. Thus Arce- 
 silas, for disobeying the oracle, whether wilfully or not, 
 accomplished his destiny. 
 
 While Arcesilas pursued his own destruction at Barca, his 
 mother Pheretima held the honours of her son, and among 
 other exertions of power, she took her seat in the senate. But 
 as soon as she was informed of the death of her son at Barca, 
 she fled from Cyrene, and went, to Egypt ; for Cambyses was 
 under obligation, on account of services rendered to him by 
 her son ; for it was ArCesilas who had given up Cyrene to 
 Cambyses, and had acceded to the payment of a tribute. 
 When Pheretima arrived in Egypt, she supplicated Aryandes 
 to avenge her — using as a pretext that her son had fallen for 
 his attachment to the Medes (Persians). Aryandes had been 
 appointed governor of Egypt by Cambyses, and some time 
 afterwards perished for attempting to compete with Darius. 
 He perceived the Persian monarch to be ambitious of leaving 
 some memorial of himself, such as no other king had effected. 
 Aryandes imitated him, until he received the recompense of 
 his folly. Darius had coined money of gold purified to the 
 highest possible degree. Aryandes governor of Egypt did 
 the. same in silver; and the Ary andean money is still esteemed 
 of high value. Informed of this conduct, Darius brought some 
 other charge against him, implying a purpose of rebellion, and 
 put him to death. 
 
 But to return to the time of which we are speaking; — 
 (167) 
 
336 THE LIBYAN NATIONS. 
 
 Aryandes compassionating the misfortunes of Pheretima, 
 granted her all the forces, both of land and sea that were at 
 his disposal in Egypt. The land army was commanded by 
 Amasis, a Maraphian, and the fleet by Badres, of the Pasar- 
 gades (a Persian royal race). But before the expedition was 
 sent out, Aryandes despatched a herald to Barca, to inquire 
 who had put Arcesilas to death. The Barcseans took upon 
 themselves universally the charge, professing that they had 
 suffered great injuries from him. After receiving this answer, 
 Aryandes sent out the armament with Pheretima. Such was 
 the occasion that served as a pretext for the expedition, which, 
 in my opinion, he undertook with the intention of conquering 
 Libya. This country contains many and various nations, a 
 few of which only were subject to the king; while the greater 
 part paid him no kind of respect. 
 
 SECTION XI. 
 
 THE LIBYAN NATIONS. 
 
 The Libyan nations are these : — We begin from Egypt, and 
 the first people we meet with are the Adrymachides, who for 
 the most part follow the usages of Egypt, excepting in their 
 dress, which is of the Libyan fashion. The women wear a 
 bracelet of brass around each leg — allow their hair to grow, 
 and when they catch vermin, give them a bite in return, and 
 throw them away — a custom peculiar to these people ; as is 
 also the ceremony observed by them of presenting their 
 daughters to the king before marriage. The Adrymachides 
 extend from the borders of Egypt to a lake named Plunus. 
 
 Next to these are the Giligammes, whose territory extends 
 westward as far as the island Aphrodisias. Midway on this 
 coast lies the island Platea, on which the Cyrenaeans founded 
 a colony, and ou the main land is the port of Menelaus, and 
 
 (169) 
 
LIBYAN NATIONS. 337 
 
 also at Aziris where they dwelt some time. Here the plant 
 silphium (asafcetida) is first found ; it belongs to the tract of 
 country, extending from the island Platea to the mouth of the 
 Syrtis. The customs of these people are similar to those of 
 the other Libyan nations. 
 
 Bordering upon the Gilligammes towards the west, are the 
 Asbystes, who occupy the country above the territory of 
 Cyrene — inland ; for they no where approach the coast : they 
 are accustomed more than any other Libyans to drive 
 chariots four-in-hand, and very much affect the manners 
 of the Cyrenaeans. Their neighbours on the western side 
 are the 
 
 Auschises, who are situated inland, beyond Barca, yet 
 approach the coast near the Evesperides. In the heart of 
 their territory there is an inconsiderable people called Caba- 
 les, who occupy a part of the coast near Tauchira — a city of 
 the Barcaeans : their customs are the same as those of the 
 Gilligammes. Westward of the Auschises are the 
 
 Nasamones, a numerous people. During the summer season 
 they leave their flocks on the coast, and ascend to a re- 
 gion named Augila, to gather dates; for palm trees grow 
 there in abundance, and are all productive. They also catch 
 locusts, which they dry in the sun, and then grind them to 
 a powder, which they mix with milk ; and this is their 
 beverage. They practise polygamy nearly in the same man- 
 ner as the Massagetes (page 103). Their oaths and enchant- 
 ments are thus performed : — When they take an oath, they 
 touch the grave of some person reputed to have been eminently 
 just and virtuous : and for the purpose of divining future events, 
 they repair to the tombs of their ancestors, and having pro- 
 nounced prayers, lay themselves down to sleep upon the 
 sepulchre, and if they have any dream, avail themselves of it. 
 In contracting covenants, each party drinks out of the hand 
 of the other ; or if they have no liquid, they take up earth and 
 lick it. Next to the Nasamones are (once were) the 
 
 Psyllians ; they perished in the following manner : — The 
 south wind had dried up all their cisterns — and all the regions 
 within the Syrtis is destitute of springs. After conferring together 
 (173) z 
 
338 LIBYAN NATIONS. 
 
 they,with one consent, set out to make war upon the south wind. 
 — I report what I was told by the Libyans. When they reached 
 the desert, the south wind blew and overwhelmned them with 
 sand. The Nasamones possess the territory of those who thus 
 perished. 
 
 Beyond these people, towards the south, and in a wilderness 
 frequented by ferocious animals, dwell the Garamantes, who 
 avoid all intercourse with other men. They have no weapons 
 of war, nor even know how to defend themselves. Towards 
 the west, and on the sea coast, the Nasamones are bounded by 
 the Maces. These shave their locks, so as to leave a crest of 
 tresses growing on the crown of the head, each side being 
 shorn to the skin. In war, they carry shields formed from the 
 skin of the ostrich. The river Cinyps, rising in an eminence 
 called the hill of the Graces, runs through their country into the 
 sea. This hill of the Graces is thickly covered with trees, 
 though all the other parts of Libya, above-mentioned, are bare. 
 It is about two hundred furlongs from the coast. 
 
 The Gindanes are situated next to the Maces. The women 
 of this tribe distinguish themselves by wearing a number of 
 leather bands round their ankles, indicating, as it is said, the 
 number of their admirers. The projecting coast in front of 
 the Gindanes is possessed by the Lotophages, who (as their 
 name indicates) subsist upon the fruit of the lotus : this fruit 
 is nearly equal in size to that of the mastick, and in sweetness 
 resembles the date. The Lotophages prepare a wine from it. 
 Their next neighbours on the coast are the Machlyes, who also 
 subsist, though not so exclusively, on the fruit of the lotus. 
 They occupy the banks of a large river called Triton, emp- 
 tying itself into a spacious lake named Tritonis, in which is an 
 island called Phla, where it is said, the Lacedaemonians 
 were destined to found a colony. The story is thus told : — 
 
 When Jason had constructed the ship Argo at the foot of 
 mount Pelion, and had put on board not only a hecatomb, 
 but a brazen tripod, intending to proceed to Delphi ; he would 
 have doubled Peloponnesus ; but when off Malea, a north wind 
 drove him to the coast of Libya, and before he discerned the 
 land, he found himself amid the shallows of the gulph Tritonis. 
 
 (179) 
 
LIBYAN NATIONS. 339 
 
 While he hesitated by which way to effect his escape, a Triton 
 — it is said, appeared to him, who demanding from Jason his 
 tripod, promised to show him the passage, and to send him 
 forth in safety. Jason consented, and the Triton, after making 
 known to him the passage from the shallows, received the 
 tripod, which he placed in his own temple, and there, seated 
 upon, it predicted to Jason and his followers their future 
 fortunes. " What time," said he, " some descendant of those 
 who now sail in the ship Argo, shall carry away this tripod, 
 then, by an irrevocable fate, there must be a hundred 
 Grecian cities around the Tritonian Gulph." The Libyan people 
 of the vicinity hearing the prediction, are said to have hid the 
 tripod. 
 
 Next to the Machlyes are the Auses, who share with them 
 the shores of the gulph Tritonis, which divides the one people 
 from the other. The Machlyes let the hair grow on the back 
 of the head; while the Auses leave it entire in front. In 
 an annual festival celebrated in honour of Minerva, the young 
 women dividing into two companies, fight together with stones 
 and staves. They say their ancestors instituted these rites in 
 honour of the goddess whom we call Minerva, and whom they 
 affirm to have been a native of their country. Those who die 
 of their wounds on this occasion, they call false virgins. Be- 
 fore they finish the combat, they invest the most beautiful of 
 the virgins — chosen by common consent — with a Corinthian 
 casque, and complete Grecian armour; and placing her in a 
 chariot, lead her around the lake. In what way they adorned 
 these virgins before the Greeks inhabited their country, I 
 know not; yet I should suppose they then used the Egyptian 
 military garb. And indeed both the buckler and the helmet 
 came, in my opinion, from Egypt into Greece. Minerva, 
 they §ay, was daughter of Neptune and the lake Tritonis; 
 but having some cause of quarrel with her father, she gave 
 herself to Jupiter, who took her as his -own daughter. Such is 
 the account they give. These people are utterly shameless 
 in their manners, and disregard all the bonds of family 
 relationship. 
 
 I have now mentioned the maritime nations of Libya, who 
 (181) z 2 
 
340 LIBYAN NATIONS. 
 
 feed flocks. Beyond these, inland, the country abounds with 
 wild beasts ; and beyond that wilderness there is a ridge of 
 sandy ills, extending from the Egyptian Thebes to the Pillars 
 of Hercules. Upon this ridge, at distances of ten days' 
 journey from each other, are found vast masses of crystallized 
 salt, rising in the form of columns. From the summit of each 
 column bursts forth — even from the very salt, a stream of fresh 
 and sweet water. A race of people have fixed their abodes 
 around these springs, and are the last people towards the 
 desert, and beyond the wilderness. Commencing from Thebes, 
 and at the distance of ten days' journey, the first people are 
 the Ammonians, who have a temple derived from that of the 
 Theban Jupiter. For at Thebes, as I have before said, the 
 image of Jupiter has the ram's head. In the territory of the 
 Ammonians there is a spring, which in the morning is tepid — 
 in the forenoon cool, and at mid-day extremely cold : at that 
 time therefore they water their gardens. Again, as the day 
 declines, it relaxes of its coldness, and by the time the sun 
 sets the water becomes warm, and the heat increases con- 
 tinually as the night advances, till it boils. From midnight 
 till day break the heat subsides. It is called the fountain of 
 the sun. 
 
 Beyond the Ammonians, along the sandy ridge, and after 
 another journey of ten days, is found a pillar of salt, like that 
 of the Ammonians, with a fountain of water, around which a 
 people has settled. This region is named Augila; and here it 
 is that the Nasamones come to gather the autumnal dates. 
 Again passing forward ten days from the Augilians, is found 
 another column of salt, with a spring, and many fruit-bearing 
 palms, as also around the others. The people are called 
 Garamantes — a powerful nation. They have formed a soil for 
 culture, by spreading earth upon the salt. From hence to the 
 Lotophages is not more, by the shortest road, than thirty days' 
 journey. In the country of the Garamantes is seen a species 
 of oxen, which step backwards as* they feed. — The animal is 
 compelled to do so, because his horns* project downwards 
 before him in such a manner that, in proceeding forwards, they 
 would be driven into the earth. These animals differ not from 
 
 (183) 
 
LIBYAN NATIONS. 341 
 
 other oxen, except that their hides are at once more thick and 
 supple. These Garamantes hunt the Troglodyte Ethiopians, 
 like wild animals ; they pursue them in chariots with four 
 horses ; the Troglodytes (dwellers in caves) surpass in swiftness 
 any men of whom we have ever heard : they subsist on snakes, 
 lizards, and other reptiles. Their language resembles that of no 
 other people ; indeed they utter only a cry like bats. 
 
 Another journey of ten days brings the traveller to another 
 column of salt, with a spring, around which dwell the Atarantes, 
 (or, Atlantes,) who of all known nations, are alone destitute of 
 personal names ; for no individual has any appellation besides 
 that which belongs to the whole tribe. They are accustomed 
 to curse the sun, and to utter against him the foulest invectives 
 when he bears down upon them from the mid-heavens, because 
 with his burning heat he afflicts both man and the earth. 
 After another ten days' journey is found yet another column of 
 salt, with its fountain and surrounding people. Near to this 
 salt hill is the mountain Atlas, which is straitened at its base, 
 and circular on all sides, and rises, as it is said, to so great 
 a height, that its summits can never be seen ; for neither sum- 
 mer nor winter are they free from clouds. The people of the 
 country call it the Pillar of Heaven ; from it the people have 
 received the name — Atlantes. They are said to eat nothing 
 that has breathed, and to see no visions. 
 
 As far as these Atlantes, I am acquainted with the names 
 of the nations inhabiting the sandy ridge, but not beyond them. 
 Yet the ridge stretches as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and 
 even further; and throughout the whole extent of it are found, 
 at intervals of ten days' journey, the masses of rock salt and 
 the circling people. The houses of all these tribes are built 
 with blocks of salt — for in this part of Libya no rain falls, 
 otherwise walls of salt could not last long. The rock salt dug 
 in these regions is of two kinds, the one white, the other purple. 
 The country southward of the ridge, and more inland, is a 
 desert — without springs — without animals — without rain — and 
 without vegetation ; nor does the least dew fall there. 
 
 Thus — from Egypt to the lake Tritonis — the Libyan nations 
 are nomadic — subsist on flesh, and drink milk. Yet they do 
 (186) z 3 
 
342 LIBYAN NATIONS. 
 
 not taste the flesh of cows, any more than the Egyptians : nor 
 do they rear swine. Indeed, even the women of Cyrene do 
 not think proper to eat cow beef, from which they abstain 
 in respect to the Egyptian Isis, in honour of whom they observe 
 both fasts and feasts. The women of Barca abstain from pork, 
 as well as from the flesh of the cow. 
 
 The Libyans who live west of the lake Tritonis, neither feed 
 cattle nor follow the same customs as those already mentioned ; 
 nor even treat their offspring in the same manner. Eor the 
 nomadic Libyans, whether universally or not I am unable to 
 say positively — but many of them, when their children are 
 four years old, cauterize the veins on the crown of the head, 
 or on the temples, using for the purpose uncleansed wool ; and 
 they think that by this means noxious discharges from the head 
 are for ever prevented ; and hence it is, as they believe, that 
 they enjoy higher health than other nations. And in truth, 
 of all nations we have known, the Libyans are the most 
 healthy ; but whether from this cause or not, I am unable to 
 determine. If convulsions are occasioned under the operation, 
 they have a remedy,* which avails to cure them. 
 
 Their rites of sacrifice are these : — They cut off the ear of 
 the victim, and throwing it on the roof, observe the auspices. 
 Then they twist the neck. Their sacrifices are offered to the 
 sun and • to the moon only, and to these all the Libyans offer 
 victims ; yet those who occupy the banks of the lake Tritonis, 
 worship Minerva with peculiar regard ; and also Triton and 
 Neptune. 
 
 From the dress of the Libyan women it is that the Greeks 
 have derived the attire and the shield {cegis) of Minerva; 
 except only that the Libyan dress is of leather, and that the 
 fringing tresses are formed — not of snakes, but of thongs. In 
 all other points the costume is the same. The very name may 
 convince one that the garb of the Palladia was derived from 
 Libya; for the Libyan women, over their other dress throw 
 an cegis (cloak of goats' skin) freed from the hair, ornamented 
 with fringes, and dried red. It is from these goats'-skin cloaks 
 
 * rpayov ovpov. 
 
 (189) 
 
LIBYAN NATIONS. 343 
 
 that the Greeks have borrowed the name iEgis. To me it 
 seems also that the howlings* heard in our temples were 
 learned from Libya ; for the Libyans practise the same very 
 much, and perform them in fine style. From these people 
 moreover the Greeks have learned to yoke four horses abreast 
 to their chariots. 
 
 The nomadic Libyans, excepting the Nasamones, inter their 
 dead in the same manner as the Greeks. These bury them in 
 a sitting posture ; and they take care that, as the spirit de- 
 parts, the dying person shall be sitting, and by no means die 
 supine. Their dwellings are portable, being constructed of 
 wattles formed of the stalks of the shrub asphodel and reeds. 
 
 Westward of the river Triton, the Auses border upon 
 the agricultural Libyans, who are called Maxyes and con- 
 struct (substantial) houses. They suffer the hair to grow on 
 the right side of the head, and are shorn on the left : they 
 bedaub their bodies with red ochre, and profess to be de- 
 scended from the Trojans. This region, and all the rest of 
 Libya towards the west, is much more infested with wild 
 beasts, and abounds more with forests, than the nomadic dis- 
 tricts : indeed the whole of Libya, eastward of the river Triton, 
 and which consists of pasture, is level and the soil sandy ; 
 while all to the west of that river, occupied by the agricul- 
 turists, is extremely hilly, woody, and abounding with fero- 
 cious animals. For there are seen serpents of surprising mag 
 nitude ; and there are the lions, and there are the elephants, 
 and the bears, and the asps, and the horned asses, and the 
 dog-headed creatures (baboons) and the headless creatures, that 
 have eyes in their bosoms — so say the Libyans — and the wild 
 men, and the wild women (ourang outang) besides very many 
 other ferocious animals — not fabulous. 
 
 * oXoXvyq — ololygee. Those who have heard the musical howlings 
 still practised at a harvest-home supper in some remote parts of England 
 will be able to understand what sort of performance our author here 
 refers to. The similarity of the name may just be mentioned. The har- 
 vest howl is called Hollolargess— which though understood to mean— 
 hollowing for a largess, or gratuity from the guests at the farm, may per- 
 haps be a corruption of the Greek — oXoXuyij. 
 
 (191) z 4 
 
344* LIBYAN NATIONS. «% 
 
 None of these are found among the Nomades ; but only 
 such animals as the roe buck, and the deer, and the buffalo, 
 and the common ass without horns, and which does not drink, 
 and the antelope, from the horns of which are formed the arms 
 of the Phoenician lyre, and which in size equals an ox : and 
 the fox, and the hyaena, and the porcupine, and the wild goat, 
 and the dictya, and the jackall, and the panther, and the 
 borya, and the crocodile — a species living on the land — not 
 more than three cubits in length, and much like a lizard, and 
 the ostrich, and the little single-horned serpent. Such are the 
 animals of nomadic Libya, besides those commonly found else- 
 where. Yet neither the hart nor the wild boar is ever seen 
 there. Three species of rats are also proper to Libya — one 
 called the two-footed (jerboa) another, the zegeres, a Libyan 
 word signifying little mounds (mole hills) and the third, 
 the hedge hog. Also a weasel, produced in the silphium, 
 and which resembles those of Tartessus. We mention these 
 as the wild animals known among the nomadic Libyans; — 
 and we have made the most extensive and careful inquiries in 
 our power. 
 
 The Zaueces are next neighbours to the Maxyan Libyans. 
 In war their women drive the chariots. Next to these are the 
 Gyzantes, in whose country much wild honey is found, and a 
 still larger quantity is said to be obtained by those who 
 feed bees. All these people paint their bodies with red ochre, 
 and they eat monkeys, which abound in their mountains. 
 
 Some where on these coasts, as the Carthagenians affirm, 
 there is an island named Cyraunis, two hundred furlongs in 
 length, but exceedingly narrow : it is accessible from the main 
 land by fords, and is covered with olive trees and vines. In 
 this island there is a lake, from the mud of which the country 
 girls obtain spangles of gold, by means of feathers daubed with 
 pitch. Whether this be true or not I cannot affirm : — I write 
 only what I have heard. It may be quite true, for I have 
 myself seen at Zacynthus a pond yielding pitch from its waters. 
 There are in that island many ponds, the largest of which 
 measures seventy feet every way, and is about two fathoms 
 deep. They let down a pole into this water, upon the end of 
 
 (195) 
 
t LIBYAN NATIONS. 345 
 
 nch is fastened ; and when drawn up, pitch 
 is found adhering to the branch : the pitch of this lake has the 
 smell of asphaltum {bitumen of the Dead Sea) but it is better 
 in quality than the pitch of Pieria : it is poured into a trench 
 near the pond, and when a considerable quantity is collected, 
 is put into firkins. If any falls into the water, it passes 
 under-ground till it reaches the sea, where it may be seen — 
 a distance of four furlongs from the pond. It appears 
 then that the account given of the Libyan island is not alto- 
 gether incredible. 
 
 The Carthagenians go on to relate that, beyond the Pillars 
 of Hercules, there is an inhabited country where, when they 
 arrive and land their cargoes, they lay their wares on the 
 beach, and then themselves return to their ships, and raise 
 columns of smoke. The natives seeing the smoke, come down 
 to the water side, and lay down a quantity of gold as the price 
 of the cargo : this done, they retire to a distance. The Car- 
 thagenians then going ashore, examine the deposit, and if they 
 think it equal to the value of the articles, they take it and 
 depart ; but if not, they retire to their ships and wait. The 
 natives again approach and add to their deposit of gold ; and 4 
 so on till the parties are satisfied ; but no injury is attempted 
 on either side — the one not touching the gold until they accept 
 it as a fair price of the commodities ; nor the other touching 
 the articles until the gold has been taken up. 
 
 These are the Lybian nations whose names I am able to 
 report, and of whom the greater number have never paid any 
 regard to the king of the Medes (Persians). And so far as I 
 can learn, Libya is occupied by four distinct races of men ; 
 of these, two are indigenous, and two not. The Libyans and 
 the Ethiopians are the aborigines; the one dwelling towards 
 the north, the other towards the south. The foreigners are the 
 Phoenicians and the Greeks. 
 
 Libya cannot, I think, be compared either with Asia or 
 Europe for fertility. We except the region of Cinyps, wa- 
 tered by a river of the same name, and which equals the very 
 richest lands in the gifts of Ceres ; and in this respect is totally 
 unlike the rest of Libya; the soil consists of black mould, 
 (198) 
 
 o 
 
346 EXPEDITION AGAINST BAJHMl. 
 
 and is so well watered by springs, that it fears no drought ; 
 nor indeed is injured by excessive rains — though in this part of 
 Libya rain does fall. The produce might be measured against 
 that of Babylonia. The lands of tfre Evesperides are also 
 good — in years of surpassing plenty, they yield a hundred 
 fold, but the lands of Cinyps, three hundred. 
 
 The district of Cyrene is the most elevated part of nomadic 
 Libya, and enjoys three distinct seasons of harvest, a fact 
 worthy of notice. The first is that of the maritime tracts, 
 where the earliest harvest ripens, and the first vintage is ga- 
 thered. When the fruits of the earth near the sea are housed, 
 those of the hilly country, more remote from the sea, are ready 
 to be gathered, and by the time these midland fruits are 
 collected, those of the more distant uplands are perfected and 
 ripe ; so that the first wines are drank, and the first corn 
 eaten, when the third produce comes in. The Cyrenaean har- 
 vest thus lasts eight months of the year.] 
 
 
 
 SECTION XII. 
 
 REVENGE OF PHERETIMA. 
 
 The Persians sent out by Aryandes to avenge Phe- 
 tima, arrived at Barca and besieged the city, having 
 first demanded that the authors of the death of Arcesilas 
 should be surrendered to them. But as the entire body 
 of the people was implicated in his death, they did not 
 admit the proposition. During nine months the siege 
 continued, in which time subterraneous passages were 
 carried even up to the walls, and many vigorous assaults 
 were made upon the place. These mines were discovered 
 by a brass founder, by means of a brazen shield, and so 
 they became known to the besieged: — Carrying the 
 
 (200) 
 
# 
 
 
 
 FALL OF BARCA. 347 
 
 shield around the walls within the city, he struck it 
 against the pavement : — in some places it was mute, but 
 when applied to the spots where a mine had been dug, the 
 brass became sonorous. The Barcaeans therefore sunk 
 counter-mines, and put to the sword the Persians em- 
 ployed in the works. Thus were these mines discovered. 
 The open assaults were repelled by the besieged. 
 
 Time passed away, and many had fallen on both 
 sides, and the Persians had suffered not less than the 
 Barcaeans. At length Amasis, general of the infantry, 
 perceiving that the town was not to be taken by force, 
 availed himself of a stratagem. — He caused a spacious 
 pit to be dug by night ; and then placing branches across 
 it, strewed earth upon them, so as to appear level with 
 and like the surrounding surface. At day-break he sum- 
 moned the Barcaeans to a conference, to which they 
 gladly assented, for they earnestly desired to come to 
 terms. A capitulation was agreed upon, and the parties 
 standing over the concealed pit, took their oaths in these 
 terms : — " So long as this earth shall remain as it is, the 
 treaty shall be in force." The Barcaeans on their part 
 agreed to pay a reasonable tribute to the king, and the 
 Persians were to attempt nothing more against them. 
 The treaty being concluded, the citizens, confiding in the 
 Persians, themselves issued from their walls, and throw- 
 ing all the gates open, allowed the enemy to enter. The 
 Persians then breaking up the covering of the pit, rushed 
 into the city. — They broke up the covering they had pur- 
 posely formed in order to prevent the violation of their 
 oath ; for they had sworn to observe the treaty so long 
 as that earth should remain as it then was. The surface 
 on which they stood being destroyed, the treaty no longer 
 continued in force. 
 
 The Persians gave up to Pheretima those . of the 
 citizens who were most obnoxious to her, and she em- 
 paled them around the walls. She also cut off the 
 (202) 
 
348 RETURN OF THE PERSIANS,, 
 
 breasts of their wives, which she fixed in festoons to 
 the walls. All the other citizens were, at her order, 
 given up to the Persians as a prey, excepting only 
 the Battiades, and those who had taken no part in the 
 murder; and to these she surrendered the city. The 
 other Barcaeans were made slaves by the Persians, 
 and led away by them. When they reached Cyrene, 
 the people, in regard to a certain prediction, allowed 
 them to pass. As the army went through the town, 
 Bares, who commanded the fleet, urged them to pos- 
 sess themselves of it ; but Amasis would not permit 
 this, saying that he had been sent against Barca, and 
 no other Grecian city. But the Persians had no sooner 
 passed through the city, and pitched their camp upon 
 a mound where stands the temple of the Lycsean Ju- 
 piter, than they repented that they had not taken 
 Cyrene. They attempted therefore to enter it again; 
 but the Cyrenaeans would not suffer this, and the 
 Persians, though not attacked, were seized with a 
 panic — ran off a distance of sixty furlongs, and there 
 pitched their camp. While employed in forming their 
 station, there arrived a messenger from Aryandes, re- 
 calling them to Egypt. They now applied to the Cy- 
 renaeans to grant them provisions for the way, which 
 having received, they took their departure for Egypt. 
 But throughout their whole march, even till they reached 
 Egypt, the Libyans were always at hand to put to 
 the sword such as were left in the rear, or those who 
 followed tardily, that they might seize their dress and 
 baggage. 
 
 The extreme point which this Persian expedition 
 reached in Libya was the country of the Evesperides. 
 Those of the Barcaeans whom they carried captive, were 
 led forward from Egypt to the king. Darius gave them 
 for their abode a town in Bactria, to which they gave the 
 name Barca, and which was still occupied {by their 
 
 (204) 
 
DEATH OP PHERETIMA. 349 
 
 descendants) in my time. As for Pheretima, she did 
 not end her course happily; for immediately after her 
 return from Libya, where she had wreaked her vengeance 
 on the Barcaeans, coming into Egypt, she died miserably, 
 being devoured alive by worms. — So hateful to the gods 
 are the excesses of human revenge ! And such was the 
 retribution with which Pheretima, wife of Battus, visited 
 the people of Barca. 
 
BOOK V. 
 
 TERPSICHORE. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 THE NATIONS OF THRACE. 
 
 The Persian army left in Europe by Darius, under 
 the command of Megabazus, first of the Hellespontines, 
 subdued the Perinthians who refused obedience to the 
 king. 
 
 [They had before been severely handled by the Paeonians 
 of the Strymon, who were instructed by an oracle to invade 
 the Perinthians, and to attack them if, when opposed to them 
 in the field, the Perinthians should loudly challenge them by 
 name to the combat ; but not otherwise. The Paeonians fol- 
 lowed these directions, and when the two armies were en- 
 camped opposite to each other before the city, the invaders 
 received a challenge to three single combats — a man to a 
 man, a horse to a horse, and a dog to a dog. In the first 
 and second the Perinthians had the advantage, which so de- 
 lighted them that they sang the Paeon. The Paeonians ga- 
 thering {from the sameness of the name) that this was the 
 meaning of the god, said one to another — " Now is the oracle 
 accomplished — now it is for us to act our part." They forth- 
 with fell upon the Perinthians, even while singing the Paeon, 
 and so prevailed that few survived. Such were then the 
 achievements of the Paeonians ; but at the time of which we 
 are speaking, the Perinthians fought for their liberties like 
 
 (2) 
 
THE THRACIANS. 351 
 
 brave men : yet Megabazus, with his Persians, vanquished 
 them by superiority of numbers. He then moved his army 
 into Thrace, and subdued to the king every city and every 
 tribe of that country ; for the command given to him by 
 Darius was — " to conquer Thrace." 
 
 TheThracians are, excepting the Indians, the most numerous 
 of all nations : and if they had been under the sway of one 
 prince, or at least, if they had acted in concert, they would 
 have been invincible, and in my opinion, the most powerful of 
 all nations. But such a union is impracticable, and there- 
 fore they are powerless. They are distinguished by a 
 variety of names, derived from the districts they occupy; 
 yet excepting the Getes, the Trausians, and those who 
 live beyond the Crestonseans, they all observe nearly the 
 same customs. 
 
 The Getes, as I have before related, profess themselves to 
 be immortal. The Trausians in all other respects conform 
 themselves to the common usages of the Thracians ; but are 
 peculiar in their behaviour at births and deaths. — When a 
 child is born, the nearest relatives sit in a circle around the 
 babe, and make a howling lamentation, and recount all the 
 sufferings incident to humanity, which he may be destined to 
 sustain. But when a man dies, they sport and rejoice in 
 consigning him to the earth ; for, as they say, he has taken 
 leave of so many woes, and is altogether happy. 
 
 The people who live beyond the Crestonaeans, practise 
 polygamy, and when a man dies, a great contest ensues among 
 his wives, aided by their friends, who, with extreme eagerness, 
 support their several claims to the honour of having been 
 most loved by him. She to whom this honour is adjudged, 
 receives the encomiums of men and women, and is slaughtered 
 on the tomb by her nearest relatives : she is then buried with 
 her husband. The other wives lament their misfortune : for 
 the discredit of surviving him is great. 
 
 The customs of the Thracians in general are these : — They 
 sell their children into distant lands ; disregard the virtue of 
 their daughters ; but watch strictly the conduct of their wives, 
 whom they have purchased from their parents at a great 
 (6) 
 
352 THE THRACIANS. 
 
 price. They deem it a mark of high birth to have the skin ta- 
 tooed ; — the ignoble only are free from such stigmas. — Idleness 
 they think the greatest good — nothing so dishonourable as to 
 cultivate the soil ; and to subsist on war and rapine is their 
 delight. Such are their most remarkable usages. The only 
 divinities they worship are Mars, Bacchus, and Diana. But 
 it is the peculiar distinction of the kings (chiefs) to pay 
 signal honours to Mercury, in whose name alone they swear, 
 and from whom they profess themselves to be descended. 
 The funerals of the rich are thus performed : — During three 
 days the body is exposed, and after lamentations have been 
 made, victims of all kinds are slain, and a feast is held : the 
 body is then either burned or interred. A tumulus of earth 
 is raised over it, and games of every kind are instituted, in 
 which the victors in single combats receive the highest 
 honours. 
 
 The regions north of Thrace are not accurately known 
 by any one ; nor is it understood by what sort of people they 
 are inhabited. But it seems that the country beyond the 
 Ister is an interminable desert, inhabited— so far as I can 
 learn — only by the Sigynnes — a people habited like the 
 Medes. Their horses are covered with a coat of hair, five 
 fingers long; they are of a diminutive size, have turn-up 
 noses, and being not strong enough to be rode, are yoked to 
 cars, which they draw with great swiftness ; and it is for this 
 purpose only they are employed by the natives.* The Sigyn- 
 nes border upon the Enetes (Venetians) who occupy the 
 shores of the Adriatic, and they profess to be a colony of 
 Medes. But how the Medes should have established a 
 colony in those parts I cannot explain. Yet in the course of 
 ages almost any thing may have taken place. The Ligyes, 
 who live beyond Massalia (Marseilles) give the name Sigynnes 
 to traders ; while the Cyprians understand by the same 
 word — a spear. 
 
 The Thracians affirm that the regions beyond the Ister are 
 
 * It is not improbable that dogs, used in the manner practised by the 
 Kamtschadales, gave origin to this description. 
 
 (10) 
 
THE PiEONIAN BROTHERS. 353 
 
 held by bees, which make it impossible to penetrate the 
 country ; but for my own part I cannot think this assertion 
 to be at all probable ; especially as these creatures cannot 
 support cold. I believe rather that the frosts render the 
 regions beneath the Bear uninhabitable. Such are the ac- 
 counts given of the country, the maritime parts of which were 
 subdued by the Persians under Megabazus.] 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 THE PiEONIANS — EMBASSY TO MACEDONIA. 
 HISTIjEUS. 
 
 After crossing the Hellespont, Darius hastened to 
 Sardis, and there, mindful of the good offices of Histiaeus, 
 the Milesian, and of the advice given him by Coes the 
 Mitylenian, summoned them to Sardis, and offered them 
 their choice. Histiseus, who was already tyrant of Mi- 
 letus, asked for no other government ; but he asked for 
 Myrcinus of Edonia, where he wished to build a city. 
 Such was the choice of Histiaeus, while Coes, who was 
 not a tyrant, but a private person, asked for the govern- 
 ment of Mitylene. Both having obtained their requests, 
 repaired to their cities. 
 
 An accidental occurrence incited Darius to command 
 Megabazus to subdue the Paeonians and to lead them 
 from Europe into Asia. When the king returned to 
 Asia, two Paeonian brothers, named Pigres and Man- 
 tyes, who were desirous to obtain rule over their country- 
 men, came to Sardis, bringing with them their sister — 
 a young woman of fine figure and great beauty. They 
 (12) 2 A 
 
354 THE PjEONIAN brothers. 
 
 watched the time when Darius sat in state in the entrance 
 of Sardis ; and having decked their sister in the most 
 becoming attire, sent her to fetch water with a water 
 pot on her head. At the same time she led a horse, the 
 bridle of which was passed round her arm, while she 
 employed her hand in spinning. As she passed by, she 
 attracted the attention of Darius, especially because what 
 she did was unlike the usages not only of the Persians, 
 but of the Lydians, or indeed of any Asiatic people. So 
 much did it fix his attention, that he sent some of his 
 guards to observe what the woman did with the horse ; 
 they followed her, and observed that when she 
 reached the river, she watered the horse — filled her 
 vessel, and returned the way she came, bearing it on her 
 head, at the same time leading the horse by her arm, and 
 turning her spindle. 
 
 Filled with admiration at what he heard, and at what 
 he had himself seen, Darius commanded her to be brought 
 before him. She came, attended by her brothers, who, 
 at no great distance, had observed what was taking place. 
 When the king asked her of what country she was, the 
 young men replied, that they were Pasonians, and that 
 she was their sister. " And who," said Darius, " are the 
 Pseonians, and what country do they inhabit, and what is 
 your business at Sardis?" — "We are come," they re- 
 replied, " to give ourselves to you," and added that Pse- 
 onia, with its towns, was a country lying on the banks 
 of the Strymon — a river not far beyond the Hellespont, 
 and that the inhabitants were Teucrians, and a colony 
 from Troy. — Such was their reply to the several ques- 
 tions. He then inquired, " if all the women of Paeonia 
 were as industrious as their sister. — " O yes," said they 
 eagerly, " all." It was their plan to produce this impres- 
 sion on the mind of the king. 
 
 Thereupon Darius wrote to Megabazus — the general 
 he had left in Thrace, commanding him to remove the 
 
 (14) 
 
REMOVAL OF THE PAEONIANS. 355 
 
 Paeonians from among the nations where they dwelt, and 
 to bring them to him — themselves, their children, and 
 their wives. — A horseman was despatched with all haste 
 bearing these orders to the Hellespont, which having 
 passed, he delivered the packet to Megabazus. He, 
 on reading it, took guides from Thrace, and invaded 
 Paeonia. The Paeonians, when informed of the advance 
 of the Persians, assembled and prepared to defend them- 
 selves by the sea side ; for they imagined that the enemy 
 would attack them on that side : and here they held 
 themselves ready to repel the invaders. But Megabazus 
 being informed that the Paeonians guarded all the passes 
 on the coast, and having guides, turned and took the upper 
 road ; and while they were ignorant of his movements, 
 fell upon their cities, which were vacated by the people : 
 these places were therefore taken without any opposition. 
 On hearing that their towns were already in possession of 
 the enemy, the Paeonians instantly dispersed in all direc- 
 tions, every one repairing to his own town ; and so gave 
 themselves up to the Persians. Thus were those of the 
 Paeonians called the Siropaeonians, and the Paeoples, 
 together with those who occupy the space bounded by 
 the lake Prasias, removed from their abodes, and led into 
 Asia. But the Paeonians of mount Pangaeus, and the 
 Doberes, and Agrianes, and the Odomantians, and the in- 
 habitants of the lake Prasias, were not entirely subdued 
 by Megabazus, 
 
 [Those last mentioned he attempted to conquer. They 
 inhabit the lake in the following manner : — A flooring is 
 raised, and joined upon lofty piles, fixed in the midst of the 
 lake ; and there is no other communication with the main 
 land, than one narrow bridge. The piles which sustain the 
 flooring were anciently furnished at the cost of the community, 
 but afterwards a law was established that, whenever a man 
 took a wife — and they practise polygamy, he should bring 
 (16) 2 A 2 
 
3§6 PERSIAN EMBASSY 
 
 from a mountain in the neighbourhood, called Orbelue, three 
 piles. Every man has his hut raised upon the common plat- 
 form. In each habitation there is a trap door securely fitted, 
 through which access is had to the lake beneath ; and lest the 
 children should tumble through, they are all tied by the 
 leg. These people feed horses and beasts of burden upon 
 fish, of which the quantity produced in the lake is so great, 
 that when they let down the trap door, and lower a basket by 
 a rope into the lake, in a short time they may draw it up 
 filled with fishes. The lake produces two kinds, one called 
 papraces, the other tilones. — The vanquished Paeonians were 
 led into Asia.] 
 
 When Megabazus had subdued these people, he sent 
 seven Persians on an embassy to Macedonia : they were all 
 men of high reputation in the army : their commission 
 was to demand from Amyntas an offering of earth and 
 water to king Darius. — It is but a short distance from the 
 lake Prasias to Macedonia. Near to the lake is the mine 
 from which, at a subsequent period, Alexander (son of 
 Amynt as) received daily a talent of silver. Beyond the 
 mine is mount Dysorum, on passing which the traveller 
 enters Macedonia. 
 
 The Persians constituting this embassy, when they 
 arrived at the court of Amyntas, and were admitted to an 
 audience of the king, demanded in the name of Darius 
 the king, earth and also water. These he gave, and 
 invited the Persians to the hospitalities of his palace ; and 
 having prepared a magnificent supper, received the 
 Persians in the most friendly manner. After supper, 
 while they were freely drinking, one of the Persians thus 
 spoke : — " Macedonian host, it is the custom in Persia in 
 our sumptuous entertainments to introduce the ladies. 
 Now, therefore, as you give us so friendly a reception, 
 and so handsome a supper, and since you have offered to 
 Darius the king, earth and water, comply with our cus- 
 tom." " Persians," replied Amyntas, " such are not our 
 
 (18) 
 
TO MACEDONIA. 357 
 
 customs; for our women are separated from the company 
 of men ; but as you ,who are our lords ask it, it shall be 
 done." The ladies were accordingly sent for, and placed 
 on seats opposite to the Persians ; but with this they were 
 not content, and demanded that they should be placed near 
 them. 
 
 Though vexed by such a violation of propriety, Amyntas 
 entertained so great a fear of the Persians that he affected 
 composure. But his son Alexander, who was young and 
 inexperienced in the ills of life, could not repress his 
 feelings while he witnessed the rudeness to which the 
 ladies were exposed. Hardly containing himself he thus 
 addressed his father : — " Yield, Sir, to your years — retire 
 to rest ; nor longer remain at table. I will stay, and will" 
 take care that the strangers want nothing." Amyntas 
 perceiving by his son's manner that: he was about to put 
 some design in execution, replied, " Son, I know almost 
 from your language that you are burning with anger, and 
 that you wish to dismiss me that you may accomplish 
 some fatal resolution; but I enjoin you to do nothing 
 injurious to these men, lest you bring ruin upon us : bear 
 patiently what you see. Yet at your request I will re- 
 tire." Having thus admonished his son, Amyntas retired, 
 and then Alexander, begging a short leave of absence for 
 the women, promised they should return : this the Persians 
 consented to, and they were sent to their apartments: 
 meanwhile he collected an equal number of young men, 
 whom he attired in the dress that had been worn by the 
 ladies ; and having furnished each with a dagger, brought 
 them in, and thus addressed his guests :— " Persians ! you 
 see we have given you the most sumptuous entertainment 
 in our power, and have brought forward whatever we 
 could find that might please you ;— we offer you whatever 
 we possess, and what is more than all, we have freely 
 given you the attendance at table of our mothers and 
 sisters, in order that you may learn in how high honour 
 (20) 2 a 3 
 
358 DESTRUCTION OF THE EMBASSY. 
 
 we hold you — as indeed you deserve. On your part, 
 therefore, report to the king who sent you, the hospitable 
 entertainment you received from the Greek — who, 
 in submission to him, governs Macedonia." So saying 
 Alexander placed one of the youths by the side of each 
 Persian, and presently the Macedonians put them to 
 death. Thus perished, not only the ambassadors, but all 
 their attendants ; for they were followed by bearers,* and 
 ministers, with various kinds of baggage. — All disappeared 
 together. Not long afterwards a very earnest inquiry 
 was made for these ambassadors by the Persians. But 
 Alexander, by giving a large sum of money, and his sister 
 also, named Gygsea, to Bubares, a Persian, who with 
 others under him, was charged to investigate the affair, 
 prudently arrested the search. Thus the death of the 
 Persian delegates was hushed up* 
 
 [That the Macedonian kings are Greeks, descended from 
 Perdiccas, they themselves profess, and on a future occasion 
 I shall prove the fact of which I am myself well assured. 
 Suffice it here to say, that those who manage the Olympian 
 games among the Greeks have so determined. Tor when 
 Alexander wishing to contend in the games, presented himself 
 for that purpose, his competitors would have excluded him, 
 saying that it was for Greeks, not Barbarians, that the games 
 were instituted. But Alexander proving that he was an 
 Argive, was judged to be a Greek : and when he was to 
 contend in the stadium, he drew one of the first lots.f] 
 
 Megabazus leading with him the Paeonians, reached 
 the Hellespont, and crossing it, proceeded to Sardis. He 
 had been informed that Histiaeus the Milesian was raising 
 walls around the city named Myrcinus, on the banks of the 
 Strymon, which he had asked of Darius as a reward for 
 
 o^Tj^ua I venture to translate in an extended sense as being pro- 
 bably that of the author. 
 
 t The order of the combatants was determined by lot. 
 
 (23) 
 
RECAL OF HISTl^US. 359 
 
 his services in preserving the bridge (over the Ister.) 
 Instantlv therefore, after his arrival with the Paeonians, 
 Megabazus thus addressed Darius, — -"What, Sire, are 
 you doing in granting to a Greek, and to a man so formi- 
 dable, and so sagacious, the possession of a town in Thrace I 
 For in Thrace is an abundance of timber, fit for construct- 
 ing ships, and balks for oars, and mines of silver. And 
 the country is thickly peopled, both with Greeks and 
 Barbarians, who making him their leader, will execute his 
 commands, day and night. Now, therefore, stop this man 
 in his course, lest war within the realm press upon you. 
 But you must use gentle means in sending for him, in 
 order to put an end to his enterprize. When once you 
 get him in your power, take care that he never again 
 returns to Greece." 
 
 Megabazus by these representations easily persuaded 
 Darius, who perceiving that he well foresaw the future 
 course of events, despatched a courier to Myrcinus, with 
 a message to this effect :— " Histigeus — thus speaks king 
 Darius. On reflection I find no man better affected to- 
 wards me and my government than yourself. And I form 
 this opinion, not from your professions, but from your 
 conduct. Now therefore, as I am meditating great 
 enterprizes, come to me by all means, that I may impart 
 them to you." Histiaeus confiding in these professions, 
 and being greatly elated with the honour of ranking among 
 the king's counsellors, proceeded to Sardis, and was no 
 sooner arrived than he was thus addressed by Darius— 
 " Histiseus I have sent for you, because ever since my 
 return from Scythia, when you left my sight, I have 
 wished for nothing so much as to see and converse with 
 you. — Knowing as I do that of all our possessions nothing 
 is so valuable as an intelligent and well affected friend. 
 And that you are both intelligent and well affected towards 
 me I have had convincing proofs. You have then done 
 well to come. Now hear what I propose. — Think no 
 (24) 2 a 4 
 
360 CONQUESTS OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 more either of Miletus or of the new city in Thrace ; but 
 follow me to Susa. Mine shall be your's : you shall be 
 my companion at table, and my counsellor." 
 
 Darius set out for Susa accompanied by Histiaeus, 
 having left Artaphernes his own brother by the father, 
 governor of Sardis. The army on the coast was placed 
 under the command of Otanes, whose father Sisamnes 
 being one of the royal judges, had been put to death by 
 Cambyses, for receiving a bribe to pervert justice. The 
 king ordered the body to be flayed, and the skin to be cut 
 into ribbands, which were stretched upon the seat from 
 which he had been accustomed to pronounce judgment. 
 Then he instituted the son in the office of the father, 
 enjoining him ever to keep in mind the chair on which he 
 sat to administer justice. This same Otanes, who had 
 occupied the seat I have described, succeeded Megabazus 
 in the command of the army, and presently captured both 
 Byzantium and Chalcedon. He also took Antandrus — 
 a city of the Troade, and Lamponium also. Receiving 
 some ships from the Lesbians he took Lemnos ; and 
 Imbros, both which islands were then occupied by 
 Pelasgians. 
 
 The Lemnians fought well, and defended themselves 
 for a time ; but were at length reduced. Those who sur- 
 vived were placed by the Persians under Lycaretus, 
 brother of Mseandrius, who had reigned at Samos. This 
 Lycaretus died in his government of Lemnos. Otanes, 
 in reducing to slavery all these nations, alleged as his 
 pretext — against some of them, that they had deserted 
 the army in Scythia; against others, that they had 
 annoyed the army in its return from Scythia. Such was 
 his mode of proceeding while he held command in those 
 parts. 
 
 (27) 
 
361 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 REVOLT OF THE IONIANS UNDER ARISTAGORAS. 
 
 After a short interval of repose, the Ionians were 
 exposed to new misfortunes, which took their rise from 
 Naxos and Miletus. The former was then in a more 
 flourishing state than any of the islands, and at the same 
 time the latter had just attained its highest prosperity, and 
 was esteemed the principal city of Ionia. Two gene- 
 rations before the time of which we are speaking, Miletus 
 had suffered much from the turbulences of faction ; these 
 were however composed by the Parians, whom, of all the 
 Greeks, the citizens chose as the arbitrators of their 
 differences. The Parian mediators, who were men of 
 rank, effected a pacific arrangement in the following 
 manner : — Perceiving that the state was in the greatest 
 derangement, they declared that they wished to make a 
 circuit through the territory. They therefore set out, 
 and as they traversed the Milesian lands, whenever, 
 amidst the desolated country, they saw a farm well cul- 
 tivated, they noted the name of the proprietor. Few 
 such were found in the course of their tour ; but imme- 
 diately after their return to the city, they convoked an 
 assembly, and placed the administration of affairs in the 
 hands of those individuals whose farms they had noted 
 to be in good order : for, as they said, they supposed 
 that men who assiduously managed their private concerns, 
 would not display less ability in conducting the common- 
 wealth. The arbitrators therefore enjoined the Milesians, 
 who hitherto had been split into factions, to submit to the 
 (.29) 
 
362 ORIGIN OF THE 
 
 rule of the persons who were placed in power. Such were 
 the means employed by the Parians in composing the 
 affairs of Miletus. 
 
 Yet now it was from these two places (Miletus and 
 Naxos) that the new troubles arose. — Certain persons of 
 overgrown opulence, expelled by the people from Naxos, 
 fled to Miletus, which was 'then governed by Aristagoras, 
 son of Molpagoras, son-in-law and nephew of Histiaeus, 
 son of Lysag^ras, whom Darius detained at Susa ; for 
 it was during his detention there, that the Naxians who 
 had already formed friendship with him, arrived at Mi- 
 letus. They addressed themselves to Aristagoras, pray- 
 ing him to grant them aid sufficient to reinstate them in 
 their native island. He, on consideration, thought that 
 if they were restored by his means, he might bring Naxos 
 under his own power. Using therefore the friendship 
 subsisting between the Naxions and Histiaeus as a 
 pretext, he thus addressed them — "I myself am not 
 competent to furnish you with a force sufficient to rein- 
 state you at Naxos against the will of the citizens, who 
 are now in power, for I am informed they have at their 
 command 8,000 men who bear shield, as well as a large 
 fleet of long ships. But I will employ every means in 
 my power, and suggest to you the course to be pursued. 
 Artaphernes is my friend, and he is the son of Hystaspes, 
 and therefore brother of Darius the king. Now he com- 
 mands all the maritime provinces of Asia (Minor) and has 
 under his orders a numerous army, and large fleet; 
 and I am of opinion that he will do what we shall 
 ask." 
 
 The Naxians now conjured Aristagoras to make his 
 best exertions in their behalf, and instructed him to pro- 
 mise gifts, besides entertainment to the army, to be pro- 
 vided by themselves. Indeed they indulged strong hopes 
 that when they should appear off the island, the Naxians 
 generally would submit to their domination, and even 
 
 (30) 
 
IONIAN REVOLT. 363 
 
 that their example would be followed by the other 
 islanders. For at that time none of the Cyclades acknow- 
 ledged the authority of Darius. When Aristagoras arrived 
 at Sardis, he informed Artaphernes, that though Naxos 
 was not a large island, it was agreeable, fertile, near Ionia, 
 and rich in money and slaves. " Now therefore," said he, 
 " send an armament against it to reinstate the fugitives. 
 In the first place, besides provision for the troops, I 
 have in readiness a large sum of money ; for it is just 
 that we should bear the burden of the war. Then in the 
 next place, you will acquire for the king not only Naxos, 
 but the islands dependent on it, as Paros, Andros, and 
 other of the Cyclades. Thence you may with great ease 
 advance and attack Eubcea, a large and opulent island, 
 not inferior to Cyprus, and which may very readily be 
 subdued. All may be accomplished with one hundred 
 ships." 
 
 " You do indeed," replied Artaphernes, " make a pro- 
 position highly advantageous to the king's affairs, and 
 your advice is altogether good, excepting what relates 
 to the number of ships required — instead of one, two 
 hundred vessels shall be in readiness for you at the 
 commencement of spring : but the approbation of the king 
 must be obtained." Aristagoras was exceedingly de- 
 lighted on receiving this answer ; and departed for Mile- 
 tus. Meanwhile Artaphernes, having received from Susa 
 in reply to his representations the approbation of Darius, 
 collected an armament, consisting of two hundred tri- 
 remes, and having on board a large force, both of Per- 
 sians and of the tributary nations. The command of the 
 expedition was given to Megabates, a Persian of the 
 Achaemenidean family, and nephew to himself and Da- 
 rius. If common report says true, it was the daughter 
 of this same Megabates who, some time afterwards, was 
 affianced to Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus, the Lace- 
 daemonian, when he sought to become tyrant of Greece. 
 (32) 
 
364 EXPEDITION AGAINST NAXOS. 
 
 Artaphernes having made these arrangements, sent for- 
 ward the armament to Aristagoras. 
 
 At Miletus, Megabates being joined by Aristagoras 
 with the Ionian army, and the Naxian refugees, sailed 
 professedly for the Hellespont. When he reached Chios 
 he anchored at Caucasus, (a port of , the island) waiting 
 for a north wind to carry him to Naxos. But the Naxians 
 were not to receive their ruin from this armament — an 
 accidental occurrence averted the danger. As Mega- 
 bates was going round through the fleet to inspect the 
 watch, he found none set on board a Myndian vessel. 
 Resenting the negligence, he commanded his attendants 
 to search for the captain — whose name was Scylax, and 
 having found, to bind him and place him with his head 
 projecting from one of the apertures in the ship's side, 
 while his body remained within. Some one presently 
 announced to Aristagoras, that Megabates had bound 
 and exposed to shame his friend, the Myndian captain. 
 He went therefore, and entreated pardon for him from 
 the Persian commander; but not prevailing, he himself 
 repaired to the vessel, and released the captain. When 
 Megabates heard of what had been done, he was trans- 
 ported with rage, and reviled Aristagoras. But he 
 replied, " By what right do you interfere with our com- 
 mands ? Did not Artaphernes send you under my orders — 
 and to go wherever I shall direct? Why then do you do 
 ought more or less than you are commanded?" Thus 
 spoke Aristagoras ; but Megabates now more incensed, 
 the same night despatched a vessel in order to inform the 
 Naxians of what was intended against them. 
 
 The Naxians who had not at all supposed that the 
 armament was advancing against them, immediately, on 
 receiving the information, brought whatever they could 
 move from their lands into the city ; and in preparation 
 for a siege, collected provisions and awaited the instant 
 approach of the enemy. Meanwhile the Persians leaving 
 
 (34) 
 
DEFECTION OF ARISTAGORAS. 365 
 
 Chios, sailed to Naxos, which they found well guarded. 
 During four months the siege was carried on, in which 
 time they not only expended the supplies they brought 
 with them, but had also drawn largely 'upon the resources 
 of Aristagoras. Much more was still required for car- 
 rying on the siege ; the Persians therefore constructed 
 on the island a fortress for the exiled Naxians, 
 and themselves retired to the continent with this ill 
 success. 
 
 Aristagoras now found himself unable to fulfil his 
 engagements to Artaphernes; he was urged to defray 
 the expences of the expedition, and he feared lest by the 
 accusations of Megabates, the failure of the enterprize 
 would be attributed to him, and he thought it probable 
 that the government of Miletus would be taken from him. 
 Under these apprehensions he meditated revolt. At the 
 same moment it happened that a servant arrived from 
 Susa, sent to him by Histiaeus, and bearing — imprinted 
 on his head, an injunction to revolt from the king. His- 
 tiaeus wishing to make this communication to Aristagoras, 
 had no other safe means of signifying his proposal — for a 
 strict watch was kept on all the roads. — He therefore 
 took one of his most trusty slaves, and having shaved 
 his head, imprinted letters on it, and then detained him 
 till the hair was grown. As soon as the head was again 
 covered, he despatched the man to Miletus, giving him 
 no other instructions than these — thaf when he reached 
 the city, he should request Aristagoras to shave his locks, 
 and inspect his head. The letters imprinted — as I have 
 already said, conveyed a message of revolt. This part 
 was taken by Histiaeus under the deep regret he felt in 
 being detained at Susa ; and he entertained great hopes 
 that if a revolt took place at Miletus, he should himself 
 be despatched to the coast ; but unless troubles arose 
 there, he despaired of ever returning. 
 
 It was therefore with these intentions that Histiaeus 
 (36) 
 
366 REVOLT OF THE 10NIANS. 
 
 despatched his messenger, and Aristagoras considering 
 the concurrence of circumstances, conferred with his par- 
 tisans, communicating to them both his own opinion and 
 the intimation he had received from Histiseus. All united 
 in advising a revolt, except Hecatseus the historian, who 
 at first dissuaded him from undertaking a war against the 
 Persian king, and to support his opinion, enumerated the 
 nations under the sway of Darius, and held forth the 
 greatness of his power ; but when he found he could not 
 prevail, he next gave his, advice in the following terms : — 
 "The principal endeavour should be to obtain the do- 
 minion of the seas, without which nothing could be done ; 
 for," said he, " it is well known that the power of Miletus 
 is inconsiderable ; yet if the treasures dedicated by Croe- 
 sus the Lydian in the temple of the Branchidae were 
 seized, there would be great reason to hope that by means 
 of them the power of the seas might be obtained. And 
 by this seizure not only would so much wealth come under 
 their disposal, but the enemy would be prevented availing 
 himself of it." How great these treasures were, I have 
 mentioned in my first book (page 44). The advice of 
 Hecataeus did not prevail; nevertheless it was resolved 
 to revolt, and it was determined that one of their number 
 should proceed by sea to Myunte, where lay the fleet that 
 had returned from Naxos, and endeavour to secure the 
 commanders of the ships. 
 
 Iatragoras was despatched for this purpose, and con- 
 trived by a stratagem to seize Oliatus, son of Ibanoles, 
 of Mylassa, and Histiseus, son of Tymnes {tyrant) of 
 Termera, and Coes, son of Erxander, to whom Darius 
 had given Mitylene, and Aristagoras, son of Heraclides 
 {tyrant) of Cyme ; besides many others. By these mea- 
 sures Aristagoras declared his revolt, and henceforth 
 adopted every means he could devise by which to annoy 
 Darius. His first step was nominally to resign the su- 
 preme power, and to establish an equality of rights at 
 
 (37) 
 
AFFAIRS OF SPARTA. 367 
 
 Miletus, in order that the people might the more readily 
 join in the rebellion. Then he did the same in all the 
 other cities of Ionia, and expelled all the tyrants. 
 In the next place, wishing by all means to conciliate these 
 cities, he delivered up to them the tyrants whom he had 
 seized in the fleet returned from Naxos: each of the 
 tyrants was sent to the city he had governed. 
 
 When the Mitylenians received Coes, they instantly 
 led him forth from the city, and stoned him. The Cy- 
 mseans banished their tyrant, and as most of the other 
 cities did the same, there ensued a cessation of that form 
 of government throughout the states. Having thus abo- 
 lished tyranny, Aristagoras the Milesian enjoined the 
 cities to appoint each for themselves a magistrate. Then 
 he himself repaired in a trireme to Lacedsemon; for 
 he thought it necessary to acquire some powerful 
 alliance. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 AFFAIRS OF SPARTA — CLEOMENES. 
 
 [Anaxandrides, son of Leontas, king of Sparta, was lately 
 dead, leaving the government to his son Cleomenes, whose 
 birth, rather than his merits or virtues, placed him on the 
 throne. Anaxandrides had married his own niece, whom he 
 loved, but who had no children. On this account he was 
 summoned and thus addressed by the Ephors : — " If you are 
 unmindful of the preservation of your house, we cannot be 
 indifferent to the extinction of the family of Eurysthenes. 
 Now therefore, as the wife you have brings you no children, 
 repudiate her and marry another. By taking this course, you 
 will gratify the Spartans." " I," said he, " will do neither 
 (39) 
 
368 CLEOMENES. 
 
 the one nor the other ; nor can I think they give me good 
 advice who would persuade me to dismiss an innocent wife, 
 and to take another. I will not therefore yield to such a 
 demand." 
 
 The Ephors and senators held a consultation on the subject, 
 and again addressed Anaxandrides : — " Inasmuch as you hold 
 your wife so dear — as we see ; at least follow the advice we 
 are about to give, nor oppose our wishes, lest the Spartans 
 should adopt some unwonted resolution concerning you. We 
 no longer require of you the repudiation of your present wife 
 — continue to regard her with the same fondness as heretofore ; 
 but take another, who may bear you children." Anaxandrides 
 consented to the proposition, and from that time had two wives, 
 and occupied two homes, contrary to the usages of the Spar- 
 tans. Not long afterwards, the second wife bore Cleomenes, 
 of whom we have spoken, and presented him to the Spartans 
 as heir to the throne. About the same period, the first wife, 
 hitherto childless, gave hopes of becoming a mother; and 
 such in fact was the case ; but the friends of the second wife, 
 troubled by the news, spread reports that it was a vain boast, 
 and that a fraud was intended. So much feeling did they 
 manifest on the occasion, that when the time arrived, the 
 Ephors, themselves infected with doubt, were present as she 
 gave birth to a son. She first bore Dorieus, afterwards 
 Leonidas, and afterwards Cleombrotus. Some affirm that 
 Cleombrotus and Leonidas were twins. The second wife, who 
 was the daughter of Prinetades, and grand-daughter of De- 
 marmenus, had no child after Cleomenes. 
 
 Cleomenes, it is said, was never of sound mind, and even 
 mad, while Dorieus appeared first among the youth of his 
 age, and indulged the confident expectation that by his merits 
 he should obtain the throne. Filled with these hopes, when 
 on the death of Anaxandrides the Lacedaemonians, according 
 to law, elevated Cleomenes the eldest son to that dignity, he 
 deeply felt the disappointment ; and disdaining to submit to 
 the rule of Cleomenes, asked a body of Spartans, and went 
 forth to found a colony. Yet he neither consulted the Delphic 
 oracle, as to the country where he should settle, nor complied 
 
 (42) 
 
DORIEUS. 369 
 
 with any of the usages customary on such occasions; but 
 impatient of all controul, directed his voyage towards Libya — 
 certain Theraeans being his guides. He reached Cinyps, one 
 of the most agreeable spots in Libya, where he established 
 himself on the banks of a river. But in the third year he was 
 driven thence by the Maces, the Libyans, and the Carfchage- 
 nians, and returned to Peloponnesus. 
 
 He ^met there with Antichares, of Elis, who, on the autho- 
 rity of oracles from La'ius, advised him to found Heraclea in 
 Sicily, saying that the entire region of Eryx appertained to 
 the Heraclidae, in right of Hercules. On receiving this ad- 
 vice, Dorieus went to consult the oracle at Delphi, whether 
 he should make a conquest of the country to which he was 
 about to proceed. The Pythian replied that " he should take 
 it." He therefore collected the forces which he had before 
 conducted to Libya, and proceeded to the coasts of Italy. 
 About the same time, as the Sybarites affirm, they, under the 
 command of their king Telys, were preparing to march against 
 Crotona. The Crotonians moved by fear, applied to Dorieus 
 to take up their cause : — he complied with their request, 
 and joining their forces to his own, attacked and captured 
 Sybaris. Such is the account given by the Sybarites. 
 But the Crotonians deny that they associated any fo- 
 reigners with their native forces in the war with Sybaris. 
 The only exception was Callias, the diviner of Eleums, of the 
 Jamidean race ; and he had taken refuge among them, to 
 escape from the anger of Telys, tyrant of Sybaris; because 
 the victims were unfavourable when examined in reference to 
 the Crotonian war. In proof of their several accounts both 
 people produce evidences. The Sybarites, on their part, first 
 appeal to the sacred enclosure, and the fane founded by 
 Dorieus, near the winter stream Crathis, when, with the Cro- 
 tonians, he captured Sybaris — it is dedicated to the Crathian 
 Minerva. They then mention the principal proof — namely 
 the death of Dorieus, who perished for disobeying the oracle : 
 for, say they, if he had not transgressed, but had proceeded 
 to his destined country, he would have made himself master of 
 Eryx, and have held it, and not with his army have perished. 
 (45) 2 B 
 
370 DORIEUS. 
 
 On the other side, the Crotonians show the lands within their 
 •territory granted by them to Callias of Eleum, and which, in 
 my time, were occupied by his descendants ; while nothing of 
 the kind was granted to Dorieus, or his children. Yet if he 
 had actually aided them in the manner affirmed, against Sy- 
 baris, much larger grants would have been bestowed upon him 
 than upon Callias. Such are the evidences produced on both 
 sides. Every one may adopt the opinion he thinks the most 
 probable. 
 
 With Dorieus were associated in the proposed colony other 
 Spartans, as Thessalus, Paraebates, Celeas, and Eurylaus. 
 When with the entire fleet they reached Sicily, they were 
 encountered and defeated by the Phoenicians and Egestaeans, 
 and all the chiefs were slain, excepting EurylaUS, who alone 
 escaped the fate of his comrades. He, rallying those who 
 survived the action, possessed himself of Minoa, a colony 
 from Selinus, and aided the Selinians in freeing themselves 
 from the despot Pythagoras. But after removing the tyrant, 
 he assumed the same power, and for a short period ruled 
 Selinus with absolute authority. Presently the Selinians 
 revolted, and put him to death, even though he had taken 
 > sanctuary at the altar of the home Jupiter. Dorieus had 
 also been followed by Philip, son of Butacides, of Crotona, 
 who perished with him. He had fled from Crotona, and 
 proposed himself to the daughter of Telys, tyrant of Sybaris ; 
 but the marriage failing to be accomplished, he sailed for 
 Cyrene. Thence he embarked in a trireme of his own, the 
 crew of which was paid by himself, and followed Dorieus. 
 This man had been a victor in the Olympic games, and was 
 the handsomest Greek of his times. On account of the beauty 
 of his person, he received unexampled honours from the Eges- 
 taeans ; for they erected a monument, as to a hero, on his tomb, 
 and even propitiated his favour with sacrifices. 
 
 Such as we have above related was the end of Dorieus, 
 who, if he had submitted to the domination of Cleomenes, and 
 had remained at Sparta, would have become king of Lace- 
 daemon ; for the reign of Cleomenes did not last long, and 
 he died leaving a daughter only, named Gorgo.] 
 
 (48) 
 
371 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 FAILURE OP ARISTAGORAS AT SPARTA. 
 
 Aristagoras, tyrant of Miletus, arrived at Sparta while 
 the Lacedsemonians were governed by Cleomenes. And 
 as they affirm, when he came to converse with the king - , 
 he brought with him a brazen tablet, on which was 
 engraved the entire circuit of the earth, with all its seas 
 and rivers. His address to the king- was as follows : — 
 
 " Wonder not Cleomenes, at my assiduity in coming 
 to Sparta — our affairs admit no delay. The sons of 
 Ionia, who should be free, are slaves. This is indeed 
 a high reproach and grief to ourselves ; but also — among 
 other Grecian states — chiefly to you, since you are pre- 
 eminent in Greece. Now therefore in the name of the 
 gods of the Greeks, I adjure you, deliver the Ionians 
 from servitude — they are your kin. With ease you may 
 effect our freedom ; for the barbarians are not warlike ; 
 while you have attained the very summit of military glory. 
 Their mode of fighting I will describe : — they use bows 
 and short spears : they come into the field wearing trow- 
 sers, and on their heads have turbans : they are therefore 
 easily vanquished. The inhabitants of that continent 
 abound with riches of every kind beyond all other people 
 together. — They have plenty of gold, of silver, of brass, 
 as well as magnificent vestments, and beasts of burden, 
 and slaves. All these are your's if you choose to have 
 them. The several nations are ranged contiguously in 
 the manner I will now explain. — Next to the Ionians are 
 the Lydians, whose territory is fertile, and peculiarly 
 rich in silver." As he spoke he pointed out the place 
 (49) 2 B 2 
 
372 ARISTAGORAS AT SPARTA. 
 
 on the map of the earth, which he held in his hand. 
 " The Lydians," continued Aristagoras, " have for neigh- 
 bours, towards the east, the Phrygians — rich beyond any 
 people I know in cattle, and in the fruits of the soil. 
 Bordering on the Phrygians are the Cappadocians, whom 
 we call Syrians ; they adjoin the Cilicians, who occupy 
 the coasts of that sea in which Cyprus is found. They 
 pay to the king a yearly tribute of five hundred talents. 
 Next to these are the Armenians — wealthy in cattle. 
 Here, adjoining to the Armenians, are the Matienians, 
 who are bounded by Cissia, within which, and on the 
 banks of the Choaspes, stands Susa, where the great king 
 fixes his residence, and where are his treasuries. Mas- 
 ters of that city, you may boldly vie with Jupiter himself 
 for riches. Where you are, you are compelled to contend 
 for a small tract of country, and that not fertile, and for 
 the maintenance of narrow boundaries, with the Mes- 
 senians, your equals in valour, and with the Arcadians, 
 and Argives, none of whom possess gold or silver, for the 
 sake of which, or the like, we venture our lives in the 
 field of tattle. But now you may with little difficulty 
 obtain the sovereignty of all Asia ; what better could you 
 wish for?" 
 
 Thus spoke Aristagoras. Cleomenes only replied — 
 " Milesian stranger, I defer till the third day to give 
 you an answer." So far they proceeded at that time. 
 When the day fixed for giving an answer arrived, and 
 both met at the place appointed, Cleomenes asked Aris- 
 tagoras how many days' journey it might be from the 
 coast of Ionia to the residence of the king. He, though 
 a man of intelligence, and though hitherto he had well 
 beguiled Cleomenes, in this instance committed an error ; 
 for if he intended to lead the Spartans into Asia, he 
 should have concealed the truth ; instead of doing so, 
 he simply said that it was a journey of three months; 
 Cleomenes therefore preventing Aristagoras, who was 
 
 (50) 
 
ROtiTE FROM- IONIA TO SUSA. 373 
 
 proceeding to describe the route, said — " Milesian 
 stranger ! leave Sparta before sun-set. — In proposing to 
 lead the Lacedaemonians a march of three months in- 
 land, you utter what they can by no means listen to." 
 Cleomenes having pronounced these words, returned 
 home. 
 
 But Aristagoras taking the symbol of supplication in 
 his hand,* followed Cleomenes, and entering the house, 
 presented himself as a suppliant — entreated Cleomenes 
 to hear him, and also to dismiss from the chamber his 
 daughter : for Gorgo stood by her father ; — she was 
 his only child, and then about eight or nine years of age. 
 Cleomenes commanded him to say what he wished with- 
 out being restrained by the presence of the child. Aris^ 
 tagoras then promised him, at first ten talents, if he 
 would afford the desired aid ; and when Cleomenes re- 
 fused, he went on to augment the sum till he reached 
 fifty talents ; then the child exclaimed — " Father ! this 
 v stranger will corrupt you, unless you go hence." Cleo- 
 menes pleased with the advice of his child, went into 
 another apartment, and Aristagoras left Sparta forthwith ; 
 nor had opportunity to finish his account of the route 
 from Ionia to Susa. 
 
 [The itinerary is as follows: — 
 
 Throughout the route there are royal stations and magnificent 
 inns. The road passes every where through inhabited regions, 
 and is perfectly safe. In the journey through Lydia and 
 Phrygia, there are twenty of these stations, or royal post 
 houses. — The distance is ninety-four and a half parasangs. 
 Leaving Phrygia, you arrive at the Halys, upon the banks of 
 that river there are defiles through which it is necessary to 
 pass in order to gain the opposite bank : a large garrison holds 
 the passage. Entering Cappadocia, you proceed to the bor- 
 ders of Cilicia, after resting at eight-and-twenty stations, and 
 traversing a distance of one hundred and four parasangs : 
 
 * An olive branch wrapped in wool. 
 
 (52) 2 b 3 
 
374 ROUTE FROM IONIA TO SUSA. 
 
 but upon these boundaries you must pass two defiles, and two 
 garrisons : leaving these you traverse Cilicia, in which are 
 three stations— the distance is fifteen and a half parasangs. 
 Cilicia is divided from Armenia by the river Euphrates, which 
 is crossed in vessels of some size. In Armenia there are fifteen 
 stations for rest, and the route measures fifty-six and a half 
 parasangs; garrisons are here also placed at the stations. 
 Four navigable rivers run through Armenia, and must be 
 passed by the traveller. Of these the first is the Tigris: 
 the second and the third bear the same name, though dif- 
 ferent streams, and proceeding from different regions; for 
 one of them rises in Armenia ; but the other in the territory 
 of the Matienians. The fourth river is the Gyndes — the 
 same which Cyrus drained by cutting three hundred and sixty 
 trenches. From Armenia the traveller proceeds to Matiene, 
 where there are four stations. Passing eleven stations, and 
 a distance of forty-two and a half parasangs, he traverses the 
 province of Cissia, and arrives on the banks of the Choaspes, 
 which is also navigable, and upon which stands Susa. The 
 whole number of stations is one hundred and eleven ; and at 
 each station from Sardis to Susa, the traveller finds a place of 
 refreshment. 
 
 Now if the measure of this royal route is correctly given 
 in parasangs, and if the parasang is reckoned equal to thirty 
 furlongs, as indeed it is ; then it will appear that, from Sardis 
 to the royal palace of Memnon {at Susa) is a distance of 
 13,500 furlongs — the parasangs being four hundred and fifty. 
 And if one hundred and fifty furlongs are travelled in a day, 
 then the whole journey will consume ninety days. Aristagoras 
 the Milesian was right in telling Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian 
 that it was a three months' journey to reach the royal resi- 
 dence. But if any one seeks more exact information, I must 
 add that the distance from Ephesus to Sardis should also 
 be reckoned ; and including this, I affirm that the entire 
 route from the coast washed by the Grecian seas to Susa — ■ 
 called the city of Memnon, measures 14,040 furlongs. For 
 from Ephesus to Sardis is a distance of five hundred and forty 
 furlongs, which add three days to the three months' journey.] 
 
 (54) 
 
375 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 AFFAIRS OF ATHENS. THE PISISTRATIDS. 
 
 Expelled from Sparta, Aristagoras proceeded to Athens, 
 which was then just freed from its tyrants. 
 
 [Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, and brother of the tyrant 
 Hippias, though, by a vision, distinctly forewarned of his fate, 
 was nevertheless slain by Aristogiton and Harmodius, who 
 were of Gephyraean extraction. And yet during four years 
 after this event, the Athenians, far from obtaining liberty, 
 were more rigorously governed than before. The vision seen 
 by Hipparchus was this : — in the first night of the Pana- 
 thenaea, he thought he saw a man of great stature and beauty, 
 standing before him, who uttered the following verses of dark 
 intimation. — 
 
 M Lion ! sustain insufferable woe ! 
 The cost of crime each erring man must know." 
 
 As soon as day appeared, he communicated the words to 
 the diviners of dreams, and after renouncing (or endeavouring 
 to avert by sacrifices) the vision, he conducted the procession 
 in which he perished. 
 
 The Gephyraeans, from whom descended the slayers of 
 Hipparchus, were, as they affirm, originally from Eretria; 
 but as I find upon diligent inquiry, they were Phoenicians* 
 of the number of those who accompanied Cadmus from Phoe- 
 nicia to Boeotia, where they lived on the Tenagrian lands, 
 which fell to their share. The Cadmaeans, first, were expelled 
 by the Argives ; then these Gephyraeans, being driven out by 
 the Boeotians, betook themselves to Athens, where they were 
 admitted as citizens, yet on conditions which excluded them 
 (57) 2 B 4 
 
376 PHCENICIAN LETTERS. 
 
 from certain privileges not necessary here to be enumerated. 
 The Phoenicians, including the Gephyraeaus, who accompanied 
 Cadmus, while they dwelt with the Greeks, introduced among 
 them many branches of instruction, and especially the know- 
 ledge of letters, which, in my opinion were not before in use 
 in Greece. For at first they employed the characters which 
 all the Phoenicians make use of; but in process of time, as 
 they changed their language, the letters also assumed a new 
 form. At that period, the surrounding regions were occupied 
 by the Ionians, who, with some small variations, adopted the 
 characters which they learned from the Phoenicians ; and very 
 equitably, as the knowledge of them had been received from 
 that people, the character came to be named — the Phoenician 
 letters. The term parchments was in early times applied 
 by the Ionians to writings generally, {though the material was 
 the papyrus,) because, from the scarcity of paper, they used 
 parchments made of the skins of goats and sheep. Indeed 
 at the present day, many barbarian nations write upon such 
 parchments. 
 
 I have myself seen the Cadmaean letters in the temple of the 
 Ismenian Apollo at Thebes in Boeotia ; — they are engraved 
 upon tripqds, and much resemble the Ionian letters. The in- 
 scription on one of these tripods is as follows : — 
 
 " Amphitryon dedicated me on his return from the Teleboes, 
 and it may be assigned to the age of La'ius, son of Labdacus, 
 son of Polydorus, son of Cadmus." 
 
 Another tripod bears these hexameters : — 
 
 " Scaeus, a victor in the boxing fight, 
 By me adorns the god of far-spread light." 
 
 This Scaeus may be the son of Hippocoon, and unless 
 there was another of the same name, would be the contem- 
 porary of CEdipus, son of Laius. The third tripod has the 
 following verses : — 
 
 "Laodamus, possessed of sovereign sway, 
 Presents this tripod to the god of day." 
 
 (61) 
 
THE PISISTRATIDS AND ALCMAEONIDS. 377 
 
 Under this, Laodamus, son of Eteocles, the Cadmaeans, 
 expelled by the Argives, betook themselves to Encheleae. 
 While the Gephyraeans remained undisturbed, though soon 
 afterwards driven into Attica by the Boeotians. At Athens 
 they built temples, in which the Athenians have no part, and 
 which have nothing in common with the other temples. — Such 
 is the temple of the Achaean Ceres, with its ceremonies. 
 
 Having thus mentioned the vision of Hipparchus, and re- 
 lated the origin of the Gephyraeans, from whom descended 
 the slayers of that tyrant, I must now return to my proposed 
 account of the manner in which the Athenians freed themselves 
 from the rule of the tyrants. Hippias assuming the govern- 
 ment, exercised his authority with extreme rigour, in resent- 
 ment of the death of Hipparchus. The Alcmaeonids — an 
 Athenian family, who had fled from the domination of the 
 Pisistratids, in conjunction with other Athenian exiles, had 
 failed in their attempt to return to their country by force of 
 arms, and in the enterprize by which they hoped to reinstate 
 themselves and to liberate Athens, had met a signal defeat. 
 They then fortified Lipsydrium, which is above Paeonia, and 
 thence devising by every means to overthrow the Pisistratids, 
 they engaged by contract with the Amphictyons to build the 
 now existing temple at Delphi. Having at their command 
 great wealth, and supporting the honours of an illustrious and 
 ancient family, they constructed the temple on a scale of 
 magnificence which surpassed the prescribed plan. — Among 
 other things — though bound only to build the temple of the 
 Porian marble, they reared the front with the Parian. «. 
 
 According to the account given by the Athenians, these 
 Alcmaeonids, while at Delphi, prevailed upon the Pythian by 
 money to propose to all Spartans who came to consult the 
 oracle, whether on their private affairs or for the state, to 
 undertake the liberation of Athens. The Lacedaemonians 
 always hearing the same proposition, at length despatched 
 Anchimolius, son of Aster, a man of distinction at Sparta, 
 with an army to expel the Pisistratids from Athens, although 
 allied to them in the bonds of strict friendship; but they 
 deemed the commands of the gods to be of higher authority 
 (63) 
 
378 EXPULSION OF THE PISISTRATIDS 
 
 than the duties they owed to men. The expedition proceeded 
 by sea, and disembarked at Phalerum. The Pisistratids 
 having had timely information of the design, had sum** 
 moned the Thessalians to their aid, with whom they were on 
 terms of alliance. The Thessalians with one consent yielded 
 to the request, and sent a body of a thousand horse, under 
 the command of Cineas, their king, who was a Corniaean. 
 Strengthened by these auxiliaries, the Pisistratids caused the 
 plain about Phalerum, to be cleared of every obstruction, 
 and to be rendered every where fit for the movements of 
 cavalry. Then they sent forwards the Thessalian horse to 
 attack the enemy's camp. They charged the Lacedaemonians — 
 put many to the sword, among the number Anchimolion, and 
 drove the survivors on board their ships. Such was the event 
 of the first Lacedaemonian expedition. The tomb of Anchi- 
 molius is near the temple of the Cynosargean Hercules, at 
 Alopece in Attica. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians then raised a larger force, which, under 
 the command of their king Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides, 
 they sent against Athens ; not by sea, but over-land. When 
 they entered the Attic territoiy, they first encountered the 
 Thessalians, whom they presently defeated, putting more than 
 forty to the sword : the others returned immediately to Thes- 
 saly. Cleomenes then advancing to the city, attended by 
 such of the Athenians as favoured the cause of liberty, be- 
 sieged the tyrants, who were shut up in the Pelasgian fort. 
 It would have been impossible for the Lacedaemonians to suc- 
 ceed ii^an assault upon the Pisistratids ; nor did they think of 
 continuing a blockade ; indeed the tyrants were abundantly 
 furnished"**with provisions of all kinds. After besieging them 
 a few days, they would have returned to Sparta. But just 
 at this moment an accident occurred, unfortunate for one party, 
 but advantageous to the other. The children of the Pisis- 
 tratids were made prisoners as they were being removed from 
 Attica. This event deranged all their plans, for, as the ran- 
 som of their children, they assented to the terms offered to 
 them by the Athenians, and these conditions obliged them to 
 leave Attica in five days. They therefore departed and went 
 
 (65) 
 
BY THE LACEDEMONIANS. 379 
 
 to Sigeum, on the Scamander, after having governed the Athe- 
 nians thirty-six years. They were by origin Pylians, and 
 . descended from Nelius, and having the same ancestors as 
 ^odrus, and Melanthus, who though not natives, became 
 kings of Athens. It was to keep in mind their extraction 
 that Hippocrates gave the name Pisistratus, to his son, be- 
 cause it had been borne by a son of Nestor. Thus were the 
 Athenians freed from the tyrants. I now proceed to relate 
 the most remarkable exploits and misfortunes which took 
 place after they became free, and before the time of the 
 Ionian revolt, when Aristagoras the Milesian arrived to ask 
 their aid.] 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 ATHENIAN FACTIONS. 
 
 [The Athenians who were before powerful, became more 
 so after they had disengaged themselves from their tyrants. 
 Two powerful individuals then influenced affairs — Clisthenes 
 of the Alcmeeonids, who as it is reported, bribed the Pythian ; 
 and Isagoras, son of Tisander — a man of an illustrious family, 
 though I am not acquainted with his extraction : but those 
 who claim kindred with him sacrifice to the Carian Jupiter. 
 These two men factiously contended for authority in the state, 
 and Clisthenes being overcome, courted the favour of the 
 people. Some time afterwards, he divided the four Athenian 
 tribes into ten ; and instead of the names derived from the 
 four sons of Ion — Geleon, iEgicores, Argades, and Hoples, he 
 brought forwards the names of the native heroes of the country; 
 yet he admitted Ajax, who though a foreigner, was a neigh- 
 bour and an ally. In effecting this alteration, I think he fol- 
 lowed the example of Clisthenes, his maternal grandfather — 
 (67) 
 
380 CLISTHENES OF SICYON. 
 
 the tyrant of Sicyon, who while engaged in a war with the 
 Argives, abolished the games in which reciters contended for 
 prizes in repeating the verses of Homer, because therein 
 Argos and the Argives are so greatly celebrated ; and the* 
 he sought to expel from Sicyon (the worship of) Adrastus, son 
 of Talaus — an Argive, who had a shrine in the square at 
 Sicyon, which still exists. Going to Delphi, he inquired if 
 he should expel Adrastus; but the Pythian replied that 
 " Adrastus was a king of Sicyon ; but that he was a robber."* 
 On his return, as the god did not yield to his request, he con- 
 trived himself the means of banishing Adrastus ; and having 
 devised a plan, he sent to Thebes in Boeotia for (the relics of) 
 Melanippus, son of Astacus, which the Thebans granted to 
 him. When (the remains of) Melanippus arrived, Clisthenes 
 devoted to him a shrine in the prytaneum itself; and placed 
 it in the most strongly fortified spot. This he did — if I must 
 assign the reason, because Melanippus was the particular 
 enemy of Adrastas, whose brother Mecistes, and son-in-law 
 Tydeus, he had slain. After consecrating the fane, he con- 
 verted the sacrifices and feasts usually celebrated in honour 
 of Adrastus, to Melanippus ; and the Sicyonians had been 
 accustomed to perform these ceremonies with extraordinary 
 magnificence. For their country had indeed belonged to 
 Polybus, whose daughter was, mother of Adrastus ; and Po- 
 lybus having no son, left his dominions to his grandson. 
 Among the honours bestowed by the Sicyonians upon Adrastus 
 they celebrate his misfortunes in tragic verses — not Bacchus 
 but Adrastus is the object of their worship. Yet Clisthenes 
 assigned the chorusses to Bacchus, rendering all the other 
 rites to Melanippus. 
 
 Then he changed the names of the Doric tribes, that those of 
 the Sicyonians and Argives, might not be the same ; and herein 
 he treated the Sicyonians with ridicule ; for he adopted the 
 words hys and onos (swine and ass) with the former terminations ; 
 thus composing the names, Hyates, Oneates, and Chcereates 
 
 XevoTrjpa stands in the text ; but probably Xtj'itrrtfpa is the true 
 reading. 
 
 (68) 
 
CLISTHENES THE ATHENIAN. ' 381 
 
 {from ehceros a hog). Yet to his own tribe he gave the 
 appellation Archelaeans, significant of his own sovereignty. 
 These names the Sicyonians preserved in use not only during 
 the reign of Clisthenes, but sixty years after his death — when, 
 upon consultation, they changed them into Hylleans, Pam- 
 phylians, and Dymanates ; and in honour of iEgialeus, son of 
 Adrastus, gave his name to the fourth tribe called iEgialeans. 
 Such was the course adopted by the Sicyonian Clisthenes. 
 
 Clisthenes the Athenian, who was named after his maternal 
 grandfather, the king "of Sicyon, imitating, as I think his 
 ancestor, in contempt for the Ionians, would not suffer the 
 Athenian tribes to bear Ionian names. After completely 
 conciliating the Athenian people, who before had been averse 
 to his interests, he changed the names and increased the num- 
 ber of the tribes — instead of four Phylarchs (heads of tribes) 
 he constituted ten ; and distributed the people into as many 
 wards. By thus winning the favour of the citizens, he obtained 
 a decided superiority over the opposite factions. Isagoras 
 now finding himself on the weaker side, devised other means 
 of competing with his rival. — He called upon Cleomenes, king 
 of Lacedaemon, with whom he had formed a friendship at the 
 time when the Pisistratids were besieged. The first step 
 taken by Cleomenes, under the direction of Isagoras, was to 
 send a herald to Athens, requiring the expulsion of Clisthenes, 
 and with him many other Athenians, alleging as a reason, 
 that they had incurred the guilt of sacrilege. It was true 
 that the Alcmzeonids and their partisans were chargeable 
 with a murder, but neither he nor his friends had any part 
 in it. 
 
 Certain Athenians incurred this charge of sacrilegious mur- 
 der on the following occasion : — Cylon an Athenian, having 
 been victor in the Olympic games, was so moved by vanity as 
 to affect tyrannical power ; and associating with himself per- 
 sons of his own standing, he made an attempt upon the Acro- 
 polis; but failing in the enterprize, he placed himself as a 
 suppliant near the statue of the goddess. Thence they (Cylon 
 and his followers) were removed by the Naucrarian Prytanes, 
 who then governed Athens, on promise that they should not 
 (71) 
 
382 REPULSE OF CLEOMENES 
 
 suffer death. Notwithstanding they were slaughtered — as it is 
 said by the Alcmaeonids. These events took place before the 
 age of Pisistratus. 
 
 When Cleomenes sent the herald to expel Clisthenes and the 
 Athenians accused of sacrilege, he alone withdrew. Yet after- 
 wards Cleomenes repaired to Athens with a small force, and at 
 the suggestion of Isagoras, banished seven hundred Athenian 
 families. He next attempted to dissolve the senate, and to 
 place the government in the hands of three hundred partisans 
 of Isagoras. But the senate resisted these proceedings, and 
 refused submission. Cleomenes and Isagoras therefore took 
 possession of the citadel, and the other citizens who sided 
 together with the senate, besieged them two days ; on the 
 third, the Lacedaemonians were admitted to conditions, by 
 which they agreed to quit the country. Thus was accom- 
 plished the omen addressed to Cleomenes; for when he 
 ascended the Acropolis, in order to take possession of it, he 
 advanced towards the adytum of the goddess, intending to 
 consult her ; but before he passed the doors, the priestess rising 
 from her seat said — " Lacedaemonian stranger ! retrace your 
 steps ; nor enter the temple, for it is not lawful that a Dorian 
 should approach this place." " O woman," replied he, 
 "I am not a Dorian, but an Achaean." Disregarding the 
 presage, he persisted in his enterprize, and therefore again with 
 his Lacedaemonians failed of success. The Athenians of that 
 party were bound for death : among them was Timasitheus of 
 Delphi, of whose achievements and intrepidity I might say 
 much. The prisoners were all put to death. 
 
 The Athenians recalled Clisthenes, and the seven hundred 
 families banished by Cleomenes, and then despatched ambas- 
 sadors to Sardis with the intention of forming an alliance witk 
 the Persians ; for they thought it certain that they should have 
 to maintain a war with the Lacedaemonians and Cleomenes. 
 When these ambassadors arrived at Sardis, and reported the 
 object of their mission to Artaphernes, son of Hystaspes, 
 governor of Sardis, he inquired of them who and what they 
 were, and what spot of the earth they inhabited, that they 
 should ask the Persians to form alliance with them. The 
 
 (73) 
 
FROM ATHENS. 383 
 
 ambassadors having informed him on these points, he briefly 
 answered them, that if the Athenians presented to king- 
 Darius earth and water, he would form an alliance with them. 
 But if not, he commanded them to depart. The ambassadors 
 after conferring together, professed their willingness to make 
 the required offering, for they desired to effect the alliance. 
 But on their return to Athens, they fell under a very serious 
 accusation (for this compliance). 
 
 Cleomeness well informed of the hostile treatment, both 
 in words and deeds, which he received from the Athenians, 
 levied an army from all parts of Peloponnesus, without declaring 
 his intention, which was to avenge himself upon the Athenian 
 commonalty, and to establish Isagoras as tyrant of Athens : 
 for Isagoras had retired with him from the Acropolis. With 
 this numerous army he entered the lands of Eleusis, while the 
 Boeotians, by previous agreement, took CEnoe and Hysia — 
 the last towns of Attica on that side. The Chalcideans also 
 in another direction invaded and ravaged Attica. Thus at- 
 tacked on all sides, the Athenians deferred till a future time 
 to avenge themselves on the Boeotians and Chalcideans ; and 
 for the present, directed their arms against the Pelopon- 
 riesians at Eleusis. The two armies were about to engage, 
 when the Corinthians first, on deliberation, perceiving that 
 the part they were acting was not equitable, changed their 
 purpose, and retired. Then Demaratus, son of Ariston, who 
 was also king of Sparta, and held a joint command in the 
 Lacedaemonian army, did the same, although heretofore there 
 had been no disagreement between him and Cleomenes. On 
 occasion of this difference, a law was passed at Sparta, forbid- 
 ding the two kings to lead the army together in distant expe- 
 ditions : before the time of which we are speaking both were 
 accustomed to follow the camp. It was also made a rule that 
 henceforward the two Tyndarides (the symbol of Castor and 
 Pollux) should be separated, and one left at home : — formerly 
 both were summoned to follow the army as aids. The other allies 
 in the army at Eleusis, perceiving the dissention between the 
 Spartan kings, and seeing the Corinthians leave the line, took 
 their departure also. 
 (75) 
 
384 ATHENIAN SUCCESSES. 
 
 This was the fourth time that the Dorians had entered 
 Attica; — twice to make war, and twice in good will to the 
 Athenian commonality. The first time was when they estab- 
 lished a colony in Megara — an event which may well be 
 assigned to the time when Codrus was king of Athens. The 
 second and the third expeditions were sent out to effect the 
 expulsion of the Pisistratids. The fourth was this invasion 
 of Eleusis by the Peloponnesians under Cleomenes. Imme- 
 diately after the inglorious dissolution of the Peloponnesian 
 army, the Athenians resolved upon executing their {deferred) 
 revenge, and with this view first marched against the Chal- 
 cideans : but the Boeotians advancing to the Euripus, to suc- 
 cour the Chalcideans, the Athenians resolved to attack the 
 former before they engaged the latter. The Athenians there- 
 fore joined battle with the Boeotians — prevailed over them — 
 put many to the sword, and took seven hundred prisoners. 
 The very same day they passed over to Euboea, and fought 
 the Chalcideans, whom also they vanquished. They then 
 left 4,000 colonists in the island to occupy the pasture lands 
 of the Hippobotes (knights or feeders of horses) a name given 
 to the most wealthy of the Chalcideans. The prisoners, as 
 well Boeotians as Chalcideans, were fettered, and detained in 
 prison. But after a time, they were released at the price of 
 two minae each. The fetters which these prisoners had worn 
 were suspended in the Acropolis, and even in my time con- 
 tinued hanging on the wall were it was scathed with fire by 
 the Medes, and opposite to the western front of the temple. 
 The tenth, part of the ransom money they dedicated in the 
 form of a brazen chariot with four horses : it stands foremost 
 on the left hand, as you enter the portico in the Acropolis, and 
 bears the following inscription : — 
 
 " Bceotia's bands and Chalcis too o'ercome 
 
 In strenuous fight, 
 
 With iron bound in deepest prison gloom, 
 
 Quell'd anger's height. 
 
 Athenian youths whose hands achieved the day, 
 
 A tenth to Pallas in these horses pay." 
 
 (77) 
 
385 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 WAR BETWEEN ATHENS AND iEGINA. 
 
 [From that time the Athenians continued to increase in power. 
 Not by one instance only, but by universal experience is it ma- 
 nifestly proved that a government which secures an equality of 
 rights is highly advantageous to a people. While the Athenians 
 were governed despotically, they never excelled their neighbours 
 in the field ; but having dismissed the tyrants, they acquired a 
 decided superiority. Whence it is evident that, while in bond- 
 age, they designedly abstained from exerting their valour, 
 knowing that they were fighting only for their despot. But 
 when they became free, every man exerted himself with 
 the zeal of one whp labours to advance his personal interest: — 
 and such was actually the feeling among the Athenians. 
 
 After these events, the Thebans wishing to avenge them- 
 selves on the Athenians, sent to inquire of the god ; but the 
 Pythian answered them, that " By their own forces they should 
 not accomplish their revenge ; and advised them to report the 
 matter to the many-tongued multitude, and also to solicit their 
 nearest neighbours." The messengers returning with this an- 
 swer, convoked an assembly of the people, and the Thebans 
 learning that they were to seek aid from their neighbours 
 said — " And are not the Tanagraeans, and the Coronaeans, and 
 the Thespians, our nearest neighbours ; and do they not 
 always join with us in the field ; and will they not heartily 
 aid us in the war ? What need is there then that we should 
 address entreaties to them? But surely this was not the 
 meaning of the oracle." While they thus discussed the sub- 
 ject, some one, informed of what was in debate, thus addressed 
 them — " I believe myself to understand the intention of the 
 oracle. — Thebe and iEgina were daughters of Asopus, and 
 were therefore sisters. I think then that the god instructed 
 us to entreat the JEginetans to avenge us." No opinion better 
 (80) 2 C 
 
386 DISPUTES BETWEEN 
 
 than this being before the assembly, they immediately sent to 
 iEgina, calling upon the people of that island to aid them 
 according to the command of the oracle, as their nearest of 
 kin. The iEginetans in reply to this request, promised to send 
 them for their aid the (statues of the) iEacids. 
 
 The Thebans, on the strength of the succour of the iEacids, 
 tried the fortune of war with the Athenians, by whom they 
 were very roughly handled. They therefore again sent to 
 return the (statues of the) iEacids and to ask that a body 
 of troops might be granted. The people of iEgina — elated 
 by the greatness of their wealth, and not forgetful of the 
 ancient animosity between themselves and the Athenians, 
 on receiving this request from the Thebans, made war 
 against Athens, without announcing their hostility by a 
 herald ; and while the Athenians pressed upon the Boeotians, 
 they, passing over in ships of war to Attica, pillaged Phalerum 
 and many other towns on the coast. The loss of the Athe- 
 nians by this invasion was considerable. 
 
 The ancient animosity borne by the iEginetans to the Athe- 
 nians was contracted on the following occasion. The lands 
 of the Epidaurians failed to yield their wonted produce, and 
 the people sent to consult the Delphic god on the cause of the 
 calamity. The Pythian commanded them to erect statues to 
 Damia and Auxesia (Ceres and Proserpine; or, industry and 
 increase) after which it would be better with them. The Epi- 
 daurians then inquired whether they should form the statues of 
 brass, or of marble. The Pythian replied, of neither, but of the 
 wood of the cultivated olive tree. They therefore entreated the 
 Athenians to permit them to cut olive trees, deeming those of 
 Attica the most sacred. Indeed it is said that at that time 
 the olive grew no where but in Attica. The Athenians pro- 
 fessed their willingness to comply with the request, on con- 
 dition that the Epidaurians would every year offer victims to 
 Minerva, patroness of the city, and to Erechtheus. The con- 
 dition was agreed to — the Epidaurians obtained what they 
 asked, and having formed statues from these olive trees, dedi- 
 cated them. Their land from that time yielded its fruits, 
 and they fulfilled their engagement with the Athenians. 
 
 (82) 
 
ATHENS AND J1GINA. 367 
 
 At that period and heretofore the iEginetans acknowledged 
 Subjection to the Epidaurians, as well in other matters as in the 
 decision of causes ; for they were accustomed to pass over to 
 Epidaurus to determine suits. But at the time of which we 
 are speaking — filled with presumption, they fitted out ships, 
 revolted, declared their hostility, and, as masters of the sea, 
 ravaged the Epidaurian coasts, and carried off the statues of 
 Damia and Auxesia, which they took home and set up in the 
 midst of their island at a place called (Ea, about twenty fur- 
 longs from the city. Having set up the images in the spot 
 mentioned, they instituted sacrifices to them, with taunting 
 chorusses of women, who in reproaching each other, sought to 
 propitiate the divinity. They also appointed ten stewards of 
 the festivities to each of the (two) daemons. In these cho- 
 russes the women of the island, not the men, were the 
 objects of raillery.* Rites of this kind were in use among 
 the Epidaurians, who also practised ceremonies which were 
 never divulged. 
 
 These statues having been stolen from them, the Epidaurians 
 ceased to render to the Athenians the stipulated offerings, 
 and the latter sent an angry message on the subject to Epi- 
 daurus. But the Epidaurians made it appear that they were 
 not to be blamed ; for as long as the statues remained in their 
 possession, they had fulfilled the articles of the covenant; but 
 when deprived of them, it was no longer equitable that they 
 should make the offerings, which should rather be demanded 
 of the iEginetans who actually possessed the statues. On 
 receiving this answer, the Athenians sent a deputation to 
 JEgina to demand the statues. But the islanders replied that 
 they had nothing whatever to do with the Athenians. The 
 Athenians relate that, after this demand had been made, they 
 despatched a single trireme with the citizens who had been be- 
 fore sent in the name of the people, and who on reaching iEgina 
 attempted to wrench the statues from their bases, that they 
 might bring them away, for the wood of which they were 
 formed belonged to the Athenians. But not being able to get 
 
 * In such satirical chorusses it was most usual for the women to rail 
 at the meu. 
 (85) 2 c 2 
 
388 DISPUTES BETWEEN 
 
 possession of them in this manner, they threw cords around 
 them in order to pull them down. Just as they were pulling, 
 thunder rolled, and after thunder there followed an earthquake. 
 The Athenians seized with frenzy, attacked each other as ene- 
 mies, and fought until one only of the whole number survived 
 and returned to Phalerum. Such is the story told by the 
 Athenians. But the iEginetans affirm that it was not in a 
 single ship that the Athenians came; for if so, or if there had 
 been even a few ships only— they, though themselves destitute 
 of ships, might easily have repulsed them. On the contrary 
 it was, say they, with a numerous fleet that the Athenians 
 invaded JEgina. The iEginetans retired, and would not en- 
 gage the enemy at sea. But they do not affirm precisely whe- 
 ther this course was adopted because they felt themselves to 
 be unequal to a sea-fight ; or whether it was because they had 
 a different project in contemplation. The Athenians, as the 
 iEginetans affirm, seeing no one to oppose them, left their 
 ships and proceeded towards the statues, and not being able 
 to wrench them from their bases, threw ropes around and 
 pulled until both statues fell down upon their knees, in which 
 position they have ever since remained. There may be those 
 to whom this story will seem credible ; to me it does not. 
 Such, according to the people of iEgina, was the conduct of 
 the Atheqians. For themselves they say that, being in- 
 formed of the intended invasion, they had forewarned the 
 Argives to be in readiness, and that when the Athenians 
 actually made a descent on the island, the Argives afforded 
 their aid. Unperceived and unexpected, they had passed 
 over to iEgina, and cutting off the retreat of the Athenians 
 to their ships, fell upon them. At the same time, as they 
 affirm, there happened thunder and an earthquake. 
 
 In this account the iEginetans and the Argives agree, and 
 the Athenians admit that one only of their citizens survived 
 to return to Attica ; the difference betwen them is, that the 
 Argives affirm themselves to have destroyed the Athenian 
 invaders, excepting the single survivor ; while the Athenians 
 say that it was from the hand of the daemon that he escaped, 
 and they add that even he afterwards perished. For when 
 
 (87) 
 
ATHENS AND jEGINA. 389 
 
 he returned to Athens, and recounted the misfortune that had 
 occurred, the wives of those who had fallen in iEgina, enraged 
 that he alone of all should have escaped unhurt, surrounded 
 him, and piercing him with the tongues of their robe-buckles, 
 each demauded of him where was her husband. Under this 
 treatment he died. The deed perpetrated by these women 
 affected the Athenians even more deeply than the loss they 
 had suffered, and having no other way of punishing them, 
 they obliged them to change their mode of dress, and to 
 assume the Ionian garb. Heretofore the Athenian women 
 had worn the Doric dress, which nearly resembles the Corin- 
 thian. But now, laying aside their former attire, they 
 adopted a linen robe, in order that they might no longer use 
 buckles. To speak correctly, this dress is not originally 
 Ionian, but Carian. The ancient dress of women throughout 
 Greece was the same as what we now call the Doric. As 
 for the Argives and the iEginetans, on this occasion, they 
 severally adopted the practice which still continues, of wear- 
 ing buckles with tongues three times as long as heretofore. 
 And their women are accustomed to dedicate such buckles to 
 the two divinities (Damia and Auxesia.) Nor do they permit 
 any article from Attica — not even an earthen vessel, to be 
 brought into the temple. And it was made a law that no one 
 should drink except from vessels of home manufacture. In 
 my time the women of Argos and of iEgina continued to 
 manifest their ill-will towards those of Athens by wearing 
 buckles much larger than formerly. 
 
 Such was the origin of the animosity between the Athenians 
 and iEginetans. And at the time of which we were speak- 
 ing, the latter people when called upon by the Thebans, and 
 retaining a lively recollection of the transactions just men- 
 tioned relating to the statues, readily afforded their assistance. 
 They ravaged the coast of Attica ; but when the Athenians 
 were proceeding to invade iEgina, there arrived an oracular 
 message from Delphi, enjoining them to refrain from chas- 
 tising the people of iEgina during thirty years — reckoning 
 from the commencement of the wrongs they had received ; 
 but that after consecrating a temple to iEacus, if they made 
 (89) 2 c 3 
 
390 SPARTAN CONSPIRACY 
 
 war in the thirty-first year, they should obtain the wished-for 
 success. If, however, they would invade iEgina immediately, 
 they should, during a time, suffer many evils as well as inflict 
 many ; though in the end they should overthrow the iEgi- 
 netans. The Athenians on receiving this intimation, con-r 
 secrated a fane to JEacus, which now stands in the forum. 
 But after suffering so severely from the iEginetans, they could 
 not endure to hear that they must restrain themselves for 
 thirty years.] 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 LACEDAEMONIAN CONSPIRACY AGAINST ATHENS. 
 
 [But while making preparations to accomplish their revenge, 
 an obstacle was placed in their way by the Lacedaemonians. 
 The Spartans had become acquainted with the practices of 
 the Alcmaeonids in tampering with the Pythian ; and in thus 
 discovering the part she had acted towards themselves and 
 towards the Pisistratids, were doubly vexed;— first because 
 they had expelled men who were their friends from their 
 country ; and then that they had not even won the gratitude 
 of the Athenians for their services. Just at the same time 
 they were moved by predictions signifying that grievous in- 
 juries were about to be inflicted on them by the Athenians. 
 With these predictions they had hitherto been unacquainted ; 
 nor learned them till the return of Cleomenes to Sparta, who 
 brought them away from the Acropolis at Athens. They had 
 before been in the possession of the Pisistratids, but were 
 left in the temple when the tyrants were expelled. Cleo- 
 menes found and took them. On obtaining these predictions, 
 the Lacedaemonians who perceived the rising greatness of the 
 Athenians, and found them not at all disposed to submit to 
 
 (91) 
 
AGAINST ATHENS. 391 
 
 Spartan domination, were not ignorant that if the people of 
 Attica enjoyed freedom, they would soon share political in- 
 fluence with themselves on equal terms ; though if depressed 
 by a tyrannical form of government, they would become feeble 
 and obsequious. — I say, taking these facts into consideration, 
 they sent for Hippias, son of Pisistratus, from Sigeum on the 
 Hellespont, whither the Pisistratids had retired. When, in 
 compliance, with their invitation, he arrived, they convoked 
 also deputies from their allies, whom they addressed in the 
 following terms : — 
 
 " Confederates ! we acknowledge that we have done wrong. 
 — Impelled by deceptive oracles, we have driven from their 
 country men who were bound to us in the strictest friendship, 
 and who moreover were engaged to hold Athens in subjection. 
 And then we delivered the government to an ungrateful people, 
 who after being emancipated by our means, have held up their 
 heads — have insultingly driven out both us and our king, and 
 inflated with pride, are growing in power. Their near neigh- 
 bours the Boeotians and Chaleidians have already learned by 
 experience,, what others who may offend them must presently 
 discover. We have then erred in the course which hitherto we 
 have pursued;, but now, with your concurrence, we will en- 
 deavour to remedy the evils we have occasioned, and to punish 
 the Athenian people. It is then for this cause that we have 
 invited Hippias who is here present, and have also called for 
 you from your several cities, that by concerting our measures 
 and combining our forces, we may lead him back to Athens, 
 and restore to him what we took away." 
 
 Thus spoke the Lacedaemonians, but failed to win the con- 
 currence of the majority of the confederates, who kept silence, 
 till at length Sosicles of Corinth addressed them as follows : — 
 " Shall not the heavens take their place under the earth, and 
 the earth be exalted over the heavens, and men learn to live 
 in the sea, and fishes frequent the abodes of men, now that 
 you Lacedaemonians seek to abolish equality, and are pre- 
 paring to re-establish tyrannies in the cities of Greece — a form 
 of government than which nothing is more inequitable — nothing 
 more sanguinary ! Yet if to you it seems so good that you 
 (92) 2 c 4 
 
392 SPEECH OF 
 
 wish to impose it on the cities, why do you not first set up a 
 tyrant at home, and then endeavour to place them over your 
 neighbours. But now while you yourselves have made no 
 trial of despotic rule, and while you guard against its intro- 
 duction at Sparta with the utmost care, you treat your allies 
 with little respect in wishing to subject them to tyrants. If like 
 us you had experienced the evils we mention, you would have 
 had something better to propose to us on the present occasion. 
 The form of government at Corinth was once oligarchical, and 
 the Bacchiads ruled the state, who intermarried only within 
 their own family. Amphion, a member of this family, had a 
 daughter named Labda, who was lame. None of the Bac- 
 chiads would take her as his wife : she was therefore espoused 
 to Eetion, son of Echecrates, of the town of Petra ; but by 
 extraction he claimed descent from the Lapithse, and from 
 Caenis. Eetion having no children, either by this wife or any 
 other, proceeded to Delphi, to inquire if he should have 
 offspring. Immediately as he entered the temple, the Pythian 
 addressed him in these verses : — 
 
 "Unpraised Eetion ! yet of merit great! 
 Labda is big with ruin for the state 
 Of Corinth's tyrants; and her vengeful son 
 Shall vindicate the sceptre he has won." 
 
 Such was the response of the oracle to Eeton, which by 
 some means came to the knowledge of the Bacchiads, who had 
 been unable to perceive the meaning of one before given relat- 
 ing to Corinth, and which was to the same purport as that of 
 Eetion — it was thus expressed : — 
 
 " Birth of an eagle* in a rocky den, 
 A lion fierce frequents the steps of men. 
 Attend Corinthians — yes, proud Corinth hear, 
 And you who dwell Pirene's fountain near !" 
 
 This first oracle was utterly unintelligible to the Bacchiads ; 
 but when they heard that addressed to Eetion, they understood 
 
 * Aetos, an eagle. 
 
 (92) 
 
SOSICLES. 
 
 393 
 
 the first, agreeing as it did with the second. They therefore 
 observed a strict silence on the subject, intending to destroy 
 the offspring of Eetion as soon as born. Instantly when that 
 event took place, they sent ten of their adherents to the town 
 where Eetion resided, *o put the infant to death. When they 
 reached Petra, and entered the court of Eetion, they asked for 
 the child ; and Labda, knowing nothing of their real intention, 
 and supposing that they inquired for it from a friendly feel- 
 ing towards its father, brought it and placed it in the hands of 
 one of them. While on the way they had agreed that the first 
 who received the infant should dash it on the ground. But 
 when Labda produced the babe, and gave it to one of these 
 men — by a divine providence — it smiled at him, and he noticing 
 the smile, was withheld by a movement of compassion from 
 killing it. With this feeling he delivered it to another, and 
 he to a third, and thus it was passed from one to another of all 
 the ten, none of whom would destroy it. Returning it to its mo- 
 ther they went out, and standing by the door, they accused and up- 
 braided each other, and especially him who had first received the 
 infant, because he had not performed the part to which, by the 
 agreement he was bound. After some time had thus been 
 spent, they resolved again to enter the house, and all to take 
 a part in the murder. But mischiefs for Corinth were destined 
 to spring up from the offspring of Eetion. And Labda, who 
 stood near the door, had heard all that passed among them, 
 and fearing lest they should adopt a new resolution, and again 
 obtain the infant and put it to death, had taken and hidden it 
 in what she deemed the most unlikely place to be discovered, 
 namely — a corn-bin ; for she well knew that if they returned 
 to search for the infant, they would examine every thing, and 
 so it happened. Entering the house again, they looked for it 
 in all directions ; but not finding it, they thought proper to 
 depart, resolving to assure those who had sent them that they 
 had accomplished their commission. And this was the story 
 they actually told on their return. 
 
 The son of Eetion grew, and in remembrance of the danger 
 he had escaped by being hid in a corn-bin (cypsela) was named 
 Cypselus. When he attained manhood, he received at Delphi 
 
 (W) 
 
394 SPEECH OF 
 
 a response of ambiguous import, on the strength of which, he 
 attacked and made himself master of Corinth. The oracre- 
 was as follows : — 
 
 "He comes ! the happy man! withm my walis> 
 'Tis he shall reign in far-famed Corinth's halls. 
 Eetion Cypselus — himself— his son 
 Shall hold the throne : but children's children none."* 
 
 Such was the oracle, and in the exercise of despotic power, 
 Cypselus banished great numbers of the Corinthians ; many- 
 he deprived of their effects, and many more of their lives. 
 After reigning thirty years in continued prosperity, he was 
 succeeded in the tyranny by his son Periander, who at the 
 commencement of his reign ruled with less asperity than his 
 father; but became even more sanguinary after he had 
 held intercourse by messengers with Thrasybulus, tyrant of 
 Miletus. For he had sent a nuncio to Thrasybulus to 
 inquire in what way with the greatest security and honour 
 he should administer his affairs. Thrasybulus conducted the 
 messenger of Periander out of the city, and entered the arable 
 lands : as they passed through the standing corn, he questioned 
 him again and again on the subject of his mission, and con- 
 tinually, whenever he saw an ear of corn rising above the 
 common level, he cut it off, and threw it away, until he had 
 destroyed all the finest and the tallest ears. "When he had 
 in this manner traversed the field, he dismissed the messenger, 
 without giving him a word "of instructions. On his return to 
 Corinth, he was eagerly asked by Periander to report the 
 advice given him by Thrasybulus. But the messenger said he 
 had received none from him; and added that he wondered 
 he had been sent to consult a man so infatuated, that he 
 devastated his own fields — and he related what he had seen 
 done by Thrasybulus. But Periander comprehended the 
 meaning of the action, and understanding that Thrasybulus 
 counselled him to put to death all the most eminent citizens, 
 
 * To reconcile the prediction with the event, some translators 
 have altered the text. — Idle solicitude ! as if Apollo were not wont to lie. 
 
 (92) 
 
sosiCles. 395 
 
 thenceforward displayed the utmost atrocity in his conduct 
 towards the people. 
 
 Those who had escaped the cruelties of Cypselus, were put 
 to death or banished by Periander. In one day he stripped 
 all the Corinthian women of their attire for the sake of his 
 {late) wife Melissa (see page 211). He had sent a depu- 
 tation to consult the oracle of the dead on the banks of the 
 Acheron in Thesprotia, concerning a deposit left with him by 
 some guest. But when Melissa appeared, she refused to 
 impart the required information, or to declare in what place 
 the deposit might be found ; alleging that she was cold and 
 naked, for the garments Periander had buried with her were \ 
 of no use to her — not having been burned, and in proof of the 
 truth of her statement, she reminded Periander that "he had 
 put the loaves into a cold oven." Such was the answer 
 brought back to him by the messengers ; and Periander, re- 
 collecting some circumstances of his conduct towards his 
 wife, perceived the truth of the allusion. Forthwith on re- 
 ceiving this reply, he caused proclamation to be made, requir- 
 ing all the women of Corinth to repair to the temple of Juno. 
 They went therefore clad, as for a festival, in their most 
 becoming attire; and when assembled, his guards whom he 
 had placed for the purpose, stripped them all, as well 
 the free as the slaves. These garments were carried to a pit 
 where, after invoking Melissa, they were burned : after which 
 he sent a second time to the oracle, when the form of Melissa 
 made known where she had placed the stranger's deposit. " 
 
 " Such, Lacedaemonians, is a despotical government, and 
 such the course of conduct pursued under it ! We Corinthians 
 therefore were astonished, when we saw you recal Hippias, 
 but we are still more amazed to hear the sentiments you now 
 advance. And we conjure you by the gods of Greece, whom 
 we invoke as witnesses on the present occasion, not to establish 
 tyrannies in the states. But now, if persisting in your de- 
 sign, you attempt in violation of all justice to re-establish 
 Hippias, know that the Corinthians will not be the approvers 
 of the deed." 
 
 Such was the address of Sosicles, who represented Corinth 
 (93) 
 
396 RETREAT OF HIPPIAS. 
 
 in the assembly ; he was answered by Hippias, who also 
 invoked the same gods, and said that none more than the 
 Corinthians would desire the Pisistratids, when the fated time 
 should arrive that they were to be harassed by the Athe- 
 nians. This he said, being better instructed than any other 
 person in the meaning of the oracles (brought by Cleomenes 
 from Athens.) Hitherto the other confederates had kept 
 silence. But when they heard Sosicles speak with so much 
 freedom, they all, with one voice, made acclamation in favour 
 of the opinion of the Corinthian deputy, and conjured the 
 Lacedaemonians to attempt no innovation in the government 
 of a Grecian city : thus was the enterprize suppressed. 
 
 Repulsed from Sparta, Hippias received from Amyntas 
 king of Macedon, an offer of the city Anthemus, and from 
 the Thessalians that of Iolcus ; but not accepting either, he 
 returned to Sigeum, which Pisistratus had seized from the 
 Mitylenians, and over which he had placed as tyrant Hege- 
 sistratus, his natural son by a woman of Argos. But he did 
 not possess undisputed what had been given him by Pisis- 
 tratus, for the Mitylenians and Athenians, during a long 
 war, made incursions upon each other — the one from 
 Achillea, the other from Sigeum. For while the former 
 claimed the territory as their right, the latter denied the claim, 
 and affirmed that themselves — and indeed all the Greeks who 
 had joined with Menelaus in avenging the rape of Helen, had 
 an equal right with the iEolians in the territory of Ilium. 
 Among the many events which attended this war, was one in 
 which Alcaeus the poet was concerned; — on an occasion 
 when the Athenians were victorious. Alcaeus in the retreat 
 escaped, leaving his arms in their possession, which they sus- 
 pended in the temple of Minerva at Sigeum. The poet com- 
 posed an ode on the subject of his misfortune, which he des- 
 patched to his friend Melanippus at Mitylene. The differ- 
 ence between the Mitylenians and Athenians was at length 
 adjusted by Periander, son of Cypselus, whom they chose as 
 arbiter. He decided that each, should retain what they 
 then held. Sigeum, therefore, remained in possession of the 
 Athenians. 
 
 (95) 
 
ARISTAGORAS AT ATHENS. 397 
 
 When Hippias arrived in Asia, on his return from Lace- 
 daemon, he left nothing untried which might render the Athe- 
 nians obnoxious to Artaphernes, and laboured by all means 
 to bring about the submission of that people to himself and 
 to Darius. The Athenians informed of his practices, sent 
 deputies to Sardis to dissuade the Persians from giving 
 ear to Athenian exiles. But Artaphernes bid them, as 
 they valued their own security, receive Hippias again. The 
 Athenians far from admitting such a condition, resolved to 
 declare themselves the enemies of the Persians.] 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 BURNING OF SARDIS. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 It was while the Athenians entertained these hostile 
 dispositions towards the Persians, who also were incited 503. 
 against them, that Aristagoras the Milesian, dismissed 
 from Sparta by Cleomenes, arrived at Athens — then the 
 most powerful city of Greece. When he appeared before 
 the assembly of the people he spoke of the wealth of Asia, 
 in the same terms as at Sparta, and described also the 
 Persian mode of warfare, mentioning that they carried 
 neither shield nor spear, and were therefore easily van- 
 quished. Then he proceeded to say that the Milesians 
 were a colony from Athens, nothing therefore could be 
 more natural than that they whose power was so great, 
 should deliver the Ionians. With his earnest entreaties 
 he continued to mingle large promises, until he succeeded 
 in winning their consent. It seems that it is more easy 
 to deceive many than one ; for Aristagoras who failed to 
 impose on Cleomenes, the Lacedaemonian, gained his 
 (97) 
 
398 RETURN OF THE PjEONIANS. 
 
 object with thirty thousand Athenians. Their consent 
 being- obtained, they voted twenty ships to be sent in aid 
 of the Ionians. The command of the armament was con- 
 ferred on Melanthius, a citizen of high reputation. 
 These ships became the source of calamities, both to the 
 Greeks and Barbarians. 
 
 Aristagoras embarking before the fleet sailed, returned 
 to Miletus, where he adopted measures from which the 
 Ionians could not possibly derive advantage, nor indeed 
 was that so much his object as to vex Darius. He des- 
 patched a messenger to Phrygia, to communicate with 
 the Peeonians, who had been led captive from the banks 
 of the Strymon by Megabazus, and who at this time in- 
 habited a town and district by themselves, in Phrygia. 
 The messenger thus addressed the Paeonians : — "Peeonians I 
 I am sent by Aristagoras, tyrant of Miletus, to propose to 
 you the means of preservation, if you will yield to his 
 advice. — All Ionia has revolted from the king-; you may 
 therefore now with safety return to your own land. Only 
 repair to the coast, and we will provide for the rest." The 
 Peeonians heard this proposition as the most welcome 
 news, and collecting* their children and their wives, 
 hastened to the coast; yet a few, influenced by their 
 fears, remained behind. The fugitives having reached 
 the coast, immediately passed over to Chios. Scarcely 
 had they landed in the island when a body of Persian 
 horse in pursuit came up, but being too late to secure the 
 Peeonians, sent to them in Chios a command to return ; 
 but they paid no attention to the message. The Chians 
 conveyed them to Lesbos, and the Lesbians transported 
 them to Doriscus, whence they proceeded by land to 
 Pasonia. 
 
 The Athenians arrived with their twenty ships, accom- 
 panied by five triremes from Eretria, which joined the 
 expedition, not in good will to the Athenians, but rather 
 to requite benefits received from the Milesians, for 
 
 (99) 
 
BURNING OF SARDIS. 399 
 
 these had aided the Eretrians in their contest with the 
 Chalcidians, while the Samians supported the Chalci- 
 dians against the Eretrians and Milesians. When these, 
 with other confederates, had arrived, Aristagoras made 
 an attack upon Sardis : he himself did not accompany the 
 expedition, but remaining at Miletus, placed the Milesians 
 under the command of his brother Charopinus, and the 
 forces of the other cities under Hermophantus. The 
 Ionians forming this armament coming to Ephesus, left 
 their ships at Coressus, in the Ephesian territory, and 
 disembarking in great force, took guides from the city, 
 and advanced along the banks of the Cayster: then 
 traversing mount Tmolus, they descended upon Sardis, of 
 which they possessed themselves without opposition — 
 excepting only the citadel, which Artaphernes with a 
 strong garrison maintained., The confederates were pre- 
 vented from pillaging Sardis by an accident. — The greater 
 part of the houses in the city were constructed of reeds, 
 and even such as were of brick were thatched with reed. 
 One of these houses being fired by a soldier, the flames 
 spread from house to house, till the whole city was con- 
 sumed. While the town was burning, the Lydians and 
 the Persians who happened to be in Sardis, seeing them- 
 selves surrounded on all sides — for the extremities of the 
 town were in flames, and no way of escape from the city 
 was open, rushed together into the market-place, and occu- 
 pied the banks of the Pactolus. — This river which brings 
 a great quantity of particles of gold from Mount Tmolus, 
 runs midway through the market-place, and on leaving 
 Sardis, empties itself into the Hermus, and that into the 
 sea. The Lydians and Persians, crowded together on the 
 margin of the river, and in the square, were compelled to 
 defend themselves ; while the Ionians seeing some of the 
 enemy preparing to repel assaults, and others in great 
 force advancing to the attack, retired from the city in a 
 panic, and betook themselves to Mount Tmolus, and thence 
 (101 
 
400 DEFEAT OF THE GREEKS. 
 
 under favour of the night, they descended towards their 
 ships. 
 
 In the general conflagration the temple of Cybele — 
 tutelary goddess of the place, was consumed ; and this 
 accident afterwards furnished the Persians with a pretext 
 for burning in retaliation the Grecian temples. As soon 
 as the Persians on this side the Halys were informed of 
 what had happened, they collected and advanced to aid 
 the Lydians. But not finding the Ionians at Sardis, 
 followed their march, and overtook them at Ephesus. 
 Here the Greeks formed in battle array — engaged the 
 Persians, and were beaten. Many perished, and among 
 other persons of distinction who fell, was Evalcis, 
 general of the Eretrians, who had often been crowned in 
 the games, and much celebrated by Simonides, of Ceos. 
 Those who escaped from the battle dispersed themselves 
 among the different cities. 
 
 Such was the, result of the first encounter. The Athe- 
 nians after what had happened, entirely abandoned the 
 Ionians, and notwithstanding the earnest solicitations of 
 Aristagoras by his deputies, they refused to afford any 
 further aid. Yet though they had lost the Athenian 
 alliance, the Ionians did not remit their preparations for 
 continuing the war; indeed their late conduct towards 
 the king left them no alternative. Sailing to the Helles- 
 pont they reduced Byzantium and all the other cities in 
 that neighbourhood. Then issuing from the Hellespont, 
 they proceeded to Caria, the greater part of which they 
 gained over to join the confederacy. And even Caunus, 
 which at the time that Sardis was burned, refused to enter 
 the alliance, now joined them. 
 
 (103) 
 
401 
 
 SECTION XI. 
 
 REVOLT AND REDUCTION OF CYPRUS. 
 
 The Cyprians, excepting only the citizens of Amathus, 
 freely offered their aid in the same cause. The circumstances 
 of their revolt from the Medes were these. — Onesilus was 
 younger brother of Gorgus, king of Salamis (in Cyprus) 
 who was son of Chersis, son of Siromus, son of Evelthon. 
 This Onesilus had on many former occasions entreated his 
 brother to .revolt from the king ; and when informed that 
 the Ionians were in rebellion, he urged his advice with in- 
 creased vehemence. But finding that he could not per- 
 suade Gorgus, he watched an opportunity when he left 
 Salamis, and then, aided by his partisans, closed the 
 gates. Gorgus thus deprived of his city, fled to the 
 Medes. Onesilus then became master of Salamis, and 
 succeeded in persuading all the people of the island to 
 join the revolt — all I say but the Amathusians, who refus- 
 ing to listen to him, were besieged. 
 
 "VVWle Onesilus surrounded Amathus, Darius was in- 
 formed of the capture and burning of Sardis by the Athe- 
 nians and Ionians, and he was assured that Aristagoras 
 the Milesian, was the leader and contriver of the enter- 
 prize. It is said that on first hearing the news he made 
 light of the Ionians — well knowing that their revolt would 
 cost them dear; but he inquired who these Athenians 
 were ; and being informed, he demanded his bow, which 
 receiving, he adjusted an arrow, and letting fly towards 
 heaven, as it cut the air he exclaimed, — " O, supreme! 
 grant that I may avenge myself of the Athenians." He 
 moreover enjoined one of his ministers whenever he sat 
 (105) 2 D 
 
402 APOLOGY OF HISTIiEUS. 
 
 down to supper, to repeat three times the words — " Sire ! 
 remember the Athenians." 
 
 After giving these commands he ordered Histiaeus of 
 Miletus, who had long been detained, to be brought before 
 him. " Histiaeus," said the king, "I am informed that 
 the man you appointed in your place as governor of 
 Miletus, has excited a revolt against me, and introducing 
 people from the other continent, has associated them with 
 the Ionians — to whom I shall render the recompense of 
 their deeds — and persuading them to follow the Ionians, 
 has taken Sardis from me. Now, therefore, do you 
 think well of this revolt ? Or tell me, could these things 
 have taken place without your advice ? Take care lest you 
 next are held culpable." " My lord," replied Histiaeus, 
 " what have you uttered 1 Could I advise any thing from 
 which damage, great or small might arise to you ? What 
 possible advantage could I aim at in pursuing such a 
 course ? What do I lack ? Do not all things abound to 
 me, even as to you? Am I not trusted with all your 
 counsels ? But if in truth any such movement, as you have 
 mentioned has been made by my deputy, be assured it 
 originates entirely with himself. Yet indeed I can 
 scarcely admit that the Milesians with my deputy have 
 actually excited commotions against you. If they have 
 done so — if what you hear, O king, be fact, see the result 
 of your own conduct in withdrawing me from the coast. 
 The Ionians, it seems, since I was removed from them 
 have endeavoured to effect what they have long desired. 
 Had I been in Ionia not a city would have stirred. 
 Suffer me therefore instantly to proceed to Ionia, that I 
 may restore order in your affairs ; and as for this Mile- 
 sian deputy, who has plotted the mischief, I will deliver 
 him into your hands. And having effected all you wish, 
 I swear by the gods of the realm that I will not lay aside 
 the robe 1 shall wear when I enter Ionia, until I shall have 
 rendered Sardinia — that large island — tributary to you." 
 
 (106) 
 
UNION OF THE CYPRIANS AND IONIANS. 403 
 
 By this speech Histiaeus succeeded in deluding and 
 persuading- Darius, who dismissed him, after enjoining him 
 to return to Susa when he had accomplished all he had 
 undertaken to perform. While these occurrences were 
 taking place at Susa — namely, the arrival of the news from 
 Sardis — the taking the bow by Darius— the conference 
 with Histiseus — his departure and arrival on the coast — 
 the following events happened in Cyprus. — As Onesilus 
 of Salamis besieged the Amathusians, it was announced to 
 him that a numerous Persian fleet under the command of 
 Artybius, a Persian, was to be expected in Cyprus. On 
 receiving this intelligence, Onesilus despatched heralds to 
 the Ionians, to invite their aid. They, without lengthened 
 deliberations, arrived with a large force. The Ionians 
 were already in Cyprus when the Persians, passing over 
 from Cilicia, marched overland to Salamis: meanwhile 
 the Phoenicians with the fleet doubled the promontory 
 called the Keys of Cyprus. 
 
 In this position of affairs the Cyprian tyrants convoking 
 the Ionian commanders thus addressed them. — " Ionians ! 
 we Cyprians offer to your choice an alternative ; — will you 
 engage the Persians, or the Phoenicians 1 If you prefer to 
 try your strength against the Persians in battle array on 
 land, now is the time for you to disembark and form your 
 line. And then we, going on board your vessels, will 
 combat the Phoenicians. But if you would rather your- 
 selves attack them, do so, and whatever your choice may 
 be, there is need you should act as befits those upon whom 
 the liberty of Ionia and of Cyprus depends." " We," 
 replied the Ionians, " have been sent out by the Ionian 
 confederacy to guard the seas, and not to surrender our 
 ships to the Cyprians, or to meet the Persians on land. 
 We shall therefore endeavour to acquit ourselves well of 
 the part assigned to us. Meanwhile you, remembering" all 
 you have suffered under the yoke of the Medes, must 
 behave as becomes brave men." 
 (109) 2 D 2 
 
404 BATTLES BY LAND AND SEA. 
 
 After this conference the Persians, having reached the 
 plain of Salamis, the Cyprian chiefs opposing their other 
 forces to the foreign troops, selected the best of the Sala- 
 minians and Solians to form a front against the Persians. 
 And Onesilus chose a station for himself, in which he 
 might encounter the Persian general Artybius. Artybius 
 rode a horse that had been trained to rear against an 
 armed man. Onesilus who had been informed of this, 
 thus addressed his armour-bearer, a Carian by nation, and 
 a man of approved skill in war, and full of courage : — " I 
 am told that the horse of Artybius rears and attacks who- 
 ever it is opposed to with feet and mouth. Instantly deter- 
 mine, therefore, and say whether you will hold yourself 
 ready to strike the horse, or Artybius himself." His 
 attendant replied, " Sire ! in truth I am ready to do both, 
 or either, and whatever you shall command. Yet I will 
 declare what seems to me most befitting the occasion. — A 
 king or a general should, I think, encounter a king or a 
 general. If you kill a man of rank it will be a high 
 achievement for you; or should he — yet let it not so 
 happen — kill you, you fall by a worthy hand, and so to die 
 is to lessen the calamity by half. But we servants should 
 contend with servants, or with this horse, whose tricks 
 you need not fear. I promise you it shall never more 
 rear against an antagonist." 
 
 Presently the battle joined both on land and sea. The 
 Ionians in their ships fought bravely that day, and over- 
 came the Phoenicians. None distinguished themselves 
 more than the Samians. On land the two armies ap- 
 proached and engaged, and an encounter took place be- 
 tween the two generals : — Artybius riding his horse bore 
 up against Onesilus, and he, as he had agreed with his 
 armour-bearer, struck at the advancing Persian: when 
 the horse reared to plant his feet on the shield of Onesilus , 
 the Carian with his hatchet, cut them off. Artybius the 
 Persian general instantly fell with his horse. 
 
 (112) 
 
DEFEAT OF THE CYPRIANS. 405 
 
 While the fight continued, Stesenor, tyrant of Curium, 
 having a considerable force under his command, went over 
 to the enemy. — The Curians are said to be a colony from 
 Argos. This had no sooner happened than the Salaminian 
 chariots of war also followed the Curians. The Persians 
 by this means obtained superiority over the Cyprians, who 
 turned and fled : a great slaughter ensued, and among the 
 slain were Onesilus, son of Chersis, who had raised the 
 Cypriarj revolt ; and Aristocyprus, son of Philocyprus, 
 king of the Solians. This Philocyprus had been celebrated 
 in verse by Solon, the Athenian — when he visited Cyprus, 
 as the most illustrious of all tyrants. 
 
 The Amathusians whom Onesilus had besieged, cut off 
 his head, and carrying it to their city, hung it over one of 
 the gates. When it became hollow, a swarm of bees 
 entered and rilled it with honey-comb. Observing what 
 had happened, the Amathusians consulted the oracle, and 
 were answered that " They should take the head down, 
 and bury it, and offer annual sacrifices to Onesilus, as to 
 a hero; in doing which they would promote their own 
 welfare." The Amathusians obeyed the injunction, and 
 continue to do so to the present day. 
 
 When the Ionians who had fought off Cyprus were in- 
 formed that the party of Onesilus was utterly ruined, and 
 that the cities were besieged — all excepting Salamis, 
 which the citizens had surrendered to Gorgus their former 
 king, they set sail without delay, and returned to Ionia. 
 Of all the Cyprian cities Soloe sustained the longest seige ; 
 but by undermining the walls on all sides, the Persians 
 took it in the fifth month. Thus after enjoying one year 
 of liberty, the Cyprians were again reduced to servitude. 
 
 (116) 2 d 3 
 
406 
 
 SECTION XII. 
 
 SUBJUGATION OF THE REVOLTED PROVINCES. 
 DEATH OF ARISTAGORAS. 
 
 Daurises who had married a daughter of Darius, and 
 Hymeas, and Otanes, and other Persian generals who also 
 had taken daughters of the king, pursuing the Ionians who 
 had participated in the attack upon Sardis, vanquished 
 them in the field, and drove them on board their ships. 
 Then they divided the cities as a spoil among themselves. 
 Daurises turning his arms against the cities of the Helles- 
 pont, took Dardanum, and Abydos, and Percota, and 
 Lampsacus, and Paesus — each in a single day. But while 
 on his march from Passus to Parium, news was brought 
 him that the Carians, in concert with the Ionians, had 
 revolted from the Persians. Returning therefore from 
 the Hellespont, he led his army towards Caria. 
 
 The Carians heard of his approach before he arrived, 
 and convoked an assembly at the place called the White 
 Pillars, on the banks of the Marsyas, a river which after 
 flowing through the Idrian territory, empties itself into 
 the Maeander. The Carians meeting at this place were 
 much divided in opinion. Of these opinions the best, in 
 my judgment, was that of Pixodarus, son of Mausolus, 
 a Cindyan, who had married a daughter of Syennesis, 
 king of Cilicia. He advised the Carians to pass the 
 Maeander, and having the river in the rear, to engage 
 the enemy, so that being cut off from retreat, and com- 
 pelled to stand their ground, they might acquire a courage 
 more than ordinary. But this opinion did not prevail ; 
 and it was determined rather to let the Persians pass, 
 and have the river behind them, in order that if put to 
 
 (118) 
 
DEFEAT OF THE CARIANS. 407 
 
 flight and overcome in the combat, they might have no 
 retreat, but fall into the river. 
 
 The Persians soon afterwards coming up, passed the 
 Mseander, and immediately gave battle to the Carians 
 on the banks of the Marsyas : a fiercely contested and 
 long continued conflict ensued, but at length the latter were 
 overpowered by numbers. About two thousand Persians 
 fell on the field ; but nearly ten thousand Carians. Those 
 who escaped from the battle were shut up at Labranda, 
 in the temple of Jupiter Stratius, and in the extensive and 
 sacred grove of plane-trees. The Carians are the only 
 people known to worship Jupiter Stratius {the military.) 
 Inclosed in this place they deliberated on the means of 
 safety, and consulted whether it would be best to surrender 
 themselves to the Persians, or to abandon Asia for ever. 
 While discussing this question, the Milesians with their 
 allies arrived to their succour. The Carians now relin- 
 quishing their first proposition, prepared to renew the 
 war, and when the Persians came up, gave them battle ; 
 but after a contest still more obstinate than the former, 
 they were defeated. Great numbers fell, especially of 
 the Milesians. 
 
 Yet afterwards the Carians recovering from this blow, 
 in some measure restored the balance of war. Having 
 learned that the Persians were advancing to attack their 
 cities, they placed an ambuscade on the road to Pedasus. 
 The Persians falling into the snare by night, were put to 
 the sword — they and their commanders Daurises, and 
 Amorgas, and Sisamaces. With them perished also 
 Myrsus, son of Gyges. Heraclides, son of Ibanolis, a 
 Mylassian commanded this ambuscade. Thus perished 
 these Persians. 
 
 Hymeas, one of the generals who pursued the Ionians 
 of the Sardian expedition, turning towards the Propontis, 
 captured Cios in Mysia ; but hearing that Daurises had 
 left the Hellespont to invade Caria, he led' his army 
 (122) 2 d 4 
 
408 PATE OF ARISTAGORAS. 
 
 thither. There he subdued all the iEolians who occupy 
 the Troade, and also the Gergithes — the remaining de- 
 scendants of the ancient Teucrians. After making these 
 conquests Hymeas died of some disease in the Troade. 
 Artaphernes, governor of Sardis, and Otanes, one of the 
 three generals, received instructions to invade Ionia, and 
 the adjoining territory of iEolia. In the former they took 
 Clazomene, in the latter Cyme. 
 
 ThusN fell these cities ; meanwhile Aristagoras the 
 troubler of Ionia, and who had produced such extensive 
 mischiefs, himself displayed a soul of little elevation ; for 
 when he witnessed the course of events he concerted the 
 means of retreat. Indeed he perceived it to be impracti- 
 cable to gain any advantage over Darius ; convoking his 
 partisans, he conferred with them on the state of their 
 affairs : — " It will be well," said he, " for us to have an 
 asylum in case we should be expelled from Miletus ; I ask 
 then whether you would that I should conduct you from 
 this place to settle in Sardinia ; or whether you would 
 repair to Myrcinus of the Edonians, which was given by 
 Darius to Histiaeus, and which he fortified V* 
 
 Hecataeus the historian, son of Hegesander, was of 
 opinion that instead of setting out for either of the places 
 mentioned, he should, if obliged to leave Miletus, construct 
 a fortress in the isle of Leros, and there remain quiet until 
 occasion should offer for issuing out and returning to 
 Miletus. But the decision of Aristagoras was to proceed 
 to Myrcinus. And appointing Pythagoras, a distinguished 
 citizen, to the government of Miletus— took with him all 
 who approved of his design, and sailed for Thrace ; and 
 actually possessed himself of the territory which was the 
 place of his destination. But making an excursion thence, 
 he himself, with all his people, were destroyed by the 
 Thracians, while laying siege to a town from which the 
 people would have gone out on terms of capitulation. 
 
 (126) 
 
BOOK VL 
 
 ERATO. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 CONDUCT OF HISTIAEUS. CONCENTRATION OF 
 FORCES NEAR MILETUS. 
 
 Thus perished Aristagoras, the mover of the Ionian 
 revolt. Histiaeus tyrant of Miletus, as soon as dismissed 
 by Darius from Susa, repaired to Sardis. When he 
 arrived, Artaphernes, governor of that city, asked him by 
 what inducements he supposed the Ionians had been 
 led to revolt. But he, affecting utter ignorance of the 
 actual state of affairs, declared that he could not tell — 
 indeed he was amazed at what had happened. , Arta- 
 phernes perceiving that he was using subterfuges, 
 and well knowing the real origin of the revolt, said, 
 " Histiaeus, the state of the case is this — you made the 
 shoe — Aristagoras put it on."* Histiaeus fearing that 
 Artaphernes understood his intrigues, lost no time when 
 night arrived ; but fled to the coast, and instead of ful- 
 filling his promise to Darius to reduce the island of Sar- 
 
 * If the allusion seems to the modern -reader beneath the dignity of 
 history, and the quality of the speaker — that is nothing to a translator. 
 Larchcr, who renders literally some phrases which may well be gene- 
 ralized, thinks it necessary to veil his author's simplicity from the reader 
 in this and many similar instances. — The very form and colour of antiquity 
 are lost by such squeamish paraphrases. 
 
 (2) 
 
410 INTRIGUES OF HISTI^US. 
 
 dinla, he sought to invest himself with the command of the 
 Ionian forces, that he might carry on the war against 
 him. Passing over to Chios, he was arrested by the 
 people of that island, who accused him of coming, on the 
 part of Darius, to execute some plan of subjugation. 
 But when they learned the whole truth, and that he was 
 really the king's enemy, they released him. 
 
 When asked by the Ionians during his stay in Chios 
 why he had, with so much earnestness, urged Aristagoras 
 to revolt, and by this means wrought so much mischief 
 to Ionia — instead of revealing to them the true reason, 
 he told them that Darius the king had resolved to remove 
 the Phoenicians from their own country, and to settle 
 them in Ionia, and the Ionians in Phoenicia ; and that 
 it was on this account he had despatched the message to 
 Aristagoras ; yet in truth the king had formed no such 
 design. But Histiseus wished to keep the Ionians in 
 alarm. After this he despatched letters to certain Per- 
 sians residing at Sardis, who had previously been in cor- 
 respondence with him on the subject of the revolt. Her- 
 mippus of Atarnea, to whom these letters were entrusted, 
 instead of delivering them to the persons addressed, 
 gave up the packet to Artaphernes. He, having learnt 
 by this means what was going on, commanded Her- 
 mippus to deliver the letters as directed, and to bring to 
 him the answers which these Persians should address in 
 return to Histiaeus. The consequence was an extensive 
 discovery, on the ground of which Artaphernes put 
 many Persians to death, and caused commotions at 
 Sardis. 
 
 Histiseus thus disappointed, was conducted by the 
 Chians to Miletus at his own request. But the Mile- 
 sians pleased to have freed themselves from Aristagoras, 
 and having just tasted the delights of freedom, were the 
 less disposed to admit another tyrant within their ter- 
 ritory. He then made an attempt to enter the city by 
 
 (5) 
 
LAST EFFORT OF THE IONIANS. 411 
 
 force during the jnight, but being wounded in the thigh 
 by a Milesian, and rejected from his state, he returned 
 to Chios ; — thence — as he could not prevail upon the 
 Chians to furnish him with ships, he passed over to Mity- 
 Iene, and met with better success in his application to the 
 Lesbians. They, in eight triremes, sailed under his com- 
 mand to Byzantium, where he fixed his station, and 
 captured all vessels sailing from the Euxine that refused 
 to promise submission to his orders. While Histiseus, 
 with the Mitylenians, was acting this part, a large ar- 
 mament by land and sea, was expected at Miletus ; for the 
 Persian commanders concentrating their forces from all 
 quarters, and forming a combined army, advanced against 
 that city;— they paid little regard to the other towns. 
 In the fleet the Phoenicians displayed the most zeal. 
 The Cyprians — lately subdued, formed part of the arma- 
 ment, as did also the Cilicians and the Egyptians. 
 
 Informed of the advance of the Persians upon Miletus 
 and Ionia at large, the lonians despatched senators to 
 Panionium (pp. 69, 71) where, after the council had con- 
 ferred, it was resolved — That no land army should be 
 sent to oppose the Persians ; but that the Milesians 
 should be left to defend their own city. — That the entire 
 naval strength of the states, without any exceptions, 
 should be fitted out with their full complement of men, 
 and assembling with all speed at Lada, should defend 
 Miletus by sea. — Lada is a small island lying off Miletus. 
 In consequence of this resolution, the Ionian ships, when 
 equipped, repaired to the place appointed, with the 
 iEolians of Lesbos. The fleet formed their line in the 
 following order : — The Milesians themselves, with eighty 
 ships, held the eastern wing ; next to these were twelve 
 ships from Priene ; then the Myusians, with three ; — 
 the Teians with seventeen; next to whom were the 
 Chians with one hundred ships. The Erythrseans who 
 furnished eight, and the Phoceeans three vessels, ranged 
 (8) 
 
412 INTRIGUES OP THE PERSIANS. 
 
 next in order to the Chians. Seventy vessels from 
 Lesbos were placed next to the Phocseans ; and the line of 
 battle was concluded on the western wing by the Sa- 
 mians, with sixty ships. The entire number of vessels 
 constituting the fleet was three hundred and fifty-three. 
 
 The Barbarians numbered six hundred ships. When 
 they arrived off Miletus, and the entire land army had 
 also arrived, the Persian generals, informed of the num- 
 ber of the Ionian fleet, feared that they should not be 
 able to overcome it, and so— not being masters of the 
 sea, should fail in their attack upon Miletus, and incur the 
 king's displeasure. After holding a council, they con- 
 voked those Ionian tyrants, who having been displaced 
 from their governments by Aristagoras, had taken refuge 
 with the Medes, and were present in the army advancing 
 against Miletus. These tyrants were addressed in the 
 following terms by the Persian generals : — " Ionians ! 
 now let the zeal of each of you for the interests of the 
 king appear ! Let each of you endeavour to detach the 
 people of his government from the confederacy. Promise 
 and declare to them that no punishment shall be inflicted 
 on them for the revolt — neither their temples nor their 
 private edifices shall be burned : no unwonted violences 
 shall be put in practice against them. But if they will 
 not yield to this proposition — if they are determined to 
 give battle, threaten them sternly with the ills that shall 
 overtake them ; — that if vanquished in arms, themselves 
 will be sold as slaves, their sons mutilated — their daugh- 
 ters led off to Bactra, and their lands given to strangers." 
 
 The Ionian tyrants thus commissioned were sent by 
 night severally to the people they had governed. But 
 the Ionians to whom these communications were sepa- 
 rately made, supposing the offer was made by the Per- 
 sians to themselves alone, resolutely rejected it, nor would 
 listen to the mention of treachery. This attempt was made 
 immediately after the arrival of the Persians near Miletus. 
 
 (10) 
 
ADVICE OF DIONYSIUS. 413 
 
 The Ionians assembling to deliberate at Lada, were 
 addressed among others by Dionysius, general of the 
 Phocaeans — " Our affairs," said he, " are on the turn of 
 a point. — Ionians ! we are now either to be freemen or 
 slaves ; — yes, we shall be treated as run-away slaves. 
 But yet if you will undergo hardships, and submit to 
 immediate toil, you will become equal to contend with 
 the enemy — to vanquish him, and you will be free. But 
 if you abandon yourselves to present ease and insub- 
 ordination, I can entertain no hope of your escaping the 
 punishment which the king will exact for your rebellion. 
 Yield then to my advice — place yourselves under my 
 command, and — so long as the gods distribute fortune 
 with even hand, I promise you that either the enemy will 
 not engage you, or engaging, shall be vanquished." 
 
 The Ionians surrendered themselves to the direction of 
 Dionysius, who every day exercised the fleet, forming it 
 in line of battle by the oar, and making the ships suc- 
 cessively pass through between the others: meanwhile 
 the marines were held under arms, and all the remainder 
 of the day the ships were kept at anchor,* so that the 
 toils of the men were continued without intermission. 
 During seven days the Ionians yielded obedience, and 
 accomplished their enjoined task ; but on the eighth — 
 having been heretofore unaccustomed to support so much 
 labour, and being now worn out by hardships and the heat 
 of the sun, they began to confer one with another in such 
 terms as these — " What god have we offended that we 
 endure these toils? We lost our reason surely, and have 
 gone mad, in thus yielding ourselves to the controul of a 
 
 * The ancient ships of war being crowded with men, and unfurnished 
 with accommodations, it was usual every day, if possible, to draw them 
 ashore : the crews then disembarked, and formed a naval camp, where 
 they refreshed, slept, and eat. To restore soldier-like habits, Dionysius 
 kept the fleet at anchor throughout the day ; so obliging the men to 
 endure long continued privations. 
 
 (12) 
 
414 SEA FIGHT BETWEEN 
 
 boastful Phocaean — of a man who commands only three 
 ships ! and whom we suffer to afflict us with intolerable 
 hardships ! Many of us have already fallen under dis- 
 eases, and many more have reason to expect the same 
 fate. We might as well endure any ills as these which 
 actually oppress us ; — even slavery itself, of what- 
 ever ^cind, would be preferable to our present woes. 
 Come then, let us no longer obey him." Speeches like 
 this were presently followed by universal disobedience to 
 orders. The men pitched tents like a land army on the 
 island— reposed under the shade, and would neither re- 
 embark, nor be exercised. 
 
 SECTION If. 
 
 NAVAL ENGAGEMENT. FALL OF MILETUS. 
 
 When the commanders of the Samians became ac- 
 quainted with what was passing among the Ionians, they 
 listened to the offers of iEaces son of Syloson, who had 
 before exhorted them on the part of the Persians to 
 abandon the Ionian confederacy. For seeing that an 
 utter dissolution of military discipline among the Ionians 
 had taken place, they plainly perceived it to be imprac- 
 ticable longer to withstand the forces of the king, espe- 
 cially as they well knew that even if the fleet of Darius, 
 now at sea, were captured, another five times as large 
 would presently appear in its place. Influenced also by 
 the hope of preserving their temples and their homes, 
 they seized the occasion offered them by the bad conduct 
 of the Ionians, to desert them. This iEaces, from whom 
 the Samians accepted the conditions, was the son of 
 
 (13) 
 
THE PERSIANS AND IONIANS. 415 
 
 Syloson, son of iEaces, and tyrant of Samos, and had 
 been deprived of his government along with the other 
 Ionian tyrants, by Aristagoras of Miletus. 
 
 The Phoenicians first advanced, and the Ionians formed 
 their line to oppose them : nearing each other the battle 
 joined, but what happened then, or which of the Ionians 
 behaved disgracefully — which with valour, I am not able 
 certainly to declare ; for they mutually accuse each other. 
 The Sanlians are reported — according to their previous 
 agreement with iEaces, to have hoisted sail when the 
 battle joined; and falling from the line to have returned 
 to Samos. Yet eleven ships are excepted, the captains 
 of which refusing to obey their commanders, remained 
 and fought. Afterwards the people of Samos, in comme- 
 moration of the conduct of these eleven captains, erected 
 a column on which, with the names of their ancestry, 
 their bravery was recorded. This colunln now stands in 
 the forum at Samos. The Lesbians, who were next to 
 the Samians, seeing them retire, did the same, and the 
 example was followed by many of the Ionians. 
 
 Among those who maintained the contest, none suffered 
 more severely than the Chians ; for none displayed more 
 gallantry or unyielding valour. They furnished, as I 
 before said, one hundred ships, and in each vessel were 
 forty chosen men of Chios. Though witnessing the 
 treachery of so many of their confederates, they disdained 
 to follow the'bad example, but with the few who remained 
 true to the cause, they continued to break the enemy's 
 line, and captured many of their ships, until most of their 
 own were sunk or disabled. Then, with such as remained, 
 they returned to their island. 
 
 Those Chians vessels which had suffered so much injury 
 as to be disabled, when pursued, sought shelter at Mycale. 
 There the crews running their ships aground, left them, 
 and proceeded overland. These Chians passed on to- 
 wards Ephesus, and it happened that they reached the 
 (16; 
 
416 FATE OF THE 
 
 city during the night, and while the Ephesian women 
 were celebrating the festival called Thesmophoria. The 
 Ephesians who had yet heard nothing of what had hap- 
 pened to the Chians, seeing their territory invaded 
 by a body of armed men, doubted not that they were 
 brigands, come to seize their women. The whole popula- 
 tion coming out to protect them, put the Chians to the 
 sword. Such was their unhappy fate ! 
 
 Dionysius the Phocaean, when he perceived the affairs 
 of the Ionians to be ruined, sailed away with three ships 
 he had captured from the enemy — not indeed to Phocsea, 
 for he well knew that with the rest of Ionia it must be 
 reduced to slavery : — but he proceeded directly to Phoe- 
 nicia, where he seized some merchant vessels, laden with 
 valuable commodities : thus enriched he sailed to Sicily. 
 Thence he made predatory excursions upon the Carthage- 
 nians and Tyrrhenians — always avoiding to injure the 
 Greeks. 
 
 Having gained this naval victory, the Persians imme- 
 diately besieged Miletus by sea and land, and by under- 
 mining the walls, and bringing to bear against them all 
 kinds of military engines, they took it by assault {or, with 
 the citadel?) This happened in the sixth year after the 
 revolt of Aristagoras. The people were sold as slaves. 
 
 [Thus the calamity corresponded with the prediction of the 
 oracle relating to Miletus. On an occasion when the citizens 
 of Argos inquired at Delphi concerning the conservation of 
 their city, they received an answer belonging to others as well as 
 themselves : — for in the response which concerned the Argives, 
 there was a parenthesis uttered for the Milesians ; the former I 
 shall record when I come to speak of the Argives : what related 
 to the Milesians — not then present, was as follows : — 
 
 "And then Miletus, versed in mischief late, 
 A feast and prey to many yield thy state : 
 Thy matrons wash the feet of long-haired bands ; 
 And Didymus is served by other hands." 
 
 (19) 
 
MILESIANS. 417 
 
 The Milesians received the accomplishment of this pre- 
 diction when the greater part of them fell by the swords 
 of the long-haired Persians, and when their wives and chil- 
 dren were sold for slaves. As for the temple of Didymus — 
 the fane and the oracle — all was pillaged and burned. The 
 treasures contained in this temple I have already mentioned 
 on several occasions (p. 44, 175.)] 
 
 Those of the Milesians who had been made prisoners 
 were conducted to Susa. King Darius did not inflict 
 upon them any further sufferings, but established them on 
 the coast of the Erythraean sea, in a town situated at the 
 mouth of the Tigris, named Ampe. The Persians re- 
 served to themselves the country around Miletus, and the 
 plain, and bestowed the highland territory upon the 
 Carians of Pedasus. 
 
 The sufferings of the Milesians from the Persians re- 
 ceived not a grateful return of sympathy from the people 
 of Sybaris, who, driven from their city, occupied Laos 
 and Scidros. When Sybaris was captured by the Cro- 
 tonians, all the Milesians, young and old together, shaved 
 their heads, and made a great lamentation : for the two 
 cities had been united in the bonds of the strictest friend- 
 ship. The Athenians displayed a very different spirit. — 
 Among the many proofs they gave of their sorrow on ac- 
 count of the capture of Miletus was this: — When 
 Phrynichus produced a drama entitled — the Capture of 
 Miletus, the whole theatre burst into tears at the perform- 
 ance, and even condemned the poet to pay a fine of a 
 thousand drachms for having reminded them of mis- 
 fortunes which they regarded as their own. The future 
 performance of the play was also forbidden. 
 
 Thus was Miletus stripped of its inhabitants. 
 
 (22) 2 e 
 
418 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 SAMIANS IN SICILY — DEATH OF HISTI^US. 
 
 Those of the Samians who possessed any property were 
 far from being pleased with the conduct of their generals 
 towards the Medes, and in a council held immediately 
 after the naval engagement, resolved to leave the island 
 and found a colony before the tyrant iEaces should arrive ; 
 lest by remaining they should become his slaves, and the 
 subjects of the Medes. About the same time it happened 
 that the Zanclaeans of Sicily sent messengers to Ionia, 
 inviting that people to Calacte, where they should found 
 an Ionian city. The spot called Calacte (beautiful coast) 
 is on that part of Sicily which is opposite to Tyrrhenia. 
 The Samians alone of all the Ionians actually set out in 
 consequence of the invitation; excepting that some 
 fugitive Milesians accompanied them. While the Sa- 
 mians on their way to Sicily were off the coast of the 
 Epizephyrian Locrians, it happened that the Zanclaeans 
 under their king Scythes were employed in the blockade 
 of a Sicilian town, of which they wished to possess them- 
 selves. Anaxilas, tyrant of Rhegium, who was then at 
 variance with the Zanclaeans, gaining intelligence of what 
 was taking place, held correspondence with the Samians, 
 and persuaded them to dismiss the thought of proceeding 
 on their intended voyage to Calacte, and rather to possess 
 themselves of Zancla, which was then destitute of men. 
 The Samians yielded to the advice, and took Zancla. 
 The Zanclaeans instantly on learning that their city was 
 occupied, advanced to its rescue, inviting the aid of Hip- 
 pocrates, tyrant of Gela, who was their ally. But when 
 
 (23) 
 
THE SAMIANS IN SICILY. 419 
 
 Hippocrates advanced with his army, he put in irons 
 Scythes — prince of the Zanclaeans, and who had already 
 lost his city, with his brother Pythogenes, and sent them 
 to Inycus. The other Zanclseans, after a friendly con- 
 ference and interchange of solemn engagements with the 
 Samians, he delivered up to them. The conditions ex- 
 acted by him were that he should have half of all the 
 effects and slaves found in the city, and the whole of what 
 was in the open country. The greater part of the Zan- 
 claeans he held in chains as slaves; but gave up about 
 three hundred of the principal citizens to the Samians to 
 be slaughtered ; they however did not consummate the 
 deed. 
 
 Scythes, prince of the Zanclaeans, escaped from Inycus 
 to Himera, and from thence found his way to Asia, and 
 presented himself to king Darius, who esteemed him as 
 the most honourable of all the Greeks that had frequented 
 his court, for having asked permission to do so, he visited 
 Sicily, and returned thence to the king. He terminated 
 peacefully a long and happy life at the Persian court. 
 The Samians who (by retiring from Santos) had freed 
 themselves from the Persians, possessed without difficulty 
 the fair city of Zancla. After the naval engagement off 
 Miletus, the Phoenicians, at the command of the Persians, 
 conducted iEaces to Samos, who was highly esteemed by 
 them, and considered as their benefactor. Of all those 
 who had revolted against Darius, the Samians alone — 
 in consideration of their leaving the line in the naval 
 action — were allowed to preserve their city and their 
 temples unburned. Immediately after the fall of Miletus 
 the Persians subdued Caria, in which province some of 
 the people voluntarily submitted, while others were com- 
 pelled to bow by force. 
 
 While Histiseus of Miletus was off Byzantium, seizing 
 the Ionian merchant vessels on their return from the 
 Euxine, he was informed of the fate of Miletus. He 
 (26) '2 E 2 
 
420 ENTERPRISES AND FATE 
 
 then left his affairs in the neighbourhood of the Helles- 
 pont, under the management of Bisaltes, son of Apollo- 
 phanes, of Abydos, and himself, with the Lesbians, 
 sailed to Chios.; but the garrison not admitting him, he 
 fought them in a place called Coeles {the hollows) and 
 put many to the sword : the remaining Chians who had 
 suffered so much in the action off Miletus, Histiaeus, 
 with the Lesbians under his command, succeeded in sub- 
 duing. He made his attack from Polichna. 
 
 Some presages usually foreshow the approach of signal 
 calamities to a city or a nation. Thus to the Chians, 
 before these events occurred, there happened some ex- 
 traordinary portents. In the first place, when they sent 
 to Delphi a chorus of a hundred youths, two of them 
 only returned home, the ninety-eight having been carried 
 off by pestilence. In the next place, about the same 
 time, and very soon before the naval action, the roof of a 
 building in the city fell upon a number of children while 
 learning, so that of a hundred and twenty children, one 
 only survived. Such were the signs sent to them by the 
 god. Presently the sea-fight took place, which brought 
 the commonwealth upon its knees. Then followed the 
 arrival of Histiaeus, with the Lesbians, who found little 
 difficulty in subduing a people already ruined by mis- 
 fortunes. 
 
 From Chios Histiaeus proceeded to attack Thasos, at 
 the head of a large body of Ionians and iEolians : while 
 surrounding Thasos, news reached him that the Phoeni- 
 cians, parting from Miletus, were advancing against the 
 other parts of Ionia. He therefore left Thasos unsub- 
 dued, and proceeded with his whole force to Lesbos ; 
 while there, his army suffering famine, he passed to the 
 main, intending to reap the harvests of Atarnea, and 
 afterwards of the plain of Caecus, belonging to the My- 
 sians. But it happened that Harpagus, the Persian 
 general, was then occupying that territory with no incon- 
 
 (28) 
 
OF HISTIjEUS. 421 
 
 siderable force ; and giving battle to Histiseus as soon as 
 he landed, took him prisoner, and destroyed the greater 
 part of his army. The circumstances of his capture were 
 these. — The Greeks fought the Persians at Malena in 
 Atarnea, and for a long time maintained their ground; 
 but at length yielded under a charge of the Persian 
 cavalry, and by this means the conflict was decided. 
 When the Greeks gave way, Histiseus entertaining a 
 hope that the punishment due to his present offence 
 would not be inflicted by the king, was seized by a strong 
 love of life — as he fled he was arrested by a Persian 
 soldier, who was about to pierce him to the heart ;. but 
 Histiasus, in the Persian language, made himself known » 
 If he had been preserved, and led before Darius, I am 
 of opinion that he would have suffered no punishment, 
 but would have received pardon for his fault. It was in 
 this very expectation, and lest if suffered to escape their 
 hands, he should regain his influence with the king, that 
 Artaphernes, governor of Sardis, and Harpagus, whose 
 captive he was, as soon as he reached Sardis, affixed his 
 body to a cross, and preserving his head with condiments, 
 sent it to Darius at Susa. When the king was informed 
 of all that had taken place, he severely blamed those 
 concerned in the transaction for not bringing him alive into 
 his presence. The head he caused to be cleansed, adorned 
 for burial, and interred with the honour due to a man 
 who had performed signal services to the king and the 
 Persians. 
 
 (30) 2 e 3 
 
422 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 REDUCTION OF THE ISLANDS — MILTIADES. 
 
 The Persian fleet after passing tne winter near Miletus, 
 set sail in the following year, and without difficulty took 
 possession of the islands nearest to the continent — namely 
 Chios, Lesbos, and Tenedos. The Barbarians as soon as 
 they had made themselves masters of an island, captured the 
 inhabitants as fish are taken by a drag-net from a pond ; for 
 joining hand to hand, they extended their line across from 
 the northern to the southern shores, and so traversing the 
 island, caught the inhabitants. A like principle was acted 
 on in taking the Ionian cities of the continent ; yet the same 
 mode of capturing the people was not there practicable. 
 Nor did the Persian generals fail to accomplish the 
 threats they had uttered when the two armies were 
 opposed ; for on taking any city they selected the hand- 
 somest youths to be mutilated, and the most beautiful 
 virgins were torn from their families and sent to the king. 
 They burned also the cities with the temples. Thus was 
 Ionia a third time reduced to servitude; once by the 
 LydiaUs, and then twice by the Persians. 
 
 Leaving Ionia, the fleet proceeded to the Hellespont, 
 and captured all the towns on the left {European side) 
 for those on the right had already been subdued by the 
 Persians, advancing from the continent. On the European 
 side of the Hellespont is the Chersonese, containing 
 many cities, as Perinthus, and the fortified places of 
 Thrace, and Selybria, and Byzantium. The people of 
 Byzantium and of Chalcedon, on the opposite coast, did 
 not wait the arrival of the Phoenicians, but leaving their 
 
 (33) 
 
MILTIADES THE ELDER. 423 
 
 abodes, betook themselves to the shores of the Euxine, 
 and founded the city Mesambria. After burning the 
 towns on these coasts, the Phoenicians turned towards 
 Proconnesus, andArtace; here also they gave all to the 
 flames. Then they returned to the Hellespont, accom- 
 plishing the capture and destruction of such towns as 
 they had failed to take on their first arrival. Cyzicus 
 they did not attack, for the people of that place had be- 
 fore submitted to the> king by treaty, concluded with 
 CEbares son of Megabazus, governor of Dascylium. The 
 Phoenicians succeeded in their attack upon every town of 
 the Chersonese, excepting only Cardia. 
 
 [These towns had hitherto been ruled by Miltiades, son of 
 Cimon, son of Stesagoras, who had received the tyranny from 
 Miltiades, son of Cypselus, and he had acquired it in the follow- 
 ing manner : — The Dolonces of Thrace had held the Cher- 
 sonese : they, being pressed upon in war by the Absinthians, 
 sent their chiefs to Delphi, to inquire concerning the war. The 
 Pythian told them " to lead with them, as founder of a colony, 
 him who, on their return from the .temple, should first invite them 
 to his house." The Dolonces proceeding along the sacred way, 
 passed through Phocis and Bceotia, and as no one had invited 
 them, they turned towards Athens. Pisistratus at that time 
 held the sovereign power at Athens. Miltiades, also, son of 
 Cypselus, exercised considerable influence. His family was 
 of the rank to maintain chariots for the games, and reckoned 
 their descent from iEacus and iEgina ; though in later times 
 they had been numbered among the Athenian citizens. The 
 first of the family naturalized at Athens was Philaeus, son of 
 Ajax. This Miltiades, being seated in the porch before his 
 own house, when the Dolonces passed, and having noticed 
 that their dress and javelins were foreign, challenged them — 
 and when they approached, offered them shelter and enter- 
 tainment. They accepted the invitation, and while receiving 
 his hospitalities, made known to him the answer of the oracle, 
 and entreated him to yield to the commands of the god. 
 (35) 2 e 4 
 
424 MILTIADES 
 
 Miltiades already vexed with the rule of Pisistratus, and 
 wishing to leave his country, listened favourably to the pro- 
 position. Presently he set out for Delphi, to inquire of 
 the oracle whether he should comply with the petition of the 
 Dolonces. 
 
 The Pythian ratified their request, and so Miltiades, son of 
 Cypselus, who before had won prizes in the chariot race, 
 taking with him all the Athenians who were disposed to share 
 in the enterprize, sailed with the Dolonces, and possessed 
 himself of the territory. Those who introduced him estab- 
 lished him as tyrant of the country. The first thing he did,' 
 was to construct a wall to protect the Chersonese : it was 
 carried across the isthmus from Cardia to Pactya, and was 
 designed to preclude the predatory incursions of the Absin- 
 thians. The width of the isthmus is thirty-six furlongs, and 
 the length of the Chersonese, reckoning from the isthmus, is 
 four hundred and twenty furlongs. Having fortified the neck 
 of the Chersonese, and by this means repelled the Absin- 
 thians, he next attacked Lampsacus ; but the people of that 
 city placed an ambuscade, and took him prisoner. Miltiades 
 was in favour with Croesus king of Lydia, who on learning what 
 had happened, sent a message, commanding the Lampsacians 
 to release him — " or he would destroy them like pines." The 
 people of Lampsacus were quite unable to divine the meaning 
 of Croesus when he threatened " to destroy them like pines." 
 At length, after many surmises, one of the elders guessed the 
 true meaning — for he reminded them that the pine is the only 
 tree which, if once cut down, puts forth no shoot, but utterly 
 perishes. Dreading the power of Croesus, they therefore 
 released Miltiades. 
 
 Not long after he had thus escaped by the intervention of 
 Croesus, Miltiades died childless, and left his sovereignty and 
 his property to Stesagoras, son of his brother Cimon, by the 
 mother. After his death, the people of the Chersonese, ho- 
 noured Miltiades with sacrifices, and horse-races, and gym- 
 nastic contests, as it is customary to do to a founder : in these 
 games no citizen of Lampsacus is permitted to contend for the 
 prize. The war with that city still continued, when Stesa- 
 
 (38) 
 
THE YOUNGER. 425 
 
 goras met his death, which happened from the stroke of an 
 , axe, given him in the Prytaneum by a man who, under the 
 guise of a deserter, proved himself to be indeed worse than 
 an open enemy. Stesagoras died childless, and immediately 
 Miltiades, son of Cimon, and brother of the late Stesagoras, 
 was sent to assume the government by the Pisistratids. They 
 had before treated him with kindness at Athens, as if they 
 had not been parties to the death of his father Cimon — the 
 circumstances of which I shall presently relate. When he 
 arrived, he kept himself within his palace, as if, forsooth, he 
 would pay respect to his brother Stesagoras. On hearing 
 this, the principal persons from all parts of the Chersonese 
 came together, and in a body presented themselves to condole 
 with him ; but he made them his prisoners. He also strength- 
 ened his rule over the Chersonese, by maintaining a body of 
 five hundred auxiliaries, and he married Hegesipyla, daughter 
 of Olorus, king of Thrace.] 
 
 Miltiades, son of Cimon, had not long established him- 
 self in the Chersonese, when he was involved in troubles 
 greater than those which at first beset him. In the third 
 year after his arrival, he fled before the nomadic Scythians, 
 who, harassed by Darius, had collected their forces and 
 advanced even as far as the Chersonese. Miltiades, not 
 daring to await their approach, left the country ; but 
 when they retired the Dolonces brought him back. These 
 events happened three years before (the Ionian troubles).* 
 
 When he learned that the Phoenicians were at Tenedos, 
 Miltiades, filling five triremes with his treasures, sailed 
 away for Athens. Parting from Cardia, his course lay 
 through the gulf of Melas, and as he coasted the Cher- 
 sonese, the Phoenicians met with him. Miltiades himself 
 with four of his vessels escaped to Imbros ; the fifth was 
 pursued and taken by the Phoenicians : and it happened 
 
 * A chronological difficulty besets this passage, with which the general 
 leader need not be troubled. Probably the text is corrupted. 
 
 (41) 
 
426 PACIFICATION OF IONIA. 
 
 to be the cue commanded by his eldest son Metiochus — 
 not by the daughter of Olorus-.uking of Thrace, but by 
 another wife. When the Phoenicians on capturing the 
 vessel discovered that the captain was son of Miltiades, 
 they, in expectation of winning especial favour, conducted 
 him to the king ; for it was Miltiades who had advised 
 the Ionians to yield to the entreaties of the Sythians, and 
 to dissolve the bridge, and retire to their homes. But 
 Darius, when Metiochus was brought to him by the 
 Phoenicians, instead of doing him any ill, loaded him with 
 favours — bestowing upon him a house, with possessions, 
 and a Persian wife, who bore him children that took rank 
 among the Persians. From Imbros Miltiades proceeded 
 to Athens. 
 
 In this year the Persians ceased to carry on any further 
 hostilities against the Ionians ; but rather conferred upon 
 them some signal benefits. Artaphernes, governor of 
 Sardis, summoning deputies from the different cities, 
 obliged them to enter into engagements among them- 
 selves to abstain from violences, and to refer their dis- 
 putes to legal decisions. In effecting this improvement 
 he exerted his power. He also measured the Ionian 
 lands by the Persian parasang — equal to thirty furlongs, 
 and according to these measurements he regulated the 
 tribute to be paid by each district. The taxes as then 
 established by Artaphernes have continued to be paid 
 from that time to this ; and indeed they were then nearly 
 the same as they had been before. These proceedings 
 restored peace to the country. 
 
 (42) 
 
427 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 ATTEMPT UPON GREECE UNDER MARDONIUS. 
 
 In the spring-, the other generals having been dis- 
 missed by the king, Mardonius, son of Gobryas, descended 
 towards the coast at the head of a very numerous army 
 of foot, and attended by a large body of marines. Mar- 
 donius was young, and had lately married Artazostra, 
 daughter of king Darius. When he arrived in Cilicia 
 he himself embarked, and proceeded with the entire 
 fleet. While the land forces, under the command of 
 other generals, marched towards the Hellespont. Coast- 
 ing the shores of Asia, he reached Ionia, where he 
 effected a change which will appear incredible to those 
 Greeks who cannot believe that Otanes — one of the seven 
 Persians, proposed to establish democracy in Persia. — 
 Mardonius deposed all the Ionian tyrants, and established 
 democracy in each state. This done, he urged Kis course 
 towards the Hellespont, where collecting together a vast 
 assemblage of vessels, he transported his numerous army 
 and marched forwards on European ground, professedly 
 to attack Eretria and Athens. 
 
 These two cities were the professed objects of the ex- 
 pedition ; but in truth it was intended to subdue as many 
 as possible of the Grecian states. The fleet in the first 
 instance reduced Thasos* without opposition ;• meanwhile 
 the army imposed the yoke of slavery upon those of the 
 Macedonians who hitherto had been free; for all the 
 tribes of that nation nearest to Asia^ were already sub- 
 jugated. The fleet passing over from Thasos, coasted the 
 main land as far as Acanthus; from thence they pro- 
 (44) 
 
428 FAILURE OF MARDONIUS. 
 
 ceeded to double mount Athos. But while sailing round 
 the headland, a violent and embarrassing gale of wind 
 sprung up from the north, by which great numbers of 
 the ships were cast upon Athos, and utterly broken. — 
 It has even been said that as many as 300 ships 
 were lost, with 20,000 men. The waters around mount 
 Athos are peculiarly infested with monsters of the deep — 
 these caught and devoured many — many were dashed 
 on the rocks — many perished because unskilled in swim- 
 ming, and some died of cold. Such was the fate of the 
 fleet. 
 
 While Mardonius with the army was encamped in 
 Macedonia, the Brygian Thracians fell upon them by 
 night, killed many, and even wounded Mardonius : not- 
 withstanding this success, they did not escape subjugation 
 by the Persians ; for Mardonius would not quit the coun- 
 try until he had vanquished them. Having accomplished 
 this conquest, the check the army had received from the 
 Brygians, and the signal discomfiture of the fleet at 
 Athos, induced him to retrace his steps ; and thus dis- 
 gracefully did this expedition retire into Asia. 
 
 In the next year after these events, the Thasians, having 
 been accused by their neighbours of hatching rebellion, 
 Darius despatched a messenger, commanding them to 
 demolish their fortifications, and to send their ships to 
 Abderal The Thasians having suffered a siege from 
 Histiaeus, and being in possession of ample revenues, 
 employed their wealth in constructing ships of war, and 
 in surrounding their city with a wall stronger than here- 
 tofore. The Thasian revenues proceeded in part from 
 possessions on the continent, and in part from the mines 
 of the island. The gold mines of Scapte-Hyla ordinarily 
 produce eighty talents, those of the island somewhat less ; 
 yet so much that the Thasians, though commonly exempt 
 from taxes on the produce of the soil, commanded a 
 yearly revenue from the continent and from the mines of 
 
 (46) 
 
HERA LPS SENT TO GREECE. 429 
 
 two huadred talents, and sometimes it amounted even to 
 three hundred- I have myself seen these mines. The 
 most admirable of them are those which were discovered 
 by the Phoenicians, who with Thasos colonized the island, 
 which received from him its name. The Phoenician 
 mines are found in that part of the island which lies mid- 
 way between ^Enyra and Ccenyra, and opposite to Samo- 
 thrace. A mountain of no inconsiderable magnitude has 
 been utterly subverted by the continued quest of ores. 
 The Thasians, at the command of the king, actually de- 
 molished their walls, and sent all their ships to Abdera. 
 
 The next step taken by Darius was to try the dispo- 
 sitions of the Greeks, and to discover whether they 
 would engage in war, or surrender themselves to him. 
 He therefore despatched heralds separately to the several 
 states throughout Greece, " to demand earth and water 
 for the king." These being despatched to Greece, others 
 were sent off to the several tributary maritime states, 
 commanding them to provide ships of war, and transports 
 for cavalry. The requisition was complied with by these 
 cities. Meanwhile the heralds arrived in Greece, and 
 many of the continental Greeks yielded the gifts demanded 
 by the Persian ; nor did any of the islanders from whom 
 they were asked refuse. Among these who presented 
 earth and water to Darius were the people of ^Egina : — 
 no sooner had this been done, than the Athenians took 
 the alarm, not doubting that they had done so with an ill- 
 intention towards themselves, and with the resolution to 
 join the Persians in the invasion of Attica. They there- 
 fore readily seized the pretext for repairing to Sparta, 
 where they accused the iEginetans of having acted as 
 traitors against Greece. 
 
 On this accusation Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides, 
 the then king of Sparta, passed over to ^Egina, intending 
 to seize the most culpable of the citizens ; but in prose- 
 cuting this attempt he was opposed by many of the 
 (50) v 
 
430 CLEOMENES AT jEGINA. 
 
 iEginetans, among- whom the most distlnguislted was 
 Crius, son of Policritus, who said, " that he should not 
 with impunity take away one citizen of iEgina — that he 
 acted on this occasion without the consent of his com- 
 monwealth, and only upon the instigation of Athenian 
 gold ; — otherwise he would have been accompanied by 
 the other Spartan king." This he said on the ground of 
 instructions received from Demaratus. Thus repulsed 
 from iEgina, Cleomenes, when about to depart, asked 
 Crius what his name might be — when he told him, the 
 Spartan king replied, " Now then, Ram, (crios, a ram,) 
 tip your horns with brass ; for you are about to butt upon 
 signal mischiefs." 
 
 Meanwhile Demaratus, son of Ariston, who remained 
 at Sparta, accused Cleomenes. He was himself king, 
 and though sprung from the younger branch of the same 
 stock, was in no other respect inferior to the descendant 
 of Eurysthenes. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 KINGS OF SPARTA. 
 
 [The Lacedaemonians, in opposition to all the poets, affirm 
 that it was by king Aristodemus himself, son of Aristomachus, 
 son of Cleodaeus, son of Hyllus, they were conducted into the 
 country they now inhabit ; and not by the sons of Aristodemus. 
 Not long after their arrival, say they, Argia, wife of Aristo- 
 demus, who was daughter of Autesion, son of Tisamenes, sou 
 of Thersander, son of Polynices, brought forth twins: — the 
 king their father lived only long enough to see the infants. 
 The Lacedaemonians of that age wished, in conformity with 
 
 (52) 
 
THE SONS OF ARISTODEMUS. 431 
 
 their laws, to invest the eldest son with the kingly dignity ; 
 but they knew not which of the two to take, for the children 
 were alike in figure and size. Unable to decide even after 
 some time, any better than at first, they asked the mother; 
 but she replied that, " even she could not distinguish the one 
 from the other." — She did indeed know, but professed her 
 ignorance, in order that, if possible, both might be made kings. 
 Under this incertitude, the Lacedaemonians sent to Delphi to 
 inquire what they should do. The Pythian enjoined them " to 
 account both sons their kings ; but to honour most the eldest." 
 This answer left them in the same difficulty as before, in dis- 
 covering which was the eldest. At length a Messenian, 
 named Panites, advised them to watch the mother, and to see 
 whether she invariably washed and fed one of her sons before 
 the other ; and if so, they might consider their doubts ended, 
 and the wished-for discovery to be made. But if she deviated 
 in her treatment of them from the same course, and attended 
 to them interchangeably, they might conclude that she knew 
 no more than themselves on the subject of their inquiry ; and 
 in that case they must adopt some other course. In pur- 
 suance of the advice of the Messenian, the Spartans having, 
 unknown to her, observed the conduct of the mother of the 
 sons of Aristodemus, found that in fact she gave to one the 
 honour of her first cares in washing and dressing. They 
 therefore considered the one so distinguished by the mother as 
 the elder of the two, and in consequence reared him in public, 
 and gave him the name Eurysthenes : the younger they called 
 Procles. When they attained manhood, though brothers, a 
 variance arose between them, which continued unabated 
 throughout their lives, and the same dissension has been per- 
 petuated between their descendants. 
 
 Such is the account given by the Lacedaemonians ; but I 
 must now relate what is said by the other Greeks. These 
 exhibit exactly the succession of Dorian kings, up to Perseus, 
 son of Danae — omitting the god — and prove them to have 
 been Greeks ; for even so early they were numbered among 
 the Greeks. I have said up to Perseus, and have not as- 
 cended higher, because Perseus has no sir-name derived from 
 (53) 
 
432 THE SPARTAN KINGS. 
 
 a mortal father ; and may thus be compared with Hercules, 
 in regard to Amphitryon. I may therefore properly stop at 
 him. But if we ascend from Danae, daughter of Acrisius, 
 it will appear that the ancestors of the Dorian princes were of 
 Egyptian origin. Thus are these genealogies reckoned by the 
 Greeks. Yet according to the Persian traditions, Perseus 
 was an Assyrian, who became a Greek, though his progenitors 
 were not ; yet they agree that he was not of kin to the ances- 
 tors of Acrisius, who were Egyptians, as the Greeks also 
 affirm. — But enough of this. How, being Egyptians, they 
 obtained sovereignty over the Dorians, has been explained by 
 others, and I may omit to declare ; but shall rather record 
 some particulars which others have passed over. 
 
 The privileges granted by the Spartans to their kings are 
 these : — Two priesthoods — that of Jupiter Lacedaemonius, and 
 that of Jupiter Uranius. — They may carry war into whatever 
 country they think fit ; nor has any Spartan the right to oppose 
 them in the exercise of this prerogative, or in attempting to do 
 so, becomes obnoxious to the charge of sacrilege. On the 
 march, the kings lead the van, and bring up the rear in a 
 retreat : a band of one hundred chosen men attends them in 
 the field, as a body guard. In their expeditions, they are 
 allowed to take as much cattle as they please, and the skins 
 and shoulders of all the victims are their perquisite. These 
 are their privileges in time of war. 
 
 Those enjoyed in time of peace are the following: — in all 
 public religious festivals the kings take the first seats. They 
 are first served, and each receives a double portion of all the 
 meats : their's is the right of offering the first libations ; and 
 they claim the skins of all animals sacrificed. On the new 
 moon, and the seventh day of every month, a perfect victim is 
 given to each of them at the public cost, which is sacrificed 
 in the temple of Apollo; also a medimnus of barley-meal, and 
 a quart of wine — Laconian measure. In the games they take 
 the chief seats. They nominate whom they please among the 
 citizens to entertain public guests. It is the part of each 
 king also to choose two Pythia ons employed to 
 
 be sent to Delphi to consult the j and they are maintained 
 
 (57) 
 
THE SPARTAN KINGS. 433 
 
 at the public cost by the kings at home. If the kings do not 
 make their appearance at the public supper, two choenices of 
 barley-bread are sent home to each of them, with a small pint 
 of wine : — if they are present, they have a double portion of 
 all. The same honour is conferred upon them, when invited 
 to a private house. To the kings is committed the conser- 
 vation of the responses of oracles ; yet the Pythions are privy 
 to them also. It is their province, and their's alone, to 
 decide in the following cases, and in these only — an heiress 
 who has not been affianced by her father is given in marriage 
 by the kings. They decide questions relative to the high- 
 ways. Any one who wishes to adopt a child, must enter upon 
 the engagement in presence of the kings. They sit in the 
 senate of eight- and-twenty elders, or if not present, their 
 place is supplied by one of the senators who is nearest of kin 
 to them, and who then gives three votes — two for the kings, 
 and one for himself. 
 
 Such are the honours conferred by the Spartans upon their 
 kings during life : on occasion of the death of a king, horse- 
 men are instantly despatched in all directions through Laconia, 
 to announce the event : at Sparta the women go about the 
 city beating caldrons, upon hearing which two free persons 
 from every household — a man and a woman — are by an inevi- 
 table necessity required to disfigure themselves as mourners ; 
 or in default of doing so, are liable to heavy inflictions. The 
 usages of the Lacedaemonians, in relation to the sepulture of 
 their kings, are very much the same as those of the barbarians 
 of Asia ; for in truth almost all the barbarians observe the 
 same ceremonies on occasion of a royal death. When a Lace- 
 daemonian king dies, a certain number of Lacedaemonians 
 from all parts of the country, besides the Spartans, are com- 
 pelled to attend the funeral. When these, with the helots and 
 Spartans, amounting to many thousands, are assembled, men 
 and women together; they all zealously strike their foreheads, 
 and utter unbounded lamentations, and profess always that this 
 last of their kings was the best. When a king dies in war, 
 they form an effigy of him, which is placed in a richly furnished 
 litter, and borne forth. During ten days after the interment 
 (58) 2 f 
 
434 CLEOMENES AND DEMARATUS. 
 
 no assemblies of the people are held, nor any sittings of magis- 
 trates ; but the whole time is given up to mourning. 
 
 In another instance also they resemble the Persians ; for on 
 the death of a king, his successor immediately on his accession 
 remits the payment of all sums due by any Spartan to the late 
 king, or to the public : — among the Persians, the successor to 
 the throne remits the tribute due in all cities of the empire. The 
 Lacedaemonians agree in some customs with the Egyptians: 
 among both people the function of heralds, pipers, and cooks, 
 is hereditary : — the son of a piper is a piper — of a cook, a 
 cook — of a herald, a herald. Nor is the son ever excluded 
 from his hereditary office because he is excelled by some one 
 in the excellency of his voice ; but the right of birth rather is 
 respected.] 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 CLEOMENES AND DEMARATUS. 
 
 At the time of which we have been speaking, Cleo- 
 menes being- at iEgina, promoting the common interests 
 of Greece, was accused by Demaratus, moved not so 
 much by good-will to the people of that island, as by 
 envy and jealousy. Cleomenes on his return from iEgina 
 resolved to deprive Demaratus of the kingly dignity, 
 and in making the meditated attack he was furnished 
 with a pretext. 
 
 [Ariston, king of Sparta, had two wives, but no children ; 
 after a time he married a third wife. He was on terms of 
 most intimate friendship with a certain citizen of Sparta, whose 
 wife was a woman of singular beauty, though she had been 
 at first remarkably ugly. She was the daughter of opulent 
 
 (61) 
 
ARISTON. 435 
 
 parents, and her nurse perceiving that they were greatly afflicted 
 by the extreme deformity of their child, devised the following 
 course: — she took her every day to the temple of Helen, 
 which stands in a place called Therapne, above the temple of 
 Phoebeum. When the nurse brought the child, she stood 
 with it before the statue, and prayed the goddess to dispel the 
 deformity of the babe. One day it is affirmed, as the nurse 
 was returning from the temple, a woman presented herself, 
 and inquired what she carried in her arms. " An infant," re- 
 plied the nurse. The woman then asked that it might be 
 shewn to her ; but the nurse refused ; for the parents had 
 enjoined her to let it be seen by no one : still the woman 
 urged her request, and displayed so much desire to see it, that 
 at length she showed her the child. — The woman touching its 
 head, pronounced that it should excel in beauty all the women 
 of Sparta. From that very day its appearance changed. 
 When she became marriageable, she was espoused to Agetus, 
 son of Alcides, the friend of Ariston. Ariston smitten with 
 the beauty of his friend's wife, adopted this means to make her 
 his own. — He engaged to give to his friend whatever he should 
 choose among all his treasures, on condition that he in return 
 would do the like. Agetus having no fear for his wife, know- 
 ing that Ariston was married, consented to the proposal ; and 
 they confirmed the conditions with oaths. Then Ariston gave 
 whatever it was that Agetus selected from the treasures of the 
 king, and in like manner sought the fulfilment of the agreement 
 from his friend, and attempted to take his wife home to him- 
 self ; but he wished to except her from the engagement ; yet 
 at length feeling himself compelled by his oath, and the fraud 
 that had been practised, he suffered her to be led away. Aris- 
 ton having put away his second wife, married this third, who ere 
 long gave birth to Demaratus. The news that a son was born 
 to him was brought to Ariston by one of his servants, while 
 seated on the bench with the ephors. He exclaimed with an oath , 
 " This cannot be mine." This was heard by the ephors ; yet at 
 the moment they gave it no particular attention. As the child 
 grew, Ariston repented of what he -had said, for altogether he 
 reckoned Demaratus to be his son. He received the name 
 (63) 2 f 2 
 
436 CLEOMENES AND 
 
 Demaratus, because the whole Spartan people (demos) had 
 uttered prayers (am) that Ariston, the most approved of all 
 their kings, might have a son. 
 
 In progress of time Ariston died, and Demaratus succeeded 
 to the throne. But it seems to have been inevitable that the 
 word which had been noised abroad should deprive him of his 
 honours. He had become odious to Cleomenes, first when he 
 led off the army from Eleusis, and now on account of his con- 
 duct when Cleomenes went against the medizing JEginetans. 
 Eager to avenge himself, Cleomenes entered into an agreement 
 with Leotychides, son of Menares, son of Agis, (or Agesilaus) 
 and of the family of Demaratus ; — he was to follow Cleomenes 
 to JEgina, if the latter could place' him in the room of Dema- 
 ratus on the throne. Leotychides entertained an extreme 
 animosity against Demaratus, because, when affianced to Per- 
 cale, daughter of Chilon, son of Demarmenus, Demaratus had 
 supplanted him in the connexion, and had actually carried off 
 Percale, and retained her as his wife. Such was the cause of 
 the enmity borne by Leotychides to Demaratus; and, insti- 
 gated by Cleomenes, he declared with the solemnity of an 
 oath, that " Demaratus not being the son of Ariston, had not 
 lawfully become king of Sparta." This solemn affirmation 
 he followed up by every where recalling to the recollection of 
 the people the speech of Ariston, when informed that he had a 
 son, and when he declared that it was not his. Leotychides 
 taking advantage of this declaration, made it appear that 
 Demaratus, not being the son of Ariston, was not by right 
 king of Sparta, and he adduced the ephors as witnesses who 
 had sat with Ariston and had heard what he said. 
 
 At length, as disputes ran high on the question, the Spartans 
 thought proper to consult the Delphic oracle, and to ask, " If 
 Demaratus was the son of Ariston." It was by the manage- 
 ment of Cleomenes, though not generally known to be so, 
 that this reference was made to the Pythian, and he had 
 engaged the interest of Cobon, son of Aristophantus — a man 
 possessed of very great influence at Delphi ; and Cobon pre- 
 vailed with Perialla, the priestess of Apollo, to give such a 
 response as Cleomenes wished. And so, when consulted by 
 
 (66) 
 
DEMARATUS. 437 
 
 the messengers, the Pythian decided that Demaratus was not 
 the son of Ariston. Some time afterwards this intrigue be- 
 coming matter of notoriety, Cobon fled from Delphi, and 
 Perialla the chief priestess was deprived of her dignity. Ne- 
 vertheless by these means Demaratus lost the sovereignty, and 
 afterwards retired from Sparta, and went over to the Medes, 
 on occasion of the following contumely. — After his deposition 
 he was chosen to exercise a magistracy, and while presiding 
 at certain games of the Spartan youth, Leotychides, who had 
 become king in his place, sent an attendant, mockingly and in 
 contempt, to ask Demaratus " what he thought of the magis- 
 tracy after the sovereignty?" He, vexed by the question, 
 replied — " That indeed he had made trial of both— not so 
 Leotychides. As for the question now put to him, it would 
 prove the source either of numberless woes, or of numberless 
 benefits to the Lacedaemonians." So saying he drew his cloak 
 over his face, and issuing from the theatre, went home. In- 
 stantly making the necessary preparations, he sacrificed an ox 
 to Jupiter, and then called for his mother. 
 
 When she arrived, he placed in her hand some of the 
 entrails ;* and in the tone of supplication thus addressed her. 
 — " O my mother, T adjure you by all the gods whom I invoke 
 as witnesses, and especially by Jupiter, patron of our house, 
 tell me truly and plainly who is my father. — In the late con- 
 tentions, Leotychides affirmed that your former husband was 
 my father : others speak still more reproachfully of my birth. 
 I beseech you therefore, by the gods, tell me the truth : if 
 you are in fault you are not alone : — Ariston even is blamed 
 by many of the Spartans " His mother thus replied : " Since, 
 my son, you urge me with these entreaties, I will narrate to 
 you the whole truth. — Soon after my marriage to Ariston, a 
 spectre, in the likeness of my husband, appeared to me, and 
 placed a crown which he brought with him on my head. 
 When he departed, Ariston himself came, and seeing me 
 wearing a crown, asked who it. was that had given it me. I 
 said, he— he denied this— I affirmed the same with an oath, 
 
 * The form of administering an oath. 
 
 (69) 2 f 3 
 
438 DEPOSITION AND FLIGHT 
 
 and blamed him for denying it. Ariston on heaving my so- 
 lemn attestation perceived that there was something super- 
 natural in what had happened, especially as it appeared that 
 the crown had been taken from the shrine of the hero Astra- 
 bacus, which stands near the palace gate ; and also because 
 the diviners pronounced the spectre to have been the hero 
 himself. You have then, my son, the whole truth, and all 
 you wish to know. The hero Astrabacus — or Ariston is your 
 father. Your enemies indeed strongly insist upon the declara- 
 tion of Ariston, in the presence of many witnesses, when 
 informed of your birth, that you were not his son. But he 
 Uttered that word under the influence of mistaken notions; 
 for there are great diversities in the time of birth : and soon 
 afterwards Ariston himself acknowledged the folly of what 
 he had said. Nor need you give heed to other stories con- 
 cerning your birth ; for you have now heard the entire truth : 
 and may the wife of Leotychides, and of all who affirm these 
 scandals, themselves fall under such reproaches as have been 
 heaped upon me !" 
 
 Having learned what he wished, Demaratus furnished him- 
 self with provisions for the journey, and proceeded to Elis, 
 professedly in his way to Delphi, to consult the oracle. The 
 Lacedaemonians suspecting that he meditated flight, pursued 
 him ; yet he succeeded in passing over from Elis to Zacynthus. 
 The Lacedaemonians crossed to that island also--— laid hands on 
 him, and seized his attendants ; but the Zacynthians refused 
 to give him up, and in the end he sailed from Zacynthus to 
 Asia, and repaired to the court of Darius, who received and 
 entertained him magnificently, and conferred upon him lands 
 and towns. Such were the circumstances under which Dema- 
 ratus arrived in Asia, and such were his fortunes. At Sparta 
 he had distinguished himself by many achievements as well 
 as by his wisdom in council. At the Olympic games he had 
 carried the prize in the chariot-race — an honour not obtained 
 by any other Spartan king. 
 
 Leotychides, son of Menares, having dethroned Demaratus, 
 took his dignity. A son was born to him named Zeuxidamus ; 
 or, as some of the Spartans called him, Cyniscus. This 
 
 (71) 
 
OF DEMARATUS. 439 
 
 Zeuxidamus did not succeed his father as king of Sparta, but 
 died before him, leaving a son named Archidamus. Having 
 lost his son, Leoty chides married a second wife, Eurydame, 
 the sister of Menius, and daughter of Diactoris. No male 
 offspring was the fruit of this marriage ; but a daughter only, 
 named Lampito, whom he bestowed upon Archidemus, son of 
 Zeuxidamus. Neither did Leotychides end his days at Sparta, 
 but, as I shall mention, in some sort yielded revenge to 
 Demaratus. — He commanded the Lacedzemonians in Thessaly, 
 and might readily have reduced the country ; but accepted a 
 large sum of money from the enemy. He was detected sitting 
 in the camp on a bag, filled with silver. Condemned by the 
 tribunals, he was driven from Sparta, and his house rased ; he 
 fled to Tegea, where he died. But these events happened 
 long after the time of which we are speaking.] 
 
 SECTION VTIl. 
 
 ACTIONS AND FATE OF CLEOMENES. 
 
 [Cleomenes having succeeded in his endeavours against 
 Demaratus, associated Leotychides with himself, and pro- 
 ceeded against the iEginetans, towards whom he entertained a 
 deep grudge on account of the affront already received. The 
 iEginetans finding that both the Spartan kings were coming 
 against them, thought proper to make no further resistance; 
 but selected ten of the citizens — the most eminent for cha- 
 racter, wealth, and family — among whom were Crius, son of 
 Polycritus, and Casambus, son of Aristocrates, who possessed 
 the chief influence in the island, and conducted them to 
 Attica, where they surrendered them to the custody of the 
 Athenians — the enemies of JEgina. 
 
 Afterwards, when the intrigues practised against Demaratus 
 (74) 2 F 4 
 
440 ACTIONS AND FATE 
 
 became notorious, Cleomenes, dreading the resentment of the 
 Spartans, retired into Thessaly. Thence he came into Arca- 
 dia, where he endeavoured to excite troubles, and to move the 
 Arcadians against Sparta. Among other oaths which he in- 
 duced them to take was one obliging them to follow him 
 wherever he might lead them. He was very desirous of lead- 
 ing the Arcadian chiefs to Nonacris, to make them swear by 
 the water of Styx, which is said to be found at that city. 
 A small quantity of water only is visible, which distils in 
 drops from a rock, and falls into a cavity : this cavity is fenced 
 about on all sides. Nonacris, where this spring is found, is a 
 city of Arcadia, near to Pheneus. The Lacedaemonians, in- 
 formed of the intrigues of Cleomenes, were influenced by their 
 fears to place him again on the throne, and they restored to 
 him all his former prerogatives. But presently after his return 
 he was seized with a frenzy, to which indeed he had before 
 been liable. With his sceptre he would strike in the face any 
 Spartan he happened to meet. On observing "this insane con- 
 duct, his family confined him in stocks. While so bound it 
 happened that, seeing himself left with a single attendant, he 
 asked him for a knife : the man at first refused ; but being a 
 helot, was at length intimidated by his threats, and gave him 
 one. Cleomenes seizing the weapon, began to hack his legs — 
 making long gashes in the flesh : from the legs he ascended 
 to the thighs, and from thence to the hips and the loins ; and 
 then reaching the belly, made many deep incisions and so 
 died. The Greeks for the most part affirm that this happened 
 to him because he corrupted the Pythian in the matter of 
 Demaratus. But the Athenians differing from the majority, 
 affirm that it was because, when he invaded Eleusis, he cut 
 down the sacred grove of the goddesses. Again the Argives 
 say that it was in punishment of his having put to the sword 
 those Argives who, after escaping from the field, had taken 
 refuge in the temple of Argos, and then, in utter contempt of 
 its sanctity, burned the grove. 
 
 For on one occasion when Cleomenes was consulting the 
 oracle, it was told him by the god that he should take Argos. 
 in consequence of this intimation he marched at the head of 
 
 (76) 
 
OF CLEOMENES. 441 
 
 the Spartans to the banks of the river Erasinus, which is said 
 to flow from the lake Stymphalus ; for that lake disappearing 
 in a chasm is believed to come forth in the territory of Argos, 
 where it receives from the Argives the name, Erasinus. Cleo- 
 menes arriving at this river, slew victims to it, but the sacrifice 
 by no means sanctioned his passing the stream ; upon which 
 he said he commended the Erasinus for not betraying its people ; 
 but yet the Argives should have no reason to rejoice. He then 
 returned, and led his forces to Thyrea, and after sacrificing a 
 bull to the sea, embarked his army and proceeded to Tirynthia 
 and Nauplia. Informed of this descent, the Argives has- 
 tened to relieve their towns on the coast. When they ap- 
 proached Tirynthus, in the spot called Sepia, they formed 
 their camp at a short distance from that of the Lacedaemonians. 
 They did not fear to engage the enemy in the open field ; but 
 dreaded lest they should be taken by stratagem ; for such 
 was the import of the response given to them and the Mile- 
 sians in common by the Pythian (p. 416,) which was as 
 follows : — 
 
 When o'er the men a female hand prevails, 
 And Argive honour wins ; — then Argos wails : 
 And future men shall say, the lancing spear 
 Has slain a coiling snake— inspiring fear. 
 
 The Argives were therefore held in alarm by these intima- 
 tions ; and they [resolved to avail themselves of the enemy's 
 herald, so that as often as he gave any orders to the Lacedae- 
 monians, the Argives, on their part, performed the same 
 evolutions. When Cleomenes perceived that the Argives 
 executed whatever movements his own herald proclaimed, he 
 commanded his men, when the herald uttered the word for 
 dinner, to take their arms, and advance upon the Argives : 
 this was accomplished, and the Lacedaemonians rushed upon 
 them while taking their repast in obedience to the signal. 
 Many were put to the sword, and many more taking refuge in 
 the grove sacred to Argus, were there surrounded. 
 
 Cleomenes then adopted the following course ;— he had with 
 (79) 
 
442 REASONS OF THE FATE 
 
 him certain deserters, from whom he learned the names of the 
 Argives who were shut up in the precincts ; he therefore sent 
 a herald, who calling them severally by name, said that he had 
 their ransom -money. Among the Peloponnesians the price of 
 ransom from captivity is fixed at two mines for each man. 
 About fifty of the Argives obeying the summons, came out, 
 and were put to death by Cleomenes. This was concealed 
 from those in the enclosure by the thickness of the grove, which 
 prevented those within from seeing what took place without. 
 At length one of them, climbing a tree, beheld the fact, and 
 then no more of them issued when called for. After this 
 Cleomenes commanded all the helots in attendance to heap 
 combustibles around the grove ; and when this was done he 
 set fire to it. While it was still burning, he asked one of the 
 deserters to what god the grove was consecrated ; he replied — 
 "to Argus." On hearing this, Cleomenes uttered a deep 
 groan, and exclaimed — " O Apollo ! how hast thou deceived 
 me in the response — telling me that I should take Argos, and 
 now I conjecture that the prediction is fulfilled !" 
 
 Cleomenes then sent away the greater part of the army to 
 Sparta, and himself taking a thousand of the best troops, 
 went to perform a sacrifice at the temple of Juno. But when 
 he wished to offer the victim on the altar, the priest forbad 
 him, saying that no stranger might sacrifice in that temple. 
 Cleomenes on receiving this refusal, ordered the helots to drag 
 the priest from the altar, and to scourge him. He then him- 
 self performed the sacrifice, and returned to Sparta. On his 
 return his enemies arraigned him before the ephors, and accused 
 him of having taken a bribe not to capture Argos, when he 
 might easily have done so. He alleged in his defence — whe- 
 ther truly or not I am unable certainly to affirm — " that he 
 had believed when he destroyed the sacred grove of Argus, 
 that the prediction of the oracle was accomplished, and that 
 until he had learned from sacrifices whether the god would 
 favour or oppose the attempt, he ought not to attack the city. 
 That when the sacrifices were auspicious in the temple of 
 Juno, a flame had burst from the bosom of the statue ; whence 
 he had concluded certainly that he should not capture Argos ; 
 
 (82) 
 
OF CLEOMENES. 443 
 
 whereas, had the flame appeared on the head of the statue, 
 he should have inferred that he was to take it, even to the 
 citadel ; but coming from the breast, he believed he had 
 accomplished all that the god intended to be done." This 
 defence appeared to the Spartans so sincere and reasonable, 
 that he was acquitted by a large majority of voices. 
 
 Argos was so stripped of men by what had happened, that 
 the slaves possessed themselves of the supreme power, which 
 they continued to hold, managing all affairs, until the sons of 
 those who had perished came of age, when they regained 
 possession of the state, and expelled the slaves. These, after 
 a contest, took Tirynthia. At length peace was established 
 between them. But afterwards a certain diviner, named 
 Cleander, of Phigalia in Arcadia, visited the slaves, and 
 incited them to attack their masters. A war of long conti- 
 nuance was the consequence, in which the Argives did not 
 gain the final advantage without great difficulty. 
 
 It was therefore on account of his conduct towards them- 
 selves that the Argives affirmed Cleomenes to have gone mad 
 and miserably perished. But the Spartans themselves deny- 
 ing that the madness of Cleomenes was occasioned by any 
 daemon, affirm that it proceeded from the immoderate use of 
 ardent spirits, learned by keeping company with the Scythians. 
 The nomadic Scythians, after having been invaded by Darius, 
 indulged the desire of vengeance. With this intention they 
 sent an embassy to Sparta, wishing to form an alliance, and 
 proposing to cross the Phasis and invade Media, while, at the 
 same moment, the Spartans should advance against the Per- 
 sians from Ephesus, and so unite their forces. The Spartans 
 say that Cleomenes contracted a great intimacy with the 
 Scythians who came to Sparta on this business — a too great 
 intimacy — for he learned from them to drink unmixed liquors ; 
 and it was from this cause, as they believe, that he became 
 mad. And hence it is that when they wish to indulge in 
 strong drink, the Spartans are accustomed to say — " Let us 
 be Scythians." Such is the opinion of the Spartans relative 
 to the madness of Cleomenes ; — for my own part, I think that 
 it was the wrongs of Demaiatus that were avenged upon him.] 
 (84) 
 
444 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 AFFAIRS OF ^EGINA — STORY OF OLAUCUS. 
 
 [When the IEginetans were informed of the death of Cleo- 
 menes, they despatched deputies to Sparta, to inveigh against 
 Leotychides for the detention of the hostages at Athens. 
 When brought before the tribunal to prefer their complaint, 
 the Lacedaemonians acknowledged that the IEginetans had 
 been ill-treated by Leotychides, and they adjudged him to be 
 carried to IEgina, as security for the citizens detained at 
 Athens. When the IEginetans were about to take Leoty- 
 chides, they were addressed by Theasides, son of Leoprepis, 
 a man of distinction at Sparta, who thus spoke : — " Men of 
 IEgina, what is it you would do, in taking a king of Sparta 
 as hostage for mere citizens of your own ? If moved by anger 
 on the moment the Spartans have thus decreed, take heed 
 lest ere long, if you act in this way, they invade your island, 
 bringing with them utter destruction." On hearing this re- 
 monstrance, the IEginetans refrained from the attempt, and 
 it was agreed that Leotychides should follow them to Athens, 
 in order to obtain the surrender of the hostages. 
 
 When he arrived and demanded the surrender, the Athe- 
 nians not willing to deliver the persons in their custody, had 
 recourse to an evasion, saying that, as these IEginetans had 
 been committed to them by the two kings, they could not 
 think it right to deliver them to one without the other. On 
 their giving this denial, Leotychides thus addressed them — 
 " Athenians, take what course you please — if you surrender 
 the hostages you will indeed act justly — not so if you detain 
 them. Yet I will narrate to you what once happened at 
 Sparta, connected with a deposit. — Among us Spartans it is 
 related that three generations before the present time, there 
 
 (86) 
 
STORY OF glAucus. 445 
 
 was at Lacedaemon a citizen named Glaucus, son of Epicydes, 
 who on various accounts was held in high repute, and espe- 
 cially for his probity, in which excellence he was deemed to 
 surpass all his contemporaries. We say then that when the 
 determined moment arrived, there happened to come to Sparta 
 a certain Milesian, who wished to confer with him, and who 
 thus explained his business : — I am, said he, a Milesian, and 
 I come — Glaucus, wishing to avail myself of your probity, 
 which is famed, not only in all other parts of Greece, but 
 throughout Ionia. Taking into consideration the constantly 
 insecure state of Ionia, and the settled condition of Pelopon- 
 nesus, and perceiving that in the former, fortunes are not long 
 in the same hands, I have, after much deliberation, thought 
 proper to convert the half of my property into silver, and to 
 lodge it with you, being well assured that what 1 leave with 
 you will be safe. Receive therefore my treasures, and with 
 them take and preserve these symbols, and whoever shall 
 present the same and demand the money, surrender it to him. 
 Thus spoke the Milesian stranger, and Glaucus accepted the 
 deposit upon the conditions mentioned. It was not till long- 
 afterwards that the sons of him who had given these trea- 
 sures in trust arrived at Sparta. Addressing themselves to 
 Glaucus they exhibited the symbols, and demanded the silver. 
 But he, rebutting the demand, thus replied to them — I re- 
 member no such transaction, nor Can I recalUo mind any of 
 the circumstances of which you speak. Yet I am willing, if 
 it should be brought to my recollection, to do whatever is 
 just, and if indeed I received the money — to surrender it. 
 But if, in fact, ] have received nothing, I shall avail myself 
 of the laws of Greece against you. I therefore defer settling 
 the business with you four months from the present day. 
 The Milesians thus deprived of their property went their way 
 in great grief. Glaucus then repaired to Delphi to consult 
 the oracle whether he might make a prey of the money by a 
 (false) oath. The Pythian replied to him in these verses : — 
 
 " Son of Epicydes ! your oath retains — 
 Just for the moment — all the plundered gains. 
 
 (86) 
 
446 THE iEGINETANS AND 
 
 Sware then ; for death, alike the just — the knave 
 Lays undistinguished in the silent grave. 
 But the False Oath a direful monster sends, 
 Which, footless hastens — which, though handless rends 
 His house and offspring whom the gods detest. 
 While his— »who fears an oath, are ever bleret." 
 
 On hearing this answer, Glaucus prayed the god to pardon 
 him what he had said. But the Pythian replied that " to 
 tempt the god and to perpetrate the deed were one and the 
 same thing." Glaucus returned and sent away the Milesians 
 with the money committed to his trust. But now, Athenians, 
 I will explain why I have recounted this story to you. A t 
 the present time there remains not one descendant of Glaucus, 
 nor any house which is believed to have been his. Every 
 thing belonging to him is uprooted from Sparta. Well is it for 
 those who entertain no thought but that of surrendering a 
 deposit when demanded !" ' Thus spoke Leoty chides ; but the 
 Athenians, not being disposed to listen to him, he took his 
 departure. 
 
 The JEginetans while yet they had not expiated the injuries 
 which to gratify the Thebans they had inflicted on the Athe- 
 nians, pursued the same course of violence. Aggravated 
 against them, and thinking themselves the injured party, they 
 made preparations to wreak vengeance upon them. The 
 sacred ship called Theoris,* was lying at Sunium. This, 
 by forming an ambuscade, the .ZEginetans captured, while 
 filled with distinguished Athenian citizens, whom they put 
 in irons. After suffering so grievous an injury the Athe- 
 nians hastened to devise every possible means of retaliation. 
 
 A distinguished citizen of iEgina, named Nicodromus — 
 son of Cmethus, being at variance with the people, had 
 banished himself from the' island ; but learning that the Athe- 
 nians were on the point of attacking the JEginetans, he 
 entered into an engagement with them to betray the island to 
 them ; and the day was fixed when he should make the at- 
 tempt, and when they should be there to aid the enterprise. 
 
 * Sent annually from Athens to Delos, with sacrifices for Apollo. 
 
 (88) 
 
ATHENIANS. 447 
 
 According to this agreement Nicodromus seized what is called 
 the old town. But the Athenians did not appear at the 
 appointed day, for they did not then happen to have at com- 
 mand ships in sufficient number to contend with the fleet of 
 the iEginetans; and while they were negociating with the 
 Corinthians to lend them ships, the enterprise failed. The 
 Corinthians were at that time on terms of strict friendship 
 with the Athenians, and on the present occasion yielding to 
 their request, afforded them twenty ships, at five drachms 
 each ; for their law forbad them to make a gift. These ves- 
 sels, joined to their own, composed a fleet of seventy ships, 
 with which they proceeded to iEgina : but arrived there the 
 day after that which had been agreed upon. Nicodromus 
 finding that the Athenians did not appear at the appointed 
 time, went on board a vessel and escaped from iEgina; he 
 was attended by other iEginetans, whom the Athenians settled 
 at Sunium, whence, at a later time, they were accustomed to 
 make predatory excursions upon the island. 
 
 The opulent class at iEgina now prevailed over the common 
 people, who had revolted with Nicodromus, and having van- 
 quished them, led them to execution : but on this occasion 
 they incurred a guilt which no sacrifices could afterwards avail 
 to expiate ; but they were driven from the island ere the god- 
 dess (Ceres) was propitiated. They had made prisoners of 
 seven hundred of the common people, whom they were con- 
 ducting forth to destruction : but one of these, escaping from 
 detention, took refuge in the vestibule of Ceres Thesmo- 
 phora (the legislatress) and seizing the ring of the door, held 
 it fast. Those who were sent to take him, not being able by all 
 their efforts to pull him away, cut off his hands, and so led 
 him to execution, while the hands were left entangled in the 
 ring. 
 
 Such was the treatment which the iEginetans dealt, one to 
 another. Meanwhile the Athenians approached with their 
 fleet of seventy ships, and engaging those of iEgina, defeated 
 them. The vanquished called upon the Argives to whom they 
 had before applied to aid them. But these refused to do so, 
 alleging as a ground of complaint, that the ships of iEgina, 
 (92) 
 
448 INVASION OF ATTICA. 
 
 forcibly seized by Cleomenes, had approached the coast of 
 Argolis, and the crews disembarking with the Lacedaemonians, 
 had invaded their lands : — the crews also of some Sicyonian 
 ships had joined in this descent. In consequence the Argives 
 had imposed a fine of a thousand talents upon them — five 
 hundred for each people. The Sicyonians, acknowledging 
 their fault, had agreed to pay one hundred talents, and were 
 acquitted. But the iEginetans, more haughty, refused to 
 acknowledge themselves in the wrong. On this account no 
 aid from the commonwealth was afforded to the request of the 
 JEginetans; yet a thousand volunteers offered their services. 
 These, under the command of Eurybates — a man accom- 
 plished in the five exercises,* repaired thither. Few of them 
 returned to their homes, the greater part having been put to 
 the sword by the Athenians in iEgina. Among these was Eu- 
 rybates their captain, who after vanquishing three antagonists 
 in successive single combats, received his death in the fourth 
 from the hand of Sophanes of Decelea. While the Athenian 
 fleet was in disorder the JEginetans attacked them, and ob- 
 tained the advantage — capturing four of their vessels with 
 the men on board.] 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 INVASION OF ATTICA — BATTLE OF MARATHON. 
 
 While the Athenians and iEginetans were carrying- on 
 this contest, the Persian pursued his design. Every day 
 his attendant reminded him of the Athenians, and every 
 day the Pisistratids beset him with accusations against 
 that people. Darius being furnished with a pretext, 
 
 * Leaping, running, throwing the disque, the javelin, and wrestling. 
 
 (94) 
 
ADVANCE QF THE PERSIANS. 449 
 
 meditated the conquest of all those Greeks who had 
 refused to offer him earth and water. Mardonius having 
 been unfortunate in the late expedition, was removed 
 from the command, which was conferred upon Datis, 
 a Mede, and upon Artaphernes, son of Artaphernes, and 
 nephew of the king. These generals were sent against 
 Eretria and Athens, with an injunction from Darius to 
 bring both the Athenians and the Eretrians as slaves 
 before him. ' 
 
 After being instituted in their command, the two 
 generals left the king, and repaired to Cilicia, and with 
 a very numerous and well appointed army, formed their 
 camp in the plain of Aleum. The combined fleet furnished 
 by the several nations from whom the levies had been 
 required, arrived also on the coast, together with the 
 cavalry-transports, which Darius had ordered to be pre- 
 pared the preceding year, by the tributary people (of the 
 maritime provinces.) The horses were embarked in these 
 ( transports, and the army in the ships : — six hundred 
 triremes sailed to Ionia. Thence, instead of coasting the 
 continent, by the Hellespont and Thrace, the fleet parted 
 from Samos, and held its course through the islands of the 
 Icarian sea. They proceeded in this direction, as I think, 
 from fear of doubling the promontory of Athos, in at- 
 tempting which the year before the fleet had so severely 
 suffered. Besides, not having in the former expedition 
 taken Naxos, they now felt compelled to advance against 
 it. 
 
 Leaving the Icarian sea, the "Persians approached 
 Naxos, which, in recollection of their late attempt, they 
 held themselves bound first to attack. The Naxians 
 without waiting for the enemy, fled towards their moun- 
 tains. The Persians seizing for slaves such as they could 
 find, burned the temples and the city, and then proceeded 
 against the other islands. Meanwhile the inhabitants of 
 Delos abandoning their island, took refuge in Tenos. As 
 (97) ♦ 2 g 
 
450 TH,E PERSIANS AT DELOS. 
 
 the fleet passed Delos, Datis advancing before the other 
 ships, would not permit any to approach the island, but 
 ordered them to pass over to Rhenea; and when he 
 learned where the Delians had gone, he despatched a 
 herald with this message :— " Sacred men ! why do you 
 flee 1 Why entertain an opinion of me so unfavourable t 
 My own dispositions and the commands of the king, forbid 
 my permitting any injury to be done to an island, or to its 
 inhabitants, where the two gods (Apollo and Diana) 
 were born. Return therefore to your homes, and possess 
 your island." Such was the message sent to the Delians. 
 Then Datis burned three hundred talents of frankincense 
 which he heaped upon the altar. 
 
 The Persian commander now advanced with the fleet 
 towards Eretria first ; leading with him the lonians and 
 the iEolians. After he had taken his departure, the 
 island, as the Delians affirm, was shaken, and this was 
 the only earthquake which, to the present time, has ever 
 been felt there. By this portent the god indicated to men 
 the woes that were about to come upon them. For under 
 the three successive reigns of Darius, son of Hystaspes, 
 and Xerxes, son of Darius, and Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes, 
 a greater amount of calamity fell upon Greece, than 
 during the twenty generations that preceded the first of 
 those, kings. These misfortunes were occasioned in part 
 by the Persians, and in part also by the contentions for 
 dominion among the Grecian chiefs. It was not there- 
 fore without cause that Delos, hitherto unmoved, should 
 quake : — and thus it was written in the prediction con- 
 cerning that island : — 
 
 And Delos fixed I them shall move. 
 
 The names of the three kings may thus be rendered in 
 Greek — Darius, the Coercer : Xerxes, the warrior : 
 Artaxerxes, the great warrior; and truly the Greeks 
 have not erred in giving these princes the appellations 
 by which they are known among us. 
 
 (98) 
 
ATTACK UPON ERETRIA. 451 
 
 The Barbarians, parting from Delos, approached the 
 other islands, from which they took the men to serve in 
 the army, and also brought away the children of the 
 islanders as hostages. After touching at the several islands 
 they anchored off Carytus (in Eubcea.) Now the Carys- 
 tians not only refused to give hostages, but professed that 
 they would not join in a war against their neighbours the 
 Eretrians and Athenians. The Persians therefore be- 
 sieged the town, and ravaged the country, until at length 
 the Carystians submitted to the conditions imposed on 
 them. The Eretrians when informed of the advance of 
 the fleet against them, besought the aid of the Athenians, 
 who refused not their assistance, but granted them the 
 services of four thousand colonists who occupied the 
 grazing meads of the Chalcidians. But there was a want 
 of sane counsels among the Eretrians ; for between those 
 who sent for the Athenians there existed a difference of 
 intention, some advising to abandon the city and to retire 
 to the fastnesses of the island ; while others, meditating 
 only their private advantage with the Persians, concerted 
 the means of betraying the commonwealth. iEschines, 
 son of Nothon, a man of distinction at Eretria, being well 
 informed of the views of both parties, explained the state 
 of affairs to the Athenian auxiliaries on their arrival, and 
 he entreated them to retire to Attica, that they might 
 escape the ruin about to fall on the Eretrians. The 
 Athenians yielded to this advice, and passing over to 
 Oropus, saved themselves from destruction. 
 
 The Persian fleet drew to shore on the Eretrian terri- 
 tory, at Tamyne, at Chcerea, and at iEgilia ; where they 
 disembarked their cavalry, and made preparations for 
 attacking the enemy. But the Eretrians had resolved 
 not to issue from the town, or to give battle ; and as it 
 had been decided not to abandon their city, they gave all 
 their attention to the defence of the walls. Furious 
 assaults were made upon the defences, in which, during 
 (101) 2 g 2 
 
452 THE PERSIANS AND ATHENIANS 
 
 six days, many fell on both sides. But on the seventh, 
 Euphorbus, son of Alcimachus, and Philager, son of 
 Cyneas, both of them distinguished citizens, betrayed the 
 town to the Persians, who entering, not only pillaged and 
 burned the temples, in retaliation for the temples burned 
 at Sardis; but also, in obedience to the commands of 
 Darius, made slaves of the people. Masters of Eretria, 
 the Persians rested a few days, and then embarked for 
 Attica ; thus pressing upon the Athenians, and not doubt- 
 ing that they should deal with them as they had just dealt 
 with the Eretrians. The plain of Marathon, on the 
 coast of Attica, and not far from Eretria, was better 
 adapted than any other part of the country for the move- 
 ments of cavalry — it was here therefore that Hippias, son 
 of Pisistratus, conducted the Persian army. 
 
 On hearing of their arrival, the Athenians also repaired 
 to Marathon. They were (as ivas customary) commanded 
 by ten generals, the last in order being Miltiades, whose 
 father Cimon, son of Stesagoras, had fled from Athens, 
 when ruled by Pisistratus, son of Hippocrates. While in 
 exile he had won the prize in the chariot race, in the 
 Olympic games; but had transferred the honour to 
 Miltiades, his son. In the next Olympiad, with the 
 same mares he was again victor, but conceded to Pisis- 
 tratus the right to be announced as such : by this means 
 he entered into treaty with him, and returned to Athens. 
 A third time, and with the same mares, he carried the 
 prize in the Olympic games ; but was murdered by the 
 sons of Pisistratus — who had died in the interval. They 
 effected his death at night by the hands of assassins, 
 secretly placed near the Prytaneum. Cimon was interred 
 in front of the city, beyond the road through Coele, and 
 opposite to his sepulchre is that of his mares, which three 
 times obtained the Olympic prize. The mares of Eva- 
 goras, of LacedaBmon, did the same, but none besides 
 these. The eldest son of Cimon, named Stesagoras, was 
 
 (103) 
 
ENCAMPED AT MARATHON. 453 
 
 at that time with his uncle Miltiades, in the Chersonese, 
 while the younger, named Miltiades — after the founder of 
 the colony in the Chersonese, was with Cimon at Athens. / 
 
 This same Miltiades, lately come from the Chersonese, 
 and who had escaped a double death, was one of the 
 Athenian generals. The first of these escapes was when 
 the Phoenicians, who earnestly desired to take him 
 prisoner, and to deliver him to the king, pursued him as 
 far as Imbros. The second was when, on his return to 
 Athens, where he expected to find safety, his enemies 
 instantly arraigned him on the charge of seizing the 
 tyranny of the Chersonese. But being acquitted, he was, 
 by the choice of the people, appointed one of their 
 generals. 
 
 Before the generals left the city they despatched as 
 herald to Sparta, Phidippides, an Athenian, and a daily 
 courier by avocation. According to the account which 
 this messenger gave to the Athenians, while he traversed 
 mount Parthenius, above Tegea (the god) Pan en- 
 countered him, and calling . him loudly by his name — 
 Phidippides, commanded him to ask the Athenians why 
 they paid him no respect — well disposed as he was to 
 them, and having often, in times past, promoted their 
 welfare, and intending to do so in time to. come. The 
 Athenians giving credit to this message, consecrated a 
 temple to Pan, beneath the Acropolis, when they found 
 their affairs prosperously re-established, and on the faith 
 of the message they have ever since propitiated his favour 
 by annual sacrifices, and by torch-races. 
 
 This Phidippides, despatched by the generals, and to 
 whom, as he affirmed, Pan appeared, reached Sparta on 
 the second day after he left Athens, and thus addressed 
 the magistrates : — " Lacedaemonians, the Athenians en- 
 treat you to afford them aid, nor to witness unconcerned 
 the subjugation of one of the most ancient cities of Greece 
 by Barbarians. Eretria is already reduced to slavery, 
 
 (106) 2 g 3 
 
4£4 OMEN OF HIPPIAS. 
 
 and Greece is weakened by the loss of that celebrated 
 city." Thus he delivered his instructions, and the Lace- 
 daemonians resolved to aid the Athenians : but it was 
 impossible for them to do so immediately, for they would 
 not violate the law — it being then only the ninth of the 
 month, and on the ninth, or before the circle (of the 
 moon) was filled up, they could not set out. They there- 
 fore awaited the full moon. 
 
 Meantime Hippias, son of Pisistratus, had conducted 
 the Barbarians to Marathon. The night before, he had 
 in his sleep seen a vision, in which he believed himself to 
 hold intercourse with his mother, of such a kind as seemed 
 to him to intimate that he should return to Athens — 
 recover the power, and die an old man in his palace ; — 
 such were the conjectures he formed from the vision. 
 Then, as guide to the army, he first sent the Eretrian 
 captives to an island of the Styreans, named JEgiMa, and 
 in the next place he brought the ships ashore at Marathon 
 as fast as they came up ; and disembarking the Barbarians, 
 formed them on the ground. While occupied in these 
 arrangements, it happened to him to sneeze and cough 
 with greater violence than ordinary, and being already 
 advanced in years, many of his teeth were shaken by the 
 effort ; and one was actually thrown out by the force of 
 the cough. It fell upon the sand, and he used great 
 diligence in searching for it ; but no tooth could be seen. 
 Then uttering a deep sigh, he said to the bye-standers, 
 " This land is not ours — nor shall we be able to conquer 
 it — my tooth occupies as much of it as shall ever come to 
 my lot." Hippias concluded that the intention of the 
 vision was now accomplished. 
 
 When the Athenians had formed their order in a spot 
 consecrated to Hercules, the Plataeans in full force 
 arrived to support them. 
 
 [These people had surrendered themselves to the direction of 
 
 (108) 
 
THE PLATiEANS AND ATHENIANS. 455 
 
 the Athenians, who had already undergone many toils on their 
 account. The Plataeans, pressed upon by the Thebans, had at 
 first claimed the protection of Cleomenes, son of Anaxan- 
 drides, when in their neighbourhood with a body of Lacedae- 
 monians. But the Spartans not accepting the proffered sub- 
 mission, thus addressed them : — " We live at a distance from 
 you, and the aid, we might afford you would be but of a chilly 
 sort. Once and again it might happen that you would be 
 reduced to servitude before any of us had even heard of the 
 matter. We therefore counsel you to surrender yourselves to 
 the Athenians — your near neighbours, and who are well able 
 to defend you." Such was the advice given by the Lacedae- 
 monians to the Plataeans — not so much in good will to them, 
 as with the design of involving the Athenians in wars with 
 the Boeotians. The Plataeans yielded to this advice, and 
 while the Athenians were celebrating the festival of the 
 twelve gods, repaired to Athens, and presenting themselves 
 as suppliants at the altar, surrendered themselves to the com- 
 monwealth. On hearing this the Thebans marched against 
 Plataea. The Athenians failed not to afford their aid. But 
 when the two armies were about to engage, the Corinthians, 
 not indifferent to the quarrel, came up, and mediated a treaty 
 of peace, and by the consent of both parties fixed the limits 
 between them in such a manner, that those Boeotians who 
 were unwilling to be included in the Boeotian commonwealth 
 should not be annoyed by the Thebans. After making this 
 arrangement the Corinthians retired, as did also the Athenians ; 
 but were attacked on their march by the Boeotians : an engage- 
 ment ensued in which the latter were vanquished. The Athe- 
 nians then transgressing the boundaries that had been assigned 
 by the Corinthians to the Plataeans, decided that the Asopus 
 and Hysia should be the boundary between the Thebans and 
 Plataeans. Such were the circumstances under which the 
 Plataeans had surrendered themselves to the controul of the 
 Athenians. And now they arrived to give their aid at 
 Marathon.] 
 
 The Athenian generals were divided in opinion, some 
 (109) 2 g 4 
 
456 ADVICE OF MILTIADES. 
 
 advising not to engage the enemy, alleging that the 
 Greeks were too few to contend with the forces of the 
 Medes; while the others, among whom was Miltiades, 
 urged to give battle. Such was the difference, and 
 Miltiades perceiving that the worse of the two opinions 
 was likely to prevail, applied himself to the Polemarch, 
 who was to give the eleventh and and casting vote. — The 
 Polemarch is an officer elected by the suffrages of the 
 Athenians, and by ancient custom his vote was of the 
 same value as that of the generals. Callimachus, of 
 Aphidna, was then Polemarch, and Miltiades, thus 
 addressed him:— "Upon you, Callimachus, it now de- 
 pends to decide" whether Athens shall be reduced to 
 slavery or remain free,; and with you it is to leave to all 
 future generations a fame surpassing that of Harmodius 
 and Aristogiton. For now indeed the Athenians approach 
 a greater danger than they have ever yet encountered. 
 If they bow beneath the Medes let it be imagined what 
 they will suffer when given up to Hippias. But if our 
 commonwealth is preserved, it will become the first among 
 the states of Greece. I will now explain the actual 
 position of affairs, and how it is that so much depends 
 upon your vote. We, the ten generals, are divided in 
 opinion, some advising to give battle, others dissuading. 
 And now, if we do not fight, I anticipate that factious 
 differences beginning to operate, will shake the resolution 
 of the Athenians, and dispose some to favour the Medes. 
 But if we engage the enemy before any such unsoundness 
 of purpose takes place among the Athenians, then, if the 
 gods distribute their favours with an even hand, we are 
 of force enough to fight the enemy, and to prevail. All 
 this then awaits your decision, and on you it depends. 
 Adopt my advice, and there remains to you your country 
 free — and not only free, but first in rank among the states 
 of Greece : but the opposite to all these benefits must be 
 yours if you follow the opinion of those who would delay 
 
 (109) 
 
490. 
 
 ONSET AT MARATHON. 457 
 
 to give battles." Callimachus was gained by this address, 
 and giving his vote, it was decided that battle should be 
 given. Then the generals, who had been of that opinion, 
 severally as their turns came to be in command for the 
 day, surrendered their right to Miltiades : he accepted 
 the offer; but would not lead the army against the enemy, 
 until his own day of command arrived. 
 
 When that day came the Athenians took their station j». c 
 in order of battle in the following manner. — Callimachus 
 the Polemarch, commanded the right wing— for such was 
 the rule with the Athenians. Then followed- the several 
 tribes according to the series in which they were usually 
 reckoned ; and closely adjoining each other. Last of ail, 
 and forming the left wing, were ranged the Plataeans. 
 Ever since this battle, when the Athenians celebrate the 
 festival with its sacrifices which is observed once in five 
 years, the herald prays " for the prosperity of the Athe- 
 nians, together with the Platseans." The Athenian army 
 was so arranged on the field of Marathon, that its front 
 extended as far as that of the Medes ; its centre consist- 
 ing of few ranks, was the weakest part of the line, while 
 the two wings were strong and deep. 
 
 Battle was thus ranged — the auspices were fair, and 
 the Athenians, on signal given, ran upon the Barbarians — 
 an interval of not less than eight stades,* having divided 
 the two armies. The Persians seeing them at full speed, 
 prepared to receive them ; but indeed viewed them as 
 madmen, rushing upon destruction— few as they were, 
 and destitute of cavalry and archers. Thus thought the 
 Barbarians. But the Athenians in a compact body broke 
 in upon the line of the Barbarians, and fought with a 
 valour worthy of fame. Of all the Greeks these Athenians 
 were the first, so far as we know, who advanced to the 
 attack at full speed, and indeed the first that could stand 
 
 * It seems probable that the lesser stade is here, intended. 
 (112) 
 
458 DISCOMFITURE AND 
 
 the sight of the Median costume, and the Median figure ; 
 for at that time the very name of the Medes inspired the 
 Greeks with terror. 
 
 The contest in the field of Marathon was long maintain- 
 ed. In the centre, occupied by the Persians themselves, 
 and the Saces, the Barbarians were victorious, and 
 breaking the line, pursued the Athenians to some distance 
 from the coast. Meanwhile the Athenians and Platseans 
 on the two wings vanquished their opponents, and leaving 
 the Barbarians to retreat, drew towards each other, so as 
 to close upon the Persians who had broken their centre. 
 The Athenians engaging with these, prevailed ; the 
 Barbarians fled ; — were followed, and cut down, till the 
 pursuit reached the sea, where the victors laid hold of, and 
 sought to fire the ships. 
 
 In this contest perished Callimachus, after behaving 
 like a brave man ; and among the slain was Stesilaus, son 
 of Thrasylas, one of the ten generals; and Cynaegirus also, 
 the son of Euphorion, having laid hold of a vessel by the 
 stern, had his hands severed by an axe, and fell slain: 
 many Athenians of rank were left dead on the field. 
 Seven of the enemy's ships were captured by the Greeks, 
 who followed the enemy to the sea. The Barbarians 
 hauling their vessels from the beach, put to Sea, and after 
 taking the Eretrian captives from the island where they 
 had left them, doubled the promontory of Sunium, with 
 the intention of preventing the Athenians, and gaining the 
 city before them. The Alcmaeonids have been held 
 guilty among the Athenians of having suggested to them 
 this plan ; and it is said that, having made a previous 
 arrangement with the Persians, they held up a shield as 
 a signal, when the enemy had reached their ships. They 
 then proceeded to double the headland of Sunium. 
 Meanwhile the Athenians hastened with all speed to 
 protect their city, and in fact they did prevent the coming 
 of the Barbarians: it happened that their camp was 
 
 (115) 
 
RETREAT OF THE PERSIANS. 459 
 
 removed from one temple of Hercules — that at Marathon, 
 to another at Cynosarges, which was the station where 
 they posted themselves after their march. The Barbarians 
 hove in sight off Phalerum, which was then the port of 
 Athens, and after remaining at anchor there for a time, 
 sailed away to Asia. 
 
 About 6,400 of the Barbarians fell in the battle of 
 Marathon ; and of the Athenians, one hundred and ninety- 
 two : — such were the respective numbers of the slain. 
 During the action an extraordinary circumstance occurred 
 — an Athenian named Epizelus, the son of Cuphagoras, 
 while strenuously fighting in his place, lost his sight with- 
 out having received any sort of wound or blow ; and he 
 continued blind during the remainder of his life. He 
 was accustomed to give the following account of the 
 manner in which this calamity befel him ; — he thought he 
 beheld, standing before him, a man of great stature and 
 completely armed, and whose beard flowed entirely over 
 his shield ; and that the spectre passing him, killed the 
 man who stood next to him. Such is the account, as I am 
 informed, which Epizelus was wont to give. 
 
 Datis returned with the fleet to Asia : on his way he 
 touched at Mycone, where he saw a vision in sleep, the 
 nature of which is not recorded; but as soon as day 
 appeared, he caused a search to be made through all the 
 ships, and finding in a Phoenician vessel a gilded statue 
 of Apollo, he inquired from whence it had been stolen, 
 and having learned to what temple it belonged, he sailed 
 in his own ship to Delos: the Delians had by this time 
 returned to their island. Datis on arriving, placed the 
 statue in the temple, and enjoined the Delians to convey 
 it to Delium of the Thebans, a place on the coast opposite 
 to Chalcis : leaving these commands, he departed ; but 
 the Delians retained the statue, which twenty years after- 
 wards the Thebans themselves, on the admonition of an 
 oracle, brought home to Delium. 
 (U8) 
 
4G0 THE ERETR1AN CAPTIVES. 
 
 The Eretrian captives were conducted by Datis and 
 Artaphernes, after their landing in Asia, to Susa. 
 Darius the king had felt a deep resentment against these 
 people before they were reduced to slavery; for they 
 were the first authors of the wrongs that had been com- 
 mitted. But when he beheld them brought before him, 
 and entirely in his power, he inflicted no punishment upon 
 them ; but allotted them a tract to inhabit on his own 
 estate at Ardericca, in Cissia. This spot is two hundred 
 and ten furlongs distant from Susa, and not more than 
 forty from the spring which yields three different sub- 
 stances ; for there is drawn from it, asphaltum, (mineral 
 pitch) and salt, and oil, in the following manner : — they 
 let down a rope by a pulley, to which is attached, instead 
 of a pail (or bucket) the half of a leathern wine bottle : 
 this being lowered is drawn up, and the contents emptied 
 into a receiver, whence the whole runs into another, where 
 it assumes three forms ; — the asphaltum and the salt 
 presently congeal, while the oil is collected in vessels and 
 is called by the Persians rhadinace : this oil is black, and 
 emits a strong odour. In this neighbourhood it was that 
 king Darius settled the Eretrians, who in my own time 
 continued to dwell there, and have preserved their ancient 
 language. 
 
 After the full moon the Laced asmonians, two thousand 
 strong, arrived at Athens. Their march was so rapid that 
 they reached Attica on the third day after leaving Sparta. 
 Though too late to take part in the battle, they strongly 
 desired to see the Medes, and proceeded to Mara- 
 thon to view them (the slain). Then, after applauding 
 the Athenians and their achievement, they returned 
 home. 
 
 The report concerning the conduct of the Alcmseonids 
 is in my opinion too strange to be credited, as if they had, 
 by agreement with the Persians, held up a shield as a 
 signal, wishing to bring the Athenians under the power of 
 
 (121) 
 
THE ALCMiEONIDS. 461 
 
 the Barbarians and of Hippias. The Alcmaeonids evidently 
 felt a greater, or at least as great a hatred towards the 
 tyrants, as did Callias, son of Phosnippus, and father of 
 Hipponicus : for this Callias was the only Athenian who 
 was bold enough, when Pisistratus was driven from 
 Athens, and his effects were put up to sale by the vote 
 of the people, to purchase them. In many other ways 
 also he displayed his determined animosity. 
 
 SECTION XI. 
 
 THE ALCM^ONIDS. 
 
 * [ [This Callias is worthy of being had in universal ad- 
 miration, not only — as appears from what I have mentioned 
 above — on account of his ardent desire for the liberty of his 
 country ; but because of his successes in the Olympic games, 
 where he was victor in the horse-race, and second in the 
 chariot-race. And moreover, after distinguishing himself in 
 the Pythian games he surpassed all the Greeks in magnifi- 
 cence. His conduct towards his three daughters deserves also 
 to be mentioned ; for when they were of marriageable years, 
 he not only bestowed upon each a handsome portion, but 
 allowed them to choose among all the Athenians whom they 
 preferred for their husbands, and espoused them to the men 
 of their choice.] } 
 
 Yet the Alcmaeonids did not hate the tyrants at all less 
 than Callias. To me therefore the accusation seems incredible, 
 and not to be admitted, which charges them with having 
 displayed the shield: — they who abandoned their country 
 
 * This paragraph is believed, on some probable grounds, to be an 
 interpolation. 
 
 (123) 
 
462 THE ALCMAEONIDS. 
 
 all the time of the tyranny, and they by whose exertions 
 the Pisistratids were deprived of power, and who, in so doing, 
 are, in my judgment, rather to be esteemed the liberators of 
 Athens, than even Harmodius and Aristogiton ; for these, in 
 killing Hipparchus, only exasperated the other tyrants so 
 much the more, and were far from putting an end to their 
 oppressive rule. But the Alcmaeonids incontestably liberated 
 then- country — if indeed the story I have already related be 
 true, that it was they who prevailed upon the Pythian to 
 enjoin the Lacedaemonians to deliver Athens. But will it be 
 said that they endeavoured to betray their country on account 
 of some discontent given them by the Athenian commonality ? 
 But there were none more esteemed or more honoured by the 
 Athenians. We cannot then believe that from any such motive 
 they might be induced to display the shield. Yet a shield 
 was displayed ; nor must the fact be denied ; but who it was 
 that held it, I am unable to say, further than I have already 
 stated. 
 
 From the earliest times the Alcmaeonids have been illustrious 
 at Athens. Especially Alcmaeon himself, and Megacles his 
 successor, rendered the family conspicuous. Alcmaeon, son of 
 Megacles, acted as coadjutor to the Lydian sent by Croesus 
 to consult the Delphic oracle, and he aided them with great 
 assiduity. On the return of these messengers, Croesus, being 
 informed by them of the kind treatment they had received 
 from him, sent for him to Sardis ; and when he arrived pre- 
 sented him with as much gold as he was able to carry on his 
 person at once. Alcmaeon prepared himself for the obtaining 
 of such a gift in the following manner. He put on an ample 
 cloak, in which a deep recess (on the breast) was left ; and he 
 wore the widest boots he could find : thus attired he approached 
 the treasury to which he was conducted, and fell to, upon a 
 heap of pieces;— first he stuffed around his legs as many gold 
 pieces as his boots would hold; then he loaded his bosom 
 absolutely full of gold, and even stuck the pieces into his 
 curls, and filled his mouth also with gold. Thus he left the 
 treasury — with difficulty dragging his boots, and looking like 
 any thing rather than a man — his mouth puffed out, and his 
 
 (125) 
 
CLISTHENES OF SICYON. 463 
 
 whole body swollen. Croesus on seeing him, burst into 
 laughter. Besides presenting him with this gold, he bestowed 
 other gifts not inferior in value. By this means the family 
 became opulent, and he, training horses for the race, won 
 prizes in the Olympic games. 
 
 In the second generation from Alcmseon, the family was 
 elevated to a higher celebrity in Greece than ever by Clis- 
 thenes, tyrant of Sicyon. Clisthenes, son of Aristonymus, 
 son of Myron, son of Andreas, had a daughter named 
 Agariste, whom he resolved to marry to the most accom- 
 plished man he could find in Greece. At the Olympic games, 
 in which Clisthenes obtained the prize in the chariot-race, he 
 made proclamation to this effect : — " Whoever deems himself 
 to be worthy of becoming the son-in-law of Clisthenes, let him 
 come to Sicyon, on or before the sixtieth day from this time : 
 for he has fixed the nuptials of his daughter to take place on 
 the anniversary of that sixtieth day." Forthwith as many 
 Greeks as, by their possessions or ancestry, could make the 
 pretension, repaired thither as suitors; and Clisthenes pre- 
 pared for their exercises a race course, and a palaestra. From 
 Italy there came Smyndyrides, son of Hippocrates, a Sybarite, 
 who carried luxury to its utmost excess — and Sybaris was at 
 that time in its height of prosperity, And from Siris came 
 Damasus, son of Amyris, called the sage, these came from 
 Italy. From the Ionian Gulph — Amphimnestris, son of 
 Epistrophus, of Epidamnus. From JEtolia, Titormus, who 
 surpassed the Greeks in strength, and who retired from the 
 society of men to the extreme parts of iEtolia ; he was brother 
 to Males. From Peloponnesus came Leocedes, son of Phidon, 
 tyrant of Argos, (whose ancestor) Phidon introduced the use 
 of measures among the Peloponnesians, and displayed un- 
 common arrogance in expelling from their office the Elean 
 presidents of the Olympic games, (p. 175,) and himself 
 regulated the contests. Also Amiantus, son of Lycurgus, 
 from Trapezunte in Arcadia; and Laphanes from Paeus, of 
 Azania, son of Euphorion, who, as the story is told in Arcadia, 
 received to his house the Dioscures (Castor and Pollux) and 
 (127) 
 
4G4 CLISTHENES OF SICYON. 
 
 from that time kept open house for strangers of all sorts.—* 
 And Onomastus, son of Agaeus, an Elean. — These came 
 from Peloponnesus. From Athens came Megacles, son of 
 Alcmjeon, the same that visited Croesus, and also Hippoclides, 
 son of Tisander — eminent among the Athenians both for 
 wealth and beauty of person. From Eretria — at that time in 
 its most flourishing state, came Lusanias— the only man from 
 Eubcea. From Thessaly, Diactorides, a Cranonian of the 
 family of the Scopades, and from the Molossians, Alcon. 
 These were the suitors. 
 
 Arriving on the day appointed, Clisthenes first inquired 
 the country and extraction of each : then reserving the decision 
 to the end of the year, he meantime made trial of their valour, 
 and spirit, and learning, and manners, by having familiar 
 intercourse with each and with all, and by exercising the 
 younger of them in athletic games, and especially by conver- 
 sation at table. During the whole time in which he retained 
 them, he continued the same course of proceedings, and mean- 
 while entertained them sumptuously. 
 
 Of all the suitors, those from Athens most pleased him ; 
 and of these chiefly Hippoclides, son of Tisander, both on 
 account of his personal merits, and because of the affinity of 
 his ancestors to the Cypselides of Corinth. When the day 
 appointed arrived for celebrating the marriage, and on which 
 Clisthenes was to decide among the suitors, he killed a hun- 
 dred oxen, and regaled, not only them, but all the people of 
 Sicyon. After the feast, the suitors contended in a musical 
 performance, and in discussing themes proposed to them. 
 When wine had circulated freely, Hippoclides, who engrossed 
 the attention of the company, commanded the piper to play 
 a merry air, which he did, while Hippoclides danced to the 
 time — much to his own satisfaction; but Clisthenes beheld 
 the performance with disgust. Then, after resting himself a 
 while, he commanded a table to be brought in, upon which he 
 mounted, and executed, first the Laconic figure, {dance) and 
 then the Attic. In the next place, pitching his head on the 
 table, he performed with the legs the gestures proper to the 
 
 (129) 
 
CLISTHENES. 465 
 
 arms.* The first and the second dance had made Clisthenes 
 revolt from the idea of making Hippoclides his son-in-law : 
 yet, though offended by the indecorum of the performance, he 
 restrained himself, not being- willing to express aloud his 
 feelings. But when he beheld him gesticulating with his legs 
 — no longer able to refrain, he exclaimed — " Son of Tisander, 
 you have danced away the sonship" (the pretension to marry 
 his daughter). To which the other only replied — " No matter 
 to Hippoclides." The answer became a bye- word. 
 
 Clisthenes then having commanded silence, thus addressed 
 the assembly: — " Gentlemen — the suitors of my daughter! 
 I applaud you all, and, were that possible, I would gladly 
 avoid distinguishing one above the others, or reject any. But 
 since the contention has been for one lady, it is imprac- 
 ticable to gratify the ambition of all. To each one of you 
 therefore, whose pretensions must be rejected, I give a talent 
 of silver, as an expression of the sense I entertain of the 
 honour you do me in wishing to marry my daughter, and also 
 to defray the expences of your journey hither. And I bestow 
 my daughter Agarista in marriage, according to the usages of 
 Athens, upon Megacles, son of Alcmaeon." Megacles pro- 
 fessed his acceptance of the offer, and the nuptials were 
 celebrated by Clisthenes. Thus it was that the choice among 
 the suitors was decided, and thus that the Alcmaeonids became 
 celebrated throughout Greece. The offspring of this marriage 
 was named Clisthenes, after his maternal grandfather of 
 Sicyon, and it was he who distributed the Athenians into 
 {ten) tribes, and established the power of the people. Me- 
 gacles had another son, named Hippocrates, whose son was 
 named Megacles, and his daughter Agarista, after the daughter 
 of Clisthenes. She married Xantippus, son of Ariphron, and 
 dreamed that she should bring forth a lion : soon afterwards 
 she gave birth to Pericles.] 
 
 * Tumbling performances of this kind are represented on many Greek 
 works of art : the performers are generally women. 
 
 (131) 2 h 
 
466 
 
 SECTION XII. 
 
 EXPLOITS AND DEATH OF MILTIADES. 
 
 After the defeat of the Persians at Marathon, Miltiades, 
 who had before possessed a high reputation at Athens, 
 found his fame greatly augmented. On the strength of 
 this increased credit he asked of the Athenians seventy 
 ships, with men and money, without making known what 
 place was the object of the expedition ; but only saying 
 that he would greatly enrich them if they would follow 
 him, leading them to a land whence they might with ease 
 obtain an unlimited quantity of gold. Elated with these 
 hopes, the Athenians granted the ships. Assuming the 
 command of the armament, Miltiades sailed to Paros, 
 using as a pretext the allegation that the Parians had 
 began hostilities by sending a trireme with the Persian to 
 Marathon. Such was his pretext ; but in fact he was 
 moved by hatred against the Parians, on account of 
 Lysagoras, son of Tisias, a Parian, who had calumniated 
 him to Hydarnes the Persian. Arriving with the fleet off 
 the island, Miltiades besieged the Parians within their 
 walls, and sending a herald, demanded a hundred talents, 
 saying that unless they gave him that sum, he would not 
 withdraw the army until he had taken the city. But the 
 Parians, instead of entertaining the proposition of Milti- 
 ades, thought only of every means to strengthen their 
 defences. Among other measures adopted by them, they, 
 by working at night, raised the walls double their former 
 height in all those places where the town was most open 
 to attack. 
 
 So far we follow the account in which all the Greeks 
 concur ; but for the rest we depend on the Parians alone. 
 (134) 
 
SIEGE OF PAROS. 4()7 
 
 While Miltiades was yet doubtful of the issue of the siege, 
 a Parian woman named Timo, who was his captive, con- 
 ferred with him ;— she was priestess of the infernal gods. 
 This woman advised Miltiades, if indeed he was intent 
 upon taking Paros, to follow her instructions, which he 
 listened to, and in consequence he repaired to the hill in 
 front of the city, whence he leaped the fence of the temple 
 of Ceres Thesmophora ; for he could not open the door. 
 Having surmounted the partition, he proceeded towards 
 the temple — with what intention — whether to move those 
 things which were not to be moved, or to effect any other 
 object, is not known ; but when he reached the gates, 
 suddenly a horror seized him, and he returned the way 
 he came, but in vaulting over the fence, he dislocated 
 his thigh ; or, as others say, wounded his knee. 
 
 After this disaster, Miltiades withdrew the fleet, with- 
 out either obtaining money for the Athenians, or getting 
 possession of Paros. The siege lasted six and twenty 
 days, in which time the open country of the island was 
 ravaged. The Parians being informed that the priestess 
 Timo had given instructions to Miltiades, wished to inflict 
 punishment upon her, and as soon as the siege was raised, 
 sent messengers to Delphi to inquire if they should not 
 condemn to death the priestess of the infernal gods, who 
 had acted as guide to the enemy in his attempt against her 
 country, and had exposed to Miltiades those sacred 
 mysteries which no man should behold. But the Pythian 
 suffered them not to do so, saying, " that it was not of 
 Timo that these things had happened; but Miltiades, 
 being fated to end his days disastrously, she had only led 
 him to his own calamities." 
 
 On his return from Paros, Miltiades was loudly com- 
 plained of by the Athenians, especially by Xantippus, son 
 of Ariphron, who accused him capitally before the people, 
 of having deceived the Athenians. Miltiades was unable to 
 answer for himself; for his thigh had become gangrenous; 
 (136) 2 h 2 
 
468 DEATH OF MILT-JADES. 
 
 but he was brought on a couch into court, where his 
 cause was pleaded by his friends, who largely dwelt upon 
 his merits in the battle of Marathon, and mentioned also 
 the capture of Lemnos, which he had given up to the 
 Athenians, after wreaking vengeance on the Pelasgians. 
 The people were so far won over as to acquit him of the 
 capital part of the charge ; but they adjudged him to pay 
 a fine of fifty talents for the injury he had done to 
 the state. Presently after the passing of this sentence, 
 a mortification of the thigh took place, and Miltiades ex- 
 pired. The fifty talents were paid by his son Cimon. 
 
 [Miltiades had possessed himself of Lemnos in the following- 
 manner.' — Whether justly or not I shall not decide — the 
 Athenians had expelled the Pelasgians from Attica — I only 
 report what I have heard. Hecataeus, son of Hegesander, 
 does indeed afiirm, in his history, that the expulsion was unjust, 
 for, says he, the Athenians seeing that the lands under Mount 
 Hymettus, which they had given to the Pelasgians as their hire 
 for building the wall around the Acropolis was well cultivated, 
 though heretofore the district had been sterile and of no value, 
 envied them the possession of it, and actually drove away the 
 Pelasgians, without even assigning any other reason for so 
 doing, except their strong desire to regain possession. But on 
 the other hand the Athenians say — that they drove them 
 away not without just cause ; for the Pelasgians, while living 
 at the foot of Mount Hymettus, were wont to make incursions 
 on the lands of the Athenians, and to injure the young women 
 and children of the Athenians, who went to draw water at the 
 well called Enneacrunos {nine springs), for at that time there 
 were no slaves at Athens, nor indeed in other cities of Greece. 
 As often as these young women came to the fountain, the 
 Pelasgians treated them with the utmost insolence and con- 
 tempt. Nor was this enough ; but in the end they were de- 
 tected in an attempt against the city. On this occasion the 
 Athenians exhibited their eminent moderation, for when they 
 had right to put the Pelasgians to death, who had been con- 
 
 (137) 
 
THE PELASGIANS OF LEMNOS. 469 
 
 victed of treason, they would not do so; but only required 
 them to quit the country. Thus driven from their lands, the 
 Pelasgians betook themselves to different places, and some 
 settled in Lemnos. The first account is that of Hecataeus, 
 the last that of the Athenians. 
 
 These Pelasgians who settled in Lemnos desired to avenge 
 themselves on the Athenians, and being well informed of the 
 times of the Athenian festivals, they equipped some fifty- 
 oared gallies, and forming an ambuscade at Brauron, seized 
 and carried off a number of Athenian women, who were 
 celebrating the feast of Diana at that place : with these they 
 sailed away to Lemnos where they detained them. The 
 children of these women were taught by their mothers the 
 language of Attica, and the manners of the Athenians, and 
 they refused to hold any intercourse with the Pelasgian chil- 
 dren, and if ever any one of them received a blow from the 
 Pelasgian children, they would all run together to avenge the 
 affront, and actually affected to rule the others as if they were 
 their slaves. The Pelasgians perceiving it, considered the matter 
 seriously, and said one to another — " If now these boys sup- 
 port each other against the children of our true wives, and 
 even now attempt to domineer over them, what will they do 
 when they become men ?" Forthwith they resolved to put 
 to- death all the sons of the women brought from Attica, and 
 actually effected their purpose, destroying with them the 
 mothers also. Prom this deed, and from one perpetrated 
 at an earlier period, when the women (of Lemnos) killed all 
 their husbands, together with Thoas (the king) — has arisen the 
 usage throughout Greece of denominating any atrocious deed 
 — " a Lemnian act." 
 
 But after the Pelasgians had in this manner destroyed their 
 own sons, and the women, neither did their lands yield har- 
 vests, nor their wives bear children, nor their herds produce 
 young, as heretofore. Urged by want and bereavement, they 
 sent to Delphi to ask some release from their impending woes. 
 But the Pythian commanded them to pay as a forfeit to the 
 Athenians whatever that people should think fit to demand. 
 The Pelasgians came therefore to Athens, and professed their 
 (139) 2 h 3 
 
470 LEMNOS ACQUIRED BY MILTIADES. 
 
 willingness to make full satisfaction for the wrong they had 
 done. The Athenians dressing a couch in the prytaneum very 
 magnificently, and also spreading a table with good things 
 of all kinds, commanded the Pelasgians to surrender their 
 island to them in like condition. The Pelasgians in reply 
 said : — " When the north wind shall in one day bring a vessel 
 from you to us, then we will surrender our island to you." 
 This they said well knowing the thing to be impossible ; for 
 Attica bears south from Lemnos, and at a considerable dis- 
 tance. 
 
 This was all that then took place. But very many years 
 afterwards, when the Chersonese of the Hellespont came 
 under the domination of the Athenians, Miltiades, son of 
 Cimon, was carried by the etesian wind (summer north wind) 
 from Elaeus in the Chersonese to Lemnos; and commanded 
 the Pelasgians to quit the island, reminding them of the pre- 
 diction which they had imagined could never be accomplished. 
 The citizens of Hephaestia obeyed ; but those of Myrina, not 
 acknowledging the Chersonese to be Attica, were besieged, 
 and at length compelled to yield. Thus it was that the Athe- 
 nians, by the agency of Miltiades, became possessed of 
 Lemnos.] 
 
 (140) 
 
BOOK VII. 
 
 P O L Y M N I A. 
 
 B.C. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 NEW PREPARATIONS TO INVADE GREECE -XERXES 
 SUCCEEDS DARIUS. 
 
 When the news of the battle of Marathon reached 
 king Darius, son of Hystaspes, the strong resentment he 489 
 had before entertained against the Athenians, on account 
 of their attack upon Sardis, was greatly increased ; and 
 now, more than ever, he desired to prosecute the war 
 upon Greece. Presently after the arrival of the intelli- 
 gence, he despatched messengers to every city, demanding 
 levies of men, which were required to be much larger 
 than before : ships also, and horses, and grain, and trans- 
 ports, were to be furnished. During three years all Asia 
 was kept 4 n agitation by the circulation of these orders ; 
 the bravest men being every where enrolled to serve in 
 the expedition against Greece. But while these prepara- 
 tions were making, and in the fourth year, the Egyptians, 
 who had been subjugated by Cambyses, revolted from the 
 Persian domination. Whereupon a quickened movement 
 took place, to attack both {Egyptians and Greeks). 
 
 Just as Darius was about to proceed against Egypt and 
 Athens, a great contention arose among his sons for the 
 (2) 2 h 4 
 
472 CONTENTION FOR THE PERSIAN THRONE. 
 
 right of succession to the throne : for by the Persian law 
 the king could not set out on a military expedition until 
 he had named his successor. Before he came to the 
 kingdom, Darius had three sons by his first wife, the 
 daughter of Gobryas ; and after his ascending the throne, 
 four, by Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus. Of the first 
 three, the eldest was Artabazanes, and of the after four 
 — Xerxes ; and these not being sons of the same mother, 
 contended for the right of succession. Artabazanes, 
 on his part, alleged that he being the eldest of all his 
 father's sons, his claim rested on the universal usage of 
 mankind, which gave the right of succession to the eldest 
 son. On the other hand Xerxes founded his pretension 
 on his being the son of Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus — 
 the prince who had obtained emancipation for the Per- 
 sians. 
 
 Darius had not yet declared his opinion, when it hap- 
 pened that Demaratus, son of Ariston, having been 
 deprived of the kingly office, and obliged to retire from 
 Lacedaemon, arrived at Susa. This personage being in- 
 formed of the dissension among the sons of Darius, joined 
 himself — as it is commonly affirmed, with Xerxes, and 
 advised him, in addition to the plea already advanced, to 
 use the following argument. He (Xerxes) was born to 
 Darius after he had become king, and actually held the 
 Persian sceptre. Whereas, when Artabazanes was born, 
 Darius was only a private person. It could not therefore 
 be deemed either reasonable or just for any one to possess 
 the sovereign dignity before himself (the son of the king). 
 " And thus," continued Demaratus, " at Sparta, the law 
 obtains, that, though a king may have sons born before 
 his accession, the son born after the father becomes king 
 actually succeeds him on the throne." Xerxes availed 
 himself of the advice of Demaratus, and Darius acknow- 
 ledging the justness of the argument, declared him to be 
 heir to the throne. Tome it seems that Xerxes wou',d 
 
 (3) 
 
ACCESSION OF XERXES. 473 
 
 have obtained the kingdom even without the advice of 
 the Spartan; for Atossa possessed unbounded influence 
 at court. 
 
 Darius having appointed Xerxes as his successor in the 
 Persian throne, hastened his departure on the intended 
 expedition. But as he was about to do so, when all 
 preparations were completed, and in the second year of 
 the Egyptian revolt, Darius died, after a reign of thirty- B. C. 
 six years, and before he could avenge himself either 
 on the rebellious Egyptians, or upon the Athenians. 
 On his death the royal authority descended to his son 
 Xerxes. 
 
 At the commencement of his reign, Xerxes was far 
 from being inclined to prosecute the war against Greece, 
 and the forces he assembled were designed to reduce 
 Egypt. But Mardonius, son of Gobryas, who was 
 cousin to Xerxes, being son of the sister of Darius, was 
 near the king, and beyond any other Persian possessed 
 influence over him. And in such terms as the following 
 it was that he addressed Xerxes : — " My lord, it ought 
 not to be that the Athenians, who have already wrought 
 so much mischief to the Persians, should be suffered to 
 have done so with impunity. Finish then what you have 
 now in hand ; and after quelling the insolence of Egypt, 
 set out for Athens. So shall you obtain the applauses of 
 mankind ; nor shall a hostile force ever in future dare 
 to set foot within your dominions." In addition to these 
 motives of vengeance, he went on to say, that — " Europe 
 was an exceedingly fair land, producing all kinds of fruit- 
 bearing trees ; — in a word, altogether excellent, and a fit 
 possession for none but the king." 
 
 In urging this advice, .Mardonius was impelled by the 
 desire to be employed in new enterprizes ; he wished also 
 to obtain Greece as his government. At length he suc- 
 ceeded in persuading Xerxes to give effect to his pro- 
 posal, and other events concurred to produce the same 
 (6) 
 
474 DETERMINATION TO INVADE GREECE. 
 
 determination. For in the first place there arrived from 
 Thessaly messengers sent by the Aleuads, calling upon 
 the king with zealous importunity to invade Greece. 
 Now these Aleuads were Thessalian kings (chiefs). 
 Moreover the Pisistratids, who had come to Susa, inces- 
 santly held the same language as the Aleuads, and they 
 prevailed with the king even more, by having in their 
 interests Onomacritus, an Athenian diviner, who inter- 
 preted the oracles of Musaeus : in coming to Susa they 
 had reconciled themselves with him ; for Onomacritus 
 had been banished from Athens by Hipparchus, son of 
 Pisistratus, on occasion of his having been detected 
 by Lasus, of Hermione, in interpolating among the 
 oracles of Musaeus, one which predicted that the islands 
 around Lemnos should disappear in the sea. On this 
 account it was that Hipparchus, who before had been on 
 very good terms with him, banished the diviner. But at 
 the time of which we are speaking, Onomacritus, having 
 joined himself with the Pisistratids, they had said much 
 of him to the king ; and he, whenever introduced into the 
 royal presence, recited some of these oracles. Such of 
 them as predicted any calamity to the Barbarian he did 
 not repeat ; but selected only those verses which spoke of 
 successes. Among them was one declaring that " a 
 Persian was destined to yoke the Hellespont with a 
 bridge :" this he referred to the expedition against Greece. 
 Such were the predictions produced by the diviner, 
 and such the arguments used by the Pisistratids and the 
 Aleuads. 
 
 Xerxes having consented to invade Greece, first pro- 
 ceeded to quell the insurgents. This took place in *the 
 B.C. second year after the death of Darius. Having defeated 
 them, he reduced Egypt to a state of servitude more 
 severe than that in which it had been held by Darius ; 
 and appointed as governor Achaemenes his brother, and 
 son of the late king. This Achaemenes some time after- 
 
 (7) 
 
 484. 
 
SPEECH OF XERXES. 475 
 
 wards, and while prefect of Egypt, was slain by Inarus, 
 son of Psammitichus, a Libyan. 
 
 After the reduction of Egypt, Xerxes, before he led 
 his forces against Athens, convoked an assembly of the 
 principal Persians, both to learn their opinions, and to 
 make known his purpose to all of them. Xerxes thus 
 addressed the assembly : — " Persians, I introduce nothing 
 new among you ; but only follow the practices received 
 from our ancestors: for, as I learn from the ancients, 
 never since we obtained the sovereign power from the 
 Medes, when Cyrus deposed Astyages, have we been 
 inactive. But the divinity — so leading the way — we have 
 followed in the course of continued successes. You well 
 know, nor need I recount the exploits of Cyrus, and of 
 Cambyses, and of my father, Darius ; or tell what they 
 achieved, and what nations they added to our empire. 
 For myself, ever since I ascended the throne, it has been 
 my study not to be inferior to my precursors in the glory 
 of conquest, nor less than they, to extend the boundaries 
 of the Persian domination. And on mature deliberation 
 I find that we may at once win for ourselves an increase 
 of glory, and obtain possession of a country not inferior 
 to that we now inhabit — a country by no means despicable, 
 and indeed eminently fertile ; while at the same time we 
 execute vengeance on our enemies. I have therefore 
 convoked you that I may impart to you my intentions. 
 I propose, after joining the Hellespont, to lead an army 
 on the European side into Greece, that I may punish the 
 Athenians for the injuries inflicted by them upon the 
 Persians, and upon my father. You know that when 
 Darius was setting out to invade these people, he died, 
 and so failed to avenge himself. But I, on behalf of him, 
 and of the Persians at large, will not desist from my 
 endeavours till I have captured and burned Athens ; for 
 the Athenians have been the authors of wrong against 
 both me and my father ; — first, when with Aristagoras of 
 (8) 
 
476 SPEECH OF XERXES 
 
 Miletus, our slave, they advanced upon Sardis, and burned 
 the sacred groves and the temples : and then, what they 
 did when our army under Datis and Artaphernes invaded 
 them, you all perfectly well know. On these grounds 
 therefore I am resolved to make war upon them. But 
 besides these reasons, I find that signal advantages offer 
 themselves also to us, for if we vanquish these people 
 and their immediate neighbours — the inhabitants of the 
 country of Pelops the Phrygian — the Persian empire will 
 be limited only by Jove and the heavens ; nor will the 
 sun behold any land that shall form our boundary. With 
 you traversing the whole of Europe, I will form, of all 
 countries, a single empire. I am informed, that if the 
 people I have mentioned are subdued, there is not a 
 city nor a nation remaining, at all capable of contending 
 with us in the field. And thus, with rightful cause, or 
 with none, all shall alike receive the yoke of bondage. 
 It remains then for you in executing my purposes to merit 
 my favour. At the time which I shall fix, use, all of 
 you, your greatest diligence to be in readiness. Upon 
 him who shall come attended by the best appointed troops, 
 I will bestow such gifts as are most highly valued among 
 us. This then is to be done. Yet lest I should seem to 
 you to act on my own advice only, I now propose the 
 matter to you, giving leave to any one who wishes to do 
 so, to make known his opinion." 
 
 Mardonius next spoke as follows — >" My Lord ! — the 
 best, not only of all the Persian kings that have yet 
 lived, but the best that shall ever reign ! Well and truly 
 have you spoken on all points, especially in declaring that 
 you will not suffer the Ionians of Europe — contemptible 
 as they are, to mock us. Of most ill consequence would 
 it be, if after reducing to servitude the Saces, and the 
 Indians, and the Ethiopians, and the Assyrians, and other 
 great and powerful nations, who had done us no injury, 
 and whom we subdued only to enlarge our empire — we 
 
 (9) 
 
AND OF MARDONIUS. 477 
 
 should fail to punish the Greeks, who have commenced 
 hostilities against us ! And what have we to fear ? what 
 confluence of numbers 1 what resources of wealth ? We 
 know their manner of fighting ; we know their strength — 
 that it is very feebleness. We hold already in subjection 
 their descendants, who occupy our continent — I mean the 
 Ionians, and the iEolians, and the Dorians. I myself, 
 under the orders of your father, have made trial of these 
 men in the field, and when I invaded Greece, and led 
 our armies as far as Macedonia, and almost reached 
 Athens itself, none of them opposed my progress. So 
 great, as I am informed, is the fool-hardiness and stu- 
 pidity of the Greeks, that they prosecute wars in the 
 most heedless manner. For when two nations among 
 them have declared hostilities, they seek out the most 
 open and level spot they can find, where they fight ; so 
 that even the victors do not fail to sustain great loss. 
 And as to the vanquished — if they are not utterly de- 
 stroyed, I know not what to say of them. But, speaking 
 as they do all one language, they ought to adjust their 
 differences by heralds and ambassadors, and by any means 
 rather than by the sword. But if they must fight, why 
 not search for positions the least accessible that their 
 country affords, and there try their quarrels 1 It was 
 from the want of some such advantageous mode of war- 
 fare that, when I advanced as far as Macedonia, the 
 Greeks never met me in the field. But as you, O king, 
 will lead with you the entire force of Asia, both by land 
 and sea, shall any dare to oppose you in arms ? Truly 
 I think not — I do not believe the presumption of the 
 Greeks has reached that height. And yet, should I 
 be mistaken, and should they in unadvised temerity meet 
 us in the field, it will be for them then to learn that we 
 are of all men the most valiant and the most skilled in 
 war. I say then let the issue be tried. Human affairs 
 move not of themselves — success loves to wait upon 
 (9) 
 
478 SPEECH OF 
 
 endeavours." Having thus smoothed the way for the 
 adoption of the king's opinion, Mardonius ceased. 
 
 For some time, all the Persian princes kept silence ; 
 no one venturing to declare an opinion opposite to the 
 one before them. At length Artabanus, son of Hys- 
 taspes, and brother of the late king, confiding in the 
 respect to which he was on this ground entitled, thus 
 spoke — " Sire ! unless opposing opinions are advanced, 
 no choice can be exercised — the one proposed must needs 
 be adopted. But if different opinions are stated, the 
 better may be taken. Thus the find gold is not to be 
 discerned by itself; but we rub (or compare) the one 
 piece against the other, and so recognize the better. I 
 warned your father, and my brother Darius, not to invade 
 the Scythians — a people not inhabiting towns ; but he, 
 confident that he should subdue the nomadic tribes, 
 would not listen to my advice, and ere he returned from 
 that enterprize, lost a large number of his bravest troops. 
 But you, O king, are about to attack a people much 
 superior to the Scythians, who are reputed to excel in 
 war, both by sea and land. It is then my duty to set 
 before you the hazard you are incurring. You say that 
 after joining the Hellespont, you intend to lead your 
 forces through Europe to Greece. But it may happen 
 to you to be defeated, either by land or by sea ; or per- 
 haps by both ; for these people are said to be of high 
 courage. And indeed of this we have convincing proof, 
 for the Athenians alone destroyed that vast army which, 
 under Dates and Artaphernes, invaded Attica. But let 
 us suppose that they are not successful both by land and 
 sea; but only that they engage and defeat our fleet, 
 and then, sailing to the Hellespont, dissolve the bridge. — 
 That, sire, would be no small calamity ! Nor do I, in 
 making such a supposition, reason prudentially upon mere 
 probabilities, but found my calculations upon what had 
 very nearly happened to us, when your father, throwing 
 
 (10) 
 
ARTABANUS, 479 
 
 bridges over the Thracian Bosphorus, and over the Ister 
 passed into Scythia. At that time, no means were left 
 untried by the Scythians which might induce the Ionians, 
 who were left in charge of the bridge over the Ister, to 
 break up the passage ; and if then Histiaeus, tyrant of 
 Miletus, had not opposed the will of the other tyrants, 
 the Persians would have been utterly ruined. Truly it 
 is a fearful thing to hear it said, that the whole fate of 
 the empire actually depended upon the fidelity of an 
 individual. 
 
 " Do not then, where no necessity exists, incur a like 
 peril. Yield to my advice. — Dismiss this assembly, and 
 once again — when it shall seem to you proper — deliberate 
 with yourself; and then command what you shall think 
 best. Nothing in my judgment is so advantageous as to 
 act upon mature deliberation. And then, having pru- 
 dently concerted our measures, even if the result does not 
 correspond to our wishes, it is chance that has defeated 
 wisdom. But when a man's designs are ill concerted, 
 even if fortune favours him, though he has gained his 
 object, it is nevertheless only the success of folly. See 
 you that God hurls his bolt at the more lofty creatures, 
 nor endures their self-display ; while the smaller chafe 
 him not ? See you that the tallest mansions always, and 
 the tallest trees are scathed by the shafts of heaven? 
 For God delights to cut short whatever is proudly emi- 
 nent, and thus often a mighty host is destroyed by a 
 few. If God is jealous toward them, he casts his terrors 
 on them, or his thunders roar, and thus, forfeiting their 
 fame, they perish. For God will suffer none but himself 
 to be highly exalted. Affairs that are hurried, fail not to 
 produce mischances, whence extensive damage will arise. 
 But what is done with cautious delays, contains in it 
 success, which, though not at once apparent, will in 
 time be seen. Such then, O king, are my counsels. 
 
 "As to you Mardonius, son of Gobryas, cease to utter 
 (10) 
 
480 SPEECH OF ARTABANUS. 
 
 empty calumnies against the Greeks, who merit not to be 
 thus spoken of. In railing at the Greeks, you aim to 
 excite the king to lead the army against them : for this 
 seems to be the tendency of all your eager endeavours. 
 But may it not so be ! Slander is indeed a dire evil, 
 wherein two unite to injure one. He who utters slander, 
 wrongs another, for he accuses one who is absent ; and 
 he who hears it, wrongs him by assenting to a statement 
 without full information : the absent man receives then a 
 double injury, for he is calumniated by one, and ill 
 thought of by the other. 
 
 " But if at any hazard these Greeks must be attacked, 
 let the king remain at home in Persia. And let your 
 children, Mardonius, and mine, be held as gages, while 
 you set out at the head of such troops as you shall choose, 
 and with the greatest armament you wish, and if the 
 king's affairs prosper, as you predict, then let my children 
 and me also, be put to death. But if that happens which 
 I anticipate, let the same be inflicted on yours, and on 
 you — if indeed you ever return. Yet if you refuse to 
 accept these conditions, and if at any rate you will lead 
 the army against Greece, I announce that it will be 
 heard by those who shall be left in this place, that Mar- 
 donius, after bringing great calamities upon the Per- 
 sians, was torn in pieces by dogs and birds, in such or 
 such a spot of the Athenian or of the Lacedaemonian ter- 
 ritory : — if indeed this fate does not befal him ere he 
 reaches Greece. Yet shall he first have learned what 
 sort of men they are against whom he incites the king to 
 make war." 
 
 To this speech of Artabanus, Xerxes, in great anger, 
 thus replied — " Artabanus, you are my father's brother ; 
 this saves you from paying the forfeit due to the pre- 
 sumption of your discourse. Yet I lay upon you this 
 disgrace, that, cowardly and pusillanimous as you are, you 
 shall not attend me in this expedition against Greece ; 
 
 (11) 
 
REPLY OF XERXES. 481 
 
 but shall remain here among the women. Meanwhile I, 
 without you, will accomplish all that I have spoken of. 
 If I avenge not myself upon the Athenians, let me not 
 be reckoned to be sprung from the stock of Darius, son 
 of Hystaspes, and of Arsames — of Ariaramnes, of Teispes, 
 of Cyrus, of Cambyses, of Teispes, of Achaemenes. 
 And well I know that if we remain quiet they will not, 
 but will presently invade our territory. This we may 
 certainly infer from what they have already attempted, 
 when they burned Sardis, and made inroads upon Asia. 
 Neither party can now draw back; all that remains for us 
 in the conflict on which we have entered, is either to 
 make or sustain war. Either all these countries must 
 become subject to the Greeks, or all those to the Per- 
 sians. There can be no medium in this contention. And 
 while it is honourable in us to avenge the injuries we 
 have already sustained, I shall learn what dire evil I am 
 to suffer in attacking these people, whom Pelops the 
 Phrygian — a slave of my ancestors, so vanquished that, to 
 the present time, they and the country they inhabit (Pelo- 
 ponnesus) are designated from the conqueror." 
 
 [Such were the expressions of Xerxes at that time, but 
 when the hour of calm reflection arrived, he was disquieted 
 by the advice Artabanus had given ; and consulting with him- 
 self during the night, he came altogether to the conclusion 
 that it was not his interest to make war upon Greece. Having 
 so determined, he fell asleep, and then, as the Persians relate, 
 he saw a vision of a man — tall and beautiful — standing before 
 him, which thus spoke: — " Persian! — and after having re- 
 solved — after having commanded the princes to assemble their 
 __ forces, will you not lead them against Greece ? You neither 
 act worthily in changing your purpose, nor will any one think 
 well of you in so doing. Rather go forward in the course on 
 which you this day resolved." After uttering these words, 
 the vision disappeared. At break of day, Xerxes, without 
 (13) 2 i 
 
4&Z THE SPECTRAL ADVISER 
 
 paying any attention to the vision, convoked the Persian 
 princes whom he had before assembled, and thus addressed 
 them : — " Persians ! grant me your indulgence in changing 
 my counsels. I have not yet attained consummate wisdom : 
 and those who urge me to the enterprize in question have every 
 moment beset me. On first hearing the advice given by 
 Artabanus, the heat of youth impelled me to fling contumelious 
 expressions at a man whose years should have commanded 
 respect. But now, conscious of my fault, I adopt his advice. 
 As therefore I have reversed the decree to invade Greece, 
 desist from your preparations." The Persians, filled with joy 
 in hearing this determination, did reverence to the king. 
 
 But at night the same vision again appeared to Xerxes as he 
 slept, and said : — " Son of Darius, you have then openly 
 renounced before the Persians the invasion of Greece, and 
 have paid no more attention to my words than as if you had not 
 heard them. But now learn, unless forthwith you set out with 
 the army, what ills shall arise to you : — great and powerful as 
 you have rapidly become, so rapidly shall you be brought 
 low." Xerxes, alarmed by this vision, rushed from his couch, 
 and despatched a messenger to call Artabanus, whom, on his 
 arrival, he thus addressed : — " Artabanus, I had lost posses- 
 sion of reason when I replied to your good advice by insolent 
 speeches ; but presently I felt my error, and perceived that I 
 ought to take the course you recommended. And yet, though 
 willing to do so, I am unable to effect my wishes. For 
 since I changed my resolution, and perceived my error, a 
 spectre has come, and presenting itself before me, utterly con- 
 demns my altered purpose. Even now it has gone from me, 
 after uttering threats. If then it is a god that has sent it, whose 
 pleasure it is that the war with Greece should be undertaken, 
 the same vision will appear to you also, and will repeat the 
 commands it has given to me. And I think the best way of 
 accomplishing our object will be for you to invest yourself 
 with all my regal attire, and then to sit upon my throne, and 
 then to sleep upon my couch." 
 
 So spoke Xerxes : but Artabanus, who deemed not himself 
 worthy to sit on the royal throne, could not at first yield to 
 
 (16) 
 
OF THE KING. 483 
 
 the invitation of the king ; but at length, being compelled to 
 conform himself to the royal will, he thus expressed himself : 
 " Sire, in my judgment it is an equal merit to think wisely, or 
 to be willing to yield to one who offers good advice. Both 
 these merits are your's : but the profligate persons who are your 
 companions, deceive you, and one might apply to you what is 
 said of the sea, that though in itself the most useful of all 
 things to man, the gusts of wind that fall upon it suffer it not 
 to retain its real nature. As to the injurious words you 
 uttered against me, they gave me less pain than to perceive 
 that when two courses were proposed to us, of which the one 
 tended to swell the arrogance of the Persians, and the other 
 to allay it, by showing how hurtful it is to inspire the soul 
 with, the unceasing desire of obtaining something more than 
 we at present possess — you adopted that course which is the 
 most hazardous, both to yourself and to your people. And 
 yet now, after adopting the better resolution, and when about 
 to disband the armament intended to invade Greece, a vision, 
 you say, has come — sent by some divinity, which prohibits 
 your dismissing the forces. My son, these visions have nothing 
 in them divine. These vagrant dreams which beset mankind 
 arise from such causes as I will explain — and I have seen 
 many more years than you. — Whatever a man has been most 
 occupied with during the day, will usually give occasion to 
 such wanderings of the fancy during sleep : and on the preceding? 
 day this same expedition very deeply engaged us. But if it> 
 is not what I suppose, but indeed an intimation from a god, 
 then you have rightly judged that it will appear to me also, 
 and utter the same injunctions. Nor will it the more appear 
 if I put on your attire, than if I retain my own : nor rather if 
 sleeping on your couch, than on my own — if indeed it is to 
 appear at all. Whatever it may be, the spectre you saw is 
 not so stupid as to take me for you, merely judging by the 
 sight of your garb. But if it makes no account of me — if it 
 deems me unworthy of such a manifestation, it would not 
 deem otherwise, though I were clad in your robes instead of 
 my own. Now then we have to learn whether it will present 
 itself again. And if it does indeed reappear, and incessantly, 
 (16) 2 i 2 • 
 
484 TERROR OF ARTABANUS. 
 
 I shall myself think it divine. Yet, if you are so resolved, and 
 if I cannot move your purpose, but must even sleep on your 
 couch, I will do so, and may the spectre appear to me also ! 
 But until it does, I must retain my own opinion." 
 
 Having spoken to this effect, Artabanes, hoping to convince 
 Xerxes of the futility of what he had mentioned, complied 
 with his instructions, and putting on the king's vesture, sat 
 down on the royal throne ; and when afterwards he v slept on the 
 couch of Xerxes, the very same spectre presented itself to 
 him also, and standing over him, thus addressed him : — " And 
 art thou then the man that has dissuaded Xerxes from the 
 expedition against Greece, as if thou wert his guardian ? 
 But neither in future, nor even now, shalt thou with impunity 
 avert the course of destiny. To Xerxes himself has been 
 declared what he shall suffer if disobedient." Such were the 
 menaces which Artabanus supposed the spectre' to address to 
 him ; and he thought also that he saw it about to put out his 
 eyes with hot irons. Uttering therefore a loud cry, and leap- 
 ing from the couch, he repaired to the chamber of Xerxes, 
 announcing that the vision had come to him also — and now he 
 addressed to the king a different discourse. 
 
 " I, O king, who have seen once and again extensive and 
 powerful states reduced by inferior forces, could not suffer you 
 to indulge the ambition of youth, well knowing as I do the 
 evil of entertaining unbounded desires. I remembered also 
 the issue of the expedition of Cyrus against the Massagetes ; 
 nor have I forgotten that of Cambyses against the Ethiopians ; 
 nor that of Darius against the Scythians, in which I myself 
 took part :— I say, recollecting these enterprizes, I felt per- 
 suaded that in remaining tranquilly at home, you would enjoy 
 an incomparable felicity. But since some divinity gives the 
 impulse, and, as it seems, threatens destruction to the Greeks, 
 I myself am gained over, and renounce my first opinion. 
 You therefore will make known to the Persians the intimation 
 sent to you from the divinity, and command them to fulfil the 
 orders first given by you for the preparations ; and so con- 
 duct yourself, that, as this task is assigned to you by a god, 
 nothing may be wanting on your part to accomplish it." Both 
 
 (18) 
 
LEVIES FOR THE WAR. 485 
 
 now confiding in the vision — day had no sooner appeared than 
 Xerxes communicated what had passed to the Persians; and 
 Artabanus, who at first had alone opposed the war, now dis- 
 played great assiduity in promoting it. 
 
 While Xerxes was preparing to set out on the expedition, 
 a third vision appeared to' him, which the Mages interpreted 
 as relating to the whole earth, and as intending that all man- 
 kind should serve him. The vision was of this kind : — he 
 thought himself crowned with an olive plant, the branches of 
 which covered all the earth ; but presently the crown of olive 
 disappeared from his head. Such was the decision of the 
 Mages.] 
 
 All the Persian princes who had been convoked imme- 
 diately returned— each to his government, and each using 
 the utmost diligence to acquit himself of the task imposed 
 on him, in the hope of obtaining the promised gifts. Thus 
 did Xerxes draw together his forces, by making requi- 
 sitions from every country of the continent. Reckoning 
 from the reduction of Egypt, four full years were occu- 
 pied in training the levies, and in collecting the supplies. B. c 
 In the course of the fifth he set forwards at the head of a 
 vast multitude. Of all the armaments that we have 
 known to be collected, this was by far the largest. Nor 
 could that with which Darius invaded Scythia be com- 
 pared with it ; nor that of the Seythians when in pursuit 
 of the Cimmerians they invaded Media, and vanquished 
 almost the whole of Upper Asia — which irruption Darius 
 afterwards endeavoured to avenge ; nor the army said to 
 have been conducted against Troy by the Atrides ; nor 
 that of the Mysians and Teucrians, who, before the 
 Trojan war, passing the Bosphorus into Europe, over- 
 threw all the nations of Thrace, and advanced to the 
 Ionian sea, and towards the south, as far as the river 
 Peneus. None of these armies, I say, nor any others, 
 can be compared with that of Xerxes. For what people 
 (21) « 2i3 
 
 481. 
 
486 CANAL OF ATHOS. 
 
 of Asia was there which Xerxes did not lead against 
 Greece ? Or what streams — excepting only the largest 
 rivers, were not consumed by his army ? While some of 
 the nations provided ships, others furnished men for 
 the infantry, and others the cavalry : — some supplied 
 transports for horses, besides men for the army, some 
 prepared large vessels for forming the bridges ; and 
 others provisions, and ships also to convey them. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 CANAL AT MOUNT ATHOS. BRIDGES AT THE HEL- 
 LESPONT. ADVANCE OF THE ARMY TO ABYDOS. 
 
 As the first expedition had suffered loss in doubling 
 Mount Athos, preparations were made against the oc- 
 currence of a like misfortune, by a work commenced three 
 years before. There were stationed at Elaeum, a city of 
 the Chersonese, a number of ships of war, from which 
 were sent out men of all nations drawn from the army, 
 who dug — under the lash ; — one set of men being suc- 
 ceeded by another. The inhabitants also of the sur- 
 rounding country were compelled to dig. The masters of 
 the work were Bubares, son of Megabazus, and Ar- 
 tachsees, son of Artaeus — both Persians. Athos is a great 
 and celebrated mountain, stretching into the sea, and 
 stocked with people. Where it joins the main land, it 
 forms a peninsula, the isthmus being about twelve fur- 
 longs in width. At the isthmus the surface is even, nor 
 are there any considerable hills between the Acanthian 
 gulph and that of Tor one. Upon the neck of land which 
 terminates the promontory of Athos, stands the Greek 
 city Sana ; and within the peninsula upon Athos, which 
 the Persians endeavoured to cut off from the continent, 
 
 (22) 
 
SKILL OV THE PHOENICIANS. 487 
 
 are the following cities — Dium, Olophyxus, Acrothoon, 
 Thyssus, and Cleonse. 
 
 The excavation was thus managed : — The Barbarians 
 stretching a line near the city Sana, allotted the entire 
 space in parcels to the several nations that were to be 
 employed. After the work had reached some depth, 
 while those below dug, another set of men delivered the 
 earth as fast as it was removed to a third set, stationed 
 above them on the grade, and these again to others, and 
 so on to the uppermost, who carried it off, and threw it 
 aside. To all except to the Phoenicians it happened to 
 undergo a double labour, by the caving in of the sides of 
 the canal, occasioned by their making the width of the 
 excavation as great below as above. But the Phoenicians 
 displayed in this, as in other works, their superior in- 
 telligence ; for having received the parcel of ground 
 which fell by lot to their share, they commenced by 
 making the upper part twice the width prescribed for 
 the canal, and as they descended, constantly straitened 
 the work, so that below it just equalled the other parts. 
 Near at hand was a meadow, where was held a market 
 and place of public business. Stores of provisions were 
 brought from Asia. It is my deliberate opinion, that 
 Xerxes commanded this excavation to be made from a 
 vain ostentation, wishing at once to display and to leave 
 a memorial of his power, for when with little labour he 
 might have drawn his ships across the isthmus,* he 
 caused this canal, through which the sea might flow, to 
 be dug of such width that two triremes might work their 
 oars in it abreast. 
 
 The same people who were charged with the execution 
 of this canal, received orders also to construct bridges 
 over the river Strymon. For securing these bridges, a 
 quantity of the papyrus and of white flax was provided by 
 
 * A method practised in ancient time?. 
 
 (25) 2 i 4 
 
488 ADVANCE OF THE ARMY. 
 
 the Phoenicians and Egyptians, who were also charged 
 to transport provisions, that neither the army nor the 
 beasts of burden on their way towards Greece might 
 suffer want. And Xerxes having informed himself of 
 the line of country, he commanded that — here and there 
 in the most fit places, stores should be collected, which 
 were brought in barges and transports from all parts of 
 Asia (Minor). Of these stores, the greater part was 
 brought to a place called Leuce Acte (White Coast), 
 in Thrace. Some also was placed at Tyrodiza, in Pe- 
 rinthia, some at Doriscus, some at Eion, on the Strymon ; 
 and some in Macedonia. 
 
 While these various labours were in progress, the entire 
 land forces having been brought together, marched for- 
 wards with Xerxes from Critallis in Cappadocia, towards 
 Sardis ; for there the forces collected from all parts of 
 Asia had been ordered to assemble. Which of the 
 generals it was who received the gifts proposed by the 
 king to him who should bring the best appointed troops, 
 I do not know, nor indeed am I sure whether the claims 
 of the competitors were adjudged. The host crossing the 
 Halys, spread itself through Phrygia, and arrived at 
 Celsene, where arise the springs of the Mseander, and of 
 another river not inferior to it, named Catarracte, which, 
 springing up in the square of Celsene, discharges itself 
 into the Masander. In this city is to be seen hanging 
 up the skin of Silenus Marsyas, formed into a leathern 
 bottle: — it is said to have been suspended there by 
 Apollo, after he had flayed Silenus. In this same city 
 was settled Pythius, son of Atys, a Lydian, who enter- 
 tained the army and Xerxes himself with magnificent 
 feasts, and even offered him money towards the expences 
 of the war. When this offer was made, Xerxes inquired 
 of the Persians near him of what quality this Pythius 
 might be, and of what treasures possessed, that he should 
 make such an offer. " Sire," replied they, "this is the 
 
 (27) 
 
MUNIFICENCE OF PYTHIUS. 489 
 
 man who presented Darius, your father, with a golden 
 palm tree, and a vine, and who now, excepting yourself, 
 is, so far as we know, the richest man living." 
 
 Xerxes astonished by these accounts, inquired of Py- 
 thius himself what might be the sum of his wealth. " I 
 will not, O king," he replied, " hide them from you, or 
 affect not to know the amount of my possessions ; but 
 being, as I am, well informed on this point, will plainly 
 declare it to you. For when first I learned that you 
 were descending towards the Grecian seas — wishing to 
 present you with a sum of money for the war, I made 
 myself acquainted with my treasures, and found on cal- 
 culation that I had two thousand talents of silver ; and of 
 gold, four millions, wanting seven thousand — of Daric 
 staters. — The silver and the gold I give you — for my 
 slaves and farms will be sufficient for my maintenance." 
 Xerxes delighted with the proposition replied, " Lydian 
 host, since I left Persia, I have not until now met with 
 any one who voluntarily entertained my army, or who, 
 appearing before me, has spontaneously offered to furnish 
 me with money for the war. But you have both enter- 
 tained my army sumptuously, and offered me vast trea- 
 sures. I therefore confer upon you, in return, this ho- 
 nour — to be my friend ; and I give you, from my own 
 treasures, the seven thousand staters wanted to complete 
 your four millions : thus my gift will leave you possessed 
 of a round sum. Keep then what you have acquired, 
 and be always such as you are : so shall you have no 
 cause, at present or hereafter, to repent t)f the part 
 you have acted." — Having thus spoken, the king fulfilled 
 his engagement, and proceeded on his march. 
 
 Passing by Anaua, a city of Phrygia, and a lake whence 
 salt is obtained, he arrived at Colosse, a large city of the 
 same province, where the river Lycus, precipitating itself 
 into a chasm, disappears, and passing under ground a 
 distance of about five furlongs, issues again to the day, 
 (30) 
 
490 ARRIVAL AT SARDIS. 
 
 and empties itself into the Maeander. Thence advancing, 
 the host reached Cydrara, a city standing on the boun- 
 dary between Phrygia and Lydia, where stands a column 
 erected by Croesus, bearing an inscription to indicate the 
 boundary. On leaving Phrygia, and entering Lydia, two 
 roads present themselves ; that to the left tends towards 
 Caria, while the other, turning to the right, leads to 
 Sardis, in pursuing which, it is necessary to cross the 
 Maeander, and to pass by Callatebus, a city where con : 
 fectioners - manufacture a sort of honey from tamarisks 
 and wheat. Xerxes advancing on this road, found a 
 plane tree so beautiful, that he decked it with jewels of 
 gold, and appointed one of the band called immortal to be 
 its guardian. On the second day afterwards, he reached 
 the Lydian capital. 
 
 When arrived at Sardis, his first care was to despatch 
 heralds to Greece, demanding earth and water, and en- 
 joining the people to provide entertainment for the king. 
 These messengers went every where, except to Athens 
 and Lacedaemon. He made this demand a second time, 
 because he supposed that those cities which had refused 
 to make the required offering when summoned to do so 
 by Darius, would nowcoinply, under the influence of fear. 
 And he wished by this means to acquaint himself exactly 
 with their dispositions. After sending out the heralds, 
 he prepared to march to Abydos. Meanwhile, the per- 
 sons appointed to that work were yoking the Hellespont 
 to join Asia to Europe. In the Chersonese, on the shores 
 of the Hellespont, midway between Sestos and Madytus, 
 and opposite to Abydos, is a rugged promontory, jutting 
 into the sea. It was on this spot, not very long after the 
 time of which we are speaking, that the Athenian general 
 Xantippus, son of Ariphron, having taken prisoner Artayc- 
 tes, a Persian, the governor of Sestos, nailed him alive 
 to a plank. This Persian had unlawfully and atrociously 
 brought women into the temple of Protesilaus, at Ekeum. 
 
 (33) 
 
BRIDGES OF THE HELLESPONT. 491 
 
 It was then at this promontory, commencing from 
 Abydos, that the persons charged with the work, con- 
 structed the bridges. One was formed by the Phoeni- 
 cians, who used ropes of white flax : the other by the 
 Egyptians, who employed the papyrus. The distance from 
 Abydos to the opposite shore, is seven furlongs. The 
 bridges were no sooner completed, than there arose a 
 hurricane, which rent and dissipated both of them. 
 Xerxes on hearing of this accident was filled with rage, 
 and commanded, three hundred strokes of the whip 
 to be inflicted on the Hellespont ; and also that a pair of 
 fetters should be thrown into the deep. I have indeed 
 heard that he sent persons to brand the Hellespont 
 with a hot iron; at least he directed, that when the 
 flogging was inflicted, the following barbarous and out- 
 rageous words should be pronounced — " O thou bitter 
 water! thy lord inflicts upon thee this punishment for 
 having injured him, though uninjured by him. Yet the 
 king — even Xerxes, will pass over thee, whether thou 
 wilt or not. Justly no man offers sacrifice to thee, for 
 thou art a perfidious and brackish stream." He also 
 directed his officers to punish the sea in the same manner, 
 and he caused the overseers of the bridges to be deca- 
 pitated. This ungracious task having been executed by 
 those to whom it was committed, other engineers were 
 employed to construct new bridges, who proceeded in the 
 following manner — They connected together penteconters 
 and triremes — on the side towards the Euxine there were 
 three hundred and sixty; and on the other, three hun- 
 dred and fourteen. They were placed obliquely in re- 
 spect of the Euxine ; but yet corresponding with the 
 current of the Hellespont, in order to keep the supporters 
 on the stretch.* The vessels being connected in a line, 
 
 * This description of the bridge of boats has been variously under- 
 stood, and I am inclined to think very much misunderstood. To explain 
 the objections which lie against the several explanations that have 
 
 (36) 
 
492 BRIDGES OF THE HELLESPONT. 
 
 were also secured by large anchors on both sides; — to- 
 wards the Euxine, to secure them against the winds that 
 blow from within ; and on the other side, towards the 
 west, and the .^Egaean sea, to guard against the south and 
 south-east winds. Tn three places they left openings 
 between the penteconters and triremes, for the passage to 
 and fro of small vessels from the Euxine. From the 
 land, the cables which connected the line were racked 
 tight by capstans. Nor did they again use single cables, 
 but formed each supporter with two of the flaxen cordage, 
 or with four of those made from the papyrus. They 
 were of even thickness and appearance throughout ; yet 
 the flaxen cables were — in the same length — heavier than 
 the other sort : — a cubit's length weighed a talent. When 
 the passage was thus bridged over, planks were sawn of 
 length equal to the width of the raft, and these were 
 nicely fitted together as a flooring over the stretched 
 cables; and these were again firmly bound together through- 
 out their extent. Small branches were strewed upon the 
 planks, and laid with a fair surface : earth was then spread 
 over the branches, and pressed flat. On each side of the 
 raft a fence was raised, lest the beasts of burden and the 
 horses should take alarm in seeing the water beneath. 
 
 All the works connected with the bridge were now 
 completed ; as was also the trench at Mount Athbs, where 
 dikes had been formed around the mouths of the canal, 
 to prevent their being filled by the flux of the sea. It 
 was announced then that the canal was completely 
 
 been given, would occupy some pages — I translate the passage on the 
 supposition that the bridge, instead of being extended across the stream 
 from the promontory above Abydos, was stretched obliquely across the 
 lower neck; so that its line of cordages would nearly correspond with the 
 direction of the current : thus the cables would be kept on the stretch 
 without having to sustain the momentum of the stream on the flanks of 
 the vessels. Probably the penteconters were in one line, and the tri- 
 remes in the other : this arrangement accounts for the difference of 
 numbers on the two sides. 
 
 (37) 
 
IMPRUDENCE OF PYTHIUS. 493 
 
 finished. Xerxes, after passing the winter at Sardis, 
 mustered the host at the commencement of spring, and 
 advanced towards Abydos. While on his march, the sun, 
 leaving its place in the heavens, disappeared ; and though 
 the sky was cloudless, and perfectly serene, day was ex- 
 changed for night. Xerxes in beholding and considering 
 this event was filled with inquietude, and sought from the 
 Mages the meaning of the portent. They declared 
 — " That God predicted to the Greeks the extinction of 
 their states :" for, as they said, " the sun was the tutelar 
 of the Greeks, as the moon was of the Persians." 
 Rejoiced at hearing this explanation, Xerxes resumed 
 his march. 
 
 But as the host moved forwards, Pythius the Lydian, 
 terrified by the prodigy that had appeared in the heavens, 
 and also emboldened by the gifts (lie had offered and 
 received), approached Xerxes, and thus addressed him: — 
 " My lord, would you grant me a favour which I desire 
 to obtain, and which, though great for me to receive, 
 will be of trivial cost for you to afford ?" Xerxes, sup- 
 posing it to be any thing rather than what he actually 
 asked, said that he would afford it, and commanded him 
 to declare what he wished for. Upon this encourage- 
 ment he confidently said : — " My lord ! I have five sons, 
 and they are all, of course, enrolled in the army you are 
 leading into Greece. Wherefore, O king, in pity to my 
 advanced years, release to me one of my sons from the 
 service, even the eldest, that he may take charge of me 
 and of my property ; and as to the four, lead them with 
 you ; and may you accomplish all your intentions, and 
 return to your home." 
 
 Xerxes, extremely enraged, replied : — " Base man ! 
 and dost thou dare, when I am myself marching into 
 Greece, and leading with me my own sons, and my 
 brothers, and near relatives and friends, to make mention 
 of thy sons, being as thou art my slave, and bound as 
 (39). 
 
494 MUSTER OF THE HOST. 
 
 thou art to follow me, with all thy house, and even 
 thy wife ! But now learn this truth, that the temper of 
 man dwells in his ears ; he who hears what is advan- 
 tageous, has his whole body filled with gladness! but if 
 he hears the reverse, he rages. When thou didst well, 
 and made so many offers, thou hadst no room to boast of 
 having surpassed a king in liberality ; and now even that 
 thou takest the course of shameless impudence, thou shalt 
 not receive thy deserts; but less. Thy acts of friendship 
 shall redeem thyself and thy four sons, but as for the one 
 whom thou dost chiefly love, he shall pay the forfeit of 
 his life." With this reply he instantly commanded those 
 whose business it was to execute orders of this kind, to 
 search for the eldest of the sons of Pythius, and to cut 
 him in two, and then to place a half of the body on the 
 right hand side of the road, and a half on the left, so that 
 the army might pass between. This was done ; and the 
 army marched on between the two parts. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 MARCH AND MUSTER OF THE PERSIAN HOST. 
 
 In the order of march, the sumpter beasts with the 
 camp equipage took the lead ; next to them followed a 
 promiscuous host of all nations, not distributed into dis- 
 tinct bodies : they formed more than half of the whole 
 army. After these an interval was left ; for this host 
 was kept apart from the king. The royal train was led 
 by a thousand horse, selected from the whole Persian 
 army. Then a thousand spear men, chosen also from 
 among all; they carried their spears with the point in- 
 
 (40) 
 
ORDER OP MARCH. 495 
 
 clined towards the earth. After these came ten sacred 
 Nisaean horses, gorgeously caparisoned. The horses 
 called Nissean, are such as are bred on a spacious plain 
 in Media of that name, and which produces horses of 
 uncommon size. Close behind the ten horses, followed 
 the sacred chariot of Jupiter, drawn by eight white 
 horses, and behind them walked the charioteer, holding 
 the reins ; for no mortal ever ascends this seat. After 
 this followed Xerxes himself, in a chariot drawn by 
 Nisaean horses, and the charioteer walked by the side ; 
 his name was Patiramphes, a Persian — the son of Otanes. 
 
 In this order did Xerxes issue from Sardis ; but when 
 he felt so disposed, he descended from the {military) 
 chariot, and went into a close carriage.* Behind the 
 king's carriage followed a thousand of the bravest and 
 most nobly born of the Persians, carrying their spears in 
 the usual manner {not lowered). Then another select 
 body of a thousand horse. Then ten thousand of the 
 Persian infantry ; and of these one thousand carried 
 spears which, instead of iron spikes at the lower end, had 
 golden pomegranates : those who bore these spears formed 
 the exterior ranks, so as to include the others : the nine 
 thousand bore spears with silver pomegranates. The 
 spearmen before mentioned, who carried their spears 
 lowered, had also golden pomegranates; but those fol- 
 lowing nearest to Xerxes had golden apples. After the 
 ten thousand infantry, came a Ibody of ten thousand 
 Persian cavalry ; behind these an interval of two fur- 
 longs was left. Then followed, in a confused crowd, the 
 rest of the host. 
 
 Tn leaving Lydia, the army took the road towards the 
 river Caicus, and entering the Mysian territory, advanced 
 beyond the Caicus, having Mount Cana on the left hand, 
 and passing through Atarnea, reached the city Carina. 
 
 * Of that^sort used by the Persian ladies — a Palanquin. 
 
 '(42) 
 
496 REVIEW OF THE ARMY. 
 
 Thence it moved on through the plain of Thebes, leaving 
 on one side Adramyttium, and Antandrus, a Pelasgian 
 city. Keeping Mount Ida on the left, it entered the 
 territory of Ilium. And in the night in which the army 
 rested under Ida, there were thunderings and flashes, by 
 which no small number of men perished. The army next 
 reached the Scamander, the first river since leaving 
 Sardis, whose waters failed to satisfy the thirst of the 
 host and of the cattle ; for its stream was dried up by 
 them. When he reached the banks of this river, Xerxes 
 ascended the Pergamus of Priam {citadel of Troy), 
 which he much wished to see. After inspecting it, and 
 learning the whole history of it, he sacrificed a thousand 
 oxen to the Trojan Minerva; at the same time the Mages 
 performed libations to the heroes of the place. The night 
 after these ceremonies, a panic fell upon the camp, so that 
 at day-break the army proceeded thence, leaving on the 
 left Rhostium, and Ophrynium, and Dardanus, which 
 last city borders upon Abydos. On the right were the 
 Gergithe-Teucrians. 
 
 When he reached Abydos, Xerxes wished to behold the 
 whole army. For this purpose he had before given direc- 
 tions to the people of Abydos to construct, upon a rising 
 ground, an elevated throne of white marble. Seated on 
 this throne, he overlooked the line of coast, and saw at 
 once both the army on land, and the fleet. After con- 
 templating the scene, he desired to view a sea fight, which 
 was accordingly performed, and the Phoenicians of Sidon 
 were the victors. He was gratified both by the combat 
 and the army. As he looked on every side, and saw the 
 Hellespont entirely covered with vessels, and all the 
 coasts and plains around Abydos filled with men, Xerxes 
 at first blessed himself; but presently afterwards shed 
 tears. 
 
 Artabanus, his uncle, who at first had with freedom 
 advised the king not to invade Greece, perceiving his 
 
 (46) 
 
SENTIMENTS- OF XERXES. 497 
 
 emotion on this occasion, thus addressed him : " O king, 
 how diverse is your behaviour now and a short time since : 
 then you blessed yourself — now you weep !" " Compas- 
 sion seized me," replied Xerxes, " in reflecting on the 
 brevity of human life : — of this vast multitude not one shall 
 be living a hundred years hence !" " Yet," replied 
 Artabanus, " there are ills to be suffered in the course of 
 life, more worthy of commiseration than death itself. 
 For even in so short a life there is no man — no, not the 
 happiest in this assemblage, or elsewhere, to whom it 
 does not happen more than once, yes often, to wish to 
 die rather than live. Such are the calamities to which 
 we are exposed, such the diseases that torment us, that 
 they make life, short as it is, seem but too long. Thus it 
 is that death, through the troublousness of life, becomes 
 to man the most ardently desired refuge. In mixing 
 the sweet in the cup of life, the Deity makes evident his 
 jealousy."* 
 
 " Artabanus," replied Xerxes, " if indeed human life 
 is such as you represent it, let us dismiss the subject ; 
 nor employ ourselves in recounting woes, while we have 
 so much that is prosperous before us. But now tell me — 
 If the vision which appeared to us had been less con- 
 vincing, would you still have retained your first opinion, 
 and have opposed the invasion of Greece ; or would you 
 have changed your opinion? Tell me explicitly." " O 
 king," said Artabanus, " may the vision which appeared 
 to us issue as we both desire ! But for my own part, I 
 am still so fraught with fear, that I scarcely possess my- 
 self; and among many gloomy anticipations, there are two 
 things especially which I regard as eminently adverse to 
 you." " Most extraordinary of men," said Xerxes, 
 
 * It was an opinion commonly entertained by the ancients, that the 
 gods, jealous of men, reserved all real happiness to themselves ; and 
 that they allowed mankind to taste of pleasure to render the calamities 
 of life the more grievous. 
 
 (48) 2 k 
 
498 CONVERSATION BETWEEN 
 
 " and what are these two things which you think so 
 inimical to me ? Is it that you complain of the army, as 
 not numerous enough, and that you think the Grecian 
 forces will greatly outnumber ours? or think you that 
 our fleet will fail to match theirs ? or do you entertain both 
 suppositions ? If indeed our present armament appears 
 to be insufficient, another may be instantly collected." 
 
 " O king," answered Artabanus, " no reasonable per- 
 son can complain of the army as too small, or of the 
 ships as too few ; and if you were to increase their num- 
 bers, the two things of which I speak would become still 
 more formidable to you ; — they are — the land and the sea. 
 For as I conjecture, there is no where in any sea a port 
 capacious enough to receive this fleet, should a tempest 
 arise ; or any place where the ships might securely ride. 
 Nor would one harbour be enough ; we need to find one 
 such on each coast we may visit. But now as you have 
 no such harbours of refuge, remember that man does 
 not command fortuitous calamities, but they him. So 
 much for the first of these things. I proceed to speak 
 of the second. The land, I say, not less than the sea, 
 presents itself as your enemy. If no adversary opposes 
 your progress, by so much the more will it be hurtful to 
 you, as you advance further and further, and continually 
 steal upon the way. Men are never satiated with success. 
 And if none oppose you, the land, I affirm, as time ad- 
 vances, will produce you famine. The perfection of 
 human conduct is this — in previous deliberations to cal- 
 culate with fear upon every ill that may arise : but in the 
 execution of enterprises to be fearless." 
 
 Xerxes resumed : " Artabanus, you have very plausibly 
 discussed these points. Yet do not fear every thing, nor 
 calculate on all occasions with equal care. If indeed you 
 must anticipate every possible event that may attend each 
 enterprise that is proposed, you will effect nothing. 
 Better is it, in daring all, actually to suffer even the half 
 
 (50) 
 
XERXES AND ARTABANUS. 499 
 
 of what may be feared, than in retreating fearfully from 
 every danger, to avoid suffering altogether. If you argue 
 against whatever may be proposed, and yet cannot advance 
 any thing absolutely certain, you will stumble in your own 
 path, not less than those do whom you oppose : the choice 
 then is even ; and I think there is no man living who can 
 act upon absolute certainty. Success, for the most part, 
 falls to the lot of those who resolve to act; while it 
 rarely comes to those who calculate all possibilities, and 
 are tardy in performance. You see to what a height of 
 power the Persian empire has attained. But if the kings, 
 my predecessors, had followed a mode of thinking like 
 yours, or if, though not themselves so disposed, they had 
 been surrounded by counsellors like you, you would never 
 have seen our affairs in this flourishing condition. It was 
 in dashing through dangers that they advanced so far. 
 Great enterprises are carried forward amid great dan- 
 gers. We therefore are only following their example. 
 We march at the most favourable season of the year, 
 and after vanquishing the whole of Europe, we shall 
 return home without any where suffering famine or any 
 other unlucky accident. Not only do we carry with us 
 a large supply of provisions, but we shall appropriate the 
 grain of the people whose lands we invade ; for we are 
 about to make war, not upon nomadic tribes, but upon 
 cultivators of the soil." 
 
 " Since, O king," replied Artabanus, " you will your- 
 self give no indulgence to fears, at least receive my 
 advice on one particular — and the length of discourse -. 
 must correspond to the greatness of the affairs in question. 
 Cyrus, son of Cambyses, vanquished all Ionia except 
 Athens, and made it tributary to the Persians. I there- 
 fore counsel you not by any means to lead these men {the 
 Greeks of Asia) against their fathers. Without their 
 aid we are more than a match for the enemy. But if 
 they follow us to the war, either they will act a most 
 (51) 2 K 2 
 
500 DISMISSION OF ARTABANUS. 
 
 unworthy part in aiding to reduce their mother country to 
 slavery ; or they will prove themselves true to its in- 
 terests — as they ought — in assisting to maintain its free- 
 dom. If they take the former course, the advantage to 
 us cannot be very great ; but should they be just to their 
 country, they may effect the most extensive damage to 
 your army. Consider that ancient and true saying — the 
 termination of an enterprise is not always to be foreseen 
 at the commencement of it." 
 
 " Artabanus," said the king, " of all the opinions you 
 have advanced, there is none in which you err more 
 than in professing to fear the defection of the Ionians, of 
 whom we have proof, which you yourself are witness to, 
 as were also all those who attended Darius in the Scy- 
 thian expedition, when it was upon them that the entire 
 Persian army depended for destruction or preservation. 
 Yet they afforded us then just and faithful service, and 
 nothing else. Besides this proof of fidelity, while they 
 leave in our territory their children, their wives, and 
 their goods, it is not to be imagined that they will 
 attempt any revolt. Dismiss then this fear also — be of 
 good heart, and preserve my house and government at 
 home. — To you alone of all the Persians I commit the 
 ensigns of sovereignty. 
 
 So saying, Xerxes sent away Artabanus to Susa, and 
 then convoking the most distinguished Persians, thus 
 addressed them — " Persians, I have assembled you, that 
 I might enjoin you to acquit yourselves as brave men, 
 and not sully the glory of the exploits hitherto achieved 
 by our nation — great and memorable as they are. Let 
 each and all of us be filled with zeal for the service. We 
 are labouring to promote a cause common to all. Where- 
 fore I exhort you to prosecute this war vigorously ; for, as 
 I am informed, the people we are about to attack are 
 valiant, and if we overcome them, there is no other people 
 whatsoever that can bring an army into the field to oppose 
 
 (53) 
 
PASSAGE OF THE HELLESPONT. 501 
 
 us. We will therefore pass on as soon as we have im- 
 plored the favour of the gods, whose is Persia." 
 
 The same day preparations were made for the passage 
 of the army. The next was waited for, and the rising of 
 the sun eagerly desired ; meanwhile, incense of all kinds 
 was offered to the gods upon the bridges, and the road 
 was strewed with branches of myrtle. At the instant of 
 sun-rising, Xerxes poured a libation from a golden cup 
 into the sea, at the same time addressing a prayer to the 
 sun, intreating that no accident might prevent his con- 
 tinuing to vanquish the nations of Europe, until he had 
 reached its utmost limits. As he finished this prayer, 
 he threw the cup into the Hellespont, together with a 
 golden vase and a Persian sword of the kind called a scy- 
 metar. Whether this was done as an offering to the sun, 
 or whether, repenting of the stripes he had inflicted on 
 the Hellespont, he wished to make amends to that water 
 by these gifts which were thrown into it, is a question I 
 cannot certainly determine. 
 
 These ceremonies finished, the whole of the infantry 
 and cavalry passed over that bridge which was on the 
 side of the Euxine, while all the attendants with the 
 sumpter beasts passed the other, on the side of the 
 iEgaean sea. The march was led by the ten thousand 
 Persians — all wearing crowns ; then came the promis- 
 cuous host of all nations. — The march of these occupied 
 the first day. On the second day came — first, the horse- 
 men, and those with their lances lowered — these also 
 crowned : after them the sacred horses, and the sacred 
 car; then Xerxes himself, and the spearmen, and the 
 thousand horse ; and following them another host. While 
 the army passed the bridges, the fleet also moved over to 
 the opposite side. I have indeed heard it affirmed, that 
 the king passed over last of all. When he reached the 
 European side, he witnessed the passing forwards of his 
 (56) 2 k 3 
 
502 ADVANCE 
 
 army under the lash.* Seven days and nights, without 
 a pause, were occupied in bringing the host across the 
 bridges. On this occasion, when Xerxes had passed 
 the Hellespont, a certain Hellespontine is reported to 
 have exclaimed — " O Jupiter ! wherefore is it that, as- 
 suming the habit of a Persian, and taking the name of 
 Xerxes, thou dost lead all mankind after thee to subvert 
 Greece, when without them thou mightest easily do the 
 same thing." 
 
 When all had passed over, and were proceeding on 
 their march, a great prodigy occurred, to which Xerxes 
 paid no attention, although in fact its meaning was ob- 
 vious ; — a mare brought forth a hare ! Whence it might 
 readily have been foreseen that Xerxes, who was about 
 to lead an army into Greece with great arrogance and 
 magnificence, would return whence he came with much 
 peril to himself. Another prodigy also had happened 
 while the king was yet at Sardis, for a mule produced a 
 mis-shapen birth. Yet disregarding both, he urged on 
 his way at the head of the army, while the fleet, leaving 
 the Hellespont, coasted along in a direction contrary to 
 that of the army, for it proceeded directly towards the 
 west, to the promontory of Sarpedon, where it was or- 
 dered to wait ; while the army marching eastward {north 
 east) on the main land, took the road through the Cher- 
 sonese, having on the right hand the tomb of Helle, 
 daughter of Athamas, and on the left the city named 
 Cardia. Thence, having made the circuit of the Gulph 
 of Melan, they passed through the midst of a city, called 
 Agora, and crossed the river Melan, whence the Gulph 
 takes its name, fhe waters of which failed to supply the 
 thirst of the host. From this point they took a westerly 
 
 * It was the common practice of the Persians to flog their armies on 
 the march, and into the field of battle. 
 
 (58) 
 
OF THE ARMY. 503 
 
 direction, passing iEnos, an iEolian city, and the lake 
 Stentoris, and reached Doriscus. 
 
 Doriscus is an extensive shore and plain of Thrace : 
 through it runs the large river Hebrus, upon whioh is 
 erected a royal fort, called Doriscus, and where Darius 
 had placed a Persian garrison at the time of his Scythian 
 expedition. This plain appeared to Xerxes very proper 
 for the purpose of mustering and numbering his forces, 
 which accordingly he effected. The entire fleet having 
 arrived at Doriscus, the captains, at the command of 
 Xerxes, hauled the ships on the beach, in the neighbour- 
 hood of the fort, and along the coast on which stands 
 Sala, a Samothracian city, and Zona, and which is ter- 
 minated by the celebrated promontory of Serrhium. This 
 region anciently belonged to the Ciconians. The vessels 
 being hauled ashore,, the crews were refreshed, while the 
 land forces were numbered. 
 
 What might be the precise number of each division 
 of the army as furnished by the different nations, I am 
 not able to state, for these particulars have never been 
 mentioned. But the entire hos,t is known to have 
 amounted to one million, seven hundred thousand men. 
 The numbering was managed in the following manner. 
 Ten thousand men were brought together in one place, 
 and being crammed as close as possible, a circle was 
 drawn around them : this done, the ten thousand were 
 removed, and a fence was reared on the circle about as 
 high as a man's elbows.* Then another set of men was 
 stuffed into the enclosed space, and so on in succession, 
 until in this manner the whole host had been numbered. 
 After the . numbering, the host was divided into bodies, 
 according to the several nations included in the army, 
 which were these : — 
 
 The Persians, whose costume was this — The head was 
 
 * Metonomy for ofj,(j)a\og. 
 
 (61) 2 k 4 
 
504 DESCRIPTION / 
 
 surrounded by a consolidated bonnet, called a tiara. The 
 body was enclosed by a sleeved ^Jaistcoat, curiously 
 wrought with scales of iron, like thof/e of a fish. On the 
 lower limbs were worn trousers; and for the shield, a 
 buckler of osiers was used : beneath this hung the quiver. 
 The Persian foot soldier carried a short spear, a long 
 bow with arrows of reed, and aiso a dagger, suspended on 
 the right thigh from the girdle. The Persians were 
 commanded by Otanes, the father of Amestris, the wife 
 of Xerxes. They Were formerly called by the Greeks 
 Cephenes, but by themselves and by their neighbours they 
 were called Artseans. But Perseus, son of Danae and 
 of Jupiter, visited Cepheus, son of Belus, whose daughter 
 Andromeda he married. By her he had a son, whom he 
 named Perses, and whom he left behind him ; and as 
 Cepheus had no son, the appellation — Persians, was as- 
 sumed by the nation. 
 
 The Medes were accoutred in the same manner as 
 the Persians ; in truth, this costume is properly Median — 
 not Persian. They were commanded by Tigranes of the 
 Achaemenidian family. The Medes were of old uni- 
 versally called Arians ; but when Medea of Colchis came 
 from Athens among these Arians, they changed their 
 name. This is what the Medes say of themselves. The 
 military habit of the Cissians was like that of the Per- 
 sians, except that instead of the folded tiaras, they wore 
 mitres. The Cissians were led by Anaphes, son of 
 Otanes. The arms of the Hyrcanians were the same as 
 of the Persians. Megapanus commanded them, who 
 afterwards was governor of Babylon. 
 
 The Assyrians wore brazen helmets, wrought and 
 twisted in I know not what barbaric form, hard to be 
 described. Their shields, spears, and daggers, were like 
 those of the Egyptians. Moreover, they carried wooden 
 clubs, knotted with iron, and wore corslets of linen. 
 By the Greeks they arc called Syrians ; but by the 
 
 " (68) 
 
OF THE ARMY. 505 
 
 Barbarians, Assyrians. In the midst of the Assyrians 
 were the Chaldaeans. Their general was Otaspes, son of 
 Artachseus. 
 
 The Bactrians wore on their heads a mitre, very nearly 
 resembling that of the Medes ; their bows — peculiar to 
 the country, were of reed (bamboo), and they carried 
 short javelins. The Saces, who are {Scythians, had 
 cock's-comb tiaras, ending in a point, which stood erect : 
 they also wore trousers, and carried bows after the 
 fashion of their country, with daggers, besides battle 
 axes. These, though Amyrgian Scythians, were called 
 Saces, which is the name given by the Persians to the 
 Scythians at large. Hystaspes, son of Darius, and of 
 Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, commanded the Bactrians 
 and Saces. 
 
 The Indians were clad in garments made from the 
 produce of a tree (cotton) ; they had bows of bamboo, 
 and arrows of the same, headed with iron : such was the 
 accoutrement of the Indians. They were marshalled 
 under the orders of Pharnazathres, son of Artabates. 
 The Arians were armed with Median bows ; but in other 
 respects like the Bactrians. Sisamnes, son of Hydarnes, 
 was their general. The Parthians, the Chorasmians, the 
 Sogdians, the Gandarians, and Dadices, march in the 
 same military dress and furniture as the Bactrians. 
 Of these, the Parthians and Chorasmians were commanded 
 by Artabazus, son of Pharnaces : while the Sogdians 
 were under Azanes, son of Artseus ; and the Gandarians 
 and Dadices under Artyphius, son of Artabanus. 
 
 The Caspians were clad in goats' skins, and armed in 
 the manner of their country, with bows of reed, and 
 scymetars : they had for their leader Ariomardus, bro- 
 ther of Artyphius. The Saranges wore garments splen- 
 didly dyed : their buskins reached to the knee ; their 
 bows and spears were Median. Pherendates, son of 
 Megabazus, commanded them. The Paetyans also wore 
 (67) 
 
506 DESCRIPTION 
 
 clothing of goats' skin, and carried bows and dag- 
 gers peculiar to their country : their general was Artyn- 
 tes, son of Ithamathres. The Utians, and Mycians, and 
 Paricanians, were furnished like the Pactyans. The 
 two former people were under Arsamenes, son of Darius, 
 and the latter under Siromitres, son of GEobazus. 
 
 The Arabians were clad in long cloaks, girt about the 
 waist ; on the right arm were slung long bows, which 
 bent both ways. The Ethiopians, clad in the skins of 
 leopards and lions, carried bows formed from branches of 
 the palm tree, and not less than four cubits in length : 
 with these they used short reed arrows, pointed with 
 sharpened stones instead of iron : — the stone used for this 
 purpose is the same that is employed in engraving seals. 
 They have besides pikes, armed with stags' horns, the 
 ends of which are sharpened like the head of a dart; 
 and also knotted clubs. When they go to battle, they 
 daub one half of the body with gypsum (ivhite) and the 
 other half with red ochre. These Arabians, and the 
 Ethiopians, inhabiting the country about Egypt, were 
 under the command of Arsames, son of Darius and 
 of Artystone, daughter of Cyrus, and whom of all his 
 wives Darius most loved : he had an image of her formed 
 of solid gold. 
 
 The eastern Ethiopians (those of Asia), for they were 
 divided from the others, were marshalled with the In- 
 dians ; they do not differ from the others in appearance, 
 or in any thing except their language and their hair ; 
 for the eastern Ethiopians have flowing hair (not frizzled), 
 while those of Libya have^air more crisp than that of any 
 other people. These Asiatic Ethiopians were accoutred, 
 for the most part, like the Indians : on their heads they 
 wore the skins of horses' heads, with the ears ; — the mane 
 served them for a crest, while the ears stood erect. For 
 bucklers they used defences made of the skin of the 
 crane. The Libyans appeared clothed in skins, and 
 
 (71) 
 
OF THE ARMY. 507 
 
 carried javelins, the points of which were hardened 
 in the fire : they were commanded by Massages, son of 
 Oarizus. 
 
 The military furniture of the Paphlagonians consisted 
 of a helmet formed of plaits : they had small bucklers, 
 and spears of no great length ; besides which, they car 
 ried darts and daggers : — their buskins, after the fashion 
 of their country, reached to the mid-leg. Thus also 
 were habited the Ligyes and the Matienians, and the 
 Mariandynians, and the Syrians — called by the Persians 
 Cappadocians. Dotus, son of Megasidrus, commanded 
 the Paphlagonians and Matienians ; while the Marian- 
 dynians, the Ligyes, and the Syrians were under 
 Gobryas, son of Darius and Arty stone. The Phrygians, 
 with some variations, were attired like the Paphlagonians. 
 The Phrygians, as the Macedonians affirm, were called 
 Briges so long as they remained in Europe, and were 
 intermixed with the Macedonians ; but passing over to 
 Asia, they ehanged their name as well as their country^ 
 adopting the appellation — Phrygians. The Armenians, 
 being a colony of Phrygians, were armed like them : both 
 were under Artochmes, who had married a daughter of 
 Darius. 
 
 The marshal attire of the Lydians was much like that 
 of the Greeks. The Lydians formerly were called 
 Meonians, but afterwards adopted the name of Lydus, 
 son of Atys. The Mysians wore a helmet peculiar to 
 their country, and carried small shields, and used fire- 
 hardened darts. These are sprung from the Lydians, 
 and are also designated from Mount Olympus — Olym- 
 pians. Both Lydians and Mysians were under the 
 command of Artaphernes, son of Artaphernes, the 
 same who was joined with Datis in the battle of 
 Marathon. 
 
 The Thracians had the skins of foxes on their heads : — 
 the body was wrapped in a tunic, over which was thrown 
 (75) 
 
508 DESCRIPTION 
 
 a cloak of many colours : the feet and legs were covered 
 with boots of fawn's skin ; they were provided with darts, 
 crescent bucklers, and small daggers. These, when they 
 passed into Asia, acquired the name Bithynians, though, 
 according to their own account, their original name 
 was Strymonians, derived from their inhabiting the 
 banks of the Strymon, whence they say they were driven 
 by the Teucrians and Mysians. The Asiatic Thracians 
 were under Bassaces, son of Artabanus ........ .* 
 
 they carry small shields, formed of raw hides, and each 
 man had two javelins of the Lycian fashion (or, of the 
 sort used in hunting the wolf), they wore brazen helmets, 
 and on them the ears and horns of the ox, in brass also ; 
 and over all a crest. Their legs were bound about with 
 red ribbons. Among these people there is an oracle of 
 Mars. 
 
 The Cabalian Meonians (and those) called Lasonians, 
 were habited and armed like the Cilicians : this costume 
 I shall mention when I come to speak of the martial 
 array of that people. The Milyans had short spears ; 
 their tunics were close buttoned up. Some of them 
 carried Lycian bows ; their helmets were of leather. 
 Badres, son of Hystanes, commanded all these people. 
 The Moschians wore wooden helmets, and carried small 
 bucklers and short spears with large heads. In like fashion 
 were furnished the Tibarenians, and Macrones, and Mo- 
 synoeces: — they marched severally under the following 
 leaders — Ariomardus, son of Darius, and of Parmys, 
 daughter of Smerdis, son of Cyrus, commanded the Mos- 
 chians and Tibarenians; — Artayctes, son of Cherasmes, 
 who was governor of Sestos on the Hellespont, led the 
 Macrones and the Mosynceces. 
 
 The Mares wore skull caps formed of many plaits, after 
 the fashion of their country ; their bucklers were small, 
 
 * The name of the people is believed to be here wanting in the text. 
 
 <7B) 
 
OF THE ARMY. 509 
 
 and made of skins : they carried darts. The head pieces 
 of the Colchians were of wood ; their bucklers small, and 
 made of untanned hides ; their spears short : besides 
 these they were also armed with swords. Pharandates, 
 son of Teaspes, commanded the Mares and Colchians. 
 The arms of the Alarodians and Saspires were the same 
 as those of the Colchians. Masistius, son of Siromitres, 
 was their general. 
 
 The nations inhabiting those islands of the Erythraean 
 sea, to which the king sends persons condemned to ba- 
 nishment, were habited and armed in a manner resembling 
 the costume of the Medes. These islanders were com- 
 manded by Mardontes, son of Bagaeus, who, two years 
 afterwards, was slain fighting at the head of his troops at 
 the battle of My c ale. 
 
 These then were the nations ' marshalled in the army 
 which marched overland to Greece ; and those whom I 
 have mentioned were their generals who marshalled them 
 in order of battle, and numbered them, appointing cap- 
 tains of thousands, and of ten thousands ; while they left 
 it to the captains of ten thousands to nominate the cap- 
 tains of hundreds and of tens. Thus each people and 
 troop had its own leaders, though all subordinated to the 
 (Persian) princes I have named. Again, all these com- 
 manders, with the entire land forces, were placed under 
 the control of Mardonius, son of Gobryas, and of Tri- 
 tantaechmes, son of Artabanus, who gave his opinion 
 against the invasion of Greece, and of Smerdomenes, son 
 of Otanes — both of whom were nephews of Darius, and 
 cousins of Xerxes ; and of Masistes, son of Darius and 
 Atossa; and of Gergis, son of Arizus ; and of Megabyzus, 
 son of Zopyrus. These were the commanders in chief of 
 the entire land forces, excepting only the ten thousand 
 selected from the whole Persian army, for they were 
 commanded by Hydarnes, son of Hydarnes, and these 
 ten thousand Persians were called immortal, because 
 (83) 
 
510 DESCRIPTION OF THE 
 
 whenever any one of them was removed from his place, 
 either by death or sickness, another man was elected in his 
 room, so that the body never numbered more or less than 
 ten thousand. The Persians, as they were the bravest 
 men in all the army, so were they the most sumptuously 
 arrayed. Their dress I have already described : besides 
 this, they wore a vast profusion of ornaments of gold. 
 They were also followed by close carriages (or litters) 
 with their ladies, as well as by a very numerous and 
 well appointed train of attendants. Their provisions also 
 were carried apart from those of the army, by camels and 
 other sumpter beasts. 
 
 All the nations above-mentioned have cavalry ; but 
 none furnished them on this occasion, except those now 
 to be mentioned. The Persian cavalry are attired like 
 the infantry, only that some of them had ornaments 
 wrought in brass or iron on their tiaras. There is a 
 nomadic race called Sagartians of Persian extraction, 
 and using the same language, but attired in a manner 
 between the Persian and the Pactyan. They fur- 
 nished a body of eight thousand horse : these people are 
 not accustomed to carry any weapon of brass or iron, 
 except only a dagger ; but instead, they are provided 
 with reins, formed of thongs braided together : trusting 
 to these alone, they enter the field of battle, and use 
 them in the following manner — Mingling with the com- 
 batants, they throw out their reins, which have a noose at 
 the end, and with these catch whatever may happen to 
 come in their way, whether man or horse, and while 
 entangled in the coils, pull him towards them till they 
 stab him. Such is their mode of fighting ; — they were 
 marshalled with the Persians. 
 
 The Median cavalry, as well as that of the Cissians, 
 were habited like the infantry. — So were the Indian 
 cavalry, who beside their riding horses, had chariots of 
 war, drawn, some by horses, and others by wild asses 
 
 (86) 
 
ARMY AND FLEET. 511 
 
 {onager; zebra). The Bactrians and Caspians were ac- 
 coutred the same — cavalry and infantry ; as were the 
 Arabians, who all had camels — not less swift than horses. 
 These were the only nations that furnished cavalry — the 
 number of which, exclusively of camels, and the beasts 
 attached to the chariots, was eighty thousand. The 
 cavalry of each people were marshalled with its infantry, 
 excepting only that of the Arabians, which was placed in 
 the rear, that the horses might not take alarm at the 
 camels, which they cannot bear. 
 
 The generals of the horse were Harmamithres and 
 Titheeus, the sons of Datis. Pharnuches, the third 
 general of the horse, was left at Sardis, having met with 
 an accident as the army was leaving that city. — While 
 on horseback a dog ran between the legs of his steed, 
 which not having seen it before, took fright, reared, 
 and threw Pharnuches : the fall occasioned his vomiting 
 blood, and in the end, brought on a phthisis. His ser- 
 vants, in fulfilment of a command he gave immediately 
 after the accident, brought the horse to the spot where 
 it had thrown its master, and there they cut off its legs 
 at the knee. Thus did Pharnuches lose his command. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 MUSTER OF THE FLEET: REVIEW OF THE FORCES. 
 
 The triremes amounted to twelve hundred and seven, 
 and were furnished as follows — The Phoenicians with the 
 Syrians of Palestine, brought three hundred ; — the men 
 were thus habited — their helmets were much in the 
 Greek fashion ; they wore linen corslets, their targets 
 (89) 
 
512 MUSTER OF THE FLEET. 
 
 had no tiers (or iron felloes) ; they were armed with 
 javelins. These Phoenicians, according to their own 
 account, anciently dwelt on the coast of the Ery threean 
 sea; thence passing over (land), they came and settled 
 on the coast of Syria. This part of Syria, and all the 
 country as far as Egypt, is called Palestine. The Egyp- 
 tians furnished two hundred ships ; the men wore helmets 
 formed in jointed pieces : their shields were concave, and 
 had large rims (or tiers), their weapons were sea-javelins 
 and massy hatchets. Most of them wore thoracles, and 
 carried broad swords. 
 
 The Cyprians furnished a hundred and fifty ships : the 
 costume of the men was this ; — their chiefs wore mitres, 
 and the rest turbans ;* in other points, their attire was 
 Grecian ; for the Cyprians are a mixture of many nations, 
 as they themselves confess, some coming from Salamis 
 and Athens, some from Arcadia, some from Cythnus, some 
 from Phoenicia, and some even from ^Ethiopia. 
 
 The Cilicians brought a hundred ships : these people 
 wore a national helmet ; their shields were mere targets, 
 formed of raw hides ; their cloaks were woollen ; each 
 man carried two darts and a sword, not unlike the Egyp- 
 tian broad sword. The Cilicians were formerly called 
 Hypachseans ; but afterwards took their designation from 
 Cilex, son of Agenor, a Phoenician. 
 
 The Pamphylians furnished thirty ships ; they were 
 armed in the manner of the Greeks. They are descended 
 from those who, returning from Troy, were scattered with 
 Amphilochus and Calchas. 
 
 The Lycians had fifty ships : they wore thoracles and 
 greaves : their bows were formed of the horn-beam tree, 
 and arrows of reed unfledged ; they had darts also. Over 
 their shoulders they wore goats' skins, and on their heads 
 caps garnished with feathers : their weapons were daggers 
 
 * fc-iSwae probably Kirapac. 
 
 (92) 
 
MUSTER OF THE FLEET. 518 
 
 and falchions. The Lycians coming originally from Crete 
 were called Termiles, but received the name of Lycus, 
 son of Pandion, an Athenian. 
 
 The Asiatic Dorians furnished thirty ships ; as they 
 came from Peloponnesus their weapons were like those 
 of the Greeks. The Carians had seventy ships, and were 
 accoutered like the Greeks, only that they carried fal- 
 chions and daggers. What name these people formerly 
 bore, I have mentioned in an early part of this history 
 (page 81). The Ionians furnished a hundred ships ; 
 their dress and arms were Grecian. So long as they 
 dwelt in that part of Peloponnesus, now called Achaia, 
 and before the time when Danaus and Xuthus came into 
 Peloponnesus, they were, as the Greeks affirm, called 
 iEgialian Pelasgians ; but afterward, Ionians, from Ion, 
 son of Xuthus. 
 
 The islanders brought seventeen ships : and were 
 armed like the Greeks. They are of Pelasgian origin, 
 but in after times came to be called Ionians, in the same 
 manner as the people of the twelve cities founded by the 
 Athenians. The iEolians had sixty ships ; their costume 
 is Grecian: they also, according to the Greeks, were 
 anciently called Pelasgians. The Hellespontines — ex- 
 cepting those of Abydos, who, at the command of the 
 king, remained at home as guardians of the bridge — 
 with those from the Euxine, who joined the fleet, fur- 
 nished a hundred ships. Their attire was Grecian, for 
 they are colonies of the Ionians and Dorians. 
 
 There were Persians, Medes, or Saces, on board all 
 the ships. Of the whole fleet, the best sailing vessels were 
 those of the Phoenicians, and among the Phoenician vessels, 
 those of Sidon were the best. The crews of the ships, as 
 well as the men forming the land army, were all commanded 
 by native officers, whose names I have not thought 
 myself bound to learn or to record. Nor were there 
 any distinguished leaders of the ships of each nation ; 
 (%) 2 i. 
 
,~)U COMMANDERS OP THE FLEET. 
 
 but among the vessels of each nation, there were as many 
 commanders as there happened to be cities whence they 
 were furnished. And these commanders, far from taking 
 the rank of generals, were considered merely as slaves, 
 bound to perform military service. And I have already 
 mentioned the Persian generals in whom all the power 
 was vested, and who commanded the several nations. 
 
 The general officers of the fleet were — Ariabignes, son of 
 Darius ; Prexaspes, son of Aspathines ; — Megabyzus, son of 
 Megabates ; — Achsemenes, son of Darius. Ariabignes, son 
 of Darius and of the daughter of Gobryas, commanded the 
 ships of Ionia and of Caria ; while Achaemenes, the own 
 brother of Xerxes, commanded the Egyptians. The other, 
 two generals commanded the rest of the fleet. The trie- 
 conters and the penteconters — the barges, and the long 
 horse-transports, altogether amounted to three thousand. 
 After the generals above-mentioned, the most celebrated 
 of the captains were these : — Tetramnestus, son of Anysus, 
 a Sidonian ; Mapen, son of Siromus, a Tyrian ; Merbal, 
 son of.Agbal, an Aradian ; Syennesis, son of Oromedon, 
 a Cilician ; Cyberniscus, son of Sicas, a Lycian ; Gorgos, 
 son of Chersis, and Timonax, son of Timagoras, both 
 Cyprians ; and of the Carians, Histiasus, sou of Tymnes ; 
 Pigres, son of Seldomus ; and Damasithymus, son of 
 Candaules. 
 
 It does not seem necessary to record the names of the 
 other general officers. Yet I must mention Artemisia, 
 whom I admire as having— though a woman — joined this 
 expedition against Greece. On the death of her hus- 
 band she had held the sovereignty during the minority 
 of her son : though under no compulsion, she had joined 
 the army from an impulse of intrepidity and manly cour- 
 age. This Artemisia was the daughter of Lygdamis, 
 the Halicarnassian ; but on the mother's side, she was 
 a Cretan. She commanded five ships, furnished by Ha- 
 licarnassus, and Coos, and Nisyros, and Galydne ; and, 
 
ARTEMISIA. 515 
 
 excepting only the Sidonian ships, these five were the 
 best equipped of all the fleet ; and of all the associated 
 generals, Artemisia offered to the king the best counsels. 
 The people under her domination, and whom I have men- 
 tioned just now, are, I pronounce, all Dorians ; for the 
 Halicarnassians were from Troszen, and the others from 
 Epidaurus. — So much then for the naval armament. 
 
 When Xerxes had numbered and marshalled the host, 
 he conceived the desire of inspecting the whole, by pass- 
 ing through the ranks. This was effected, and, drawn 
 in a chariot, he pervaded the array of each nation, arid 
 in his progress asked questions, the answers to which 
 were noted by his secretaries : thus he proceeded from 
 the first to the last troops of both infantry and cavalry. 
 When this review was [accomplished, the ships were all 
 hauled to sea, and Xerxes descending from his chariot, 
 went on board a Sidonian ship, and sitting beneath a 
 golden canopy, sailed along in front of the prows of the 
 vessels ; and as he had done on land, made inquiries and 
 took notes. The captains of the ships had drawn them 
 the distance of about four hundred feet from the beach, 
 and there cast anchor, all in a line, with the prows 
 towards the shore ; and all the men on board were armed 
 as if for battle. Xerxes sailing between the prows and 
 the shore, inspected the whole line. 
 
 Having finished this review also, and landed from the 
 ship, he sent for Demaratus, son of Ariston, who followed 
 him in the army against Greece : him he called, and thus 
 addressed — " Demaratus, it is my pleasure at this time 
 to put to you some questions which I wish to be answered : 
 — You are a Greek; and as I learn from yourself, as well 
 as from other Greeks with whom I converse, are of a 
 state which is not the least or the feeblest in Greece. 
 Tell me then, will the Greeks dare to lift their hands 
 against me? In my opinion, if all the Greeks and 
 all the nations occupying the countries towards the 
 (101) 2 l 2 
 
516 CONVERSATION BETWEEN 
 
 west were collected together, they would not be com- 
 petent to meet me in the field ; unless indeed they were 
 united in purpose and counsels. Now I wish to be in- 
 formed what you think on this subject." 
 
 " King," replied Demaratus, " am I to say what is 
 true, or what is agreeable 1" Xerxes commanded him to 
 speak the truth, and assured him he should not, on that 
 account, be less in his favour than heretofore. Thus en- 
 couraged, Demaratus addressed the king as follows — 
 " Since you enjoin me by all means to speak the truth, I 
 will say that which — whoever may affirm it — you shall 
 never find to have been erroneous. Poverty has always 
 dwelt with the Greeks ; but virtue has been an acqui- 
 sition procured by wisdom and the vigour of law. Then, 
 by the aid of virtue, Greece has secured herself against 
 both poverty and tyranny. I commend indeed all the 
 Greeks inhabiting the Doric territory ; but leaving others, 
 I will proceed to speak of the Lacedaemonians only, and 
 I say in the first place, that there is no possibility of their 
 listening to your propositions, which imply the slavery of 
 Greece ; and then I affirm that they would oppose you 
 in arms, even though all the other Greeks should go over 
 to your interests. Nor do I care to ask how great their 
 numbers are, that they should be able to act this part ; 
 for were there only a thousand men bearing arms, they 
 would give you battle ; and so would fewer — and so would 
 more." 
 
 Xerxes derided this speech, and thus replied — " De- 
 maratus, what is it you have said? Would then a thou- 
 sand men contend with an army like this? Come now, 
 say you not that you were yourself king of these very 
 men? Are you then willing on the spot to fight with 
 ten men ? If indeed your polity is altogether such as you 
 represent it to be, you, being the king of this community, it 
 behoves you, in compliance with the customs of your coun- 
 try, to engage with a double number : and if every one 
 
 (103) 
 
XERXES AND DEMARATUS. 517 
 
 of them is a match for ten of such as might be taken 
 from my army, I demand of you to enter in conflict with 
 twenty, and then you will give consistency to what you have 
 affirmed. But if indeed these Lacedaemonians whom you 
 vaunt so much, are nothing better in quality and stature 
 than yourself, and those Greeks with whom I am accus- 
 tomed to converse, take heed lest there be found no little 
 empty boasting in all you have advanced ! Now make 
 me understand, on reasonable grounds, how one thousand 
 men, or even ten thousand, or fifty thousand, and though 
 they were all absolutely free, as you talk, and not sub- 
 jected to the domination of one man, could withstand so 
 mighty a host as this. For if they were five thousand 
 strong, even then we are more than a thousand to one. 
 But if now, according to our institutions, they were placed 
 under the control of an absolute master, then, inspired 
 by dread of him, they would display a valour which na- 
 ture has not given them ; and if soundly flogged, they 
 might even advance, few as they are, against multitudes. 
 But abandoned to liberty, they will do nothing of this 
 sort. For my own part I think that, though equal in 
 numbers, the Greeks would find it hard to contend with 
 the Persians alone. Valour such as you speak of, which 
 indeed is always rare, exists among us ; for there are 
 Persians among my guards who will readily engage with 
 Greeks — three to one, and whom you contemn only be- 
 cause you have not put them to the proof." 
 
 " O king," replied Demaratus, " from the first I felt 
 assured that in adhering to the plain truth, I should not 
 please you. But as you constrained me to say nothing 
 but the simple truth, I have spoken of the Spartans such 
 as they are. You well know what reason I have to hate 
 them* — they, who besides depriving me of my paternal 
 honours and dignities, have made me an exile and a 
 
 * The sense absolutely requires a^ropywc to be read for eoropywg. 
 
 (104) 2 l 3 
 
518 REPLY OF DEMARATUS. 
 
 fugitive. On the contrary, your father received me, 
 and gave me maintenance and a house: it is not then 
 credible, that a man of common sense should thrust from 
 him his benefactor ; — he will love him rather. — Far from 
 professing myself competent to fight ten men, I would 
 not contend with two, nor even with one — spontaneously. 
 And yet were there necessity, or any sufficient motive to 
 impel me, I would willingly fight with any one of those 
 men who, as you say, are singly a match for three Greeks. 
 And thus the Lacedaemonians in general are inferior to 
 none in single combat ; but when combined they are the 
 bravest of mankind. Free indeed they are, and yet not 
 absolutely free ; for they have a master — The Law, 
 whom they fear much more than your slaves fear you. 
 Whatever that master commands, they will do, if nothing 
 more, and it inflexibly forbids them ever to fly from the 
 field, how numerous soever the enemy may be ; and it 
 commands them to stand to their ranks until they conquer 
 or perish. If in what I ha^e said, I shall be found to 
 have mocked you, I consent never again to break silence. 
 Even now I have only spoken under compulsion; — and 
 may all your wishes, O king, be accomplished." 
 
 Such was the reply of Demaratus : Xerxes only made 
 a jest of it, and far from feeling any resentment, dis- 
 missed him amicably. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 MARCH OF THE PERSIAN ARMY THROUGH THRACE 
 AND MACEDONIA. 
 
 While at Doriscus, Xerxes deposed the governor ap- 
 pointed by Darius, and placed in his room Mascamcs, son 
 
 (105) 
 
VALOUR OF BOGES. 519 
 
 of Megadostes. Then he moved the army forwards 
 through Thrace towards Greece. This JVtascames, whom 
 he left at Doriscus, was the only one of all the governors 
 appointed either by Darius or himself, to whom Xerxes 
 was accustomed to send presents, professedly because he 
 was the bravest of them all. These presents were sent 
 yearly, and were even continued to his descendants by 
 Artaxerxes, son of Xerxes. Before the time of this 
 invasion, governors had been established throughout 
 Thrace and the Hellespont : but after the defeat of the 
 expedition, all of them were removed by the Greeks, 
 excepting only Mascames, the governor of Doriscus, 
 whom, though they made repeated attempts, they could 
 by no means dislodge. On this account, gifts continued 
 to be made to the family by the Persian kings. 
 
 Of all the governors removed by the Greeks, only one 
 was deemed by Xerxes to have behaved like a brave 
 man. — This one was Boges, governor of Eion, whom he 
 never ceased to applaud, and whose surviving children in 
 Persia he distinguished by peculiar honours. In truth, 
 Boges merited high commendation, for when besieged by 
 the Athenians under Cimon, son of Miltiades, and when 
 terms were offered to him which would have allowed him 
 to leave the place and return to Asia, he would not yield 
 lest the king should suppose he had saved his life through' 
 fear ; but he defended the place to the last, and when 
 no more provisions remained in the fort, he collected a 
 great pile of combustibles — slew his children, his wife, 
 his women, and his slaves, and threw the bodies into the 
 fire. Then he took all the gold and silver that could be 
 found in the city, and scattered it from the walls into the 
 Strymon : — when this was done he cast himself into the 
 fire. Justly then is Boges celebrated by the Persians, 
 even to the present day. 
 
 From Doriscus, Xerxes advanced towards Greece, and 
 on his way compelled all he met with to fall into the 
 (108) 2 l 4 
 
520 ADVANCE OF XERXES 
 
 ranks of the army ; for as I have before said, he had re- 
 duced to slavery the whole country as far as Thessaly, 
 which was made tributary by the conquests, first of 
 Megabyzus, and afterwards of Mardonius. On leaving 
 Doriscus, he passed by the Samothracian towns, the last 
 of which, towards the west, is Mesambria, near Stryme, 
 a city of the Thasians : — the river Lissus flowing be- 
 tween the two. This stream also failed to supply the 
 wants 6f the Persian army. The district formerly was 
 called Gallaica ; but now Briantica. To speak correctly, 
 it belongs to the Ciconians. 
 
 Passing the dried channel of the Lissus, the army 
 moved near the Grecian cities — Maronea, Dicaea, and 
 Abdera, and by those celebrated lakes — Ismaris, between 
 Maronea and Stryme— and Bistonis, near Dicaea, into 
 which the two rivers Travus and Compsatus empty them- 
 selves. At Abdera there is not any lake of much note, 
 but the river Nestus which flows into the sea was crossed 
 by Xerxes. Continuing his march through these regions, 
 he passed by the several maritime cities of the continent : 
 in the neighbourhood of one of them there is a lake about 
 thirty furlongs in circumference ; it abounds with fish, 
 and is extremely brackish. Yet the sumpter beasts, 
 which only drank of it, dried it up. The city near this 
 lake is called Pistyrus. These maritime Grecian cities 
 he passed, leaving them on the left hand. 
 
 The Thracian tribes through whose lands Xerxes 
 marched, are these : — The Paetians, the Ciconians, the 
 Bistones, the Sapaeans, the Dersaeans, the Edonians, the 
 Satres : all of whom, as they occupy the sea coast, joined 
 the fleet in their ships. The Satres have never — so far 
 a^ we know, owned subjection to any man; and they 
 alone of all the Thracians have remained free to the pre- 
 sent time ; for they inhabit lofty heights on every side 
 covered with forests and snows : they are also warlike 
 in (heir disposition. They have among them an oracle of 
 
 (HI) 
 
TOWARDS GREECE. 521 
 
 Bacchus, situated on the loftiest of the summits. The 
 Bessians are the interpreters of the oracle among the 
 Satres, which are delivered by a priestess, as at Delphi ; 
 nor are the responses more artfully ambiguous than those. 
 
 After traversing this region, he next passed the towns 
 of the Pieriaus, one of which is named Phagra, and the 
 other Pergamus ; for the road runs near both those places. 
 Leaving on the right hand the great and lofty mountain 
 Pangseus, which contains mines of gold and silver, worked 
 by the Pierians, the Odomantians, and especially by the 
 Satres. Proceeding still westward, the army traversed 
 Paeonia, and passed the Doberes and Pseoples, who dwell 
 northward of Mount Pangseus, until they reached the 
 banks of the Strymon, and the city Eion, of which Boges, 
 of whom I have already spoken, was then governor. 
 The country around Pangseus is called Phyllis, and ex- 
 tends westward as far as the river Angitas, and south- 
 ward reaches to the Strymon. Here the Mages sacri- 
 ficed some white horses, and obtained auspicious omens. 
 After the performance of various rites of divination, 
 addressed to the river, the host marched through what are 
 called the Nine ways of the Edonians, by the bridges which 
 they found already constructed over the Strymon. The 
 Persians hearing that the district was called the Nine 
 ways, buried alive in it nine boys and nine girls, the chil- 
 dren of the inhabitants ; for it is a Persian custom to bury 
 the living ; and thus, as I have been informed, Amestris, 
 the wife of Xerxes, when advanced in years, buried alive 
 fourteen youths taken from the most illustrious Persian 
 families, in order to gratify the god who is said to be under 
 ground. 
 
 The army having crossed the Strymon, passed a Greek 
 city called Argilus, situated on the coast towards the west. 
 This district, and the country above it, is called Bisaltia : 
 thence, having on the left hand the gulph on which stands 
 the temple of Neptune, it marched through the plain of 
 (115) 
 
522 COSTLY ENTERTAINMENTS 
 
 Syle, passing by the Greek city Stagirus, and arrived at 
 Acanthus; and as it advanced, it drew along with it, 
 as I have already said, all the tribes in its way, and even 
 the inhabitants of Pangaeus — the maritime people joining 
 the fleet, while those further from the sea followed the 
 army. The tract along which king Xerxes led his army 
 is not to this day disturbed or cultivated by the Thra- 
 cians, who regard it with great veneration. When the 
 Persian arrived at Acanthus, he offered his friendship 
 to the citizens — presented them with Median vestments, 
 and seeing their readiness to give their aid in the war, 
 and hearing that the canal {at Athos) was finished, he 
 applauded them. 
 
 While he continued at this place, it happened that 
 Artachaees, director of the canal, died of some disease ; 
 he was a man in high esteem with Xerxes ; of the 
 Achaeminidean family, and the tallest Persian of his 
 times, for he wanted only a hand's breadth of being five 
 royal cubits in height. His voice also was of extra- 
 ordinary power. Xerxes, deeply afflicted by his death, 
 caused him to be buried with the utmost magnificence : 
 the whole army was employed in raising a tumulus over 
 him. To this Artachaees, the Acanthians, on the admo- 
 nition of an oracle, perform sacrifices as to a hero, and 
 invoke him by name. The king regarded the loss of this 
 personage as a calamity. 
 
 Those Greeks who received the army into their ter- 
 ritory, and who had to provide a feast for Xerxes, were 
 reduced to such extreme misery, that they were obliged 
 to abandon their homes. The Thasians being required, 
 on account of the cities they held on the continent, to 
 receive the army, and to give the supper, Antipater, son 
 of Orges, one of the most distinguished citizens, who was 
 chosen to discharge this duty, declared that four hundred 
 talents of silver had been expended upon the single repast. 
 Much the same took place in the other cities, as appeared 
 
 (118) 
 
PROVIDED FOR THE KING. 523 
 
 from the accounts rendered by those who presided. This 
 supper was so much the more magnificent because it had 
 been bespoke a long time before hand, and was a matter 
 of the highest consequence to the interests of those who 
 prepared rt. Instantly, when the heralds who were sent 
 in all directions, had informed a city of what was ex- 
 pected from them, some of the citizens divided among 
 themselves the corn, which they employed themselves, 
 during many .months, in grinding into flour, whether of 
 wheat or barley ; while others fattened cattle — the fairest 
 that could be found, and reared land birds in cages, and 
 water fowl in ponds, to be in readiness for the army. 
 Others again manufactured vessels of gold and silver, 
 and vases, and other articles of all kinds, required for the 
 table. These preparations were made for the king only, 
 and his table companions. As to the rest of the army, 
 provisions only were required to be furnished for them. 
 When the army approached any place where it was to 
 stop, a pavilion was erected, and held in readiness, in 
 which Xerxes was to lodge. The rest of the army slept 
 abroad. At the hour of supper, those who received the 
 guests underwent no small labour, while they, after 
 gorging themselves, passed the night in the pavilion, and 
 the next day tearing it down, and seizing all its furniture, 
 went off ; nor was an article left which they did not carry 
 away. 
 
 Well spoke Megacreon of Abdera on this occasion : he 
 first advised the people of that city " to present themselves 
 in a body with their wives before the gods, as suppliants, 
 and to entreat a like remission of one half of any evils 
 that might impend over them. And for what was 
 passed, heartily to thank the gods that it was not the 
 eustom of king Xerxes to take two meals in the same 
 day. For had it been the fate of the people of Abdera 
 to provide a dinner as well as a supper, they must either 
 have fled before his approach ; or, if they had remained, 
 (120) 
 
524 PROGRESS OF THE FLEET, 
 
 must have suffered a ruin beyond example." These 
 people, though grievously burdened, acquitted themselves 
 of the part imposed on them. 
 
 Xerxes dismissed the fleet at Acanthus, enjoining the 
 commanders to await his coming at Thema, a city of the 
 Thermian gulph, to which indeed it gives its name : for he 
 had been informed that the shortest course lay through 
 that city. From Doriscus to Acanthus the army had 
 marched in three divisions ; the first, under the command 
 of Mardonius and Masistes, proceeded along the coast, 
 attended by the fleet. The second was despatched under 
 Tritantsechmes and Gergis, through the inland districts; 
 while the third division, with Xerxes himself, marched 
 between the two, under the command of Smerdomenes 
 and Megabyzus. 
 
 The fleet when dismissed by Xerxes, passed through 
 the canal at Mount Athos, into the gulph on the shores 
 of which stand the cities Assa, Pilorus, Singus and 
 Sarta. Thence, after taking on board the military force 
 of those places, the fleet proceeded towards the Ther- 
 maic gulph — doubling the promontory of Ampelus, at the 
 head of the gulph of Torone, and in passing the Greek 
 cities Torona, Galepsus, Sermyla, Mecyberna, and Olyn- 
 thus, of the territory now named Sithonia, took both men 
 and ships. The Persian fleet then struck across from 
 the promontory of Ampelus, to that of Canastraeus, the 
 most prominent point of the coast of Pallene, where they 
 took men and ships from Potideea, Aphytis, Neapolis, 
 iEga, Therambus, Scione, Menda, and Sana — cities 
 of the territory once called Phlegra, now Pallene. 
 Coasting this country, they proceeded to the appointed 
 station, on their way levying men from all the neigh- 
 bouring cities of Pallene, which border on the Thermaic 
 gulph: the names of these cities are as follows, Lipaxus, 
 Combria, Lisse, Gigonus, Campsa, Smila, and iEnia : 
 the country occupied by these towns is to the present 
 
 (123) 
 
AND OF THE ARMY. 525 
 
 time called Crosssea. From iEnia, the last named of 
 these places, the fleet sailed directly into the Thermaic 
 gulph, and touched upon the coast of Mygdonia. Still 
 moving on, it reached Therma, the place of its desti- 
 nation, and Sindus, and Chalestra, on the river Axius, 
 which divides Mygdonia from Bottiseis, on the narrow 
 maritime district of which, stand the cities Ichnae and 
 Pella. 
 
 The fleet having reached its destination, awaited the 
 arrival of the king, and meanwhile formed a naval camp 
 on the banks of the Axius, and at Therma, and at the 
 intermediate cities. Xerxes, with the army, proceeded 
 by a short course over-land from Acanthus to Therma, 
 and passed through the Paeonian and Crestonian terri- 
 tories, to the river Echidorus, which rising in the latter, 
 runs through Mygdonia, and discharges itself into the 
 marsh above the Axius. While marching through this 
 country, the army was beset by lions, which attacked the 
 camels employed in carrying provisions. These lions 
 leaving their haunts at night, approached the camp, but 
 seized nothing, either man or beast, excepting only the 
 camels. One cannot but wonder why the lions should 
 refrain from all other animals, and attack the camel — an 
 animal they had never before seen or tasted. That 
 region abounds not only with lions, but with Wild bulls, 
 the horns of which being of extraordinary size, are 
 brought into Greece. The river Nestus, which flows 
 near Abdera, and the river Achelous, which runs through 
 Acarnania, are the boundaries within which the lions are 
 found; no animal of that species being seen in Europe 
 eastward of the Nestus, or any where throughout that 
 continent westward of the Achelous ; but between these 
 rivers they are produced. 
 
 When Xerxes reached Therma, he encamped the 
 army. This encampment occupied all the maritime 
 district from Therma and Mygdonia, as far as the rivers 
 (127) 
 
520 THE VISIT OF XERXES 
 
 Lydias and Haliacmon, which uniting their waters in the 
 same channel, divide Bottiaeis from Macedonia. Upon 
 these lands then it was, that the Barbarians pitched their 
 camp. And of all the rivers above-mentioned, the Echi- 
 dorus alone, which rises in Crestonia, was not exhausted 
 by the army. 
 
 Xerxes discerning from Therm a the mountains of 
 Thessaly — that is to say, Olympus and Ossa, which are 
 of vast altitude, and learning that they were separated 
 by a narrow defile through which runs the river Peneus, 
 and that at that spot was the road into Thessaly, con- 
 ceived the wish to sail to the mouth of the Peneus, that 
 he might examine the exit of the river. — He was about to 
 lead the army that way, being informed that it was the 
 most secure ; passing over the Macedonian highlands, it 
 traverses the country of the Perrhaebians, and leads near 
 the city Gonnus. His wish was no sooner formed than 
 put in execution : going on board a Sidonian vessel — the 
 same which he had used on every occasion of this kind, 
 he, at the same time, gave signal for the fleet to weigh, 
 and left the army to follow him. When he reached the 
 place, and had inspected the exit of Peneus, Xerxes 
 seemed struck with admiration, and calling his guides, 
 inquired if the river were capable of being turned from 
 its channel, and made to enter the sea at any other 
 point. The tradition received among the Thessalians is 
 that, anciently, their country was a lake, shut in on all 
 sides by its lofty mountains : — towards the east by Pelion 
 and Ossa, the bases of which were united : — towards the 
 north by Olympus ; towards the west by Pindus ; and 
 towards the south by Othrys. Thessaly is in fact a 
 cavity, occupying the space between the above-mentioned 
 mountains. It is watered by many rivers, of which the 
 five following are the most noted — the Peneus, the Api- 
 danus, the Onochonus, 'the Enipeus, and the Pamisus ; 
 all which descending into the plain of Thessaly from the 
 
 (129) 
 
TO THE COAST OF THESSALY. 527 
 
 surrounding mountains, meet together and mingle their 
 waters, and obtain their discharge into the sea by a single 
 channel, and that a very narrow one. When these rivers 
 meet, they severally lose their names, and that of the 
 most noted — the Peneus, prevails. Now according to 
 the ancient tradition, the pass and exit (between Olympus 
 and Ossd) did not formerly exist, and yet the rivers above- 
 mentioned, as well as the lake Bosbeiis, though not 
 then known, as now, by name, actually flowed, as at 
 present, into the plain, and formed an expanse of water, 
 covering the whole of Thessaly. The Thessalians them- 
 selves affirm — and I think with great reason, that Nep- 
 tune made the aperture through which the Peneus flows ; 
 for whoever is of opinion that it is Neptune who shakes 
 the earth, and that the rents occasioned by earthquakes 
 are the work of that god, will, on examining the fissure 
 of which we are speaking, allow that Neptune formed 
 it ; for the parting of the mountains is, as it seems to me 
 evidently, the work of an earthquake. 
 
 Xerxes, as I have said, inquired of the guides, if there 
 were any other {practicable) exit for the Peneus ; and 
 they, knowing perfectly the country, replied : — " Sire, 
 this river can discharge itself into the sea by no other 
 channel but this ; for Thessaly is entirely encircled by 
 mountains." Upon which Xerxes is reported to have 
 said : — " The Thessalians then are prudent men. Con- 
 scious of their inability to defend themselves against 
 me, they have in good time taken the precaution of sub- 
 mitting ; for besides other reasons, they know that the 
 country they inhabit is one very easily and very quickly 
 reduced. Nothing more would be necessary than by 
 raising a dyke across the fissure through which the river 
 flows, to turn the stream from its course upon their lands ; 
 and all Thessaly, excepting the mountain districts, would 
 be inundated." The allusion of Xerxes was to the 
 descendants -of the Aleuads of Thessaly, who first of all 
 (130) 
 
528 RETURN OF THE HERALDS. 
 
 the Greeks surrendered themselves to the king, and, as he 
 supposed, they did so on behalf of the nation at large. 
 After finishing this inspection, Xerxes returned toTherma. 
 
 Xerxes remained several days in Pieria, while one of 
 the three divisions of the army was employed in clearing 
 the forests on the Macedonian hills, over which the entire 
 host was to pass into the territory of the Perrhsebians. 
 While there, the heralds who had been despatched into 
 Greece, to demand earth, returned — some empty-handed, 
 others bearing earth and water. Those Greeks who had 
 offered the gifts were the Thessalians, the Dolopes, the 
 iEnians, the Perrhasbians, the Locrians, the Magne- 
 tians, the Malians, the Achaeans of Pthiotis, the Thebans, 
 and indeed all the Boeotians, except the Thespians and 
 the Plataeans. Against these, the Greeks who engaged 
 in the war with the Barbarian, bound themselves by an 
 oath, in the following terms : — " From all those Greeks 
 who, without compulsion, have surrendered themselves to 
 the Persian, we — when our affairs are restored to good 
 order — will exact a tythe, to be dedicated to the Delphic 
 god." 
 
 Neither to Athens nor to Sparta did the Persian send 
 heralds to demand the tokens of submission ; for when, on 
 a former occasion, Darius had sent messengers there on 
 the same errand, the Athenians had cast them into the 
 Barathron ;* and the Spartans had thrown them into a 
 well, commanding them to take earth and water thence, 
 to carry to the king. On this account therefore Xerxes 
 refrained from sending to either of those cities. What 
 calamities befel the Athenians, in consequence of their 
 treatment of these heralds, I cannot say, except we should 
 mention the pillaging of their lands and city : yet it does 
 not seem to me that this was actually the cause of those 
 misfortunes. 
 
 * A pit at Athens, into which criminals were thrown. 
 
SPERTHIES AND BULIS. 529 
 
 Upon the Lacedaemonians (on this account) alighted the 
 wrath of Talthybius, the herald of Agamemnon, to whom 
 a temple is dedicated at Sparta, and whose descendants, 
 called Talthybiads, still remain there. It is the privilege 
 of these persons to discharge the function of heralds at 
 Sparta on every occasion. But after the murder of the 
 Persian heralds, the Spartans were no longer able to 
 obtain auspicious indications from the sacrifices : this 
 continued during a long time. The Lacedaemonians, 
 afflicted and unprosperous, convoked frequent assemblies 
 of the people, in which proclamation was made to inquire, 
 " If any Lacedaemonian were willing to die for Sparta?" 
 At length Sperthies, son of Aneristus, and Bulis, son of 
 Nicolaus — both Spartans, and men nobly born, and emi- 
 nently wealthy, offered themselves as willing to forfeit 
 their lives to Xerxes, as an expiation of the murder of 
 the heralds of Darius at Sparta. These persons were 
 therefore despatched, as for death, to the Medes. 
 
 The intrepidity of these men, and their expressions on 
 the occasion, were indeed worthy of admiration. On their 
 way to Susa, they presented themselves to Hydarnes, a 
 Persian, and the commander of the maritime provinces of 
 Asia, who entertained them hospitably, and took occasion 
 thus to address them : — " Lacedaemonians, why do you 
 avoid the friendship of the king? You may see, while 
 you look upon me, and upon my establishment, how he 
 honours brave men. And thus too would he honour you, 
 would you but surrender yourselves to him. Valiant as 
 you are, he would gratify you by bestowing upon each a 
 government in Greece." " Hydarnes," replied the Spar- 
 tans, " the advice you give cannot affect us as it might 
 you ; — you recommend what you have yourself tried, 
 but you know nothing of the alternative. What it is to 
 be a slave, you know ; but as to liberty, whether it be a 
 sweet or not, you are ignorant. Had you actually made 
 (135) 2 m 
 
530 SPERTHIES AND BULIS. 
 
 proof of it, you would have counselled us to fight for it, 
 not with spears only, but with hatchets.*" Thus was Hy- 
 darnes answered. 
 
 When these Spartans arrived at Susa, and were brought 
 before the king, the guards commanded them to fall to 
 the ground and worship him ; and even used compulsion ; 
 but they utterly refused to do so, even though forced 
 down upon their heads. " It is not," said they, " our 
 custom to worship a man ; nor for this purpose came we 
 hither." After resisting this requirement, they addressed 
 Xerxes in some such terms as the following : — " King of 
 the Medes, the Lacedaemonians sent us to suffer as a 
 retaliation for the death of the heralds who perished at 
 Sparta." To this speech Xerxes magnanimously replied, 
 " that he should not follow the example of the Lacedae- 
 monians who, in violation of the customs of all nations, 
 had put heralds to death ; nor himself do what he blamed 
 in them ; much less would he, by killing them in revenge, 
 release the Lacedaemonians from the guilt they had 
 incurred." 
 
 [The wrath of Talthybius was however, for the moment, 
 allayed by the act of the Spartans, although in fact Sperthies 
 and Bulis returned to Sparta. Nevertheless, some time 
 afterwards it was again awakened, as the Lacedaemonians 
 themselves affirm, during the war between the Peloponnesians 
 and Athenians. — And to me there appears a divine inter- 
 ference (or, no divine interference) in what happened.! For 
 that the wrath of Talthybius should alight upon the messen- 
 gers, and not cease till it was accomplished, was just. But 
 
 * " De coinbattre de toutes nos forces pour sa defense." Larcher. 
 Why this cold paraphrase of a spirited figure ? Beloe follows Larcher. 
 
 t The sense seems at first sight to require a negative in this and a fol- 
 lowing sentence. Larcher and others suppose the negation to have 
 fallen from the passage, and render it accordingly. I think the meaning 
 of Herodotus intelligible without such a supposition. 
 
 (137) 
 
MEASURES OF THE GREEKS. 531 
 
 that it should fall upon the sons of those persons who went 
 to the king to appease that wrath — I mean upon Nicolaus, 
 the son of Bulis, and upon Aneristus, the son of Sperthies, who 
 seized the Tirynthian fishermen whom he found sailing round 
 Peloponnesus in a transport filled with men — clearly proves 
 (or, does not prove) to me that the wrath fell upon them under 
 a divine direction. For it happened that when sent by the 
 Lacedaemonians to Asia, they were betrayed by Sitalces, son of 
 Tereus,king of Thrace, and by Nymphodorus, son of Pythius — 
 a citizen of Abdera, who captured them near Bisantha, in the 
 Hellespont, and conducted them to Attica, where they were 
 put to death by the Athenians, and with them Aristeas, son of 
 Adimantus, a Corinthian. But these events happened many 
 years after the expedition of Xerxes.] 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 RESPONSES OF THE PYTHIAN. MEASURES OF THE 
 GREEKS. 
 
 I resume the course of my history. The expedition of 
 Xerxes was professedly undertaken against Athens ; but 
 in fact was directed against all Greece. The Greeks, 
 though all well informed of what they had to expect long- 
 beforehand, did not all await its arrival with the same 
 feelings ; for some of them having given earth and water 
 to the king, confided in their submission, and believed 
 they had nothing to suffer from him ; while others, who 
 had not presented the gifts, were in the utmost conster- 
 nation ; for all the ships belonging to the Greeks together 
 did not amount to a number that could oppose the invader ; 
 and in fact very many of the states, far from being willing 
 (138) 2 m 2 • 
 
532 OPINION OF HERODOTUS. 
 
 to engage in the war, were eager to take part with the 
 Medes. 
 
 And now I feel compelled to express an opinion which, 
 though it will be thought invidious by most men, I shall 
 not withhold — convinced as I am of its truth. If the 
 Athenians, terrified by the approaching danger, had 
 either abandoned their country, or, though not leaving it, 
 had surrendered themselves to Xerxes, no force whatever 
 would have been opposed to him by sea. And if Xerxes 
 had met no enemy on the seas, then we may know what 
 must have happened on land. For although the Pelo- 
 ponnesians had raised at the isthmus never so many ranges 
 of walls, the Lacedaemonians would not the less have 
 been deserted by their allies ; — not perhaps willingly, but 
 from necessity, imposed on them by the fleet of the Bar- 
 barian, which would have captured city after city along 
 the coast. Thus deserted, they might indeed have 
 achieved feats of valour, and have died nobly ; or they 
 might have submitted to the same fate as others ; or at 
 an earlier period — seeing the other Greeks go over to 
 the Medes — they might perhaps have secured the benefit 
 of a treaty with Xerxes. But in either case, Greece 
 must have become subject to the Persians. What ad- 
 vantage could have been secured by the walls raised 
 across the isthmus, I have never been able to learn ; 
 since Xerxes would have been master of the sea. He 
 therefore who may affirm that the Athenians were the 
 preservers of Greece, will not err from the truth ; for to 
 whichsoever side they had gone over, that side must have 
 preponderated. But in determining for the liberty of 
 Greece, they quickened the courage of all those states 
 that had not already taken part with the enemy ; and in 
 fact it was they, next to the gods, who repulsed the 
 king. Nor did even the responses of the oracle, brought 
 from Delphi, fearful as they were, and such as must 
 inspire terror, prevail with them to abandon Greece. On 
 
 (139) 
 
RESPONSE OF THE PYTHIAN, 533 
 
 * the contrary they stood their ground, and endured the 
 attack of the invader. 
 
 The Athenians wishing to consult the oracle, had sent 
 deputies, who after performing the customary rites, 
 entered the temple, and seating themselves as suppliants, 
 received an answer from the Pythian— whose name was 
 Aristonica ; it was as follows : — * 
 
 " Infatuated men ! why sit* you here? Fly to the 
 ends of the earth, leaving your homes, and the sharp 
 summits of your circling city. Nor shall the head remain 
 unmoved, nor the body, nor the lowest feet, nor shall the 
 hands, nor the middle be left ; but shall turn to unenvied 
 ruin. Fire and keen Mars, driving a Syrian car, shall 
 ruin all. And many other towers also, in like manner 
 as yours, shall he destroy. And many temples of the 
 Immortals shall he give to the consuming fire : even now, 
 quaking with dread, they stand ; and flow with sweat ; 
 and from their highest roofs black blood is shed, in pre- 
 sage of inevitable woe. But get you hence from the 
 sanctuary, and let your heart be conversant with ills." 
 
 The Athenian deputies on hearing this response were 
 affected with the deepest sorrow : while abandoned to 
 despondency under the woe announced to them, they were 
 advised by Timon, son of Androbulus, a Delphian of high 
 repute, to take the olive branch and again to consult the 
 oracle as suppliants. Yielding to this advice, the Athe- 
 nians thus spoke : — " O Supreme ! impart to us something 
 more favourable concerning our country; nor contemn 
 these olive branches which we bear in our hands before 
 thee. Or if not, we refuse to depart from this sanctuary ; 
 but here it will be for us to remain until we die." When 
 they had thus spoken, the priestess again addressed them 
 in the following terms : — 
 
 * There is so much historical significance in this and the succeeding 
 response, that the reader will prefer the exactness of a prose translation 
 to any metrical version that could be given. 
 
 (141) 2 m 3 
 
534 PERPLEXITIES OF 
 
 " Pallas is unable to propitiate Olympian Jove, though 
 she has besought him with many words, and profoundest 
 skill. I repeat to you therefore the same response, in- 
 flexible as adamant. Yet when all shall be captured 
 within the Cecropian limits, and the recesses of the 
 sacred Cithaeron, the wide-seeing Jupiter gives to Minerva 
 a wooden fort, which alone shall be impregnable ; and 
 that shall preserve you and your children. Wait not 
 quietly the approach of horse and foot — the numerous 
 host that advances from the continent. But turn the 
 back, and leave your land. Yet the day shall come when 
 you will face the enemy.* O divine Salamis ! thou shalt 
 destroyf- the sons of women, whether Ceres be still abroad 
 or housed." 
 
 This response seemed to the deputies, as indeed it was, 
 of milder import than the first. They therefore wrote it 
 down, and departed for Athens. On their arrival, they 
 announced it to the assembly of the people. In exploring 
 the sense of the oracle, many and various opinions were 
 advanced. The two which most prevailed were these. 
 Some of the elders supposed that the god had foretold 
 that the Acropolis should be preserved ; for anciently the 
 Acropolis of Athens was fenced about by a palisade: 
 they therefore thought this fence was intended by the 
 " wooden fort." On the other hand, some believed that 
 the god by this phrase signified the fleet, and commanded 
 them to equip their ships, and to abandon all besides. 
 But those who affirmed that by the wooden fort was 
 meant the fleet, were perplexed by the concluding verses, 
 uttered by the Pythian—" O divine Salamis ! thou shalt 
 destroy the sons of women, whether Ceres be still abroad 
 
 tri rot kotz KqvTtoc, tvcry has been variously rendered. Mitford 
 says, " even though they be close upon you." Larcher gives good rea- 
 sons for understanding the phrase in an opposite sense, 
 t airoXeie — cause to perish — not lose. 
 
 (142) 
 
THE ATHENIANS. 535 
 
 or housed," which words held in suspense the minds of 
 those who thought the fleet was the wooden fort. For 
 the deputies took the words in this sense, as intending 
 that if they engaged the enemy at sea, they should suffer 
 a defeat off Salamis. 
 
 There was then among the Athenians a man who had 
 very lately risen to eminence in the state. This was 
 Themistocles, commonly known by the appellation — Son 
 of Neocles. He maintained that the interpreters had not 
 rightly understood the terms of the oracle : " If," said 
 he, " the phrase had related to the Athenians, the terms 
 employed would not, it is probable, have been so kindly. 
 But instead of — " O divine Salamis," the Pythian had 
 said — " O wretched Salamis" — if the inhabitants of the 
 surrounding regions were destined there to perish. He 
 therefore who rightly considers the oracle, will understand 
 the god as predicting the ruin, not of the Athenians, but 
 of the enemy." Themistocles therefore counselled the 
 people to make preparations for defending themselves by 
 sea — the fleet being in truth " the wooden fort." The 
 Athenians decided that the opinion of Themistocles was 
 preferable to that of the interpreters, who dissuaded 
 from preparing to engage the enemy by sea, or indeed to 
 make any kind of resistance, and advised that they should 
 abandon Attica, and seek some other abode. 
 
 Themistocles had on a former occasion proposed a mea- 
 sure which, in this season, proved highly advantageous. 
 At a time when the public treasure of the Athenians had 
 been greatly augmented by the proceeds of the Laurian 
 mines, a distribution was about to be made through all 
 ranks, which would have given ten drachms to each 
 citizen. Then it was that Themistocles persuaded the 
 Athenians to , abstain .from the proposed distribution, and 
 to construct two hundred ships with their accumulated 
 treasure, to serve in the war — meaning the war then 
 carrying on with the iEginetans. That war occasioned 
 (144) 2 m 4 
 
536 DESPATCH OF EMBASSIES. 
 
 the preservation of Greece ; for it compelled the Athe- 
 nians to become a maritime people. These ships were 
 not actually employed for the purpose intended, and thus 
 served the cause of Greece in the time of need. They 
 were now therefore at the disposal of the Athenians, and 
 it was only necessary to add some to the number. It was 
 resolved, in a council held after the response of the oracle 
 had been received, that the whole Athenian people, with 
 such other Greeks as were of the same mind, should, in 
 obedience to the advice of the god, meet the Barbarian 
 who was invading Greece, at sea. Such were the oracles 
 given to the Athenians. 
 
 All those of the Greeks who took the better part for 
 their country were now convoked, and after exchanging 
 assurances of fidelity to the common cause, it was re- 
 solved deliberately, that before any other affairs were 
 attended to, all existing differences should be reconciled, 
 and an end put to the wars then raging between several 
 of the states ; of which the chief was that between Athens 
 and iEgina. In the next place, being informed that 
 Xerxes with his army was already at Sardis, they re- 
 solved to send spies into Asia, to watch the king's move- 
 ments. Then it was determined to send ambassadors to 
 Argos, to conclude an alliance against the Persian, and 
 again others to Sicily — to Gelon, son of Dinomenes ; and 
 others to Corcyra, enjoining the people of that island to 
 succour Greece ; and others to Crete. For their inten- 
 tion was, if possible, to combine the general body of 
 Greeks, and so to bend the efforts of all towards the 
 same object, since the extremest danger impended alike 
 over all. The power of Gelon was reported to be very 
 great, and indeed to surpass that of any Greek state. 
 
 These resolutions having been adopted, and all animosi- 
 ties being laid aside, the first step taken was to send three 
 men as spies into Asia. When these persons reached 
 Sardis, it became known that they were making them- 
 
 (146) 
 
BEHAVIOUR OF XERXES. 537 
 
 selves acquainted with the extent of the royal army. 
 They were therefore seized by the commanders of the 
 infantry, and after being examined by torture, were, in 
 pursuance of the sentence passed upon them, about to be 
 led to execution. But Xerxes, hearing what was taking 
 place, blamed the commanders for the course they had 
 taken, and sent some of his guards with an order to bring 
 the men before him, if they should find them still living. 
 The guards finding them still surviving, took thenar away, 
 and brought them into the royal presence. The king after 
 inquiring their business, commanded the guards to lead 
 them around, and shew them the whole army, both in- 
 fantry and cavalry, and when satiated with the spectacle, 
 to send them in safety wherever they wished to go. In 
 giving these directions, he said : — " If these spies had 
 perished, the Greeks would not have become informed of 
 the greatness of his preparations, which exceeded common 
 report ; while in putting three men to death, a very 
 inconsiderable injury would have been inflicted on the 
 enemy. On the other hand," said he, " when these 
 men return to Greece, they will spread such reports of 
 the vastness of my armament, that the Greeks, without 
 waiting its arrival, will themselves resign their liberties, 
 so that there will be no occasion to prosecute the war 
 against them, and our labour will be spared." 
 
 This expectation of Xerxes resembles another enter- 
 tained by him. While at Abydos he perceived some 
 store ships, passing the Hellespont from the Euxine, and 
 carrying provisions to iEgina and Peloponnesus. Those 
 around him being informed that the vessels belonged 
 to the enemy, were ready to seize them, and fixing their 
 eyes on the king, awaited his commands. But Xerxes 
 having inquired their destination, was answered " Sire, 
 they are conveying provisions to your enemies !" To which 
 he replied, " And are not we proceeding there too, and 
 we also charged, among other things, with provisions? 
 (147) 
 
538 CONDUCT OF THE 
 
 What injury then are they doing us in carrying corn for 
 us ?" — The spies having in the manner above related, 
 inspected the army, and being dismissed, returned to 
 Europe. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 EMBASSIES TO ARGOS, SICILY, AND CORCYRA. 
 
 The Greeks confederate against the Persian, after 
 sending the spies, despatched their ambassadors to Argos. 
 The Argives give the following account of these trans- 
 actions, so far as themselves were concerned. They say 
 that they had information from the very commencement 
 of the intentions of the Barbarian upon Greece. Having 
 received this information, and learning also that the 
 Greeks would endeavour to engage them to join in op- 
 posing the Persian, they despatched a deputation to 
 Delphi, to inquire of the god — " What course it would be 
 best for them to adopt ; for very recently, six thousand 
 of their citizens had been put to the sword by the Lace- 
 daemonians, under Cleomenes, son of Anaxandrides." 
 Such was the occasion of their sending. The Pythian 
 replied to their inquiries in the following terms — 
 
 " Nation, by neighbours scorned — by gods beloved ! 
 Hold in your dart, and keep your watch unmoved. 
 Argives, beware ! Preserve the head from ill : 
 The head, the body keeps from dangers still." 
 
 Such was the answer they had received before ; and 
 when the ambassadors arrived at Argos, they were in- 
 troduced to the council, where they delivered their in- 
 
 (148) 
 
ARGIVES. 539 
 
 structions, to which the Argives replied that — " they 
 were willing to afford the aid required, on condition that 
 a truce of thirty years should be agreed to by the Lace- 
 daemonians, and that they should share equally with them 
 the command of the allied forces, which was all they 
 intended to claim, although in strict justice the undivided 
 command was their right." 
 
 Such, say they, was the answer given by the council, 
 although the oracle had forbidden their entering into an 
 alliance with the Greeks. But though, fearing the 
 oracle, they desired a truce of thirty years, to gain time 
 in which their sons might attain manhood. Without 
 this truce they feared that if, in addition to the losses 
 they had already sustained in the late war, they should 
 suffer a further reduction of their forces from the Persian, 
 they must ever after submit to the Lacedaemonians. The 
 Spartans who were included in the embassy, replied to 
 the council in the following terms — " As to the truce, it 
 should be referred to the people. As to the command of 
 the forces, we are instructed to answer, that as the Spar- 
 tans have two kings, and the Argives only one, it was 
 impracticable to grant a condition which would deprive 
 one of their own kings of his command ; but nothing pre- 
 vented the king of Argos from sharing authority with the 
 two." Thus it happened, as the Argives affirm, that not 
 being able to endure the encroaching spirit of the Spar- 
 tans, they chose rather to submit to the Barbarian, than 
 to yield an inch to the Lacedaemonians. They therefore 
 warned the ambassadors to quit the Argian territory 
 before sun-set, or they would be treated as enemies. 
 
 [Such is the account given by the Argives ; but a different 
 story i^ current throughout Greece. — It is said that Xerxes, 
 before he commenced his expedition against Greece, sent a 
 herald to Argos, with a message to this effect — " Argives, 
 Xerxes the king thus addresses you : — we hold the opinion 
 (150) 
 
540 CONDUCT OF THE ARGIVES. 
 
 that Perses, our ancestor, was the son of Perses, son of 
 Danae, and of Andromeda, daughter of Cephes. We there- 
 fore, if this opinion be right, are your descendants. And we 
 cannot think it proper, either for us to make war upon our 
 progenitors, or for you, by taking part with the other Greeks, 
 to become our enemies. Remain then tranquilly at home. 
 And if this enterprize succeeds to my wish, there are no 
 people I will treat with greater regard." The Argives con- 
 sidered this message as a matter of importance, and abstained 
 from making any application to the Greeks ; but when called 
 upon by them, they demanded an equal share in the command 
 of the forces, well knowing that the Lacedaemonians would 
 not yield it, and so they should have a pretext for remaining 
 neuter. 
 
 Some Greeks relate a story which agrees well with this, 
 though the events referred to took place many years after the 
 time of which we are speaking. It happened that the Athe- 
 nians sent, on some affairs, Callias, son of Hipponicus, with 
 others to Susa, the city of, Memnon; at the same time there 
 arrived messengers despatched by the Argives, to ask Ar- 
 taxerxes, son of Xerxes — " Whether the friendship formed 
 with them by Xerxes still endured, or whether he regarded 
 them as enemies. To this inquiry, Artaxerxes the king re- 
 plied — " Most certainly it remains, nor is there any city more 
 dear to me than Argos." 
 
 Whether in truth Xerxes had sent any such message to 
 Argos, or whether actually the Argives despatched their am- 
 bassadors to Susa, to inquire of Artaxerxes concerning the 
 friendship, I am not able positively to determine. Nor shall 
 I advance any opinion on the subject, but simply relate what 
 the Argives affirm. Yet this much I know, that if all men 
 were to bring their domestic disgraces together, with the 
 intention of changing them for those of their neighbours, all, 
 after narrowly inspecting the others, would gladly take away 
 what they severally brought. Thus perhaps the conduct of 
 the Argives was not more shameful than that of some others. 
 I think myself obliged to report what is affirmed by others ; 
 but by no means am I bound to believe what every one says. 
 
 (152) 
 
HISTORY OF GELON. 541 
 
 Let this profession be kept in mind throughout the whole of 
 my history. And particularly when I report the assertion 
 that it was the Argives who invited the Persian into Greece, 
 because that having been defeated by the Lacedaemonians, they 
 thought any condition would be preferable to the misery to 
 which they were reduced. So much for the Argives.] 
 
 Other ambassadors — -sent out by the confederates, 
 arrived in Sicily, to confer with Gelon. Among them 
 was Syagrus from LacedEemon. 
 
 [The progenitor of this Gelon was an inhabitant of Gela, 
 who came from Telos, an island off the promontory of Trio- 
 pium. When the Lindians of Rhodes, under Antiphemus, 
 founded a colony at Gela, he was associated with them. In 
 process of time his descendants became priests (expounders) 
 to the infernal deities (Ceres and Proserpine) and continued to 
 discharge that function. Telines, one of their ancestors, ob- 
 tained the dignity in the following manner — Certain citizens 
 of Gela, who had excited a sedition, took refuge at Mactorium, 
 a city of the higher country. These refugees were brought 
 back by Telines, without the aid of any military force ; and 
 only by means of the sacred symbols of the two divinities : 
 but whence he took them, or how he possessed them, I am 
 unable to say. Yet certain it is that, confiding alone in their 
 efficacy, he actually brought back the fugitives, and obtained 
 the condition that his descendants should be the priests of the 
 divinities. The achievement of Telines, such as I have heard 
 it described, excites my admiration — actions of this sort are 
 not to be performed by every man ; but belong to magna- 
 nimous spirits, filled with manly force. And yet among the 
 Sicilians, it is affirmed that his character was the very reverse 
 of this, and that he was a man by nature effeminate and 
 delicate. It was notwithstanding thus that he obtained the 
 dignity. 
 
 Oleander, son of Pantares, who had governed Gela seven 
 years, came to his end by the hand of Sabyllus — a citizen of 
 (154) 
 
542 HISTORY OF GELON. 
 
 that place, and was succeeded in the sovereign power by his 
 brother Hippocrates. During the reign of Hippocrates, 
 Gelon, a descendant of Telines, the priest, was included in 
 the number of the tyrant's guards : among these also was 
 iEnesidemus. son of Pataicus. Within a very short time 
 Gelon, by his bravery, raised himself to the command of all 
 the cavalry, and obtained a high reputation in the attacks 
 made by Hippocrates upon the Callipolitans, the Naxians, 
 the Zanclaeans, and the Leontinians, as well as the Syra- 
 cusans, and many barbarian nations. Of the cities I have 
 named, one only — Syracuse — escaped servitude under Hip- 
 pocrates. But the Syracusans were succoured by the Corin- 
 thians and Corcyraeans, after having been defeated in a battle 
 on the banks of the Elorus. They also mediated a peace be- 
 tween Hippocrates and the Syracusans, on the condition that 
 the latter should surrender to him Camarina, a city which from 
 remote times had belonged to them. 
 
 Hippocrates, after reigning the same number of years as his 
 brother, met his death before the city Hybla, while making 
 war upon the Sicilians. Then it was that Gelon, under pre- 
 tence of maintaining the rights of Euclid and Cleander, the 
 two sons of Hippocrates, against the people who refused any 
 longer to submit to the rule of that family — in fact took pos- 
 session of the throne for himself, after defeating the citizens of 
 Gela, and deposing the sons of Hippocrates. After this 
 achievement, Gelon put himself at the head of certain Syra- 
 cusans, called Gamores {original landholders) who having 
 been expelled by the commonalty and by their own slaves — 
 called Cyllyrians, had established themselves at Casmenes. 
 These persons he led back to Syracuse, and on his approach, 
 the commonalty surrendered themselves and the city to him. 
 Master now of Syracuse, he made less account of Gela, and 
 placed it under his brother Hiero ; while he contented himself 
 with Syracuse,' which presently, under his rule, advanced to a 
 high state of prosperity. In the first place he transferred to 
 that city the inhabitants of Camarina, which city he razed to 
 the ground. Then he did the same with more than half of 
 the people of Gela. Having besieged the Megarians of Sicily, 
 
 (156) 
 
ADDRESS OF THE GREEKS TO GELON. 543 
 
 he brought them to terms. The more opulent of them — as 
 they had provoked the war, expected nothing but death : he 
 however brought them to Syracuse, and admitted them to the 
 right of citizenship. , While the Megarian commonalty, who 
 had no share in exciting the war, and who therefore expected 
 no punishment, he also led to Syracuse, where he sold them 
 as slaves, to be exported from Sicily. The same course he 
 pursued with the Eubceans of Sicily — dividing them into 
 two classes, and banishing the inferior class, whom he con- 
 sidered only as the most ungracious inmates of a community. 
 By such means it was that (xelon became a powerful prince.] 
 
 The messengers from the Grecian confederacy arriving 
 at Syracuse, were admitted to an audience, and thus 
 addressed Gelon — " The Lacedaemonians, the Athenians, 
 and their confederates, have sent us to secure your aid 
 against the Barbarian, who, as you must have learned, is 
 advancing upon Greece. This Persian, having joined the 
 Hellespont, leads with him from Asia all the forces of 
 the east, and is about to invade Greece. Professedly he 
 advances against Athens only ; but in fact intends to 
 reduce all the states under his sway. You therefore, who 
 have attained so great a height of power, and who, as 
 sovereign, have under your command no inconsiderable 
 portion of the Grecian body — we exhort to aid the de- 
 fenders of the Grecian liberties, and to labour with them 
 for its preservation. All Greece is assembled, a nu- 
 merous forca is collected, and we are now competent to 
 meet the enemy. But should some among us act a 
 treacherous part, and others decline to afford their aid, 
 so that the sounder portion of the community should be 
 left in the minority, there would be the greatest reason to 
 fear for the safety of all Greece. Nor must you ima- 
 gine that if the Persian vanquishes us, he will not extend 
 his progress to you. Rather take timely precautions to 
 prevent his doing so. In aiding us you do in fact defend 
 (157) 
 
544 REPLY OF GELON. 
 
 yourself. Measures well concerted are for the most part 
 crowned with success." 
 
 Gelon replied to this speech with vehemence in the 
 following terms — " Greeks, you have then the effrontery 
 and the hardiness to call upon me to join you in resisting 
 the Barbarian ! You who refused your aid when some 
 time since I entreated you to assist me against a bar- 
 barian host, while I was at war with the Carthagenians, 
 and when I sought to avenge the murder of Dorieus, 
 son of Anaxandrides, slain by the Egestseans, and when 
 I offered to liberate the commercial towns from which 
 you would have derived very great advantages ! Yet 
 none of these motives would move you, no not so much 
 as to avenge the death of Dorieus ! It was no thanks 
 to you that all these regions did not become subject to 
 Barbarians. But our affairs took a favourable turn, and 
 have continued to improve ; and now that war surrounds 
 you, and reaches your homes — forsooth, you remem- 
 ber Gelon. Yet, though so shamefully treated by you, 
 I will not follow the example you have set ; but am ready 
 to afford my aid, and to furnish two hundred triremes, 
 twenty thousand heavy-armed troops, two thousand horse, 
 two thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two 
 thousand light-armed cavalry. I also engage to supply 
 provisions for the entire army of Greece during the 
 continuance of the war. All this I am willing to do, on 
 condition that I am to be general in chief of the Grecian 
 forces acting against the Barbarian. On no other terms 
 will I either myself appear in the field, or despatch any 
 of my subjects. 
 
 Syagrus unable to restrain his emotions, thus replied to 
 Gelon — " How would Agamemnon, offspring of Pelops, 
 mourn to know that the Spartans have been spoiled of the 
 supreme command by — a Gelon, and by Syracusans ! 
 Never again think of proposing to us to resign that honour 
 to you ! If you will succour Greece, know that you 
 
 (159) 
 
REPLY OF THE ATHENIAN. 545 
 
 must be commanded by the Lacedaemonians. Or if you 
 think not good to submit, then neither afford your aid." 
 
 Gelon, perceiving the aversion indicated by the reply 
 of Syagrus, at length made the following proposition — 
 " Spartan friend ! contumelies are wont to rouse the ire 
 of him against whom they are directed. But no arro- 
 gance of yours shall provoke me to give you a return of 
 indecencies. If you make so much of the supreme com- 
 mand, why may not I rather do so, who command a much 
 larger force, and a much more numerous fleet than yours ? 
 Yet as our proposition is so obnoxious to you, we retract 
 something from our first demand. If the land forces are 
 under your control, the fleet shall be under mine. Or if 
 it please you rather to command on the seas, I will take 
 the army. It now remains for you either to make your 
 choice between these two propositions, or to depart with- 
 out the alliance." 
 
 Such were the conditions proposed by Gelon. The 
 Athenian deputy preventing the Lacedaemonian, thus 
 replied — " O king of the Syracusans, the states of Greece 
 sent us not to ask of you a general, but an army : yet you 
 declare you will send no army, unless the supreme com- 
 mand of the Greek forces is given to you : so eager are 
 you to be chief of the Greeks ! While you sought the 
 command of the entire army, we Athenians were content 
 to keep silence, well knowing that the Spartan was 
 able to reply to you on behalf of both our states. But 
 now that, being repulsed from your demand, you require 
 the fleet only to be put under your control, the case is 
 altered ; for even if the Spartan would yield it, we would 
 not; for this place belongs to us — liable only to the 
 option of the Lacedaemonians : — did they wish to command 
 the fleet, we should not oppose them ; but to none besides 
 will we concede the direction of the fleet. Strange would 
 it be that we Athenians, to whom by far the larger portion 
 of the navy of Greece belongs, should resign the command 
 (161) 2 N 
 
546 DEPARTURE OF THE DEPUTIES. 
 
 of it to the Syracusans !— We, the most ancient people of 
 Greece ; we, who alone of all have never been removed 
 from our first territory ;— we, to whom belonged the man 
 celebrated by Homer, the epic poet, as the one who, among 
 all that came to Troy, best knew how to discipline and 
 marshal an army.* — We must not then be reproached for 
 speaking as we have of our country." 
 
 Gelon replied — "Athenian friend, you are, it seems, 
 in no want of men to exercise command, but you need 
 men to be commanded! And as you will recede in 
 nothing, but must hold all for yourselves, it only remains 
 for you to return whence you came as quickly as possible, 
 and to announce to the Greeks that— the year has been 
 robbed of its spring." By this last expression, he in- 
 tended to intimate that, as the spring is manifestly the 
 choicest time of the year, so were his own troops among 
 all the Greek forces : and he likened Greece deprived of 
 his alliance, to the year, if destitute of the spring. 
 
 After this conference with Gelon, the Grecian deputies 
 took their departure from Sicily. And thus Gelon, 
 fearing for the Greeks that they would not be able to 
 repel the Barbarian, and yet reckoning it an insufferable 
 degradation — being as he was the sovereign of Sicily — 
 to repair to the Peloponnesus, and to be subject to the 
 control of the Lacedaemonians, abandoned the idea of 
 sending his forces thither, and adopted another plan. 
 Instantly, when informed that the Persian had passed the 
 Hellespont, he despatched three penteconters, under the 
 command of Cadmus, son of Scythes, a native of Coos, 
 to Delphi, with a very large treasure, and also profes- 
 sions of friendship : and he instructed him there to watch 
 the event of the war — and if the Barbarian conquered, he 
 was to offer to him the treasures, together with earth and 
 water, on behalf of the countries governed by Gelon ; 
 
 * Menestlieus. II. ii v. 552. 
 
 (163) 
 
AND MEASURES OF GELON. 547 
 
 but if the Greeks were the victors, he was to return to 
 Sicily. This Cadmus had formerly received from his 
 father the sovereignty of Coos — then firmly established; 
 and yet, though compelled by no adverse circumstances, 
 he spontaneously, and from the pure love of justice, had 
 remitted the power into the hands of the people. After 
 which he went to Sicily, and established himself with the 
 Samians at Zancla ; the name of that city having since 
 been changed to Messana. This Cadmus therefore, who 
 in this manner settled in Sicily, and of whose integrity 
 Gelon had made proof on other occasions, was, as I have 
 said, sent by him to Delphi. And to all the former 
 instances of his uprightness we must add this — as not 
 the least, that when the vast treasure entrusted to him by 
 Gelon was so at his disposal, that he might, have made 
 it his own, he would not ; but after the Greeks had ob- 
 tained a victory at sea (Salamis) and Xerxes had retired, 
 he returned with the whole of it to Sicily. 
 
 It is indeed affirmed by the Sicilians, that Gelon would 
 have afforded aid to the Greeks, and even have submitted 
 to the command of the Lacedaemonians, if it had not been 
 for the following circumstances. — Terillus, son of Cri- 
 nippus, tyrant of Himera, had been driven from that city 
 by Theron, son of JEnesidemus, king of Agrigentum, 
 and had brought into Sicily to oppose Theron — just at 
 the time above-mentioned, an army of 300,000 men, con- 
 sisting of Phoenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians, Heli- 
 sycians, Sardinians, and Cyrnians, under the command of 
 Amilcar, son of Anno, king of Carthage. The Cartha- 
 genian king was influenced by his friendship for Terillus, 
 and still more by the zeal of Anaxilaus, son of Cretineus, 
 tyrant of Rhegium, who had surrendered his own chil- 
 dren to Amilcar, as hostages, in order to incite him to 
 invade Sicily, and avenge his father-in-law. For Anaxi- 
 laus had married Cydippa, the daughter of Terillus. 
 Under these circumstances therefore, Gelon, not being in 
 (16S) 2 n 2 
 
548 DEFEAT OF THE CARTHAGENIANS. 
 
 condition to aid the Greeks, sent his treasures to Delphi. 
 The Sicilians moreover relate, that on the very day when 
 the Greeks overthrew the Persians at Salamis, Gelon 
 and Theron in Sicily vanquished Amilcar the Cartha- 
 genian. This prince was, they say, on the father's side, 
 a Carthagenian ; but on the mother's a Syracusan, and 
 had obtained the throne by his personal merit. It is 
 reported that at the time of this battle, in which his 
 forces were defeated, he disappeared, nor could any where 
 afterwards be discovered, either dead or alive, though a 
 strict search was made for him by Gelon. 
 
 The account given by the Carthagenians themselves, 
 who endeavour to explain the event on grounds of pro- 
 bability is this ; — they say that the conflict between the 
 Greeks and Barbarians, who fought this battle in Sicily, 
 lasted from dawn of day till the close of evening — so long 
 a time was the combat drawn out ; — and during the whole 
 of it, Amilcar remained in his camp, performing sacrifices, 
 which were auspicious, and burning the bodies of the 
 victims entire, on a vast pile. But seeing his own army 
 give way, just as he was pouring libations on the victims, 
 he threw himself upon the fire, and so being presently 
 consumed, was no more seen. After his disappearance — 
 whether in the manner affirmed by the Phoenicians, 
 {Carthagenians) or in some other, as related by the Sy- 
 racusans, the Carthagenians honoured him with sacri- 
 fices, and erected shrines to his memory in all the cities 
 founded by them : the most considerable of these monu- 
 ments is at Carthage itself. So much for the affairs of 
 Sicily. 
 
 The same deputies on their return from Sicily went to 
 Corcyra, where they delivered much the same message 
 which they had addressed to Gelon. To the invitation of 
 the Greeks the Corcyraeans gave an answer with which 
 their actual behaviour by no means agreed. For they 
 immediately engaged to send forces to repel the invader, 
 
 (168) 
 
■:"? 
 
 POLICY OF THE CORCYRiEANS. 549 
 
 professing that " it was not for them to stand by and see 
 the destruction of Greece ; for if Greece were overthrown, 
 they could themselves expect nothing but speedy subju- 
 gation. Their part therefore was to defend it to the very 
 utmost of their power." Thus plausibly did they reply 
 to the deputies. But when the time came for fulfilling 
 their engagements, they, having other intentions, fitted 
 out sixty ships, and after many needless delays, sent them 
 to hover about the coasts of Peloponnesus, and cast 
 anchor off the promontories of Pylus and Taenarus, on 
 the Lacedaemonian territory, where they waited to observe 
 the event of the war. For they thought the cause of 
 the Greeks hopeless, and that the Persian, whose forces 
 were so much superior, would bring the whole of Greece 
 under his sway. They therefore carefully observed such 
 a line of conduct as would allow them afterwards to say 
 to the Persian king: — " We, although invited by the 
 Greeks to join them in the war, and although possessed of 
 a force by no means inconsiderable, and able to furnish a 
 fleet inferior only to that of the Athenians, were resolved 
 not to oppose you, or to act in any way contrary to your 
 wishes." By language like this they hoped to secure 
 better terms for themselves than would be granted to 
 others ; and in my opinion their expectation would not 
 have been disappointed. And then towards the Greeks 
 they had a pretext in readiness of which, in fact, they 
 availed themselves ; for when accused by the Greeks of 
 not furnishing the promised aid, they said " they actually 
 set sail with sixty triremes, but were prevented by the 
 etesian winds from doubling the promontory of Malea. 
 From this cause alone, and from no ill intention it was 
 that they did not reach Salamis, nor take part in the 
 engagement." 
 
 When the Cretans were invited by the deputies from 
 Greece, to join the confederacy, they sent messengers on 
 behalf of the community to Delphi, to ask the god, if 
 (169) 2 n 3 
 
550 POLICY OF THE CRETANS. 
 
 it would be to their advantage to aid the Greeks ; the 
 Pythian thus replied : — " O, simpletons ! (vniriot) you 
 complain of the sorrows sent you by Minos in his wrath, 
 on account of the succours afforded to Menelaus, to 
 avenge the rape of his wife from Sparta by a barbarian ; 
 although the Greeks would not aid you to avenge the 
 death of Minos at Camicus (and yet you would again 
 aid them.)" * Having received this answer, the Cretans 
 refrained from furnishing any aid. 
 
 [It is said that Minos, when searching for Daedalus, arrived 
 in Sicania, now called Sicily, where he met a violent death. 
 Some time afterwards the Cretans, at the instigation of the 
 god, all arrived— the Polichnites and Praesians only ex- 
 cepted — with a large armament in Sicania, and besieged 
 Camicus during five years : — this city in our times was pos- 
 sessed by the Agrigentines. At length, when they could 
 neither take the city nor remain longer before it, on account 
 of their want of provisions, they took their departure. But as 
 they coasted the shores of Japygia, a violent hurricane over- 
 took them, which drove the fleet aground. Their ships being 
 thus broken, no means whatever appeared by which they might 
 return to Crete : they therefore forthwith established them- 
 selves, founding the city of Hyria, where* they remained, and 
 changed their name, calling themselves no longer Cretans, 
 but Messapian Japyges, and though originally islanders, were 
 now occupants of the main land. The founding of Hyria was 
 followed by that of other towns, from which, a long time 
 afterwards, the Tarentines endeavouring to expel them, suf- 
 fered a severe defeat. Indeed the slaughter that ensued 
 among the Tarentines and the Rhegians was the greatest — 
 so far as we know, which any of the Greeks have ever suf- 
 fered. The people of Rhegium, compelled by Micythus, son 
 of Choerus, to aid the Tarentines, sustained on this occasion 
 the loss of three thousand men : the loss of the Tarentines is 
 
 * The .s< n?c demands this corollary to be subjoined to the paragraph. 
 
 (17 
 
CONDUCT OF THE THESSALI'ANS. 551 
 
 not mentioned. Micythus, being a servant of Anaxilaus, was 
 left governor of Rhegium. But being expelled from that 
 city, he settled at Tegea, in Arcadia, and dedicated those 
 many statues at Olympia. — I give this account of affair's at 
 Rhegium and Tarentum by way of parenthesis in my history. 
 
 Crete being stripped of its inhabitants, was occupied, as the 
 Prsesians affirm, by various races of people, but chiefly by 
 Greeks. In the third generation after the death of Minos, 
 happened the Trojan war, and the Cretans did not appear 
 with disadvantage among those who avenged the cause of 
 Menelaus. But on account of the part they took in that 
 war, on their return from Ilium, they endured a famine; and 
 a pestilence afflicted both man and beast, till at length the 
 island was a second time nearly deprived of its inhabitants. 
 The present race of Cretans are a third people, mingled with 
 those who survived the desolations. Thus by reminding them 
 of these calamities, the Pythian restrained them from aiding 
 the Greeks.] 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 OCCUPATION OF TEMPE, OF THERMOPYLAE AND 
 ARTEMISIUM. STORM AT APHETjE.. 
 
 It was from compulsion only that the Thessalians, at 
 first, favoured the interests of the Medes, which was 
 proved by their expressing their disgust ^t the machina- 
 tions of the Aleuads. And immediately after it was 
 known that the Persian had passed over into Europe, 
 they sent messengers to the Isthmus;* for at the Isthmus 
 were assembled the senators elected from all those cities 
 that affected the better cause — the cause of Greece. 
 
 * The Isthmus of Corinth — frequently thus referred to in the following 
 narrative. 
 
 (172) 2 n 4 
 
552 OCCUPATION OF TEMPE; 
 
 The Thessalian deputies, arriving at the place of meeting, 
 thus addressed the assembly : — " Greeks ! it is necessary 
 that the Olympic passage should be guarded, in order to put 
 Thessaly, and indeed all Greece, in security from the war. 
 We, for our parts, are ready to take our share in watch- 
 ing this entrance ; but it is indispensable that you should 
 send a strong body of men to the same point. Or if you 
 fail to do so, know that we shall make terms with the 
 Persian. Nor ought we, because situated so much in ad- 
 vance of Greece, to be left alone to perish for you. If 
 you are indisposed to support us, you can by no means 
 compel us to act otherwise than we propose : — no one is 
 obliged to do more than he is able ; and we shall leave no 
 means untried for our own preservation. 
 
 The Greeks in consequence of this message held a con- 
 sultation, in which it was resolved to despatch a body of 
 infantry by sea to guard the passage. The troops destined 
 for this service were accordingly selected, and they sailed 
 through the Euripus : when they reached Alus of Achaia 
 (in Thessaly) they disembarked, and leaving their ships, 
 advanced into Thessaly, and arrived at Tempe, where is 
 the pass through which lies the road along the bank of the 
 Peneus, leading from lower Macedonia into Thessaly, be- 
 tween Mount Olympus and Ossa. There the combined 
 Greeks, amounting to about ten thousand heavy armed 
 men, encamped, attended also by a body of Thessalian 
 horse. The Lacedaemonians were commanded by Evae- 
 netus, son of Carenus, chosen from the polemarchs, though 
 not of the royal family. The Athenians were under 
 Themistocles, son of Neocles. In this station they re- 
 mained a few days, when messengers arrived from Alex- 
 ander, son of Amyntas, the Macedonian (king), who 
 advised them to depart, and by no means to wait in the 
 pass to be trampled under foot by the invading host, the 
 amount of which, by sea and land, he made known. The 
 Greeks believing the Macedonian to be well affected 
 
 (173) 
 
THERMOPYLAE AND ARTEMISIUM. 553 
 
 towards them, yielded to his suggestion, which appeared 
 to themselves well founded. But as it seems to me, their 
 fear was the prevailing motive ; for they learned that 
 there was another entrance into Thessaly from upper 
 Macedonia, through the territory of the Perrhsebes, and 
 near Gonnus, and by which the host of Xerxes actually 
 entered Greece. The Greeks therefore going on board 
 their ships, returned to the Isthmus. This expedition 
 into Thessaly took place while the king was still at Abydos, 
 preparing to pass from Asia into Europe. The Thessa- 
 lians thus abandoned by their allies, devoted themselves 
 to the interests of the Medes with zeal and unquestioned 
 loyalty, and in fact were unrivalled in the services they 
 rendered to the king. 
 
 The Greeks, on arriving at the Isthmus, held a con- 
 sultation relative to the communication they had received 
 from Alexander, and to determine on what plan the war 
 should be prosecuted, and in what districts. The opinion 
 which actually prevailed was that the pass of Thermo- 
 pylae should be maintained ; for it appeared to be narrower 
 than that of Thessaly (at Tempe), while at the same time 
 it was nearer home. The mountain track, by which the 
 Greeks afterwards assembled at Thermopylae were cir- 
 cumvented, was not known to them till after their arrival 
 at the pass, when they were informed of it by the Tra- 
 chinians. It was then this pass of Thermopylae that the 
 Greeks determined to guard, with the hope of preventing 
 the entrance of the Barbarian upon Greece. At the same 
 time the fleet was ordered to sail to Artemisium, in the 
 territory of the Histiasotids, which was not far from 
 Thermopylae, so that the army and the fleet might readily 
 communicate with each other. 
 
 These two spots may be thus described. To begin with 
 Artemisium; it stands just where the Thracian bay con- 
 tracts into a narrow strait, passing between the island 
 Sciathus, and the main land of Magnesia. After that 
 (176) 
 
554 DESCRIPTION OF THERMOPYLAE. 
 
 strait {proceeding from the JEgean sea towards Thermo- 
 pylae), the beach of Artemisium extends itself along the 
 coast of Euboea; and upon that beach stands a temple 
 of Diana. And now, for the entrance into Greece at 
 Trachis, where it is not, at the narrowest part, more than 
 fifty feet wide. And yet this is not the narrowest point 
 of the whole passage ; for it is still less just before and 
 behind Thermopylae. Behind, at Alpenus, there is barely 
 room for a chariot to pass, and the same may be said of 
 the point in advance of Thermopylae, by the river Phoenix, 
 and near the town Anthela. The pass of Thermopylae is 
 bounded towards the west by an inaccessible, precipitous, 
 and lofty mountain, which stretches out till it joins the 
 range of GEta. Towards the east the road is shut in by 
 the sea, and by swamps. Within the pass there are hot 
 baths, called by the people of the country — The Cisterns, 
 and close to them stands an altar, dedicated to Hercules. 
 The road had been intercepted by a wall, in which, 
 anciently, there were gates : it was constructed by the 
 Phocians, in dread of the Thessalians, who leaving Thes- 
 prosia, settled on the iEolian territory (Thessaly), which 
 they now possess. The Phocians therefore built this wall 
 as a safeguard against the inroads of the Thessalians, 
 who had attempted to subdue them. They had also led 
 the water of the hot springs over the way, in order to 
 convert the place into a quagmire ; thus using all possible 
 devices to prevent the incursions of the Thessalians. 
 This anciently-built wall had, for the most part, fallen by 
 the lapse of time, but now it was re-edified by the Greeks, 
 when they resolved at this point to defend Greece against 
 the Barbarian. Very near to the road there is a village 
 named Alpenus, whence they calculated upon receiving 
 provisions for the troops. 
 
 This spot, then, after they had inspected and maturely 
 considered all the neighbouring country, appeared to the 
 Greeks the best adapted to their purpose ; for here the 
 
 (177; 
 
COMMUNICATION FROM DELPHI. 555 
 
 barbarians could neither avail themselves of their superior 
 numbers, nor of their cavalry : here therefore they re- 
 solved to receive the invader of Greece. No sooner did 
 they learn that the Persian had reached Pieria, than 
 breaking up from the Isthmus, they proceeded — the army 
 to Thermopylae, and the fleet to Artemisium. 
 
 While the Greeks repaired in all haste to the spots 
 they were severally appointed to defend, the Delphians, 
 dismayed both for themselves and for Greece at large, 
 consulted the god, and they were admonished — " to pray 
 to the winds, for it was they who would be the principal 
 defenders of Greece." On receiving this response, the 
 Delphians, in the first place, communicated it to all those 
 Greeks who wished well to its liberties, and in doing so, 
 won the immortal gratitude of a people who, with the 
 extremest terror were expecting the Barbarian. In the 
 next place — the Delphians erected an altar to the winds at 
 Thyia, where there is an enclosure consecrated to Thyia, 
 the daughter of Cephissus, who gave her name to the 
 district. On that altar they offered sacrifices to the 
 winds, and in consequence of the response then given, 
 have continued to do so to the present day. 
 
 The navy of Xerxes advancing from Therma, sent for- 
 wards ten ships — the quickest sailers in the fleet, directly 
 to Sciathus. Three Greek vessels were stationed at that 
 island on the look-out ; one of them from Trcezen, one 
 from iEgina, and one from Attica; but perceiving the 
 ships of the Barbarians, they made all speed to escape. 
 The Barbarians pursuing, presently captured the Troe- 
 zenian ship, commanded by Prexinus, and selecting from 
 the whole crew the handsomest man, brought him to the 
 ship's prow, and there slaughtered him, regarding it as a 
 lucky omen, that the first Greek that fell into their hands 
 was a man of so much beauty. The name of this 
 slaughtered person was Leon — and perhaps even his name 
 had some share in bringing upon him this fate. The 
 (180) 
 
556 CAPTURE OF GRECIAN SHIPS. 
 
 iEginetan trireme, commanded by Asonides, gave some 
 trouble to the Barbarians by the valour of one of the 
 crew — Pytheas, son of Ischenous, who displayed on that 
 occasion uncommon valour ; for after the ship was taken, 
 he continued to maintain the combat, even until he was 
 hacked in pieces, and fell — not indeed dead, but just 
 breathing. The Persians who boarded the vessel, ad- 
 miring his valour, earnestly endeavoured to preserve his 
 life, and dressed his wounds with myrrh — bound them up 
 with bandages of fine linen (or cotton) and on their 
 return to their camp, exhibited him to the whole army 
 with admiration, and treated him with the greatest 
 regard, while the other men taken in the same ship were 
 dealt with only as slaves. 
 
 Thus were captured two of the three ships : the third 
 trireme, commanded by Phormus an Athenian, taking to 
 flight, ran ashore at the mouth of the Peneus : — the Per- 
 sians took the mere hulk, but none of the crew ; for on the 
 instant that they drove it aground, they jumped from it, 
 and proceeding through Thessaly, reached Athens. The 
 Greeks stationed at Artemisium, learning by signals from 
 Sciathus what had happened, were filled with dismay, 
 and leaving Artemisium, retired to Chalcis, to defend 
 the Euripus. Yet they left scouts on the heights of 
 Eubcea. 
 
 Of the ten barbarian vessels, three approached the 
 rock which rises from the sea between Scyathus and 
 Magnesia, and which is called Myrmex, and landing, the 
 Barbarians erected a pillar of white marble which they 
 had brought with them. Then the whole fleet — eleven 
 days after the departure of Xerxes from Therma, left 
 that place, and moved onwards ; for the seas were now 
 cleared of all obstacles (by the retreat of the Greeks). 
 They were guided to the rock which lay in their way 
 by a Scyrian named Pammon. An entire day they 
 coasted the shores of Magnesia, as far as Sepias, 
 
 (183) 
 
NUMBER OF THE PERSIAN ARMY. 557 
 
 and the beach between Casthanaea and the cliffs of 
 Sepias. 
 
 Hitherto, and even till they reached Thermopylae, the 
 Persian armament had suffered no losses, and so far as I 
 can calculate, its amount was as follows. — From Asia 
 there were 1207 ships, having on board a host of all 
 nations, amounting to 241,400 men, reckoning 200 men 
 to a ship, and who constituted the original complement 
 of each vessel. Then besides the crews furnished to the 
 ships by the several nations, there were, in each, thirty 
 men — Persians, Medes, or Saces ; these will make 
 36,210. To these two amounts I add the crews of the 
 penteconters, and supposing eighty in each — some more, 
 some less, and there being, as I have before said, 3,000 
 of them, will make 240,000. Such then was the host on 
 board the fleet which came from Asia; and if the several 
 numbers are computed, they make 517,610. The land 
 army consisted of 1,700,000 infantry, and 80,000 cavalry : 
 add to these the Arabians, riding camels, and the Libyans 
 in chariots, reckoned at 20,000. All which added to the 
 numbers on board the fleet, produce 2,317,610. These 
 were the numbers brought from Asia, without including 
 the attendants or the crews of the transports employed 
 in carrying provisions. 
 
 The forces collected in Europe are to be added to the 
 above enumeration ; but these I can estimate only upon 
 conjecture. The Greek vessels furnished by the Thra- 
 cians, and from the islands contiguous to Thrace, 
 amounted to one hundred and twenty : these must have 
 been manned by 24,000 troops. The land forces raised for 
 the service by the Thracians, the Pseonians, the Eordians, 
 the Bottiaeans, the people of Chalcis, the Brygians, the 
 Pierians, the Macedonians, the Perhaebians, the Enianians, 
 the Dolopians, the Magnetians, the Achaeans, and by 
 the maritime Thracians, must, I think, be reckoned at 
 (185) 
 
558 NUMBER OF THE PERSIAN ARMY. 
 
 300,000, which, added to the numbers given above, make 
 2,641,610 fighting- men. Such being- the amount of the 
 armed force, I am of opinion that the servants following 
 the army, the crews of the victualling transports, and 
 those in other ships which accompanied the expedition, 
 were not altogether fewer than the fighting men ; — 
 I think they were more : yet I will reckon them to have 
 been equal in numbers — neither more nor fewer, but just 
 as many myriads, and then it appears that Xerxes, son 
 of Darius, led to Sepias and Thermopylae 5,283,220 
 men. 
 
 As to the female attendants of all sorts, cooks and 
 others, no one pretends to state the number of them. 
 Nor of the animals attached to carriages, and other 
 beasts of burden, nor of the Indian dogs that fol- 
 lowed the army. There is therefore to me nothing sur- 
 prising in the fact, that some rivers were insufficient to 
 satisfy the host. Hather may we wonder how so many 
 myriads could be supplied with provisions ; for on cal- 
 culation, I find that if a choenix of corn, and no more 
 was consumed by each man, daily, then 11,340 medimns 
 would be required for every day, without including the 
 provision for the women, the ministers, the cattle, and 
 the dogs. In an assemblage of so many myriads of 
 men, there was not one who in point of height and beauty 
 of form, might seem more fit than Xerxes to be master of 
 such a host. 
 
 The fleet sailing onwards, reached the coast of Mag- 
 nesia, and as the ships approached the flat beach between 
 Casthanaea and the headland of Sepia, the first that came 
 up hove ashore, while those that followed formed a line 
 at anchor behind them ; and so in eight lines they were 
 ranged at sea ; — the beach not being extensive enough to 
 admit them all. Thus they passed the night. At dawn 
 of day, under a clear and tranquil sky, a swell of the sea 
 
 (188) 
 
WRECK OF THE PERSIAN FLEET. 559 
 
 took place,* folloAved by a violent gale from the east — 
 called by the people of those shores a Hellespontin. 
 Those of the fleet who perceived, in time, the swelling 
 storm, and who were near the land, drew their vessels 
 ashore, and so preventing the hurricane, saved them and 
 their own liv^s. But such as were caught by it on the 
 high seas, were driven — some upon what are called the 
 Ovens of Mount Pelion — some upon the beach — some 
 were wrecked about the promontory of Sepias — some at 
 Melibcea — while some were cast ashore at Casthanasa. 
 So irresistible was the tempest ! 
 
 It has been affirmed that the Athenians, at the sugges- 
 tion of an oracle, had invoked Boreas, another response 
 having come to them in these terms : — " That they should 
 call their son-in-law to their aid." For according to the 
 tradition of the Greeks, Boreas married from Attica 
 Orithyia, daughter of Erechtheus. On the ground of 
 this affinity the Athenians conjectured, when the response 
 arrived, that Boreas was this " son-in-law." And there- 
 fore, as their fleet was off the coast of Eubcea, at Chalcis, 
 when they perceived the rising storm — and indeed before 
 — they offered victims, and addressed prayers to Boreas 
 and to Orithyia, entreating their aid, and imploring them 
 to destroy the barbarian fleet, as they had done at Athos. 
 Whether it was in consequence of these prayers that 
 Boreas fell upon the anchored Barbarians, I am unable 
 to determine. But the Athenians affirm that Boreas 
 who had aided them before, effected on this occasion 
 what took place, and therefore, on their return, they 
 erected a temple to him near the Ilissus. 
 
 In this stress of weather there perished — according to 
 
 * This is commonly translated " after a clear and serene sky," &c. 
 to preserve apparent consistency. But this accommodated version is 
 unnecessary ; for a sudden and violent swell of the sea, produced by a 
 distant hurricane, not unfrequently falls upon the coast while tlie sky is 
 open, and the wind scarcely stirring. 
 
 (190) 
 
560 LOSS OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 the lowest accounts, not fewer than four hundred ships : 
 — innumerable lives were lost, as well as a vast treasure. 
 In fact a certain Magnesian, named Aminocles, son of 
 Cratinus, who possessed lands near the promontory of 
 Sepias, derived an ample fortune from this wreck of the 
 fleet, for some time afterwards he drew up very many 
 vessels of gold and of silver that had been cast away. 
 He found also coffers belonging to the Persians, and an 
 infinity of articles of gold. Yet in other respects this 
 man was not happy, though by these means he had become 
 so rich ; for it was his grief unwittingly to have killed 
 his son. 
 
 The number of victualling transports destroyed in the 
 storm has not been recorded. The commanders of the 
 fleet dreaded lest the Thessalians, taking advantage of 
 the misfortune, should attack them, and therefore sur- 
 rounded the remaining ships (on the beach) with a high 
 fence, formed of the wrecks. The gale raged during 
 three days : at length the Mages, by making incisions,* 
 and by performing incantations to the wind, and more- 
 over by sacrificing to Thetis and the Nereids, assuaged 
 the storm on the fourth day ; — or it might be that it 
 abated of its own accord. They sacrificed to Thetis on 
 the suggestion of the Ionians, who told them that she 
 had been stolen from this region by Peleus, and that to 
 her, as well as to the other Nereids, all this Sepian coast 
 belonged. But, as we say, the wind ceased on the 
 fourth day. 
 
 The Grecian scouts stationed on the heights of Eubcea, 
 hastened away on the second day after the storm com- 
 menced, and announced to the Greeks the destruction of 
 the enemy's fleet. On receiving this information, they 
 instantly offered their vows with libations to Neptune, 
 the Deliverer, and then with all haste returned to Arte- 
 
 * evTOfia re ttoievvtsq. See I Kings xviii. 28. 
 
 (192) 
 
SANDOCES. 561 
 
 misium, hoping to find only some few of the enemy's 
 ships remaining. In this station, therefore, they a second 
 time moored their fleet. From that time to this Neptune 
 has borne the appellation of the Deliverer. As for the 
 Barbarians — when the wind had ceased, and the swell 
 was subsided, they hauled their ships to sea, and pro- 
 ceeded along- the coast. Doubling the headland of Mag- 
 nesia (Sepias), they sailed directly into the Pagasian 
 gulph. In this gulph (which washes the shores) of Mag- 
 nesia, there is a spot where it is reported that Hercules 
 was abandoned by Jason and his comrades, of the ship 
 Argo, when, in quest of the fleece, they sailed to iEa of 
 Colchis. Hercules had been sent ashore to obtain water. 
 From the circumstance of the Argonauts departing from 
 this spot, after watering, it acquired the name Aphetse 
 ( point of departure), and it was here that the fleet of 
 Xerxes came to anchor. 
 
 It happened that fifteen of these ships lingering some 
 way behind the fleet when it weighed, perceived the Gre- 
 cian fleet at Artemisium, and the Barbarians mistaking 
 them for their own, fell into the very midst of the enemy. 
 They were under the command of Sandoces, son of Tha- 
 masius, from Cyme of iEolia. He had formerly been 
 one of the royal judges, and being convicted of giving 
 an unrighteous decision for a bribe, was, by the order of 
 Darius, affixed to a cross ; but while yet suspended, the 
 king on reflection thinking that the services he had ren- 
 dered to the realm exceeded his faults, and being also 
 conscious that in condemning him he had himself acted 
 with more precipitation than prudence, released him. 
 Thus he survived the death to which he had been con- 
 demned by the king ; but on the present occasion he was 
 not to gain a second escape, for when he sailed into the 
 Grecian fleet, the Greeks seeing the fifteen ships ap- 
 proach, and perceiving the error in which they were, 
 advanced and easily captured them. 
 (194) 2 o 
 
562 ADVANCE OF XERXES 
 
 In one of these ships was taken Aridolis, tyrant of the 
 Alabandians, in Caria ; in another, the Paphian general, 
 Penthylus, son of Demonous ; he had commanded twelve 
 ships, eleven of which he lost in the storm, off Cape 
 Sepias, and in the one which escaped he was captured 
 while sailing to Artemisium. After learning from them 
 whatever they wished concerning the forces of Xerxes, 
 the Greeks sent their prisoners bound to the Corinthian 
 Isthmus. The rest of the Barbarian fleet, excepting 
 these fifteen, which, as I have said, were commanded by 
 Sandoces, reached Aphetee. Meantime Xerxes, at the 
 head of the army, marching through Thessaly and 
 Achaia {of Phthiotis), arrived, the third day, in the 
 territory of the Maliens. While in Thessaly, he had 
 tried his own cavalry in a combat with the Thessalian 
 horse, which he had been informed was the best to be 
 found in Greece ; but they proved much inferior to the 
 Persian. Of all the rivers of Thessaly, the Onochonus 
 alone failed to satiate the thirst of the army. But of the 
 rivers of Achaia, only the largest of them — the Epida- 
 nus, sufficed — and that very poorly. 
 
 On the way to Alos in Achaia, Xerxes was informed 
 by his guides— who wished to tell whatever could be 
 told — of the country-story concerning the temple of the 
 Laphystian Jupiter. Athamas, son of iEolus, said they, had 
 concerted with Ino the destruction of Phrixus. But in after 
 time the Achaians, at the command of an oracle, imposed 
 upon his descendants the following hard conditions : — they 
 prohibited the eldest member of this race, in perpetuity, 
 from entering the prytaneum, and themselves kept watch 
 to prevent his approach. The Achaians call this pryta- 
 neum — the hall of the people. But should he enter, he 
 must no otherwise go out than as a victim to be immolated. 
 Many of those, added the guides, who thus became 
 liable to be sacrificed, have, in fear of that fate, betaken 
 themselves to a foreign land ; but if, after the lapse of 
 
 (197) 
 
TOWARDS THERMOPYLAE. 5(53 
 
 time any one of them has returned, and has been caught 
 entering the prytaneum, he has been sacrificed, after 
 being led forth with pomp, thickly shrouded in garlands. 
 The descendants of Cytissorus, son of Phixus, are liable 
 to these inflictions because, when the Achaians were about 
 to make an expiation for their country, at the command 
 of the oracle, by immolating Athamas, son of iEolus, this 
 Cytissorus, arriving from iEa of Colchis, rescued him, 
 and in so doing drew upon his posterity the wrath of the 
 god. Xerxes having heard this story — when he passed 
 the sacred grove, himself avoided entering it, and forbad 
 any of the army to enter it : he in like manner respected 
 the house and fane of the descendants of Athamas. 
 
 SECTION IX. 
 
 PRELIMINARY CONTESTS AT THERMOPYLAE. 
 
 These circumstances occurred in Thessaly and Achaia. 
 Thence Xerxes advanced into Malia, by the shore of a 
 gulph where there is daily an ebb and flow of the sea, 
 and near the margin is a level, in one part wide — in an- 
 other very narrow : lofty and inaccessible mountains 
 enclose this Malian level ; these heights are called the 
 Trachinian rocks. The first town on the gulph, in coming 
 from Achaia, is Anticyra, near to which the river Sper- 
 chius, flowing from Eniania, passes and meets the sea. 
 At the distance of about twenty furlongs is another river, 
 named the Dyras, which, as the story goes, came forth in 
 aid of Hercules when he burned himself. Again, at the 
 distance of twenty furlongs, is a river called the Melas, 
 five furlongs from which stands the city Trachis, and about 
 (199) 2 o 2 
 
564 POSITION OF THE TWO ARMIES. 
 
 this place, the level, from the foot of the hills to the sea, 
 is wider than in any other part of the coast, for the plain 
 measures 22,000 plethra. The mountain range which en- 
 closes the Trachinian territory, is divided by a ravine, 
 south of Trachis, through which the river Asopus, flowing 
 around the base of the mountain, finds its way. 
 
 South of the Asopus is a small river named the Phoenix, 
 which, rising in the same mountains, flows into it : in the 
 course of the Phoenix, the level is very narrow, being 
 formed to admit only a single chariot. From hence to 
 Thermopylae is a distance of fifteen furlongs, and midway 
 between the Phoenix and Thermopylae stands a village 
 named Anthela, near which passes the Asopus, just where 
 it empties itself into the sea. Around Anthela the country 
 is more spacious, and contains a temple of the Amphictyon 
 Ceres, and the seats of the Amphictyons, and a temple 
 dedicated to Amphictyon himself. 
 
 It was in Trachinia of Malea that Xerxes formed his 
 camp, while the Greeks posted themselves in the passage. 
 This place is by the Greeks in general called Thermo- 
 pylae ; but the inhabitants of the vicinity call it Pylae.* 
 Such was the situation of the two encampments : — the 
 one towards the north, filled the entire country as far as 
 Trachis ; while the Greeks held the tract which stretches 
 towards the south. This body of Greeks which awaited the 
 Persian, consisted of three hundred heavy-armed Spartans, 
 five hundred Tegeans, and the same number of Mantineans : 
 from Orchomenus of Arcadia, one hundred and twenty ; 
 from the rest of Arcadia, 1000 : from Corinth, four hun- 
 dred ; from Phlius, two hundred ; and from Mycenae, eighty. 
 These were the Pel oponnesian levies present at Thermopylae. 
 Of the Boeotians, the Thespians sent seven hundred men, 
 and the Thebans four hundred. Besides these, there were 
 present, by summons, the entire forces of the Opuntian 
 
 * Thermopylae— gates or passes of the hot (springs) : Pylee — the passes. 
 
 (203) 
 
ANCESTRY OF LEONIDAS. 565 
 
 Locrians, and 1000 Phocians. The Greeks had them- 
 selves invited the attendance of these troops by a message 
 to this effect : — " That they (the Locrians and Phocians) 
 should move in advance (being nearest to the point of 
 attack), while the general body of the allies was daily 
 expected to come up. Meantime the sea was held by the 
 Athenians, the iEginetans, and others, to whom that duty 
 had been assigned — That nothing extraordinary was to 
 be feared ; for it was not a god who invaded Greece, but 
 a mere man : nor has there been, nor shall there ever be, 
 a mortal exempt, even from his birth, from mixtures of 
 misfortune ; especially are the most exalted of mankind 
 liable to reverses. He therefore who advances against 
 us — being a mortal — owes the disappointment of his hopes 
 to the course of human affairs.' 1 On receiving this ap- 
 peal they marched into Trachinia. 
 
 The forces of each state had their own generals ; but 
 the most distinguished among them, and he who held the 
 supreme command, was the Lacedaemonian king, Leonidas, 
 whose line of ancestors is reckoned thus : — Leonidas, the 
 son of Anaxandrides — Leon — Eurycratides — Anaxander 
 — Eurycrates — Polydorus — Alcamenes — Telecl us — Ar- 
 chelaus — Agesilaus — Doryssus — Leobotes — Echestratus 
 — Agis — Eurysthenes — Aristodemus — Aristomachus — 
 Cleodseus — Hyllus — Hercules. This Leonidas obtained 
 the throne of Sparta contrary to expectation ; for having 
 two brothers elder than himself, Cleomenes and Dorieus, 
 he entertained no thought of the royal dignity. But 
 Cleomenes dying without male issue, and Dorieus being 
 no more — for he had ended his days in Sicily, the sceptre 
 devolved upon Leonidas, who was the eldest son of 
 Cleombrotus, who was the youngest son of Anaxandrides ; 
 and he had also married the daughter of Cleomenes. Se- 
 lecting from the army the appointed number of three 
 hundred Spartans, whom he took care to be such as had 
 children, he marched towards Thermopylae, taking with 
 (205) 2 o 3 
 
566 CONSTANCY OF LEONIDAS. 
 
 him also the Thebans, the number of whom I have men- 
 tioned, and who were commanded by Leontiades, son of 
 Eurymachus. Leonidas was especially careful to lead 
 with him these Thebans, of all the Greeks, because they 
 were strongly charged with an inclination to favour the 
 Medes. He therefore summoned them to the war, in 
 order to prove whether they would indeed send their 
 forces, or openly renounce the Greek alliance. They 
 took the former course, yet with an inimical intention. 
 
 The Spartans sent forwards this band of men under 
 Leonidas, as an inducement to the other confederates to 
 advance ; and lest also, if they should seem to be using 
 delays, the others should go over to the Medes. At the 
 moment the festival of the Carneia, which was then to 
 be celebrated, prevented the march of the entire army ; 
 but when the appointed days were expired, they proposed 
 to move in a body, leaving only a necessary garrison at • 
 Sparta. In like manner the other allies were detained by 
 the Olympic games, which happened at the very time of 
 these events, and not supposing that a decisive action 
 would so soon take place at Thermopylae, they sent for- 
 ward a detachment only. Such were the reasons of the 
 course adopted. 
 
 Meanwhile the Greeks at Thermopylae, when the 
 Persian actually approached the extremity of the pass, 
 were seized with fear, and in a consultation, proposed a 
 retreat. The other Peloponnesians advised to retire and 
 guard the Isthmus ; but Leonidas — as the Phocians and. 
 Locrians indignantly resented this proposition, decided to 
 remain, and also to despatch messengers to the several 
 states, enjoining them to send aid, as themselves were too 
 few to keep the army of the Medes in check. While 
 thus deliberating, Xerxes sent a horseman as a scout, to 
 observe their numbers and movements ; for while yet in 
 Thessaly he had heard that a small force was assembled 
 at the pass, of which the Lacedaemonians were the chief, 
 
 (208) 
 
XERXES AND DEMARATUS. 567 
 
 commanded by Leonidas, the descendant of Hercules. 
 This horseman approaching the Grecian camp, beheld, 
 not indeed the whole of it, for those who were posted 
 as a guard behind the wall that had been re-edified, could 
 not be seen ; but he informed himself of those who were 
 planted in advance of it, and it happened at that time 
 that it was the Lacedaemonians, who were without the 
 wall : these he beheld with admiration, some performing 
 gymnastic exercises, and some dressing their locks. 
 After counting their numbers with exactness, he retired 
 in silence ; nor did any one pursue him, for they regarded 
 him with extreme contempt. Returning to Xerxes, he 
 described all that he had seen. 
 
 But Xerxes, on hearing his report, far from being able 
 to comprehend the real fact, that these Greeks were 
 preparing themselves to die, after dealing destruction to 
 the utmost of their power upon the enemy — thought their 
 behaviour was altogether ridiculous. He therefore sent 
 for Demaratus, son of Ariston, who was then in the 
 camp, and from whom he sought an explanation of the 
 conduct of the Lacedaemonians. The Spartan thus re- 
 plied to the inquiries of Xerxes. — " You heard me de- 
 scribe these same people before, when yet we were ad- 
 vancing against Greece, and then you treated with 
 ridicule what I affirmed, when I anticipated what has 
 now actually taken place. Yet it is my great endeavour 
 to adhere to the strictest truth before you, O king ; — and 
 now hear it again. — These men are come to dispute with 
 us the pass, and for this they are preparing themselves ; 
 for it is their custom, whenever they are about to put 
 their life in peril, to dress their locks with care. And 
 be assured, that if you vanquish these men, and those 
 also who remain at Sparta, there is no other people in the 
 world, O king, that will remain to lift a hand against 
 you. For you are now to contend with the fairest state, 
 and with the bravest men of all Greece." Xerxes, to 
 (209) 2 o 4 
 
568 FIRST ONSETS. 
 
 whom these representations appeared unworthy of atten- 
 tion, again asked, " how it could be that the Greeks — 
 few as they were, could combat such an army as his." — 
 " O king," replied Demaratus, " treat me as a deceiver if 
 what I have predicted does not happen." 
 
 Xerxes unmoved by the statements of the Spartan, 
 suffered four days to pass in the continual hope that the 
 Greeks would retreat. But on the fifth, as they still 
 remained, and as he attributed their stay only to an 
 unadvised temerity, he sent against them, in great rage, 
 a body of Medes and Cissians, whom he enjoined " to 
 bring the men alive into his presence." The Medes bore 
 down upon the Greeks impetuously, and were slaughtered 
 in great numbers. Others followed to the charge, and 
 maintained the fight, though severely handled. It now 
 became manifest to every one, even to the king, that 
 though he had many men, he had few soldiers. The 
 combat lasted through the day. 
 
 The Medes having suffered severely, retired, and were 
 succeeded by the Persians ; — those called by the king the 
 Immortals, commanded by Hydarnes. They came up as 
 if to achieve an easy victory ; but when they actually 
 engaged the Greeks, they effected nothing better than 
 had been done by the body of Medes, for the narrow 
 space within which they fought gave their superior num- 
 bers no advantage : at the same time, their spears were 
 shorter than those of the Greeks. The Lacedaemonians 
 did indeed fight in a manner worthy of fame, and made 
 apparent all the difference between their own skill in 
 war, and the unskilfulness of the enemy: — thus, often, 
 they turned the back, as if to retreat in a body ; when 
 the Barbarians, seeing them flee, followed with shouts 
 and hubbub : but the Greeks, just as they were over- 
 taken, faced about, and met the Barbarians, and turning 
 them, overthrew countless multitudes, while some few 
 only of the Spartans fell. The Persians unable, by all 
 
 (211) 
 
TREASON OF EPHIALTES. 569 
 
 their efforts in masses, or otherwise, to gain possession 
 of the pass, at length retired. 
 
 It is reported; that the king who witnessed these 
 onsets, three times sprang from his throne in terror for his 
 troops. Such was this combat! Nor did the Bar- 
 barians, on the following day, fight with more advantage, 
 although they had hoped that the Greeks, few in num- 
 ber as they were, and most of them wounded, would not 
 be in condition any more to lift a hand against them. 
 But the Greeks, marshalled in the most exact order, 
 according to their several cities, maintained the fight in 
 turns ; — all except the Phocians, who were stationed on 
 the mountain to guard the foot-path. The Persians per- 
 ceiving that they met no better success than on the pre- 
 ceding day, retired. 
 
 While the king remained in doubt what course to take 
 in the present state of affairs, he was addressed by a 
 Malian, named Ephialtes, son of Eurydemus, who, in 
 expectation of obtaining from him a great reward, made 
 known the foot-path over the mountain to Thermopylae, 
 and thus he caused the destruction of the Greeks sta- 
 tioned there. This man afterwards dreading the Lace- 
 daemonians, fled into Thessaly ; but though he had retired, 
 a price was put upon his head by the Pylagors of the 
 Amphictyons, in an assembly at Pylae : in the end, having 
 gone to Anticyra, he was killed by Athenades, aTrachinian, 
 but on a different account, as I shall mention in a sub- 
 sequent part of this history.* Yet was Athenades never- 
 theless honoured by the Lacedaemonians. Thus did 
 Ephialtes at length perish. 
 
 A different story is told — to this effect, that it was 
 Onetes, son of Phanagoras — a citizen of Carystus, and 
 Corydallus of Anticyra, who made this communication 
 to the king, and acted as guides over the mountains to 
 
 * No such account actually occurs. 
 
 (214) 
 
570 CIRCUMVENTION 
 
 the Persians. But I give no credit to it, for in the first 
 place — which is sufficient proof, the Pylagors, who 
 surely had informed themselves accurately of the fact, 
 proclaimed a reward for the capture, not of Onetes, or of 
 Corydallus ; but of Ephialtes, the Trachinian : — in the 
 next place, we well know that for this cause Ephialtes 
 fled his country. Not but what Onetes, though not a 
 Malian, might, by frequently passing through the coun- 
 try, have become acquainted with the path. — But it was 
 Ephialtes who actually led the Persians over the mountain 
 by this way, and him I record as guilty of the crime. 
 
 Xerxes well pleased at hearing what Ephialtes engaged 
 to perform, and in great glee, instantly despatched Hy- 
 darnes, with the troops under his command, to effect it. 
 They left the camp at the hour of lighting lamps. The 
 path was first discovered by the Malians who inhabit this 
 region, and having found it, they conducted the Thes- 
 salians by it against the Phocians, at the time when these 
 had secured the pass (of Thermopylce) by a wall, and 
 were by this means sheltered from attacks. — From that 
 time to this it seems, the Malians have made no very good 
 use of the mountain path. 
 
 The path may be thus described : — it commences at 
 the Asopus, where that river flows through the cleft in 
 the mountains — both the mountain and the path over it 
 are called — Anopaea. It extends over the ridge of the 
 hill, and terminates near Alpenus, the first town of 
 the Locrians, on the side of the Malians, and where 
 stands the rock called Melampygus, and the haunts of the 
 Cercopes, and at this point it is the most narrow. The 
 Persians then crossing the Asopus, opposite to the com- 
 mencement of the path, proceeded during the whole night, 
 having on the right Mount (Eta, and on the left the 
 Trachinian heights. At dawn of day they attained the 
 summit of the mountain. It was guarded, as I have 
 already said, by one thousand heavy-armed Phocians, 
 
 (217) 
 
OF THE GREEKS. 571 
 
 'who were stationed there both to defend their own coun- 
 try from invasion, and to secure the path, while the lower 
 pass was held by the Greeks, of whom I have before 
 spoken. The Phocians had freely undertaken this service, 
 and had given their word to Leonidas to guard the path. 
 
 During their ascent, the Persians were concealed from 
 these Phocians, for the mountain was entirely covered 
 with oaks. But when they reached the summit, their 
 approach was made known to the Greeks by the rustling 
 of the leaves under the feet of the Persians, which might 
 easily be heard, for a perfect stillness prevailed. In- 
 stantly the Phocians flew to arms, and scarcely had they 
 done so, when the Barbarians presented themselves ; 
 these, on their part, were surprised at beholding a body 
 of men arraying themselves for combat ; for they had not 
 expected to meet an enemy; yet they here encountered 
 an array of battle. Hydarnes, seized with terror, under 
 the idea that these Phocians were Lacedaemonians, im- 
 mediately asked Ephialtes of what country they were, 
 and on being exactly informed, he marshalled the Per- 
 sians in order of battle. But the Phocians assailed by 
 a thick shower of arrows, retired in haste to the ridge of 
 the mountain — not doubting that the attack was de- 
 signedly made upon themselves : they therefore prepared 
 themselves to meet their fate ; — such was their sup- 
 position. Meanwhile the Persians under Hydarnes, 
 guided by Ephialtes, without paying any regard to the 
 Phocians, descended {the southern side of) the mountain 
 with all speed. 
 
 To the Greeks stationed at Thermopylae), Megistias the 
 diviner, after inspecting the victims, had already an- 
 nounced that death awaited them at dawn. And then 
 some deserters arrived, even during the night, and re- 
 ported that the Persians were making the circuit of the 
 mountain. And then, at the earliest dawn, the scouts 
 came in, who had ran from the heights. Immediately a 
 (219) 
 
572 MOTIVES OF LEONIDAS. 
 
 council was held among the Greeks, in which opinions 
 were divided, some advising- not to abandon their post, 
 and others the contrary. The consequence of this dis- 
 agreement was, that a part of the forces actually departed, 
 and dispersed themselves among their several cities, 
 while a part, with Leonidas, prepared themselves to 
 remain. 
 
 It has indeed been affirmed that Leonidas, unwilling 
 that they should perish, himself dismissed them ; while 
 he, with the Spartans who were there, could not think it 
 honourable to abandon the very station, to preserve which 
 was the intention of their coming. For myself, I rather 
 incline to the opinion that Leonidas perceiving a want of 
 heart in his allies, and that they were indisposed to share 
 with him the danger, commanded them to depart, though 
 he could not himself with honour retire ; while in re- 
 maining, he should at once leave a high fame for himself 
 to after ages, and secure the permanent prosperity of 
 Sparta. For it had been announced to the Spartans, 
 by the Pythian, when, at the commencement of the war, 
 they inquired concerning its issue, that " either Lace- 
 daemon would be overthrown by the Barbarians, or their 
 king must perish." This response was conveyed in the 
 following verses : — 
 
 " Hear ye who Sparta's wide-spread town possess ! 
 Your far-famed city, Persian hosts distress — 
 Or Lacedaemon weeps a slaughtered chief; 
 — A son of Hercules demands her grief. 
 Nor force of bulls, nor lion's force withstands 
 Him who the might of Jupiter commands. 
 Till one of Sparta's kings for all is slain, 
 Arms shall oppose his onward course in vain." 
 
 Leonidas— I say — reflecting on this oracle, and wishing 
 also to reserve the glory to the Spartans alone, chose 
 rather to dismiss the allies, than that they should dis- 
 gracefully depart in opposition to his decision. I am 
 
 (220) 
 
APPROACH OF THE CONFLICT. 573 
 
 also strongly confirmed in this opinion by the fact, that 
 Leonidas not only dismissed the allies, but would have 
 sent away also the diviner who followed the army. 
 This Megistias of Acarnania — said to be descended from 
 Melampus, who on inspection of the victims predicted 
 the approaching events, received from Leonidas leave 
 to depart, plainly that he might not perish with the 
 Spartans. Though thus dismissed, he would not himself 
 abandon them, but sent away his son — an only son, who 
 served in the army. 
 
 The allies thus dismissed by Leonidas, yielded to 
 his commands, and took their departure, excepting 
 the Thespians and the Thebans, who alone remained 
 with the Lacedasmonians : — the latter indeed much 
 against their inclination, were detained as hostages by 
 Leonidas. But the Thespians stayed with hearty good 
 will; for they professed their determination never to 
 leave Leonidas and his party ; but rather to remain and 
 die with them. They were commanded by Demophilus, 
 son of Diadromes. 
 
 SECTION X. 
 
 FATE OF LEONIDAS AND HIS SPARTANS. 
 
 As the sun arose, Xerxes poured forth libations, and 
 waiting till about the time of full-market, set out; — 
 thus he had been instructed by Ephialtes ; for the descent 
 from the mountain is much shorter than the circuit which 
 must be made in ascending it. The Barbarians with 
 Xerxes now drew on, while the Greeks with Leonidas 
 marching as to death, advanced much further than here- 
 tofore in the passage, and until they reached the wider 
 part of the defile. Hitherto the wall had afforded them 
 (223) 
 
574 FATE OF LEONIDAS 
 
 protection, for they had fought on the former days only 
 in the narrowest part of the road. But now they engaged 
 the enemy beyond the narrows, and great numbers of the 
 Barbarians fell. Behind each rank were seen the officers 
 with whips flogging the men, and continually goading them 
 to move on. Multitudes of them fell into the sea, and so 
 perished; but many more were trampled to death by 
 their own ranks, nor was any regard paid to the dying. 
 The Greeks, well knowing that death awaited them from 
 the enemy who had come round the mountain, put forth 
 their utmost vigour in attacking the Barbarians : — reck- 
 less of their own lives, they fell furiously upon the enemy. 
 Most of their spears being broken, they dealt upon the 
 Persians with their swords. 
 
 In this combat fell Leonidas, valiantly fighting, and 
 with him those celebrated Spartans whose names — wor- 
 thy as they are of renown, I have learned ; — the names 
 even of the whole three hundred. Many distinguished 
 Persians also fell on this occasion. Among these were 
 two sons of Darius — Abrocomes, and Hyperanthes. 
 Their mother was Prataguna, daughter of Artanes, the 
 brother of the king, and son of Hystaspes, son of Arsames. 
 In giving his daughter to Darius, Artanes had given his 
 all, for he had no other child. 
 
 Thus fell fighting in this place the two brothers of 
 Xerxes. A great struggle took place between the 
 Persians and Lacedaemonians over the body of Leonidas : 
 at length, after four times repelling their assailants, the 
 Greeks by their valour succeeded in withdrawing it. 
 The combat was maintained until the Persians, led by 
 Ephialtes, came up ; when the Greeks were informed of 
 their approach, the contest assumed another aspect, for 
 now they retreated to the narrow part of the road, and 
 passing the wall, they stationed themselves in close 
 order — all except the Thebans, upon the rising ground, 
 at the entrance of the pass, where now stands the marble 
 
 (225) 
 
AND THE SPARTANS. , 575 
 
 lion on the tomb of Leonidas. On this spot they con- 
 tinued to fight — with their swords, those who retained 
 swords, or with their hands and teeth, until buried 
 beneath the missiles of the Barbarians, who came up — 
 some in front after demolishing the wall, and others on 
 each side, who had made the circuit of the mountain. 
 
 Though all the Lacedaemonians and Thespians behaved 
 in this valiant manner, a Spartan, named Dieneces, is 
 mentioned as the first in bravery. It is said of him, that 
 before the battle joined with the Medes, when a certain 
 Trachinian affirmed in his hearing, that if the Medes 
 discharged their arrows, such was the number of their 
 host, the sun would be obscured by the flight of their 
 missiles ; he, not at all smitten with fear, and utterly dis- 
 regarding the numbers of the Medes, replied : — " Our 
 Trachinian friend tells us nothing but good news — if in- 
 deed the Medes darken the sky, then we shall fight in the 
 shade, nor be exposed to the sun." This same Dieneces 
 the Lacedaemonian, left, as a memorial of himself, many 
 similar sayings. Next to him, the most distinguished of 
 the Lacedaemonians were two brothers, named Alpheus 
 and Maron, the sons of Orsiphantus. Among the Thes- 
 pians, Dithyrambus, son of Armatides, has been most 
 celebrated. 
 
 They were all buried on the spot where they fell ; as 
 also were those who died before Leonidas dismissed the 
 allies: over them was the following inscription, which 
 belonged in common to all : — 
 
 " In this place once fought, with three millions, 
 four thousand men from Peloponnesus." 
 
 The inscription peculiar to the Spartans, was in these 
 words : — 
 
 (228) 
 
.~i7i> KURYTUS AND ARISTODEMUS. 
 
 " Stranger ! go tell the Lacedaemonians we lie here 
 in yielding obedience to their commands."* 
 
 The inscription over the tomb of the diviner was this : — 
 
 " The monument of the illustrious Megistias, slain 
 by the Medes, what time they passed the Sperchius. 
 The seer, who though well he knew the im- 
 pending fate, would not desert the chiefs of 
 
 Sparta/' 
 
 This last inscription was composed and placed over 
 the tomb by Simonides, son of Leoprepes, from personal 
 friendship. The others, with the columns that bore them, 
 were placed by the Amphictyons themselves. 
 
 Of the three hundred Spartans, it is affirmed that two 
 — Eurytus and Aristodemus, had the option either of 
 saving their lives by agreeing to return to Sparta — for 
 both of them had been dismissed from the camp by 
 Leonidas, on account of a severe disease of the eyes 
 under which they laboured, and were lying at Alpenus ; 
 or, if they would not so return, they might have met their 
 fate with their comrades : such was the alternative pre- 
 sented to both. But they were differently minded, for Eu- 
 rytus, on learning that the Persians were coming round by 
 the mountain-path, demanded his arms, and having in- 
 vested himself, ordered his helot to lead him among the 
 combatants : the man did so, and himself fled ; but the 
 Spartan, left in the midst of the affray, perished ; while 
 Aristodemus, the faint-hearted, was left at Alpenus. Now 
 I think that if Aristodemus only had, on account of sick- 
 ness, returned home, or if both of them, being of the same 
 mind, had returned, they would not have incurred the anger 
 
 * or — their laws. 
 
 (229) 
 
PUSILLANIMITY OF THE THEBANS. 577 
 
 of the Spartan people. But as one of them had perished 
 in the fight, while the other, who had only the same excuse 
 to plead, was unwilling to die, he, of course, became the 
 object of their extreme indignation. Thus, as some 
 affirm, and on this pretext, did Aristodemus save himself, 
 and return to Sparta. But there are those who say that 
 he had been despatched as a messenger from the camp, 
 and might have returned to take part in the combat, but 
 would not, and by lingering on the road saved himself, 
 while his companion actually returned, and died with the 
 others. On his return to Lacedsemon, Aristodemus met 
 reproach and contempt, and to such an extent was his 
 disgrace carried, that no Spartan would either afford him 
 fire or converse with him. The opprobrium attached to 
 him was the being called — " Aristodemus the run- 
 away".* Yet afterwards, in the battle of Platsea, he 
 fully absolved himself from this dishonour. It is said 
 that another of the three hundred, who had been sent 
 into Thessaly, survived also ; his name was Pantites, and 
 on his return to Sparta, finding himself disgraced, he 
 hanged himself. 
 
 The Thebans, commanded by Leontiades, fought with 
 the Greeks against the king only so long as they were 
 under compulsion, and no sooner did they see the Per- 
 sians gaining the advantage, and the Greeks with Leo- 
 nidas receding to the mount, than they separated them- 
 selves from them, and extending their hands, approached 
 the Barbarians saying, very truly, " that they favoured 
 the Medes, and had been among the first to send earth 
 and water to the king; that by compulsion only they 
 had come to Thermopylae, and were guiltless of the 
 slaughter that had taken place in the king's army." By 
 this profession they saved themselves ; for the Thessa- 
 lians vouched for the truth of their assertions. And yet 
 
 or the quakcr. 
 
 2 r 
 
578 ADVICE OF DEMARATUS, 
 
 even so it was not the fortune of all to escape ; for even 
 while the Barbarians were receiving them, some were 
 slain by them as they came up. The majority were, by 
 the order of Xerxes, branded as the king's property, and 
 the stigma was first affixed to their commander, Leon- 
 tiades. At a subsequent period, Eurymachus, the son of 
 this general, having taken Plataea at the head of four 
 hundred Thebans, was slain by the Plataeans. 
 
 Thus fought the Greeks at Thermopylae. Xerxes 
 calling for Demaratus, opened a conversation by thus 
 addressing him. " Demaratus, you are an honest man : 
 in truth I must think so, for all that you predicted has 
 taken place. And now tell me how many of these Lace- 
 demonians are there left? or how many are there as 
 valiant as these ? or are they all so V " O king," re- 
 plied he, " the Lacedaemonians are numerous, and their 
 towns many ; but you shall learn what you would know. 
 Sparta in Lacedaemon is a city containing about 8000 
 men, all such as those who have fought here. The other 
 Lacedaemonians, though not like these, are yet brave." 
 " Tell me at once," rejoined Xerxes, " by what means 
 we may most easily subdue these men ; for you who have 
 been their king know what are their purposes and mode 
 of procedure," 
 
 " O king," said Demaratus, " as you so earnestly ask 
 my advice, it is right I should give you the best counsel 
 in my power — which is, that you select three hundred 
 ships from the fleet, and send them to the coast of La- 
 conia : oft" that coast there is an island named Cy thera, 
 which Chilon, a man reputed among us on account of his 
 eminent wisdom, affirmed had better, for the welfare of 
 Sparta, be merged in the sea, than remain above water ; 
 for he anticipated from it continually some such mischief 
 as I am about to mention : — not that he foresaw your 
 armament ; but he feared any such expedition. Let then 
 your forces, issuing from that island, keep the Lacedae- 
 
 (235) 
 
AND REPLY OF ACH/EMENES. 579 
 
 monians in alarm. For while the war is brought home to 
 them, there will be no fear of their sending aid to the 
 other parts of Greece that may be attacked by your army ; 
 and if the rest of Greece is vanquished, Lacedaemon, left 
 alone, will be feeble. If you take not this course, what 
 you have to expect is this : — the Peloponnesus has a 
 narrow isthmus ; at that spot all the Peloponnesians will 
 combine their forces to resist you, and you may anticipate 
 contests still more determined than those that have 
 already taken place. But if you follow my advice, you 
 may make yourself master, unresisted, of the isthmus, 
 and the cities within it." 
 
 Achsemenes, brother of Xerxes, and commander of the 
 fleet, who happened to be present, and who feared lest 
 the king should be prevailed on to adopt the plan pro- 
 posed, thus spoke : — " O king, I see you listening to the 
 discourse of a man who envies your successes, or even 
 who aims at betraying your interests. This is in fact the 
 very character of the Greeks ; they envy the prosperous, 
 and hate him who is their superior. If in the present 
 state of our affairs, and after losing four hundred vessels 
 by shipwreck, you send three hundred to cruise on the 
 shores of Peloponnesus, the enemy will become a match 
 for you. But while the fleet keeps together, it is more 
 than they can cope with, nor will they ever be able to 
 contend with you : and the fleet and the army advancing 
 together will aid each other. On the contrary, if you 
 separate them, you will be able to afford no assistance to 
 the fleet, nor the fleet to you. Make it your rule then to 
 manage well your own affairs, taking no thought for those 
 of the enemy — where they will carry the war, what they 
 will do, or what their numbers may be, care not. They 
 are able to mind their own matters, and we ours. If the 
 Lacedaemonians meet the Persians again in the field, 
 they shall not repair this one loss they have suffered." 
 
 " Achasmenes," replied Xerxes, " I approve of what 
 (237) 2 p 2 
 
580 INTIMATION CONVEYED 
 
 you say, and will follow your advice. Yet has Dema- 
 ratus proposed what he thought best for my interests, 
 though his opinion must cede to yours. Nor can I 
 regard him as disaffected to my government, for his in- 
 tegrity is confirmed by his former statements, and the 
 actual eveTit. A man may indeed envy the prosperity of 
 a fellow citizen, and cherish against him a silent hatred ; 
 nor will he, in such a case, when consulted, give him 
 that advice which he really thinks most advantageous ; — 
 unless indeed he is one who has made great advances in 
 virtue — and such are rare. But nothing is more agree- 
 able to a friend than a friend's prosperity, and when con- 
 sulted, he will offer his best advice. I therefore command 
 all henceforth to abstain from uttering calumnies against 
 my friend Demaratus." 
 
 After this conversation Xerxes passed among the slain, 
 and Leonidas — whom he had heard to be king and 
 general of the Lacedaemonians, he commanded to be 
 decapitated, and the body to be affixed to a cross. 
 Among many other proofs, this chiefly convinces me that 
 Xerxes bore towards Leonidas while living an uncommon 
 animosity, for otherwise he would not have violated the 
 respect due to the dead, especially as the Persians, 
 beyond any people I have known, are accustomed to 
 honour military virtue. These orders were executed by 
 the proper officers. 
 
 I now return upon the course of the narrative, to 
 mention a fact which was omitted in its place. The Lace- 
 daemonians were the first who had learned that the king 
 was preparing to invade Greece, and in consequence they 
 sent to consult the Delphic oracle, and received the 
 response which I have just now reported. They acquired 
 this information m a remarkable manner. —Demaratus, 
 son of Ariston, taking refuge with the Medes, was not, 
 I think — at least if I reason on probabilities, very well 
 affected towards the Lacedaemonians; there is room 
 
 (239) 
 
TO THE SPARTANS. 5S1 
 
 therefore to question whether it was with a good inten- 
 tion, or rather in mockery, that he acted as he did ; for 
 being at Susa when Xerxes formed the design of invad- 
 ing Greece, and being informed of what was going on, 
 he determined to send intelligence of it to the Lace- 
 daemonians, and having no other mode of conveying the 
 news, for there was great danger of his being detected, 
 he devised the following means. — He took a folding tablet 
 {pocket book — deXnov cWtu^ov) and scraping off the wax, 
 inscribed upon the bare wood of the tablet the intention 
 of the king : having so done, he covered the writing with 
 wax, so that he who was to carry it might have nothing to 
 fear from the guards upon the road. When the tablet 
 was brought to Sparta, the Lacedaemonians were unable 
 to guess why it had been sent, until, as I am informed, 
 Gorgo, daughter of Cleomenes, and wife of Leonidas, 
 gave them the hint, and directed the wax to be removed, 
 when, as she said, writing would be discovered on the 
 wood. They did so, and found the writing, and commu- 
 nicated the information so obtained to the other Greeks. 
 Such is the story told by the Spartans. 
 
 2 p 3 
 
BOOK VIIL 
 
 URANIA, 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 ENGAGEMENTS AT ARTEMISIUM. STORM. RETREAT 
 OF THE GRECIAN FLEET. 
 
 The Greeks composing the fleet were these — The 
 Athenians, with one hundred and twenty-seven ships, 
 manned in part by Plataeans, whose courage and spirit 
 induced them to discharge this duty, though unaccus- 
 tomed to the sea service. The Corinthians furnished 
 forty ships; the people of Megara twenty; the Chal- 
 cidians manned twenty vessels, furnished to them by the 
 Athenians. The iEginetans had eighteen, the Sicyonians 
 twelve, the Lacedaemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, 
 the Eretrians seven, the Troezenians five, the Styrians 
 two, the people of Ceos two ships, and two penteconters ; 
 and lastly, the Opuntian Locrians came in aid with seven 
 penteconters. These then were the Greeks forming the 
 fleet stationed at Artemisium ; and these, as I have 
 recounted them, were the numbers severally furnished 
 by each people. The entire number of vessels there 
 collected, the penteconters excepted, was two hundred 
 and seventy one. It was the Spartans who appointed 
 Eurybiades, son of Euryclides, to the supreme command 
 of the fleet ; for the allies had declared " that unless 
 
 (2) 
 
CONSULTATIONS AMONG THE CREEKS. 583 
 
 they were placed under a Lacedaemonian chief, or if 
 required to follow Athenian leaders, the intended com- 
 bined fleet Would disperse." 
 
 From the first, and before the messengers were sent to 
 Sicily to solicit an alliance, it had been proposed as proper 
 to yield the command to the Athenians. But as the 
 allies opposed this arrangement, the Athenians conceded 
 the point, for they earnestly desired the salvation of 
 Greece, and felt persuaded that it must fall if contes- 
 tations for command should arise ; and herein they thought 
 justly : — for civil contentions are as much worse than war, 
 Carried on in concert by allies, as war is worse than 
 peace. They, convinced of this truth, made no oppo- 
 sition, but rather yielded precedency so long as the urgent 
 need of their services existed, and so long only ; — as they 
 afterwards manifested ; for when the Persian was re- 
 pulsed, they strove for the ascendency, and holding forth 
 as a pretext the arrogance of Pausanius, they took the 
 supreme command from the Lacedaemonians. But this 
 happened long afterwards. 
 
 To return to the time of our history. — The Greeks who 
 arrived at Artemisium, when they saw so numerous a 
 fleet collected at Aphetae, and all fully manned ; and when 
 they perceived that the affairs of the Barbarians were 
 taking a turn which they had not expected, were filled 
 with alarm, and consulted on the expediency of retiring 
 from Artemisium towards the inner part of Greece.* 
 The Euboeans having knowledge of this consultation, 
 entreated Eurybiades to remain a short time, until they 
 had placed in security their children and domestics. Not 
 prevailing with him, they went to the Athenian com- 
 mander Themistocles, whom they induced to yield by a 
 present of thirty talents, for which sum he engaged that 
 
 * eats) eq -7)v EXXa&i means the shoves and waters of the Saronic 
 Argolic and Corinthian gnlphs, the Corinthian Isthmus being considered 
 as the central point of Greece. 
 
 (4) 2 p 4 
 
584 MEASURES OF THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 the fleet should remain off Euboea, and there meet the 
 enemy. Themistocles retained the Greeks by the fol- 
 lowing means: — Of the money received, he gave five 
 talents to Eurybiades — no doubt as if from himself, and he 
 being thus gained over, there remained only Adimantus, 
 son of Ocytus, the Corinthian general, who resisted — de- 
 claring he should sail away from Artemisium, and remain 
 no longer. Themistocles addressed himself to him, con- 
 firming what he said with an oath — " You shall not leave 
 us, for I will give you more than the king of the Medes 
 would confer upon you for deserting the allies " So 
 saying, he sent three talents of silver on board the ship of 
 Adimantus. These commanders being swayed by the 
 gifts, yielded to the arguments of Themistocles, and so 
 the wishes of the Eubceans were complied with : mean- 
 while Themistocles, by retaining in secrecy the rest of the 
 money, greatly enriched himself; and those who received 
 the sums mentioned, doubted not that the money came 
 from Athens, and was destined to be thus employed. 
 
 By this means the Greeks remained off Euboea, and 
 an engagement took place as shall now be related. — The 
 Barbarians arrived at Aphetae at the dawn of day ; they 
 had already been informed that a small number of Greek 
 ships hovered about at Artemisium, and now seeing them, 
 they were all eagerness to attack, and, no doubt, to take 
 them. Yet they thought it not advisable to sail directly 
 up to them, lest the Greeks, seeing them advance, should 
 betake themselves to flight, and at night actually 
 escape:— for, to use the proverbial phrase, they thought 
 not even the torch-bearer should survive.* 
 
 To effect their object, they selected two hundred ships 
 
 * An officer bearing a torch in the army as a signal for its move- 
 nienfs. He was deemed sacred to Mars, and therefore usually spared 
 even in the most merciless slaughters. The total destruction of an 
 army was proverbially expressed by saying— not even the torch-bearer 
 survived 
 
 (7) 
 
SCYLLIAS, THE DIVER. 585 
 
 from the whole fleet, and sent them round, outward of 
 Sciathus — that they might not be seen by the enemy — 
 to make the circuit of Euboea, by the headlands of 
 Capharea and Geraestus, to the Euripus, and so to enclose 
 the Greeks : for while these two hundred ships would 
 prevent their retreat, the main fleet was to attack them 
 in front. This plan being arranged, the vessels appointed 
 for the service were despatched, and the Persians deter- 
 mined not to approach the Greeks during the day ; nor 
 indeed till, by the signal agreed, they knew that the 
 detachment had reached its destination. While this 
 detachment proceeded on its way, the rest of the fleet at 
 Aphetse was numbered. 
 
 There was in the fleet at the time when this numbering 
 took place, a Scionian, named Scyllias, reckoned the 
 most expert diver of his times. After the shipwreck 
 which happened off Mount Pelion, he had recovered a 
 great amount of precious articles for the Persians, and 
 much he had converted to his own use. This Scyllias 
 had long entertained the design of going over to the 
 Greeks, but hitherto had not found opportunity to do so, 
 nor can I positively affirm in what manner he now arrived 
 among them, for the story commonly related seems to 
 me — if true — most astonishing. It is said that diving 
 into the sea at Aphetae, he did not emerge until he 
 reached Artemisium, a distance through the sea of about 
 eighty furlongs ! Among some things which are true, 
 many such like fabulous accounts are current concerning 
 this man. If I were to declare my own opinion on the 
 point, I should say that he came to Artemisium in a 
 small vessel. Immediately on his arrival, he made 
 known to the Grecian chiefs the circumstances of the late 
 shipwreck, and also the fact that a detachment had been 
 sent round Eubcea. 
 
 The Greeks on receiving this intelligence, held a con- 
 ference ; and after much debate, it was resolved to 
 (9) 
 
58G PRELIMINARY ENCOUNTERS. 
 
 remain at their station through that day ; but to depart 
 after midnight, and to prevent the fleet that was sailing 
 round the island. This resolution being formed, as the 
 enemy did not advance, they, about three hours after 
 noon, sailed towards the Barbarians, intending only to 
 make trial of the fight, and of their practice of breaking 
 the enemy's line* The commanders and men in the fleet 
 of Xerxes, seeing the Greeks advance with so few ships, 
 deemed them to be absolutely mad, and formed their own 
 line, not doubting to make of them an easy prey. Nor 
 were their expectations unfounded in probability, for 
 while they beheld the few ships of the Greeks, they con- 
 templated their own much superior numbers, and knew 
 their own vessels to sail better than those of the enemy. 
 Under these impressions, they formed their line so as to 
 surround the Greeks. And now those of the Ionians who 
 were well affected towards the Greeks, very reluctantly 
 took part in the engagement, and with extreme sorrow 
 beheld them thus surrounded, not thinking it possible that 
 any could escape ;— -so inconsiderable did the Grecian 
 forces appear to them. On the other hand, there were 
 those who viewed with high satisfaction what was taking 
 place, and contended with each other for the honour of 
 being the first to capture a ship of Attica, and so to re- 
 ceive a reward from the king. The Athenians were in 
 higher esteem than any other of the Greeks among the 
 Barbarians. 
 
 The signal being given, the Greeks, in the first place, 
 opposed their prows to the enemy's line, keeping their 
 sterns inwards {converging). At the second signal, they 
 commenced the attack, though pressed within a narrow 
 space, and captured thirty ships from the Barbarians : on 
 board of one of them was Philaon, son of Chersis* and 
 brother of Gorgus, king of the Salaminians, a person of 
 high repute in the army. The first ship taken from the 
 enemy was captured by Lycomedes, son of iEschreas, an 
 
 (11) 
 
STORM AROUND PELION. 587 
 
 Athenian, and he obtained the palm of valour. The ad- 
 vantages did not absolutely preponderate on either side in 
 this engagement ; and when night came on, the com- 
 batants parted. The Greeks returning to Artemisium, 
 the Barbarians to Aphetae — the issue of the contest 
 falling far short of their expectations. The only person 
 among the Greeks in the king's service, who deserted to 
 the Greeks on this occasion was Antidorus, a Lemnian. 
 The Athenians granted to him lands in Salamis as a 
 reward for his conduct. 
 
 It was at midsummer that these events took place, and 
 as the evening drew on, there fell torrents of rain, which 
 continued through the night, with harsh peals of thunder 
 from Pelion. At the same time the bodies of the dead, 
 with the fragments of the wrecks, were borne on the 
 waves to Aphetae, and circling the prows of the ships, 
 embarrassed the palms of the oars ; and the men, seized 
 with terror in hearing {the thunder), believed that utter 
 destruction awaited them: — such were the ills that 
 surrounded them ! For ere they had had breathing time 
 after the wreck and storm which happened off Pelion, a 
 fierce engagement had met them ; and now immediately 
 after the fight, came the impetuous rain, and mighty cur- 
 rents of the sea, and harsh thunderings ! Such was this 
 night to the Barbarians ! 
 
 The ships despatched to make the circuit of Euboea 
 suffered so much the more rudely from this night, as the 
 storm fell upon them while in the open sea ; and to them 
 the issue was indeed sad ; for in the midst of their course 
 the hurricane and torrent of rain overtook them, just as 
 they were off the recesses of Euboea.* Borne onwards 
 by the winds, and not knowing whither— they were cast 
 
 * A part of the eastern coast where the land recedes, and which 
 abounds with rocks, much dreaded by the ancient mariner.— They 
 have been erroneously marked by some moderns on the western side of 
 the island. 
 
 (13) 
 
588 ENGAGEMENT AT 
 
 on the rocks. All this happened under a divine direction, 
 that so the Persian fleet might be brought to an equality 
 with the Grecian ; or at least that it might not be greatly 
 superior. Thus then these vessels perished about the 
 recesses of Euboea. 
 
 The Barbarians at Aphetae welcomed the appearance of 
 day, and kept their ships at their stations, and thought 
 themselves happy, after what they had suffered, to remain 
 for the present in quietness. Meanwhile the Greeks had 
 received the succour of fifty-three fresh ships from 
 Attica. Thus reinforced, and encouraged also by the 
 news that not one of the Barbarian fleet that was making 
 the circuit of Euboea had escaped destruction in the 
 storm, the Greeks, after waiting to the same hour as 
 before, sailed, and fell upon the ships of the Cilicians, 
 which they destroyed, and at close of day returned to 
 Artemisium. 
 
 On the third day the Barbarian commanders, greatly 
 troubled at sustaining so much damage from so small a 
 fleet, and fearing also the displeasure of Xerxes, did not 
 again wait till the Greeks commenced the attack, but 
 about mid-day — cheering each other, they led on. It 
 happened the very same days in which these encounters 
 between the fleets took place, the combats at Ther- 
 mopylae were also carried on ; and as the point in dispute 
 at sea was the passage of the Euripus, so was the pre- 
 servation of the pass of Thermopylae the object of Leo- 
 nidas and his companions ; and while the Greeks encour- 
 aged each other in the endeavour to prevent the Bar- 
 barians from entering Greece, the Barbarians endea- 
 voured, by destroying the Greek forces to gain possession 
 of the passes. 
 
 While the fleet of Xerxes was forming the line of 
 battle, the Greeks remained unmoved at Artemisium, and 
 the Barbarians, ranging their ships in a crescent, sur- 
 rounded the Greeks as if to capture them all. Instantly 
 
 (16) 
 
ARTEMISIUM. 589 
 
 the Greeks advanced and gave battle. In this engage- 
 ment the forces actually opposed were nearly equal ; for 
 in the fleet of Xerxes the number of vessels was such 
 that they fell foul of each other, and much embarrassment 
 took place in effecting all their movements. Yet they 
 maintained the fight, nor gave way, for it seemed an 
 insufferable shame to be put to flight by so small a fleet. 
 Many of the Grecian ships were destroyed, and many of 
 their crews ; yet a still greater loss of ships and men was 
 sustained by the Barbarians. After the combat had been 
 thus continued, the fleets separated. 
 
 Among all the forces of Xerxes the Egyptians distin- 
 guished themselves the most in this action. Besides 
 other remarkable achievements they captured five Gre- 
 cian ships with the men on board. Among the Greeks, 
 on this day, the Athenians behaved with the greatest 
 valour, and of the Athenians none surpassed Clineas, son 
 of Alcibiades, who commanded a ship of his own, carrying 
 two hundred men, maintained at his personal ex pence. 
 Both parties separated and repaired to their several 
 stations gladly. The Greeks retired from the fight mas- 
 ters both of their dead and of their wrecked vessels. 
 But they had been so roughly handled, especially the 
 Athenians, one half of whose ships were disabled, that 
 they determined * (or proposed) to retreat to the interior 
 of Greece. 
 
 Themistocles was convinced that if the people of Ionia 
 and Caria were detached from the Barbarian, the Greeks 
 would be well able to overthrow the others. While 
 therefore the Eubceans were driving their cattle down to 
 the sea side, he convoked, at the same place, the com- 
 manders, and told them he believed he had a handle for 
 depriving the king of the bravest of his allies : thus far 
 only he revealed his intention ; but added, that in the 
 
 zfiovXivov— or f.ftnvXevwTn. 
 
 (19) 
 
590 STRATAGEM PRACTISED 
 
 actual position of affairs, every one would do well to 
 kill as many of the cattle of the Euboeans as he thought 
 proper ; for it was better they should supply their own 
 army, than fall into the hands of the enemy. Further- 
 more he advised them to command their people to kindle 
 fires; and he undertook to arrange the fittest time for 
 their safe return to Greece. 
 
 The Euboeans had utterly disregarded as of no import, 
 the oracle of Bacis ; nor had they, as if in expectation of 
 war, either transported their effects, or collected stores ; 
 and by these neglects they brought upon themselves the 
 greater derangement of their affairs. The oracle of 
 Bacis relating to them was as follows : — 
 
 " Mind him — Barbarian-tongued — who yokes the main 
 With bands of Byblos : — then let the Eubcean swain 
 Urge all his bleating goats from off the plain." 
 
 But they, not availing themselves of these verses, either 
 in their immediate or impending calamities, suffered of 
 course the greatest misfortunes. While these trans- 
 actions were in progress, a courier (or x scout) arrived from 
 Trachis. The Greeks had one also stationed at Arte- 
 misium — Polyas of Anticyra, who was provided with a 
 swift sailing galley, in order that, in the event of an 
 engagement (or defeat) he might announce it to the army 
 at Thermopylae ; and in like manner Abronychus, son of 
 Lysicles, an Athenian, attended upon Leonidas, having 
 at command a trieconter, that he might convey to the 
 fleet at Artemisium intelligence of any disaster happening 
 to the army. This Abronychus arriving at Artemisium, 
 related what had befallen Leonidas and his troops. 
 On learning this news, they thought no more of de- 
 laying their departure ; but retired in the order in which 
 they were stationed — the Corinthians first, and the Athe- 
 nians last. 
 
 Themistocles selecting from the Athenian fleet some 
 fast-sailing ships, proceeded to the several watering 
 
 (22) 
 
BY THEMISTOCLES. 591 
 
 places, where he caused inscriptions to be engraved upon 
 stones, which the Ionians coming up the next day to 
 Artemisium would read ; these inscriptions were to this 
 effect — " Ionians, you do wrong in making war upon 
 your fathers, and in aiding to reduce Greece to slavery. 
 Rather than act thus, come over to us, or if that be im- 
 practicable, at least hold yourselves as neuter, and entreat 
 the Carians to do the same. But if neither of these 
 courses is open to you, and if an absolute necessity binds 
 you not to revolt, then, when we meet in battle, use not 
 your best endeavours against us ; remembering that from 
 us you derive your origin, and that it was on your account 
 that we first incurred the animosity of the Barbarian." 
 Thus wrote Themistocles, as it seems to me, with a 
 double intention ; for he thought that if the inscriptions 
 remained unknown to the king, he might by this means 
 induce the Ionians to change sides and join the Greeks ; 
 < if, on the contrary, the writing was communicated, 
 and became the occasion of an accusation against the 
 Ionians to Xerxes, it would render them suspected, so 
 that he would dismiss them from the fleet in time of an 
 engagement. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 DISCOMFITURE OF THE BARBARIANS AT DELPHI. 
 
 Immediately after Themistocles had left these in- 
 scriptions, a certain Histiaean arrived in a bark among 
 the Barbarians, and announced the retreat of the Greeks 
 from Artemisium. They, doubting the truth of his 
 report, held him in custody, and despatched some swift 
 vessels to look out. These returning with a confirmation 
 of the fact, the whole fleet, in compact order, proceeded 
 (23) 
 
592 ARTIFICE OF XERXES. 
 
 at break of day to Artemisium, where they remained at 
 anchor until mid-day, and then sailed to Histiaea, of which, 
 and the city, they took possession, and overran the district 
 of Ellopia, and all the villages along the shores of the 
 Histiasan territory. While the fleet was in this station, 
 Xerxes having made his preparations with the bodies of 
 the slain, sent a herald to the fleet. The preparations he 
 had made were of this sort ; — Out of the twenty thousand 
 of his own army that were killed at Thermopylae, he 
 reserved about one thousand, and interred all the others 
 in trenches, which he caused to be dug, and over which 
 he strewed leaves and heaped earth, so as effectually 
 to conceal them from those who should come from the 
 fleet. This done, the herald arriving at Histiasa, con- 
 voyed an assembly of the whole naval army, whom he 
 thus addressed — " Fellow soldiers ! Xerxes the king 
 gives permission to all who please, to leave their ranks, 
 and come, that they may see in what sort he has dealt 
 with the senseless men who had imagined that they could 
 overcome the royal power." 
 
 After this proclamation had been made, nothing be- 
 came more scarce than vessels of all kinds — so great was 
 the number of those who desired to witness the spectacle !, 
 Passing across the channel, they traversed the field of 
 battle, and contemplated the dead, and supposed all to 
 be either Lacedaemonians or Thespians, though many of 
 those they saw were helots. But none were deceived by 
 the artifice Xerxes had used in disposing of his own 
 dead ; for it was altogether ridiculous — a thousand bodies 
 of the Barbarians appearing on one side, and four thou- 
 sand heaped together in one place on the other! The 
 day was occupied in this inspection of the dead ; 
 and on the morrow, those who had come over, returned 
 to the fleet at Histicea, while the army under Xerxes 
 marched forwards. 
 
 At this time a small number of Arcadians, destitute of 
 
 (26) 
 
SPEECH OF TRITANTjECHMES. 593 
 
 the means of living, and desirous of employment, came 
 over to the Persians. They were brought into the royal 
 presence, and were asked by some one of the Persians 
 what the Greeks were doing. They replied — " Celebrat- 
 ing the Olympic games, and witnessing the gymnastic 
 combats, and the horse-racing." The Persian who had 
 put the question then asked what the prize might be 
 which was proposed as the reward of the combat ; and was 
 answered — " The prize given is a crown of olive." On 
 hearing this, Tritantsechmes, son of Artabanus, uttered a 
 noble sentiment, which however cost him the imputation 
 of fear on the part of the king. For when he learned 
 that a crown, and not money, was the prize proposed to 
 the victors, he could no longer keep silence, but exclaimed 
 before all — " Alas Mardonius ! against what sort of men 
 are you leading us to fight, who contend, not for money 
 but for honour !" 
 
 During these transactions, and presently after the 
 carnage at Thermopylae;, the Thessalians sent a herald to 
 the Phocians, towards whom they had always borne a 
 grudge, which was much aggravated by a recent defeat. 
 
 [For not many years before this invasion by the king, the 
 Thessalians with their entire forces, and their allies, had in- 
 vaded tke Phocians, by whom they were beaten and very 
 severely handled. The Phocians were shut in upon Mount 
 Parnassus, having with them the diviner Te'llias of Elis, 
 who_ contrived for them the following stratagem. — Six hun- 
 dred of the bravest Phocians were plastered with gypsum- — 
 they and their arms, and sent to attack the Thessalians by 1 night, 
 with orders to put to the sword all that were not white like 
 themselves. The Thessalian watch, who first saw them, were 
 frightened, supposing what they beheld to be a prodigy; the 
 others took the same alarm, «<> that thp Pfioomns effected a 
 slaughter of 4000 men, whose bucklers they took: — half of 
 these they dedicated at Abas, and a half at Delphi, and from a 
 (27) 2 q 
 
594 QUARREL OF TUT. TFTESSALIANS AND PHOCIANS. 
 
 tythe of the money obtained after this encounter, they formed 
 those large statues which stand near the tripod, in front of the 
 temple at Delphi, and others like them at Abas. 
 
 In this manner, did the Phocians treat the Thessalian in- 
 fantry by whom they were surrounded ; and as for the 
 cavalry that invaded their territory, they inflicted upon them 
 an irreparable blow. — In the defile near Hyampolis, they dug 
 a spacious pit, in which they placed empty jars; and strewing 
 earth over them, made the surface like that around the 
 excavation. There they waited the attack of the Thessalians - , 
 who, fiercely charging the Phocians, fell in upon the jars, and 
 the horses broke their legs.] 
 
 Having then these two grounds of animosity, the 
 Thessalians sent their herald with this message : — " Pho- 
 cians ! better taught by proof of combat, you now find 
 yourselves to be not a match for us. Formerly, and 
 while we thought good to take part with the Greeks, we 
 were always your superiors 1 and now we have so much 
 influence with the king, that it is at our option to deprive 
 you of your territory, and to sell you as slaves. Yet 
 though all this is in our power, we will not remember pas/- 
 injuries, but on condition that you atone for them by 
 giving us fifty talents of silver, we will pledge ourselves 
 to you to avert from your country the ills that impend 
 over it." Such was the proposition of the Thessalians. 
 The Phocians were the only people of that region who 
 did not take part with the Medes ; and I am seriously of 
 opinion, that the course they adopted was attributable 
 to nothing but their enmity to the Thessalians ; and had 
 the Thessalians joined the Greeks, the Phocians would, I 
 think, have gone over to the Medes. On this occasion, 
 they declared they would not give the money — and said 
 that, if so liaolinprl, they rmil<3, as easily as the Thessa- 
 lians had done, take part with the Medes. But never 
 would they willingly become the betrayers of Greece. 
 
 (30) 
 
DEVASTATION OF PHOCIS. 595 
 
 When this answer was brought back, it so enraged the 
 Thessalians against the Phocians, that they became guides 
 to the Barbarian, and led the army from Trachinia into 
 Doris. The narrow neck {foot) of territory belonging to 
 Doris extends itself here to the width of about thirty 
 furlongs, between the Malian and Phocian lands ; it was 
 formerly called Dryopis. This .region is the mother 
 country of the Dorians of Peloponnesus. In passing 
 through it the Barbarians, at the suggestion of the Thes- 
 salians, abstained from pillage ; indeed the inhabitants 
 had declared for the Medes. 
 
 When on leaving Doris they entered Phocis, they 
 found no inhabitants to become their captives ; for some 
 had gone up to the heights of Parnassus, the summit 
 of which, called Tithorea, near the city Neon, is capable 
 of receiving commodiously a large assemblage of per- 
 sons ; hither therefore a portion of the Phocians had 
 ascended, carrying with them their effects. But the 
 greater number of them had gone to Amphissa, a city of 
 the Ozolian Locrians, which is situated above the plain of 
 Crisasus. The Barbarians however overran the whole 
 Phocian territory, into which the Thessalians led them, 
 carrying fire wherever they went, and cutting down the 
 trees. They burned also the cities and the temples. 
 Pursuing the course of the Cephissus, they pillaged the 
 whole country, and burned, on the one side, Drymus, on 
 the other Caradra, Erochus, Tethronium, Ainphicaea, 
 Neon, Pediea, Tritea, Elatea, Hyampolis, Parapotamium , 
 and Abas, at which last city there was a temple of Apollo, 
 very rich in treasures, and replete with a multitude 
 of dedicated articles. There was then, as at present, 
 an oracle at the temple. This temple they pillaged and 
 burned, and having- pursued some of the Phocians. made 
 them prisoners near the mountains : some women also 
 fell into their hands, who perished from the treatment 
 they received. 
 (33) 2 q 2 
 
596 ATTEMPT AND DEFEAT OF THE 
 
 The Barbarians, after passing by the Parapotamians, 
 came to Panopea, where the army separated into two 
 divisions, of which the most numerous and efficient, under 
 Xerxes himself, proceeded towards Athens, and on its 
 way entered Bceotia, by the territory of the Orchomenians. 
 The general body of the Boeotians had surrendered to 
 the Medes, and their cities were saved by means of Mace- 
 donians stationed in them by Alexander. In this way it 
 was certified to Xerxes that the Boeotians truly affected 
 the Median interests. This was the road taken by the 
 principal division of the Barbarians. 
 
 The other division, under the conduct of guides, pro- 
 ceeded towards the temple of Delphi : they kept Mount 
 Parnassus on their right, and whatever fell in their way 
 they pillaged. The city of the Panopians they burned, 
 as well as those of the Daulians and iEolians. The 
 intention of this detachment of the army was the plun- 
 dering of the temple of Delphi, that its treasures might 
 be presented to Xerxes, who, as I have been told, had 
 a better knowledge of what this temple contained most 
 remarkable, than of what he had left behind him at home. 
 For there were many about him who continually described 
 them — and particularly the offerings of Croesus, son of 
 Alyattes. 
 
 The Delphians on being informed of the approach of the 
 enemy, were greatly dismayed, and with extreme alarm 
 inquired at the oracle concerning the sacred treasures — 
 whether they should hide them in the earth, or transport 
 them to some other country. But the god would not 
 suffer them to be moved, saying, " that he was able to 
 defend his own." On hearing this answer, the Delphians 
 thought only of their own affairs. Their children and 
 their wives they sent across to Achaia, and themselves, 
 for the most part, ascended the summit of Parnassus, and 
 carried their effects to the cavern of Corycium. Some 
 of them slipped away to Amphissa in Locris. Thus 
 
 (36) 
 
BARBARIANS AT DELPHI. 597 
 
 all the Delphians left the city, except sixty men and the 
 prophet. 
 
 While the Barbarians were approaching - , and were even 
 so near as to be within sight of the temple, the prophet, 
 whose name was Aceratus, beheld the arms laid in front 
 of the fane, having- been conveyed from the interior of 
 the sacred edifice. These arms it was unlawful for 
 any mortal even to touch. He went and announced 
 this prodigy to the Delphians that were at hand. 
 But when the Barbarians hastening their march came 
 near the temple of the Pronsean Minerva, prodigies still 
 greater than this happened to them. It was indeed won- 
 derful in the extreme that the martial furniture should — 
 self-moved — appear lying without the temple ; but to 
 this, other prodigies succeeded — and such as, beyond any 
 other supernatural occurrences, are worthy of admiration. 
 For at the moment when the Barbarians reached the 
 temple of Minerva Pronaea, thunder-bolts fell upon them 
 from heaven ; and from Parnassus two towering masses of 
 rock burst away, and with a loud crash bearing down 
 upon them, killed great numbers, while from the interior 
 of the temple was heard a voice and the shout of war. 
 
 These commingled alarms smote the Barbarians with 
 terror, and the Delphians, learning that they fled, fol- 
 lowed and put great numbers to the sword. Those that 
 survived retreated directly into Boeotia. It was asserted, 
 as I am informed, by those of them who returned, that 
 besides the prodigies already mentioned, they beheld 
 other appearances ; for two personages in complete armour, 
 and of stature surpassing the height of man, followed and 
 slaughtered them. The Delphians say that these were 
 the tutelary heroes — Phylacus and Autonous, to whom 
 are consecrated the sacred enclosures near the temple — 
 that of Phylacus, by the road a»do, above the temple of 
 Minerva : — that of Autonous, near the Castalian foun- 
 tain, beneath the summit called Hyampia. The rocks 
 (39) . 2 Q 3 
 
598 DESERTION OF ATHENS. 
 
 which fell from Parnassus were even in my time preserved 
 in the enclosure of the temple of Minerva, where they 
 rested after passing through the Barbarian ranks. Such 
 were the circumstances under which this detachment was 
 repulsed from the temple. 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 ALTERCATIONS OF THE GRECIAN CHIEFS AT 
 SALAMIS. 
 
 The Grecian fleet after leaving Artemisium, took up its 
 station, at the request of the Athenians, near Salamis, 
 The reason of the request on the part of the Athenians 
 was this, that they might transport their children and 
 wives from Attica, and also that a consultation might be 
 held among them on the course that ought to be pursued ; 
 for being deceived in their expectations, it was necessary 
 that the existing state of things should be met by new 
 counsels. They had indeed hoped to find the Pelopon- 
 nesians in full force in Boeotia, prepared to oppose the 
 Barbarian; but in fact nothing of this kind was to be 
 seen, and they were informed that the Peloponnesians, 
 regardless of all the rest of Greece, and mindful only of 
 the safety of Peloponnesus, were occupied in constructing 
 a wall across the Isthmus. It was then, on receiving this 
 information, that the Athenians entreated the' allies to 
 remain near Salamis. 
 
 The others therefore anchored off the island, while the 
 Athenians wont home, and im^oJiacely after their arrival 
 made proclamation to this effect : — " That whoever of the 
 Athenians was able to do so, should save his children and 
 
 (41) 
 
MUSTER OF THE GRECIAN FLEET. 599 
 
 domestics in what manner he pleased." Presently the 
 greater part sent their families to Troezen ; while some 
 sent theirs to iEgina, and some to Salamis. This 
 evacuation was accomplished with the more diligence, 
 from the wish to obey the oracle (p. 533) nor was it a 
 little promoted by the following circumstance. The 
 Athenians affirm that an enormous serpent dwells in the 
 temple (of Minerva) as guardian of the Acropolis ; — so 
 they assert ; and as if it were actually there, they place 
 for it monthly offerings, which consist of honey cakes. 
 These honey cakes had always hitherto been consumed ; 
 but were now untouched. The priestess having made 
 known the fact, the Athenians with so much the more 
 readiness abandoned the city ; since the divinity had 
 deserted the Acropolis. When they had placed all their 
 property in safety, they proceeded to join the fleet. 
 
 After the fleet from Artemisium was known to have 
 taken its station at Salamis, the other ships of the Greeks 
 joined it from Troezen : for at Pogon, on the Troezenian 
 coasts, they had been appointed to assemble. And now a 
 much larger number of ships was collected together 
 than had taken part in the engagement at Artemi- 
 sium ; — and they came also from more states. The com- 
 bined fleet was still, as at Artemisium, under the command 
 of Eurybiades, son of Euryclides, a Spartan, yet not of 
 the royal family. The Athenians had now also many 
 more and better sailing ships. 
 
 The fleet was thus composed. From Peloponnesus came 
 the Lacedaemonians, with sixteen ships. The Corin- 
 thians with the same number as at Artemisium. The 
 Sicyonians with fifteen, and the Epidaurians with ten. 
 The Troszenians five. The Hermionians three. All 
 these, excepting; the last, were of Doric and Macednic 
 extraction, and proceeded from Erineum, and Pindus, and 
 latterly from Dryopis. But the Hermionians are Dryo- 
 pians, who were driven from the country now called 
 (43) 2 q 4 
 
600 MUSTER OF THE 
 
 Doris by Hercules and the Malians. Such were the 
 forces of the Peloponnesians in the fleet. Those from 
 the exterior continent of Greece were — the Athenians, 
 whose ships amounted to one hundred and eighty, a 
 number equal to that of all the other Greeks together. 
 At Salamis they were unaccompanied by the Plateeans — 
 for this reason ? — as the Greeks were retiring from Arte- 
 misium, and came off Chalcis, the Platasans went ashore 
 on the opposite side in Boeotia, in order to put in safety 
 their families. While occupied in securing them, they 
 were themselves left by the fleet. The Athenians, when 
 the country now called Greece was possessed by the 
 Pelasgians, were also Pelasgians, and bore the name 
 Cranaans ; but under their king, Cecrops, they were 
 called Cecropians, and when Erectheus assumed the su- 
 preme power, they changed that name for the appellation, 
 Athenians. Afterwards Ion, son of Xuthus, being their 
 general, the Athenians were from him called Ionians. 
 
 The Megarians had the same force as at Artemisium. 
 The Ampraciots afforded their aid with seven ships ; the 
 Leucadians with three— these were a Doric tribe from 
 Corinth. Of the islanders, the iEginetans furnished 
 thirty ships: they had others fully equipped, but re- 
 tained them for the guard of their island. These thirty 
 (or forty-two) ships which fought at Salamis, were the 
 best sailers. The people of iEgina are Dorians from 
 Epidaurus ; the island was formerly called CEnona. Next 
 to the iEginetans came the Chalcidians, with the twenty 
 ships they had had at Artemisium; and the Eretrians 
 with their seven — these are Ionians. Then came the 
 Cei'ans, with the same as before ; — they are of the Ionic 
 race, and from Athens. The Naxians had four ships ; 
 these had been sent by the people to join the Medes, like 
 the other islanders ; out disregarding their orders, they 
 joined the Greeks : this was effected by the manage- 
 ment of Democritus, a distinguished citizen of Naxos, 
 
 (46) 
 
GRECIAN FLEET. 601 
 
 and who was then a trierarch. The Naxians are 
 Ionians, sprung from the Athenians. The Styrians had 
 now the same ships as at Artemisium. The Cythnians 
 one, and a penteconter : — both these people are Dryopians. 
 The Seriphians, the Siphnians, ancl the Malians, also 
 served in the fleet, and these alone of the islanders had 
 not sent earth and water to the Barbarian. 
 
 The forces of these people, all of them inhabiting the 
 parts of Greece within {south of) Thesprotia and the 
 Acheron, were now present. It is the Thesprotians who 
 border upon the Ampraciots, and the Leucadians, and these 
 were the most remote of those that took part in the war ; 
 for of all who dwell beyond these, none gave aid to Greece 
 in her time of peril, except the Crotonians, with a single 
 ship. This vessel was commanded by Phayllus, a man who 
 had three times been victor in the Pythian games. The 
 Crotonians derive their origin from Achaia. All furnished 
 triremes except the Malians, the Siphnians, and the Seri- 
 phians, who brought penteconters. The Malians, a branch 
 of the Lacedaemonians, had two. The Siphnians and Seri- 
 phians, both Ionians from Athens, had each one. The 
 entire numbers of the fleet, exclusive of the penteconters, 
 was three hundred and seventy eight. 
 
 When the commanders from the several states above- 
 mentioned were assembled at Salamis, a council was held 
 on the proposition of Eurybiades, in which every one was 
 to declare his opinion and wishes on the question — which 
 among q\\ the places still in their power, was the most 
 advantageous for a naval engagement. For Attica was 
 already lost : — the question could therefore relate only to 
 what was left to them. Among the opinions advanced, 
 that which obtained the greater number of suffrages was — 
 That they should proceed to the Isthmus, and engage 
 the enemy in advance of Peloponnesus ; autl this pro- 
 position was thus defended— "that if they should be 
 defeated while at Salamis, they must be besieged in 
 (49) 
 
002 SIEGE AND REDUCTION 
 
 the island, where no succour could reach them ; but 
 if at the Isthmus, they might severally repair to their 
 homes." 
 
 While the Peloponnesian commanders were advancing 
 this opinion, an Athenian arrived, bringing the news that 
 the Barbarian had actually entered Attica, and was 
 devastating all with fire. For the main army under 
 Xerxes, taking its course through Bceotia, had burned 
 Thespia, the inhabitants of which city had retired into 
 Peloponnesus ; and in like manner Plataea, and advanced 
 upon the territory of Athens, pillaging all. Thespia and 
 Platasa they had burned on the information of the The- 
 bans, who said that those cities were opposed to the 
 Medes. 
 
 The Barbarians, including the time occupied in crossing 
 the Hellespont into Europe, remained one month in that 
 neighbourhood, and in three months more reached 
 Attica, where they arrived during the arcbonship of Cal- 
 liades. They took possession of the city, deserted of its 
 inhabitants, except that fhey found some few Athenians 
 in the temple {of Minerva) such as the stewards of the 
 temple, and certain indigent persons who had fortified 
 the entrances to the Acropolis against the invaders, with/ 
 stakes. Not only had their poverty prevented their 
 transporting themselves to Salamis, but they thought 
 themselves to have divined the true meaning of the 
 oracle, when the Pythian declared that " the wooden 
 fort should be impregnable." And this, not the fieet, 
 they believed to be the asylum intended by the 
 oracle. 
 
 The Persians posting themselves on the mound, called 
 by the Athenians Mars' hill, opposite to the Acropolis, 
 besieged it in this manner : — They discharged arrows 
 against the defences to which lighted tow was fastened. 
 The besieged Athenians continued to defend themselves, 
 though reduced to the most extreme misery, and though 
 
 (52) 
 
OF ATHENS. 603 
 
 deceived in their barricado ; nor would they admit the 
 propositions offered them by the Pisistratids for an^ ac- 
 commodation. Still they resisted, and among other 
 means of defence which they devised was this — that, as 
 often as the Barbarians approached the gates, they dis- 
 missed enormous stones upon them, so that Xerxes, 
 after much time had been spent, felt himself still em- 
 barrassed for want of means to reduce the place. - 
 
 At length, in the midst of these perplexities, a way of 
 access was made known to the Barbarians — for it was 
 inevitable, according to the prediction of the oracle, that 
 all the Attic possessions on the main land should be 
 reduced by the Persians. In front of the Acropolis, and 
 behind the gates and the entrance, and where no guard 
 was placed — for it was not thought possible that any 
 human being could in that place ascend ; — there, some of 
 the Barbarians actually climbed up, though it was an 
 impending precipice : — the spot is near the shrine of 
 Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops. When the Athenians 
 beheld the enemy ascending into the Acropolis, some 
 of them threw themselves down from the defences, 
 and so perished ; while others fled for refuge to the 
 temple. The Persians who had gained the summit first 
 of all turned towards the gates {of the temple) which 
 they opened ; then they put the suppliants to the sword : 
 and after these were all slain, they pillaged the temple, 
 and set fire to all the buildings of the Acropolis. 
 
 No sooner had Xerxes made himself completely master 
 of Athens, than he despatched a horseman with the 
 intelligence to Susa, to announce to Artabanus his pre- 
 sent good success. On the second day after the depar- 
 ture of the courier, he called together those exiled 
 Athenians who attended him, and commanded them to 
 ascend the Acropolis, and therfe to offer the accustomed 
 sacrifices in their own manner. These commands re- 
 sulted perhaps from some vision he might have had, 
 (54) 
 
604 ADVICE OF MNESIPHILUS. 
 
 or perhaps he was seized with compunction for having 
 burned the temple. The exiles fulfilled the part as- 
 signed to them. The reason of my recording the cir- 
 cumstance is this : — There is in the Athenian Acropolis 
 a fane dedicated to Erechtheus, commonly called the 
 Earth-born {aboriginal), and in this fane there is an 
 olive tree, and a pool (SaXaoaa) placed there, as the 
 Athenians affirm, by Neptune and Minerva, as testi- 
 monials when they wrangled for the possession of the 
 country. This olive was burned, together with the tem- 
 ple, by the Barbarians ; but the next day after the con- 
 flagration, when the Athenians, at the command of the 
 king, went up to the temple to sacrifice, they beheld a 
 shoot from the stump, sprung up to the height of a 
 cubit. — So they affirmed. 
 
 When the Greeks at Salamis were informed that the 
 Athenian Acropolis was actually in possession of the 
 enemy, they were thrown into such consternation, that 
 some of the commanders, without waiting till the affairs 
 before the council were arranged, hastened on board 
 their ships, and hoisted sail to depart. Meanwhile those 
 who remained came to the determination to engage the 
 enemy off the Isthmus. Night was now arrived, and 
 the commanders breaking up from the council, went 
 on board their ships. 
 
 When Themistocles reached his ship he was asked 
 by Mnesiphilus, an Athenian, what had been resolved in 
 the council, and when answered that it was determined 
 to conduct the fleet to the Isthmus, and to engage the 
 enemy in advance of Peloponnesus, he thus spoke — " If 
 they weigh and remove the fleet from Salamis, there will 
 be no engagement at all in defence of any one's country ; 
 for every one will make off towards His home. Nor will 
 Eurybiades, nor any other person have power to retain 
 them, or to prevent the dispersion of the fleet. Thus 
 will Greece be lost by mere imprudence. But now, if by 
 
 (57) 
 
ALTERCATION OF THE CHIEFS. 605 
 
 any means it may be done, instantly make the attempt 
 to annul the decision of the council, and endeavour, if 
 possible, to induce Eurybiades to alter his determination, 
 and remain in this position." Themistocles heartily 
 approved of this advice, and without waiting to give any 
 answer, repaired to the ship of Eurybiades, where, when 
 he arrived along side, he said he wished to confer with 
 him on a matter belonging to the common interests. 
 Eurybiades directed him to come on board, and say what 
 he wished. Themistocles seating himself by him, re- 
 peated, as his own opinion, what he had heard from 
 Mnesiphilus ; to which he added much more to the same 
 effect : and at length prevailed with him, by his entrea- 
 ties, to leave his ship, and summon the commanders to 
 meet in council. 
 
 When they were assembled, and before Eurybiades 
 
 had laid before them the business on account of 
 
 which he had convoked them, Themistocles discoursed 
 
 largely in support of his advice. While he was thus 
 
 speaking, Adimantus, son of Ocytus, the Corinthian 
 
 general, said — " Themistocles — in the games, those who 
 
 start before others are beaten." To which, in excuse, 
 
 he replied — "But those who remain behind are not 
 
 crowiaed." Thus mildly did he answer the Corinthian. 
 
 But in addressing Eurybiades, he said not a word of what 
 
 he had before mentioned, relative to the dispersion of 
 
 the fleet in case of its leaving Salamis. For it seemed 
 
 not seemly, in the presence of the confederates, to cast an 
 
 imputation upon any one : — he had in readiness another 
 
 argument, and thus spoke — "With you it is now to save 
 
 Greece. This you will effect if, yielding to my advice, 
 
 you remain here and engage the enemy, nor listen to 
 
 those who would have you break up and remove the fleet 
 
 to the Isthmus. Hear and weigh the reasons on both 
 
 sides. In fighting at the Isthmus you engage in an open 
 
 sea, which is especially disadvantageous to us whose 
 
 (60) 
 
006 SPEECH OF THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 ships are heavier and fewer in number than those of the 
 enemy. Besides, you then abandon to destruction Sa- 
 lamis, and Megara, and iEgina, even though we should 
 be otherwise successful : for the enemy's army will follow 
 the advance of the fleet, and thus, while you your- 
 self lead the war towards Peloponnesus, you expose the 
 whole of Greece to danger. But if you adopt the course 
 I recommend, you will find these following advantages. — 
 In the first place you will, with a small fleet, contend with 
 a large one in a narrow space, which, if the ordinary 
 course of things in war takes place, will give us a decided 
 advantage ; for to fight in a narrow space is as much our 
 interest as to fight in a wide space is theirs. Again ;— 
 Salamis will be preserved, where we have placed our 
 children and our wives. Moreover, in what I recommend 
 there is this advantage, for which indeed you are espe- 
 cially solicitous — That 1 in remaining here you defend 
 Peloponnesus as effectually as if you retired to the 
 Isthmus. If then you are wise, you will not conduct the 
 fleet to Peloponnesus. But now if, as I hope, we obtain 
 a victory at sea, the Barbarians will neither advance to 
 the Isthmus against you, nor penetrate further into 
 Attica, but will retire in disorder ; meanwhile we secure 
 the benefit of preserving Megara, and iEgina, and Sa- 
 lamis, where, according to the prediction, we are to van- 
 quish the enemy. When men adopt measures that are in 
 conformity with the ordinary course of affairs, they most 
 often meet with the wished-for success. But if their 
 counsels are opposed to common probability, they will 
 find that God is not wont to conform himself to human 
 designs." 
 
 Thus spoke Themistocles, and again Adimantus the 
 Corinthian attacked him, and enjoined silence upon one 
 who, as he said, "had no country;" and he forbad 
 Eurybiades to put to the vote the proposition of " a 
 cityless man ;" and said he would then require the 
 
 (61) 
 
DECISION OF THE COUNCIL. G07 
 
 opinion of Themistocles, when he could show that he had a 
 city. This reproach he uttered in reference to the cap- 
 ture and possession of Athens by the enemy. Themis- 
 tocles now spoke with severity of Adimantus and the 
 Corinthians, and proved manifestly that he had both a 
 city and a country, more considerable than theirs, while 
 Athens possessed two hundred ships, fully manned with 
 her citizens ; nor were there any of the Greeks who 
 could resist them. Then addressing himself to Eury- 
 biades with still more intentness, he said, — "You, if you 
 remain here, will act the part of a brave man ; but if 
 not, you rnin Greece. Our ships are every thing to us 
 in this war. — Now therefore yield to my advice. Yet 
 should you refuse to do so we, just as we are, will take 
 our families on board, and will remove to Siris in Italy, 
 an ancient possession of ours, and which, according to 
 predictions, is destined to be occupied by us. Then you, 
 deserted by such allies, will find occasion to remember 
 my words." 
 
 Eurybiades changed his opinion on hearing this speech , 
 or, as it seems to me, he changed in terror, lest the Athe- 
 nians should leave the confederacy if he moved the fleet 
 to the Isthmus. And he knew that, deprived of the 
 Athenians, the others would be unable to meet the 
 enemy. He therefore adopted the advice of Themistocles, 
 and it was decided to engage the enemy at Salamis. 
 
 Such were the altercations that took place among the 
 chiefs at Salamis; but when Eurybiades had actually 
 decided, they made preparations for the engagement at 
 that station. The next day, at sun rise, a trembling 
 took place on land and at sea, and it was thought proper 
 to pray to the gods, and to invoke the succour of the 
 :ZEacids. This was accordingly done ; and after all the 
 gods had been addressed with vows, they, from Salamis, 
 called upon Ajax and Telamon, and even despatched a ship 
 to iEgina for the aid of iEacus and the other iEacids. 
 (64) 
 
608 PRODIGY AT ELEUSIS. 
 
 [Dicaeus, son of Theocydes, an Athenian, and an exile with 
 the Medes, and who, at that time, was high in esteem among 
 them, gave the following account : — " When Attica was 
 devastated by the army of Xerxes, and deserted by the 
 Athenians, he happened to be with Demaratus the Lace- 
 daemonian, in the Thriasian plain, and saw a cloud of dust 
 advancing from Eleusis, as if occasioned by the march of 
 about thirty thousand men. They were amazed at seeing the 
 dust, and while wondering by whom it could be raised, suddenly 
 heard a voice which seemed to him to repeat (the hymn called) 
 the mystic Iacchus.* But Demaratus being uninitiated in 
 the Eleusinian mysteries, inquired of him what it might be 
 that was uttered ; to which he replied — " Demaratus, it 
 cannot be but what some great calamity awaits the king's 
 army, for it is manifest that Attica, being destitute of men, 
 the words uttered are from the divinity, who advancing from 
 Eleusis, comes to aid the Athenians and the confederates. 
 And now if it turns towards Peloponnesus, there shall be 
 peril to the king himself and the army on land; but if 
 towards the fleet' at Salamis, then the king is in danger of 
 losing the fleet. The Athenians are accustomed every year to 
 celebrate this festival to the Mother and the Damsel (Ceres 
 and Proserpine). And whoever pleases — of them, or of 
 the other Greeks, is then initiated in the mysteries, and the 
 words you have heard are the very same that are shouted in 
 that very festival." " Hold, silence," replied Demaratus, 
 " nor repeat this matter to any one ; for should what you have 
 said be reported to the king, you would lose your head ; nor 
 would it be in my power, or that of any other to deliver you. 
 Be therefore quiet, and the gods will take care of the army." 
 Such was the advice given to him by Demaratus. After 
 the dust and the voice, there appeared a cloud, which soaring 
 aloft, bore away towards Salamis, and towards the camp of 
 the Greeks. From which they concluded that the fleet of 
 Xerxes was about to be destroyed. This is the account given 
 by Dicaeus, son of Theocydes, confirmed by Demaratus and 
 others.] 
 
 * A hymn sung in honour of Bacchus. 
 
 (65) 
 
GOD 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 ADVANCE OF THE PERSIAN FLEET. WALL AT THE 
 ISTHMUS. STRATAGEM OF THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 After those belonging to the fleet of Xerxes had con- 
 templated the slaughter that had been made of the La- 
 cedaemonians, they passed over from Trachis to Histisea, 
 where they remained three days ; and then sailing through 
 the Euripus, in three days more arrived off Phalerum. 
 Nor were they, I think, fewer in number, either by land 
 or sea, when they reached Attica, than when they arrived 
 at Sepias and Thermopylae. For in place of those that 
 perished in the tempest, and at Thermopylae, and in the 
 engagements at Artemisium, I reckon those who did not 
 till afterwards join the king's army; as the Malians, and 
 Dorians, and Locrians, and Boeotians, who followed 
 Xerxes in a body, excepting only the Thespians and 
 Plataeans. Besides, there came, in full force, the Carys- 
 tians, the Andrians, the Tenians, and all the other is- 
 landers, excepting the five whose names I have before 
 mentioned. For the further the Persian penetrated into 
 Greece, the greater was the number of the people that he 
 led in his train. 
 
 All these then arrived at Athens {and Phalerum), ex- 
 cepting the Parians, who remained at Cythnus, awaiting 
 the event of the war. When, with this exception, all 
 reached Phalerum, Xerxes himself repaired to the fleet, 
 in order to converse with the naval commanders, and to 
 learn their opinions. On his arrival he seated himself as 
 president of the council, at which were present, on his 
 summons, the tyrants of the several nations, and the com- 
 manders of the fleet, each seated according to the rank 
 (67) 2 R 
 
610 ADVICE OF ARTEMISIA. 
 
 he held in the king's service. First in honour was the 
 Sidonian king, next the Tyrian, and so the others ; and 
 when all were seated in their order, Xerxes sent Mar- 
 donius to sound the dispositions of each, on the question 
 of meeting the enemy at sea. Mardonius passing round, 
 asked the opinion of each, beginning with the king of 
 Sidon : all professed the same opinion, and advised that 
 battle should be given — all, except Artemisia, who thus 
 spoke : — 
 
 " Tell the king, Mardonius, that I thus speak — My 
 lord, as I behaved in no cowardly manner in the engage- 
 ments off Eubcea, and achieved actions not inferior to 
 those of others, I may fairly now offer my opinion, and 
 declare what I think the best course for you to pursue. 
 I say then to you — be sparing of your ships, nor engage 
 the enemy at sea. For at sea the Greeks are as much 
 superior to your people, as men are to women. And what 
 need have you at all to hazard an engagement? Do you 
 not hold Athens, to possess yourself of which was the 
 very intention of the expedition 1 And is not the rest of 
 Greece yours ? For none oppose an obstacle to your pro- 
 gress : or those who resisted, have they not met the fate 
 they merited ? I will now declare what, in my opinion, 
 will be the course of events with the enemy. If, instead 
 of hastily engaging them at sea, you retain the fleet here 
 in shore, or even gradually advance towards Peloponnesus, 
 nothing will be more easy for you, my lord, than to attain 
 the object you have in view. For the Greeks are not in 
 condition to maintain a long resistance ; but you may dis- 
 perse them, and they will severally retreat towards their 
 cities. As I am informed, they have no great store of 
 provisions in this island (Salamis). Nor is it probable 
 that, if you march the army towards Peloponnesus, those 
 of them who come from thence, will remain unmoved 
 here ; nor will they care to fight for the Athenians. But 
 on the contrary, should you urge an engagement, I greatly 
 
 (68) 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE. 611 
 
 fear that a defeat of the fleet would bring ruin upon the 
 army. Furthermore, O king, consider this, that ordina- 
 rily the best masters have the worst servants, and the 
 worst masters the best servants ; and thus it is with you, 
 who though the very best of men, have among those who 
 are reckoned as your allies, some bad servants; — such 
 are those worthless Egyptians, and Cyprians, and Ci- 
 licians." 
 
 Thus did Artemisia address Mardonius, and all who 
 wished her well greatly feared that her speech would 
 bring some punishment upon her from the king, whom she 
 thus dissuaded from engaging the enemy : while, on the 
 other hand, those who entertained any grudge or envy 
 against her, on account of the peculiar regard with which 
 she was treated, were delighted with her answer, thinking 
 it must effect her ruin. But when the several opinions 
 were reported to Xerxes, he was exceedingly pleased 
 with that of Artemisia; and though hitherto he had 
 deemed her a person of great ability, he now extolled her 
 in still higher terms. Nevertheless he decided to follow 
 the advice of the greater number, and imagining that his 
 people had behaved remissly at Eubosa, because he was 
 not present, he now made arrangements for being himself 
 a witness of the combat. 
 
 The order for sailing being given, the fleet moved 
 towards Salamis, and at leisure the ships formed in order 
 of battle ; but the day was now too far spent for them to 
 commence the engagement, and night coming on, they 
 held themselves in readiness to fight on the following 
 morning. Meanwhile fear and dismay took possession 
 of the Greeks; nor least of the Peloponnesians, who 
 thought themselves detained at Salamis merely to fight 
 in defence of the territory of the Athenians ; and they 
 feared that if defeated, they should be surrounded and 
 besieged on the island, while their own country would be 
 left defenceless. 
 (70) 2 r 2 
 
012 LABOURS OF THE PELOPONNESJANS. 
 
 During the same night the Barbarian army advanced 
 towards Peloponnesus ; but every possible means had 
 been used to prevent their penetrating into it by land. 
 For instantly after the news of the death of Leonidas and 
 his companions at Thermopylae had arrived, the Pelopon- 
 nesians flocked together from all their cities to the Isth- 
 mus, under the command of Cleombrotus, son of Anax- 
 andrides, and brother of Leonidas. Fixing their station 
 in the Isthmus, they first raised a rampart of earth on 
 the Scironian road, and then, in conformity with their 
 previous resolution, began to construct a wall across the 
 Isthmus. And the work advanced rapidly; for not a 
 man among so many thousands was unemployed, but all 
 laboured in aid of the undertaking, by bringing stones, 
 and bricks, and timber, and hods of sand ; nor did they 
 cease day or night. 
 
 The Greeks who assembled at the Isthmus in a body to 
 construct the wall, were these. — The whole of the Lace- 
 daemonians and Arcadians ; the Elians, the Corinthians, 
 the Sicyonians, the Epidaurians, the Phliasians, the 
 Troezenians, and the Hermionians: it was these who, 
 fearing for the fate of Greece in its present peril, gave 
 their aid on this occasion; while the other people of 
 Peloponnesus heeded not the danger, though the Olympic 
 and Carneian festivals were now gone by.* 
 
 [Seven nations inhabit Peloponnesus, two of which are 
 aboriginal, and still occupy their ancient territory : these 
 are the Arcadians and the Cynurians. One of these races— 
 the Achaian, has not removed from Peloponnesus, but has 
 only passed from its first territory to another. The other four 
 of the seven are intruders on the soil, namely, the Dorians, the 
 iEtolians, the Dryopians, and the Lemnians. The Dorians 
 
 * These festivals had hitherto furnished a pretext for the backward- 
 ness of the Peloponnesians. 
 
 (73) 
 
DISCONTENTS IN THE GRECIAN FLEET. 613 
 
 possess many celebrated cities; the JEtolians have Elis only; 
 the Dryopians have Hermione, and Asina, near Cardamyla of 
 Laconia. The Lemnians have all the Paroreates. The Cynu- 
 rians, though aborigines, seem to some to be Ionians. — They 
 have become Doric by living under the domination of the 
 Argives, and by the lapse of time, in like manner as* the 
 Orneates, and their neighbours. All the cities of these seven 
 nations, excepting those mentioned above, held to a neu- 
 trality; or, if permitted to speak freely, I should say they 
 held to a neutrality which was in fact a taking part with the 
 Medes.] 
 
 The Peloponnesians assembled at the Isthmus la- 
 boured with so much earnestness, as considering that their 
 only hope depended upon the completion of the work, 
 and as despairing of any brilliant achievement on the 
 part of the fleet ; while those (of the Peloponnesians) 
 who were at Salamis, when informed of what was taking 
 place, feared not so much for themselves as for their 
 country. For some time they did but whisper, one to 
 another, their amazement at the imprudence of Eury- 
 biades. But at length their discontent broke forth; a 
 conference was held, and much was said to the same 
 purport as before ; and while one party declared it to. be 
 necessary to sail to Peloponnesus, and rather to risk 
 a battle in defence of that, than to remain and fight for a 
 country already in the enemy's power, the Athenians, the 
 iEginetans, and the Megarians, were for remaining to 
 defend the position they then occupie'd. 
 
 When Themistocles understood that the counsels of the 
 Peloponnesians were gaining the ascendancy, he with- 
 drew unperceived from the assembly, and going out, he 
 despatched a messenger to the camp of the Medes, in a 
 small vessel, with instructions. The person sent on this 
 
 * we re read for eovtec, as the sense demands. 
 
 (75) 2 r 3 
 
614 STRATAGEM OF THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 business was named Sicinnus — a slave of Themistocles, 
 and the preceptor of his sons,* and who, at a later period, 
 received from Themistocles a competent fortune, and 
 who, by his influence, was enrolled among the citizens of 
 Thespia, when the people of that city were augmenting 
 their numbers. When Sicinnus arrived among the Bar- 
 barians, he thus addressed the generals. " I am sent 
 without the knowledge of the other Greeks, by the 
 Athenian general, who in fact affects the king's interests, 
 and had rather that you than the Greeks should succeed : 
 and I am instructed to inform you that the Greeks, in 
 consternation, are at this time resolving upon a retreat. 
 Now therefore the opportunity is offered you of achieving 
 the most splendid success, and to this end you have only 
 to prevent their escape. They are far from accordant 
 among themselves ; nor can they again withstand you, and 
 you will behold the two parties — those inclined to favour 
 you, and those otherwise minded, attacking each other." 
 After making this communication, Sicinnus immediately 
 retired. 
 
 The Barbarians confiding in the sincerity of this mes- 
 sage, in the first place landed a large body of Persians 
 on the islet named Psyttalia, which lies between Salamis 
 and the main land ; — then at midnight, they brought the 
 western wing of the fleet round towards Salamis ; while 
 those stationed about Ceos and Cynosura came on so as 
 to occupy the whole passage as far as Munychia. This 
 they did with the design of cutting off all escape from 
 the Greeks, and of investing them upon Salamis, where 
 vengeance might be wreaked upon them for the engage- 
 ments at Artemisium. The Persians who were landed 
 upon Psyttalia, were placed there because this islet, lying 
 in the very passage where the engagement was about to 
 take place, it would naturally become, during the action, 
 
 * Tutors in opulent families were commonly purchased slaves. 
 
 (76) 
 
PREDICTION OF BACIS. 615 
 
 a place of refuge, both to men and to disabled ships, in 
 which case these Persians might protect their own people, 
 and destroy the enemy who should resort to it. These 
 arrangements were made in the silence of night, that the 
 enemy might know nothing of what was doing, and the 
 movements occupied the whole night, to the exclusion of 
 any time of repose. 
 
 When I consider these events, I am not prepared to 
 deny the truth of oracles, nor shall attempt to controvert 
 those which are so explicit as the following : — 
 
 " But when they shall have extended their line of ships 
 on the sacred shore of' the golden- quivered , Artemis 
 {Diana), and of the sea-girt Cynosura, and when, mad 
 with hope, he shall have pillaged the spruce Athens ; then 
 the Divine Vengeance {by prosopopoeia) shall repress 
 {put out) the mighty Wanton — the son of Arrogance, 
 who, with a dire ambition, shall think to sway the uni- 
 verse. Brass shall meet with brass (the beaks of the ships), 
 and Mars shall empurple the deep. Then shall the far- 
 sighted Saturn, and the benign Victory, bring a day of 
 deliverance for Greece." * 
 
 Bacis thus speaking, and so explicitly — f can neither 
 myself venture to say any thing against oracles, nor 
 admit what is advanced by others. 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 ARRIVAL OF ARISTIDES. ENGAGEMENT AT SALAMIS. 
 
 The contention among the generals at Salamis was 
 still maintained, nor did they then know that the Bar- 
 
 * I have thought in this, as in former instances, that a literal prose 
 translation was preferable to one less exact— as it must be — in verse. 
 
 (78) 2 r 4 
 
616 ARRIVAL OF ARISTIDES. 
 
 barians had surrounded them with their fleet ; but sup- 
 posed them to be in the same place where they had seen 
 them during the day. In the midst of this altercation of 
 the generals, there arrived from .^Egina Aristides, son of 
 Lysimachus, an Athenian whom the commonalty had 
 exiled by ostracism ; but whom, after all I have learned 
 of his manners, I deem to have been one of the best and 
 the most upright of all the Athenians. This person, 
 presenting himself at the {door of the) council-room, 
 called for Themistocles, who far from being his friend, 
 was in fact peculiarly his enemy. But the magnitude of 
 the ills impending over Greece, induced him to forget 
 their animosities. He therefore called him to a con- 
 ference, and he had already heard of the eagerness of the 
 Peloponnesians to withdraw the fleet to the Isthmus. 
 When Themistocles came forth he was thus addressed 
 by Aristides : — " We must remit our contentions to an- 
 other season, and now only strive which of us shall best 
 serve our country. I tell you it matters not whether the 
 Peloponnesians say much or little in favour of the de- 
 parture of the fleet : — I relate to you what I have myself 
 seen — and inform you that now, neither the Corinthians, 
 nor Eurybiades himself, have the power to depart ; — we 
 are encircled by the enemy. Return to the council, and 
 signify to them what I have reported." Themistocles 
 replied : — " Very good are your communications, and 
 good is the news you bring. That which I desired to 
 happen, you come as an eye-witness to declare has taken 
 place. Know then that I am the instigator of the move- 
 ments which the Medes have effected ; for it was neces- 
 sary, as the Greeks would not of their own will give 
 battle, that they should be forced to it unwillingly. But 
 now, as you come a messenger of good tidings, announce 
 them yourself; for if I should repeat them, they will 
 think I have invented a story, nor shall I persuade them, 
 any more than as if the Barbarians had not taken this 
 
 (80) 
 
PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE. 617 
 
 course. But come, and yourself make known the fact, 
 and when you have so done, if they shall be persuaded — 
 well ; but if they give you no credit, the event will be 
 the same ; for if, as you affirm, we are surrounded on all 
 sides, they cannot make their escape." 
 
 Aristides then entered, and declared that he came 
 from iEgina, and had with difficulty passed unperceived 
 through the fleet of Xerxes, which completely invested 
 that of the Greeks : and he advised them to prepare for 
 their defence — having so said he retired. Again an alter- 
 cation ensued : for the greater part of the commanders 
 did not believe what they had heard. While these were 
 maintaining their doubts, there arrived in the fleet a 
 trireme that had come over from the enemy ; it was 
 manned by Tenians, under the command of Panaetius, son 
 of Socimenes. From the crew of this vessel they learned 
 all the truth. On account of this action, the name of 
 the Tenians is inscribed on the tripod at Delphi, among 
 those who defeated the Barbarian. This vessel, which 
 came over to the Greeks at Salamis, together with one 
 from Lemnos that had before joined the fleet at Artemi- 
 sium, completed the number of three hundred and eighty 
 ships, composing the fleet which before had wanted two 
 of that amount. 
 
 The Greeks receiving as certain the report of the 
 Tenians, prepared themselves for the engagement. At 
 dawn of day, after the muster of the crews had been 
 made, the chiefs harangued their men, in doing which 
 Themisiocles was eminently eloquent : the purport of his 
 speech was to compare the better in action with the 
 worse, and he exhorted the Athenians to choose whatever, 
 within the range of human nature, and their actual 
 circumstances, was best. Having wound up his discourse, 
 he commanded the men to go on board their ships. While 
 they were embarking, the trireme arrived from iEgina, 
 (83) 
 
618 ENGAGEMENT AT SALAMIS. 
 
 which had been despatched for the iEacids. Immediately 
 the whole Greek fleet put out to sea. 
 
 As the Greeks moved on, the Barbarians instantly 
 advanced upon them : — when the former rowed backwards 
 towards shore ; but an Athenian, named Aminias, of Pal- 
 lene, advancing, attacked a ship, and getting entangled 
 with it, so that he could not disengage his own, the 
 others came up to support him, and thus the combat com- 
 menced : this is the account given by the Athenians ; but 
 the iEginetans affirm, that the ship sent to iEgina for the 
 iEacids was the first to begin. It is also said, that a phan- 
 tom, in the form of a woman, appeared to the Greeks, and 
 in a voice that was heard by the whole fleet, encouraged 
 them to the fight, after- first reproaching them in these 
 words: — "Infatuated men! how long will you continue 
 to move stern- first" (to retreat). 
 
 To the Athenians were opposed the Phoenicians, on 
 the western wing, towards Eleusis ; and to the Lacedae- 
 monians, the Ionians : for these were stationed towards 
 the east, and Pirasus. A few of the Ionians, in com- 
 pliance with the injunctions of Themistocles, behaved 
 remissly with design ; but not so the greater number ; 
 and I am in possession of the names of many Ionian 
 captains who captured Grecian vessels. I will mention 
 only Theomestor, son of Androdamas, and Phylacus, 
 son of Histiaeus — both of them Samians ; the reason why 
 I make mention of these in preference to others, is that, 
 in reward for his services on this occasion, Theomestor 
 was constituted by the Persians tyrant of Samos ; and 
 Phylacus was enrolled among those who had rendered 
 service to the king ; and he received also a grant of a 
 large tract of land. Those who have rendered service 
 to the king, are in the Persian language called Oro- 
 sanges. 
 
 The greater number of the enemy's ships were broken 
 
BEHAVIOUR OF ARTEMISIA. 619 
 
 in this battle at Salamis — either by the Athenians or the 
 iEginetans. For as the Greeks kept their line of battle 
 with precision, and as, on the contrary, the Barbarians 
 neither observed order, nor regulated their movements 
 with any intelligence, no other event than that which 
 happened could well take place. And yet the conduct of 
 the Barbarians on this day greatly surpassed their beha- 
 viour in the engagements off Eubcea ; for in fear of 
 Xerxes, every one displayed his utmost zeal, and each 
 believed himself to be under the eye of the king. 
 
 I cannot with certainty affirm what might be the beha- 
 viour of particular combatants among either the Bar- 
 barians or the Greeks. Yet I may relate an exploit of 
 Artemisia, which obtained to her still greater credit with 
 the king. At the time when an utter confusion had 
 taken place in the royal fleet, the ship of Artemisia was 
 pursued by an Athenian ship, and she, having no way 
 of escape left open to her — for before her were many 
 ships of the king's fleet, and hers was the nearest to the 
 enemy, she decided what to do, and succeeded in the 
 attempt ; for being still pursued by the Athenian, she 
 bore down upon a ship of her own party ; — it was one of 
 the Calyndian vessels, and commanded by Damasithymus, 
 the king of that people. Whether she bore him a grudge 
 on account of any disagreement happening while the fleet 
 was at the Hellespont, or indeed whether there was any 
 premeditation in what she. did, I cannot affirm ; or whe- 
 ther it was merely that the Calyndian ship, happening 
 to be opposed to hers, she thus encountered it. But so it 
 was that in bearing down upon it, it went down, and she 
 derived from the chance a double advantage ; for the 
 captain of the Attic trireme, seeing the vessel he pursued 
 attack one of the Barbarians, he imagined that the ship 
 of Artemisia was either one of the Greek fleet, or that 
 it had come over from the Barbarians, and was fighting 
 for the Greeks ; he therefore turned away to attack 
 (87) 
 
620 LOSS OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 others. By this good fortune, therefore, she not only 
 
 escaped destruction, but also, though she had in fact 
 
 injured the king, she actually obtained a higher place in 
 
 his esteem. For it is affirmed, that as Xerxes beheld the 
 
 contest, he took notice of the ship of Artemisia, as it 
 
 bore down upon the Calyndian, and some one near him 
 
 said : — " My lord ! observe you Artemisia — how bravely 
 
 she fights, and how she has sunk an enemy's ship?" and 
 
 when he inquired if indeed it was Artemisia who had 
 
 achieved the exploit, they declared that they perfectly 
 
 recognized the ship's symbol. The ship that perished 
 
 they took to be one of the enemy. Besides the other 
 
 respects in which, on this occasion, she was so fortunate, 
 
 there was this, that not an individual from the Calyndian 
 
 vessel survived to accuse her. Xerxes is said to have 
 
 added : — " My men have behaved like women, and the 
 
 women like men." 
 
 In this combat perished the commander-in-chief — 
 Ariabignes, son of Darius, and brother of Xerxes, be- 
 sides a great number of distinguished Persians and 
 Medes, and their allies. A few only of the Greeks lost 
 their lives; for as they were skilled in swimming— if they 
 escaped the sword of the enemy, when their ships foun- 
 dered, they swam ashore on the island. But the Bar- 
 barians, being unable to swim, for the most part perished 
 in the sea on the like occasions. It happened also that 
 when the ships in the first line of the Persian fleet re- 
 treated, many were destroyed, for those in the second 
 rank attempting to make their way to the front, in order 
 to give proof of their zeal before the king, fell foul of 
 those of their own party that were retreating. 
 
 During the confusion, some Phoenicians whose ships 
 had perished, came before the king, and accused the 
 Ionians of treachery, and of having occasioned the loss 
 of their ships. Yet so it happened, that while the Ionian 
 commanders escaped destruction, the Phoenicians who 
 
 (90) 
 
DESTRUCTION OF THE FUGITIVES. G21 
 
 calumniated them received a merited punishment. For 
 at the moment while they were speaking, a Samothracian 
 ship bore down upon an Attic vessel, and sunk it. Then 
 an iEginetan coming up, sunk the Samothracian ; but 
 the Samothracians, being adroit in the use of the javelin, 
 threw their missiles upon the crew of the vessel that had 
 run them down, and driving them back, boarded their 
 ship, and captured it. This action redeemed the Ionians ; 
 for Xerxes observing the very gallant achievement, 
 turned towards the Phoenicians, and being then in deep 
 dejection, and disposed to blame every one, he gave orders 
 that they should lose their heads, that they who were but 
 cowards, might no more accuse men more brave than 
 themselves. During the combat, Xerxes was seated at 
 the foot of Mount vEgaleos, opposite to Salamis, and 
 whenever he saw any of his own people displaying pecu- 
 liar valour in the fight, he inquired the name of the 
 individual, and his secretaries made a note of the family 
 and city of the captain who had achieved the deed. The 
 fate of the Phoenicians was attributable also to the inter- 
 ference of Ariaramnes, a Persian, and the friend (of the 
 Ionians) who happened to Be present. 
 
 The Barbarians being put to flight, steered towards 
 Phalerum, but the iEginetans placing themselves in the 
 strait, behaved in a manner worthy of renown ; for while 
 the Athenians took advantage of the enemy's disorder, 
 and crushed the vessels which either maintained the fight 
 or fled, the iEginetans destroyed those that were making 
 off ; so that if any escaped the Athenians, they did but 
 fall in with the iEginetans. 
 
 In the midst of these encounters, as Themistocles was 
 in pursuit of an enemy, he met with a vessel commanded 
 by Policritus, son of Crius, of iEgina, who was attacking 
 a Sidonian. This Sidonian ship happened to be the 
 same that had captured the iEginetan ship stationed at 
 Sciathus to watch the enemy, and on board of which was 
 (92) 
 
622 POLYCRITUS AND THEMISTOCLES. 
 
 Pytheas, son of Ischenous, whom the Persians, in admira- 
 tion of his bravery, had preserved in their ship after he 
 had been almost hacked in pieces. This Sidonian ship 
 being now captured, with the Persians on board, Pytheas 
 regained his liberty, and lived to return to Salamis. 
 Polycritus observing the Attic ship, and knowing by the 
 symbol that it belonged to the Athenian Commander, 
 called aloud upon Themistocles, and sarcastically referred 
 to the reproach that had been cast upon the iEginetans, 
 of favouring the Medes, and even while thus taunting 
 Themistocles, he bore down upon the (Sidonian) ship. 
 Such of the Barbarians as escaped with their ships, 
 retreated to Phalerum, where they remained under pro- 
 tection of the army. 
 
 In this engagement the iEginetans, among all the 
 Greeks, obtained the most renown: next to them the 
 Athenians. Of individuals, the most distinguished were 
 — Polycritus, of iEgina ; and among the Athenians, 
 Eumenes of Anagyris, and Aminias of Pallene, who 
 pursued Artemisia, and who, if he had known that she 
 was on board, would not have abandoned the pursuit until 
 either he had captured it, or was himself captured ; for 
 such had been the order given to the Athenian captains. 
 And moreover a reward of ten thousand drachms was 
 offered to whoever should take her alive ; for it was felt 
 as a grievous indignity, that a woman should appear in 
 arms against Athens. But she, as we have said, escaped, 
 as did others who reached Phalerum, with their ships 
 unhurt. 
 
 [The Athenians affirm that Adimantus, the Corinthian com- 
 mander, at the very commencement of the action, and at the 
 moment when the ships encountered, being smitten with dis- 
 may, hoisted sail, and steered off, and that the other Corin- 
 thians observing the retreat of their commander, retired in like 
 manner ; and that, on their retreat, arriving opposite to the 
 
 (94) 
 
EXPLOIT OF ARISTIDES. 623 
 
 temple of Minerva Sciras, on the shore of Salamis, they fell in 
 with a swift and divinely commissioned bark — sent by : — no one 
 knows whom, and which nevertheless announced to the Corin- 
 thians the event of the battle, which they were then ignorant 
 of. That it was supernatural is conjectured, because when the 
 bark approached the Corinthian ships, those on board it 
 uttered these words — " Adimantus, in withdrawing your ships, 
 and hastening your flight, you are a traitor to the Greeks. 
 But they, notwithstanding, are victorious, and shall obtain all 
 the advantage they desired over their enemies." Adimantus, 
 say they, not giving credit to this news, the persons on board 
 the bark again spoke, and said that they would become hos- 
 tages to die if it did not appear that the Greeks were vic- 
 torious. Upon this, he, with the other ships, returned to the 
 fleet, and arrived as the victory was achieved. Such is the 
 report concerning the Corinthians which is received among the 
 Athenians. But the Corinthians, far from assenting to it, 
 affirm themselves to have been foremost in this engagement, 
 and the rest of Greece gives them testimony to the same 
 effect.] 
 
 Aristides, son of Lysimachus, the Athenian, of whom 
 I have lately made mention, as a man of great virtue, 
 during the confusion which ensued in the engagement at 
 Salamis, assembled a large body of heavy- armed Athe- 
 nians, who had been posted along the coast of Salamis, 
 and landing with them on Psyttalia, put to the sword all 
 the Persians who were on the islet. 
 
 No sooner was the contest finished, than the Greeks 
 hauled on shore at - Salamis, all the wrecks that still 
 floated near the island, and then held themselves ready for 
 another engagement, supposing that the king would avail 
 himself of such ships as remained to him. A westerly 
 wind arising stranded many of the wrecks upon the coast 
 of Attica, at the part called Colias. So were fulfilled 
 the various predictions of Bacis and Musaeus concerning 
 this engagement, and also that one concerning the wrecks 
 (96) 
 
624 FEARS OF XERXES. 
 
 on this coast, uttered many years before these events, by 
 Lysistratus the Athenian diviner, and of which none 
 of the Greeks had perceived the meaning ; the words 
 were these : — 
 
 " The women of Colias shall tremble at {bake their 
 bread with) oars." * 
 
 But this was to happen after the departure of the 
 king. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 ALARMS OF XERXES. MEASURES OF THE GREEKS. 
 
 When Xerxes became acquainted with the extent of 
 the loss he had sustained, he conceived the fear lest the 
 Greeks, at their own motion, or at the suggestion of some 
 Ionian should sail to the Hellespont, and by breaking up 
 the bridges, detain him in Europe, and so put him in 
 danger of perishing. He therefore meditated a retreat. 
 But unwilling that this intention should become apparent, 
 either to the Greeks or to his own army, he began to 
 construct a causeway across the passage to Salamis, and 
 for this purpose he joined together the Phoenician trans- 
 ports, to serve instead of a raft and walls. He also made 
 preparations as if about to give battle again at sea. In 
 seeing him thus occupied, all others felt assured that he 
 was fully resolved to remain, and that he meant, in 
 making these preparations, to continue the war. But 
 none of these movements deceived Mardonius, who well 
 understood his real intentions. 
 
 * This line has perplexed translators— a corruption of the text is 
 supposed, which has been variously reformed. 
 
 (97) 
 
NEWS CONVEYED TO SUSA. 625 
 
 At the same time that he thus employed himself, 
 Xerxes sent a messenger into Persia, to make known the 
 present disaster. Nothing among mortals is mora rapid 
 than the movement of these Persian messengers. — The 
 plan we are told is this — The entire route being divided 
 into journeys of a day each, as many horses and men are 
 employed as there are days — one horse and man to each ; 
 and neither snow, nor rain, nor heat, nor night, hinders 
 these messengers from despatching their destined journey 
 with the utmost celerity, j He who first receives des- 
 patches, performs his course and delivers them to the 
 second, and he to the third, and so on throughout; — 
 much in the same way as in Greece is done by the torch- 
 bearers, in the feast of Vulcan. This horse-post is* called 
 by the Persians — The Relay. 
 
 When the first news arrived at Susa — that Xerxes 
 was master of Athens, such of the Persians as remained 
 there were so delighted, that they strewed all the streets 
 with myrtle, and burned incense, and gave themselves 
 up to feasting and jollity. But the intelligence brought 
 by the second who followed soon upon the first, filled 
 them with such consternation that they all rent their 
 mantles, and uttered loud and unbounded lamentations, 
 and charged Mardonius with the blame. This grief of 
 the Persians was not so much occasioned by the destruc- 
 tion of the fleet, as by the fears they entertained for the 
 safety of Xerxes ; and the same lamentations were kept 
 up throughout Persia during the whole interval of 
 time, until the king himself put an end to them by his 
 return. 
 
 Mardonius perceiving the extreme grief of Xerxes on 
 account of his defeat at sea,, and suspecting that he medi- 
 tated a retreat from Attica, and reflecting also that him- 
 self should be punished for having urged the king to in- 
 vade Greece, concluded that it would be better for 
 himself to incur new hazards, and either to vanquish 
 (100) 2 s 
 
626 SPEECH OF MARDONIUS. 
 
 Greece, or nobly to end his life in confidently attempting 
 great things. And now more than ever filled with the de- 
 sire of accomplishing the conquest of Greece, he formed 
 his resolution, and thus addressed the king : — " My lord, 
 grieve not, nor deem what has happened a great misfor- 
 tune ; for truly the issue of the combat depends not so 
 entirely upon our timber (ships), but rather upon our 
 men, and upon our horses. Of these Greeks who ima- 
 gine that the contest is already finished, none will leave 
 their ships to attempt opposing you ; nor will the Greeks 
 on land attempt it. Those who did meet us in the field, 
 paid the forfeit of their temerity. If therefore it seems 
 good to you, let us instantly attempt Peloponnesus. Or 
 if you think fit to hold back, you have the power to do 
 so ; but yield not to despondency. — There is no way of 
 escape open to the Greeks by which they may avoid ren- 
 dering recompense for what they have done heretofore, 
 and now, or which can save them from becoming your 
 slaves. And the course I have mentioned should by 
 all means be adopted. But if you have determined 
 to retire, and to lead back the army, then I have 
 another advice, on that supposition, to give. — And, O 
 king, suffer not the Persians to become objects of ridicule 
 to the Greeks ! It is not through the fault of the Persians 
 that your affairs have suffered damage ; nor shall you say 
 that on any occasion we have acted the part of cowards. 
 But if the Phoenicians, and the Egyptians, and the Cy- 
 prians, and the Cilicians, have been such, this misfortune 
 is no fault of the Persians. Now therefore, since the 
 Persians are blameless in their duty to you, yield to my 
 advice, and if you had resolved not to remain in Greece, 
 depart for your realm, and lead with you the mass of the 
 army, and let it be my part to bring Greece under your 
 sway with three hundred thousand men, chosen by me 
 from the whole." 
 
 Xerxes on hearing this speech, felt the joy and the 
 
 (101) 
 
ADVICE OF ARTEMISIA. fi'27 
 
 delight of one who is relieved from miseries, and told 
 Mardonius that after deliberation, he would inform him 
 whieh of the two propositions he should adopt. When 
 he conferred on the subject with the Persians, whom he 
 convoked for the purpose, he thought fit also to summon 
 Artemisia to the council, for she alone appeared, on the 
 former occasion, to have perceived what ought to have 
 been done. On her arrival, he commanded the other 
 Persians of the council, and the attendants, to withdraw, 
 and thus spoke — " Mardonius advises me to remain in 
 Greece, and to attempt Peloponnesus; and he alleges 
 that the Persians and the army in general are not charge- 
 able with the loss we have suffered ; and he affirms that 
 they would fain give proof to this effect. He recom- 
 mends then, either that I should take this course, or 
 otherwise he would take three hundred thousand chosen 
 men, and with them he engages to subjugate Greece, and 
 in this case he wishes me to return home with the rest of 
 the army. You therefore, who so well advised me not to 
 engage the Greeks at sea, now tell me which of these 
 courses it will be best for me to adopt." 
 
 " Sire," replied Artemisia, "it is no easy matter for 
 me to give to him who consults me the best advice. 
 Yet in the present posture of affairs it seems to me that 
 you should yourself return home. And as to Mardonius, 
 if he wishes it, and if he promises to effect what he speaks 
 of, let him be left with the troops . he asks for. And 
 thus, should he make the conquest he desires, and obtain 
 all the success he thinks of, the achievement, my lord, 
 will be yours ; for it will have been accomplished by your 
 slaves. Or if, on the other hand, the event should be 
 altogether contrary to the expectation of Mardonius, it 
 will be no great calamity, while you are preserved, and 
 while your realm (house) is in safety. And no doubt so 
 long as you survive, and your realm prospers, the Greeks 
 will encounter many a contest for their country. And 
 (102) 2 s 2 
 
628 STORY OF HERMOTIMUS. 
 
 what if Mardonius should perish ? little will be thought 
 of his fate ! nor will the Greeks have gained any great 
 advantage in accomplishing the destruction of a slave of 
 yours. And as for yourself, you will depart from Greece 
 after having achieved the very object of the expedition — 
 the burning of Athens. 
 
 Xerxes was well pleased with this advice, for Arte- 
 misia had recommended the very plan he had himself 
 formed. But if all the men and women in the world 
 had advised him to remain in Greece, he would, as I 
 think, have stayed; — so thoroughly was he frightened! 
 After commending Artemisia, he dismissed her, and com- 
 mitted to her care some of his natural sons, who had 
 attended him, and whom she was to conduct to 
 Ephesus. 
 
 [With them he sent, as their guardian, Hermotimus of 
 
 Pedasus, and the principal of the king's eunuchs ( *). 
 
 This Hermotimus was, we say, a Pedasian, and in a manner 
 altogether unexampled among men, so far as we know, re- 
 venged himself for an injury he had sustained. Having been 
 made prisoner in war, he was sold as a slave, and purchased by 
 Panionius, a Chian, who obtained a living by the most wicked 
 means ; for it was his practice to buy beautiful children in 
 great numbers, and then to sell them at Ephesus and Sardis 
 as eunuchs, and from this trade he derived great wealth ; for 
 these injured slaves are in high esteem among the Barbarians. 
 Among the many youths whom Panionius thus cruelly injured 
 for gain, was this Hermotimus, who nevertheless was not 
 altogether unfortunate; for he passed with other offerings 
 from Sardis to the king, and in process of time attained the 
 chief place of honour among the eunuchs of Xerxes. At 
 the time when the king led the Persian army against Athens, 
 and while he was at Sardis, Hermotimus took occasion of 
 
 * A paragraph here follows which has been borrowed almost word 
 for word from B. I. c. 175, page 83. Its genuineness is questioned. 
 
 (106) 
 
MEASURES OF XERXES. 629 
 
 some business to go down into that part of Mysia which is 
 called Atarnea, and which is occupied by the Chians. There 
 he found Panionius, and recognizing him, addressed him in 
 the most friendly manner. First he related the good fortune 
 he had met with, and of which Panionius was the author ; 
 and then he promised, by way of recompense, to do I know 
 not how many great things for him, if he would come with 
 all his household and reside with him. The man gladly ac- 
 cepting these assurances, brought his children and his wife. 
 But when Hermotimus had thus got the entire family in his 
 power, he thus addressed Panionius : — " O most wicked of 
 men, getting thy gains by the most wicked of means ! What 
 injury had I, or any of mine done to thee, or to any of thine, 
 that thou shouldst reduce me to a condition of utter insignifi- 
 cance. Didst thou think that the gods were ignorant of the 
 crime then perpetrated by thee ? They were not ignorant, 
 and in their justice they have beguiled thee — criminal as thou 
 art, to fall into my hands, that thou mayest have no room to 
 murmur at the vengeance to be inflicted on thee by my 
 hands." When he had uttered these reproaches, he brought 
 the four sons of Panionius before him, and compelled the 
 father to mutilate them, who under this compulsion did so, 
 and then he obliged the sons to perpetrate the same outrage on 
 their father. Thus did Hermotimus avenge himself on 
 Panionius.] 
 
 Xerxes having given his sons in charge to Artemisia, 
 to conduct them to Ephesus, called for Mardonius, and 
 instructed him to make a selection from the army — 
 taking what troops he pleased, and commanded him to 
 endeavour that his performances might be equal to his 
 professions. Such were the transactions of this day, and 
 at night, by the order of the king, the commanders of the 
 fleet weighed from Phalerum, and sailed towards the 
 Hellespont, each with all the speed in his power, in order 
 to guard the rafts by which the king was to pass over. 
 When the Barbarians, in the course of their voyage, 
 (107) 2 s 3 
 
630 OPINION OF EURYBIADES, AND 
 
 arrived off Zoster, and were coasting along not far from 
 the broken cliffs of that shore, they imagined the small 
 headlands to be ships, and stood out to sea in alarm ; 
 but at length, learning that they were headlands, not 
 ships, they re-assembled the fleet, and proceeded on their 
 way. 
 
 At dawn of day the Greeks, seeing the army still 
 occupying its station on the coast, supposed that the 
 fleet was in port at Phalerum, and in expectation of an 
 engagement, prepared themselves for defence. But 
 when informed of the departure of the enemy's fleet, 
 they instantly formed the resolution of pursuing. Yet 
 following the fleet of Xerxes as far as Andros without 
 gaining sight of it, they conferred together. The opi- 
 nion expressed by Themistocles was that — " taking their 
 course through the islands,* and following close upon the 
 enemy's fleet, they should proceed direct to the Helles- 
 pont, and break up the bridges." But Eurybiades ad- 
 vanced an opposite opinion, saying that — " if they were 
 to destroy the rafts fridges) they would bring upon 
 Greece the greatest possible evils. For the Persian, if 
 thus cut off and compelled to remain in Europe, would 
 assuredly not remain quiet, as in continuing inactive, he 
 could neither hope to prosecute his conquests, nor obtain 
 a way of retreat, but must suffer the destruction of the 
 army by famine. On the contrary, should he assume 
 offensive operations, and act vigorously, all the cities 
 and states of Europe would join him, either after sub- 
 jugation, or by previous treaty. Meanwhile, the con- 
 tinual produce of Greece would afford sustenance to his 
 troops. But he believed that the Persian, after the 
 defeat he had sustained at sea, would not remain in 
 Europe : — he should therefore be permitted to escape, 
 and when he had actually reached his own dominions, 
 
 * Across the ./Egasan sea, by Andros, Scyros, Lemnos, Imbros. 
 
 (108) 
 
GUILE OF THEMISTOCLES. 631 
 
 then the contest might be renewed with him, and this 
 he (Eurybiades) would then recommend." This opi- 
 nion was acceded to by the other Peloponnesian com- 
 manders. 
 
 When Themistocles perceived that he should not pre- 
 vail with the majority to sail to the Hellespont, he 
 adopted another course, and addressed the Athenians — 
 for they especially were indignant that the enemy should 
 be suffered to escape, and were eager — even if the other 
 Greeks would not — to proceed themselves to the Helles- 
 pont.-— The speech of Themistocles was as follows—" I 
 have ere now myself witnessed many such occasions, and 
 have heard of many more, in which men shut in by 
 necessities, and after they had suffered defeat, have re- 
 newed the combat, and have redeemed their first re- 
 verses. We therefore, having met with this unexpected 
 success, and having repelled from us and from Greece so 
 great a cloud of men, let us not pursue the fugitives. 
 For it is not we who have wrought this deliverance, but 
 the gods and the heroes, who were jealous that one man 
 should reign over both Asia and Europe — and a man so 
 unholy and so presumptuous, who makes no distinction 
 between things sacred and common — burning and over- 
 throwing the statues of the gods ; — a man who inflicted 
 stripes on the deep, and gave it fetters. But now, as 
 things are for the present well with us, let us remain in 
 Greece, and attend to ourselves and our families. Let 
 each rebuild his house, and diligently sow his lands after 
 the Barbarian is altogether expelled. And in the en- 
 suing spring let us proceed to the Hellespont, and to 
 Ionia." In thus speaking Themistocles proposed to him- 
 self to have a claim on the favour of the Persian, and 
 and that if he should incur ill-treatment from the Athe- 
 nians he might have an asylum; and thus it actually 
 happened. 
 
 The Athenians yielded to this deceptive address; 
 (110) 2 s 4 
 
632 ATTACK UPON ANDROS. 
 
 indeed the reputation he had before enjoyed for wisdom, 
 and the proofs he had given recently of his sagacity and 
 prudence, inclined them to yield implicitly to his advice. 
 When they were thus gained over to his purpose, he 
 instantly despatched some persons in a small vessel, in 
 whom he could confide, and who could maintain silence, 
 even under the extremest tortures, nor reveal what he 
 had commissioned them to say to the king. The same 
 Sicinnus, was one of these; and when they reached the 
 shore of Attica, all remained in the skiff except Sicinnus, 
 who going ashore, appeared before Xerxes and thus 
 spoke — " I am sent by Themistocles, son of Neocles, the 
 Athenian general, and the most valiant and wise of all 
 the confederated Greeks, and I am instructed to say that 
 this Themistocles, the Athenian, wishing to serve you, 
 has withheld the Greeks who would have pursued the 
 fleet, and have broken up the bridges at the Hellespont. 
 Now, therefore, you may retire in perfect quietness." 
 After making this communication, he retired and sailed 
 away. 
 
 The Greeks having resolved that they would not either 
 pursue the Barbarian fleet any further, nor proceed to 
 the Hellespont to break up the bridge, invested Andros 
 with the intention of taking possession of it ; for the 
 Andrians, first of all the islanders, had refused to afford 
 the money which Themistocles had demanded. He had 
 addressed them in this manner. — " The Athenians," said 
 he, " come, having with them the two potent divinities — 
 Persuasion and Compulsion : wherefore the money must 
 by all means be given." To this they replied that — 
 "The Athenians might well be great and prosperous, 
 having the company of such serviceable deities. But 
 as for the Andrians, they were poor in territory, and 
 indigent ; nor were ever free from the attendance of two 
 unprofitable divinities who loved their soil, namely— 
 Poverty and Perplexity; and being in the keeping of 
 
 (111) 
 
CUPIDITY OF THEMISTOCLES. 633 
 
 these divinities, the Andrians could not render the 
 money ; nor could ever the power of the Athenians be 
 greater than the impossibility of the Andrians." Having 
 given this reply, and refused the money, they were 
 besieged. 
 
 The cupidity of Themistocles being unappeased, he sent 
 to the other islands threatening messages, demanding mo- 
 ney by the same heralds, who used the same language 
 which had been addressed to the people of Andros, say- 
 ing, "That unless they gave what was demanded, he 
 would lead against them the forces of Greece — besiege 
 and remove them from the island." By these threats 
 he obtained large sums from the Carystians and the 
 Parians, who learning that the Andrians were besieged 
 on account of their favouring the Medes, and knowing 
 that Themistocles enjoyed the highest reputation among 
 the generals, yielded to their fears, and sent the money. 
 Whether any other of the islanders did the same I cannot 
 say, yet I am of opinion that some complied besides those 
 I have mentioned. Notwithstanding their grant of 
 money, the Carystians did not obtain a delay of cala- 
 mity. But the Parians propitiated Themistocles by 
 their money, and they, escaped a visit from the army. 
 Thus it was that Themistocles, commencing with the 
 Andrians, obtained money from the islanders without the, 
 knowledge of the other generals. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 RETREAT OF THE BARBARIANS. HONOURS OF 
 THEMISTOCLES. SIEGE OF POTTDjEA. 
 
 The army under Xerxes remained in its station a few 
 days after the engagement, and then marched off towards 
 (113) 
 
634 SELECTION FROM THE ARMY, 
 
 Boeotia by the same road on which it had entered 
 Attica ; and Mardonius thought proper to accompany the 
 king, as the season was now too far advanced to allow of 
 carrying on military operations. And it was deemed 
 better to winter in Thessaly, and on the return of spring 
 to attempt Peloponnesus. On his arrival in Thessaly 
 Mardonius selected from the army, first of all, that body 
 of Persians called the Immortals, excepting only their 
 commander Hydarnes, who declared that he would not 
 quit the king. Then he took the Persian cuirassiers, and 
 the body of a thousand horse, together with the Medes, 
 the Saces, the Bactrians, and the Indians, both infantry 
 and cavalry : the forces of these nations he took entire, 
 while from all the other allies he picked out only a few 
 of such as were recommended by their figure, and those 
 whom he knew to have achieved some feat of valour. In 
 fact, he chose the greater part of the Persians, who wore 
 necklaces and bracelets, and also of the Medes, who were 
 not fewer in number, though inferior in muscular vigour. 
 These selections were made to amount, including the 
 cavalry, to 300,000 men. 
 
 At this time, while Mardonius was making his choice 
 from the army, and while Xerxes was yet in Thessaly, 
 an oracle came from Delphi to the Lacedaemonians, en- 
 joining them to demand satisfaction of Xerxes for the 
 death of Leonidas, and to receive from him (as oracular) 
 such reply as he should make. The Spartans sent a 
 herald therefore instantly, who overtook the army while 
 it was yet undivided in Thessaly, and coming before 
 Xerxes, thus spoke—" King of the Medes ! the Lace- 
 daemonians and the Heraclids of Sparta demand of you 
 satisfaction on account of the slain ; for you killed their 
 king while defending Greece." At this speech Xerxes 
 only laughed, nor did he for some time give any answer ; 
 at length pointing to Mardonius, who happened to be 
 
 (114) 
 
AND RETREAT OF XERXES. 635 
 
 present, he said— "This Mardonius, here, will render 
 them such satisfaction as is fitting." The herald receiving 
 this answer, went his way. 
 
 Leaving Mardonius in Thessaly, Xerxes now proceeded 
 with all haste towards the Hellespont, and reached the 
 passage in five and forty days, leading with him, as one 
 might say, scarcely a fragment of his army. On their 
 march, wherever,' and among whomsoever they came, they 
 seized for their own sustenance all the provisions they 
 found ; or if they found no provisions, they gathered the 
 grass of the fields, and plucked the leaves from the 
 trees, which they devoured — as well the cultivated as the 
 forest trees ; — nothing was left by them, so greatly were 
 they pressed by famine. The pestilence and dysentery 
 which attacked the army on the march, also destroyed 
 great numbers. As he proceeded, Xerxes left the sick 
 in every city, charging the people to nourish and take 
 care of them. Some of these were left in Thessaly, and 
 at Siris of Paeonia, and some in Macedonia ; (where also 
 he had left, when he advanced against Greece, the sacred 
 chariot of Jupiter, and which he found not on his return : 
 for the Pasonians had given it to the Thracians, and when 
 it was demanded of them by Xerxes, they affirmed that 
 the mares had been carried off from the pastures by the 
 people of Upper Thrace, who dwelt about the sources of 
 the Strymon. 
 
 It was on this occasion that the king of the Bisaltians 
 and Crestonians — a Thracian, perpetrated a most unna- 
 tural atrocity. He had professed that he would never 
 voluntarily submit to the yoke of Xerxes, and had him- 
 self retired to the heights of Mount Rhodope, 6traitly 
 enjoining his sons not to join the expedition against 
 Greece. But they, disregarding the prohibition, or at 
 least impelled by the desire to see the war, followed the 
 Persian ; yet when they returned home in safety — six of 
 them, their father thrust out their eyes for their 
 (116) 
 
636 RETURN OF XERXES TO ASIA. 
 
 disobedience; - — such was the recompense they re- 
 ceived ! 
 
 When the Persians, after marching through Thrace, 
 reached the passage, they, with the most urgent haste, 
 passed over to Abydos in their ships ; for they found the 
 rafts no longer subsisting — having been broken up by a 
 storm. Arriving (in Asia) and making some stay, they 
 obtained a much larger supply of food than on the march, 
 and by gorging to excess, and also by changing their 
 water, a large number of the army that had hitherto 
 survived died. The residue, with Xerxes, reached 
 Sardis. 
 
 [A different account of these transactions has been given, 
 for it has been affirmed that when Xerxes, on his retreat from 
 Athens, arrived at Eion, on the Strymon, he no longer con- 
 tinued his journey by land, but committing the conduct of the 
 army towards the Hellespont, to Hydarnes, himself went on 
 board a Phoenician ship, and so reached the coast of Asia. 
 And it is said, that while at sea, the vessel was overtaken by 
 a stiff gale from the Strymon, with a heavy sea; and as the 
 storm increased, the waves swept the deck, for the vessel was 
 overloaded with the crowd of Persians that had gone on 
 board with Xerxes. Then the king, in great alarm, loudly 
 called upon the steersman to know if there was any hope of 
 their being saved, who replied — " None, my lord, none at all, 
 unless we get rid of a part of those who are on board." On 
 hearing this, Xerxes, as it is said, exclaimed — " Persians, 
 who of you will now exhibit your solicitude for your king ; 
 for it seems that my preservation rests with you." As he thus 
 spoke they worshipped him, and then jumped into the sea. 
 The vessel, thus lightened, reached in safety the Asiatic shore. 
 Immediately upon his setting foot on land, Xerxes, because 
 the steersman had saved the king's life, granted to him a 
 crown of gold ; and then, because he had occasioned the loss 
 of many Persians, he caused him to lose his head. Such is 
 this other account of the return of Xerxes; but to me it 
 
 (119) 
 
DEDICATION OF THE SPOILS. 637 
 
 seems unworthy of credit, as well in other particulars, as in 
 what relates to the fate of the Persians ; for if in truth the 
 steersman did thus reply to Xerxes, I shall not meet one 
 person in ten thousand, who will affirm that the king acted in 
 this manner, or who will say that he would not rather have 
 sent the Persians — and the Persian chiefs who were on deck 
 down into the hold of the vessel, and have cast into the sea a 
 like number of the rowers who were Phoenicians. But in 
 fact Xerxes, as I have already mentioned, proceeded with 
 the army by land, and so returned to Asia. 
 
 A convincing proof of this, is the fact, that Xerxes, on his 
 return, arriving at Abdera, formed an alliance of friendship 
 with the people of that city, and bestowed upon them a golden 
 scymetar, and a tiara wrought with gold. The Abderites 
 indeed affirm, though I cannot herein give them credit, that 
 Xerxes loosed his girdle first at Abdera, after his flight from 
 Athens, as being then first free from fear. (Be this as it may) 
 Abdera is situated nearer to the Hellespont than the Strymon 
 and Eion, whence, as they say, Xerxes embarked.] 
 
 The Greeks not being able to make a conquest of 
 Andros, turned towards Carystus, and after pillaging the 
 lands of the Carystians, returned to Salamis. Their 
 first step was to set apart the prime of the spoils to the 
 gods ; and among other things, they dedicated three 
 Phoenician triremes, of which the first was placed at the 
 Isthmus, where it remained even in my time ; the next 
 at Sunium ; and the last, devoted to Ajax, at Salamis. 
 This done, they parted the spoils, and of this booty sent 
 the prime to Delphi, and from the value of the dedicated 
 part was formed a statue twelve cubits high, holding in 
 the hand the poop of a ship ; it stands in the compartment 
 with the golden statue of Alexander, king of Macedonia. 
 When the Greeks sent these offerings to Delphi, they, 
 with common consent, inquired of the god whether the 
 offerings he had received were sufficient and acceptable to 
 him ; he replied — " From the other Greeks they were so ; 
 (122) 
 
638 VOTE OF HONOUR. 
 
 but not from the iEginetans, of whom he demanded an 
 offering on account of their superior valour in the engage- 
 ment at Salamis. When the iEginetans were informed 
 of this demand, they dedicated three golden stars, placed 
 on a brazen mast, at the corner very near the cistern of 
 Croesus, (p. 21.) 
 
 After dividing the spoil, the Greeks sailed to the 
 Isthmus, to confer the palm of valour upon him among 
 all the Greeks who should be deemed to have been the 
 most deserving in the late war. When the generals 
 came and distributed the ballots among themselves at the 
 altar of Neptune, in order to designate the first and the 
 second in honour, every one of them voted for himself, as 
 deeming himself the most valiant of all ; but most of them 
 concurred in adjudging their second vote to Themis- 
 toclesc They therefore had severally only single votes ; 
 but Themistocles, by far the majority of votes for the 
 second honour. The Greeks, influenced by jealousy, 
 could not come to a decision; but leaving the matter 
 undetermined, departed severally to their homes. Yet 
 nevertheless Themistocles was loudly talked of and ap- 
 plauded as by far the most sagacious man in all Greece. 
 And because he was not honoured by those with whom he 
 had fought at Salamis, although victor by the votes, he 
 immediately went to Lacedaemon in order to be honoured 
 there ; and the Lacedaemonians did indeed receive him 
 handsomely, and with the highest regard. To Eurybiades 
 they had given the crown of olive, as the reward of 
 valour ; but to Themistocles also they granted an olive 
 crown, for wisdom and ability (or address) : they ad- 
 judged to him moreover the most sumptuous chariot that 
 Was to be found at Sparta; and after bestowing upon 
 him many commendations, sent him forward on his return, 
 accompanied by a chosen band of three hundred Spar- 
 tans — those called the knights, who went with him as far 
 as the Tegean boundary. Themistocles is the only man, 
 
 (124) 
 
SIEGE OF POTIDiEA. 639 
 
 so far as we know, whom the Spartans have ever thus 
 sent forth. 
 
 But as soon as Themistocles returned to Athens from 
 Lacedaemon, Timodemus of Alphidna, one of the faction 
 opposed to Themistocles, but otherwise a man of no 
 importance, being mad with envy, attacked him on the 
 score of his journey to Lacedaemon, and affirmed that the 
 honours he had received from the Lacedaemonians were 
 rendered to him, not for his own sake, but in regard to 
 Athens. At length, as Timodemus persisted in repeating 
 this assertion, Themistocles said : — " So it is with thee ; 
 neither should I have been so honoured by the Spartans 
 had I been a Belbinite, nor you — man ! even if an 
 Athenian " * 
 
 Artabazus, son of Pharnaces, a man long had in high 
 repute among the Persians, and still more so after the 
 battle of Plataea, having under his command 60,000 of 
 the army chosen by Mardonius, attended Xerxes as far as 
 the passage ; and when the king had gone over into Asia, 
 he returned, and marched into the neighbourhood of 
 Pallene. Mardonius had by this time taken up bis 
 winter quarters in Thessaly and Macedonia, and did not 
 constrain Artabazus to form a junction with the main 
 army. He therefore, finding himself near the Potidaeans, 
 who had revolted, thought he could do no less than 
 reduce them to subjection. These Potidaeans had 
 openly declared their revolt from the Barbarian, at the 
 moment when the king had passed by them on his return, 
 and when the Persian fleet made its escape after the 
 engagement at Salamis. The example of the Potidaeans 
 was followed by the other inhabitants of Pallene. Arta- 
 bazus therefore besieged Potidaea; and entertaining a 
 suspicion that the people of Olynthia intended to re- 
 
 * Timodemus, though enrolled as of Aphida, was probably by birth 
 of Belbina, 
 
 (127) 
 
640 SIEGE OF POTIDjEA. 
 
 nounce the authority of the king, he laid siege to that 
 city also, which was then held by the Bottiaeans, who 
 had been expelled from the shores of the Thermaic 
 gulph by the Macedonians. Having taken this city, he 
 led the inhabitants to a marsh, where he slaughtered 
 them. The city he delivered into the hands of Crito- 
 bulus of Torone, after bringing into it some Chalcidians. 
 Thus it was that Olynthus came to be occupied by the 
 people of Chalcis. 
 
 After the capture of Olynthus, Artabazus urged the 
 siege of Potidasa with great intentness, and while invest- 
 ing it, an offer was made him to betray the place by 
 Timoxenus, general (or magistrate) of the Scionaeans. 
 By what means the correspondence was commenced I 
 am unable to say, for it has not been related ; but in the 
 course of it the following plan was adopted : — as often as 
 Timoxenus wished to convey a message to Artabazus, or 
 Artabazus to him, a letter was written which was wound 
 about a missile, near the notch, so as to form the fledging 
 of the arrow ; and this was discharged towards a spot 
 agreed upon. But the treason of Timoxenus was dis- 
 covered, for Artabazus in discharging his arrow towards 
 the destined place, missed his aim, and the arrow struck 
 a citizen of Potidasa in the shoulder : — as is usual on 
 such occasions, a crowd gathered round the wounded 
 man, and these persons immediately taking up the arrow, 
 perceived the letter, which they carried to the generals, 
 and there were present the chiefs of the other con- 
 federated Pallenians. These generals having read the 
 letter, and learned the author of the treason, nevertheless 
 thought proper not to accuse Timoxenus of the crime, in 
 regard to the Scionian community, lest ever after, the 
 Scionians should be reputed traitors. Such however was 
 the manner in which the transaction became known. 
 
 Artabazus had carried on the siege of Potidaea three 
 months, when there happened an extraordinary ebbing of 
 
 (129) 
 
DESTRUCTION OF PERSIANS AT POTID.EA. 641 
 
 the sea, which continued a long time. The Barbarians 
 (on the main land) seeing the bottom only partially covered 
 with water, set forwards to pass over to Pallene ; but 
 when they had accomplished two fifths of the way, and 
 there remained three to bring them upon the Pallenian 
 shore, there happened a reflux of the sea, greater, as the 
 people of the country affirm, than was ever before known 
 — though such floods are frequent. Those of the Bar- 
 barians who could not swim, perished ; those who could 
 were, for the most part, killed by the Potidseans, who 
 pursued them in boats. The cause of this flux and 
 inundation, and of the loss sustained by the Persian 
 forces, is thus stated by the people of Potidsea. They 
 say that these Persians had profaned the temple and 
 statue of Neptune, in the suburbs, and therefore it was 
 that they perished in the sea ; and in attributing it to 
 this cause I think they are right. Artabazus led the 
 survivors into Thessaly, where they joined the army under 
 Mardonius. Such was the fate of the troops that had 
 attended Xerxes on his retreat. 
 
 The remainder of the fleet of Xerxes that had escaped 
 from Salamis, and attained the shores of Asia, after trans- 
 porting the king and the army from the Chersonese to 
 Abydos, wintered at Cyme. But at the first appearance 
 of spring, they hastened to assemble at Samos, where 
 some of the ships had passed the winter. The troops on 
 board were chiefly Persians and Medes ; and Mardontes, 
 son of Bagseus, and Artayntes, son of Artachaeus, had 
 arrived to take the command of the fleet. The latter 
 had associated with himself in the command his nephew, 
 Ithamitres. After the great blow they had received, the 
 Persians did not move out towards the west, nor were 
 they required to do so ; but holding themselves at Samos, 
 they kept a watch upon Ionia, lest it should revolt. The 
 fleet, including the Ionian ships, amounted to three 
 hundred sail. Nor did they apprehend that the Greeks 
 (130) 2 t 
 
642 MOVEMENTS OF THE GREEKS. 
 
 would advance towards Ionia; but rather supposed it 
 would suffice them to guard their own country ; and they 
 were confirmed in this belief by the fact that the Greeks, 
 instead of pursuing them when they fled from Salamis, 
 had willingly withdrawn. Though in their own opinion 
 effectually beaten at sea, they expected that Mardonius 
 would carry all before him on land ; and while they were 
 consulting at Samos by what means they might injure 
 the enemy, they listened with eager expectation for news 
 of the movements of Mardonius. 
 
 SECTION VIII. 
 
 MISSION OF ALEXANDER TO ATHENS. 
 
 The approach of spring, and the presence of Mar- 
 donius in Thessaly aroused the Greeks. The land forces 
 were not yet assembled ; but the fleet, numbering one 
 hundred and ten sail, had reached iEgina under the com- 
 mand of the admiral, Leotychides. The ancestors of 
 Leotychides were — Menares, Agesilaus, Hippocratides, 
 Leotychides, Anaxilaus, Archidamus, Anaxandrides, Theo- 
 pompus, Nicander, Charillus, Eunomus, Polydectes, 
 Prytanes, Euryphon, Procles, Aristodemus, Aristomachus, 
 Cleodaeus, Hyllus — 'Hercules. He was therefore of the 
 second branch of the royal family. All whom I have 
 named, excepting the two (or the seven) next preceding 
 Leotychides, were kings of Sparta. The Athenian fleet 
 was commanded by Xantippus, son of Ariphron. 
 
 When the entire fleet had assembled at JEgina, there 
 arrived at the (naval) camp of the Greeks, messengers 
 from Ionia — the same who a short time before had come 
 
 (132) 
 
SOLICITATION OF THE IONIANS. 643 
 
 to Sparta, to entreat the Lacedaemonians to liberate 
 Ionia. Among them was Herodotus, son of Basilides. 
 They, originally seven in number, had formed a con- 
 spiracy for putting to death Strattis, tyrant of Chios; 
 but their intentions were betrayed by one of themselves, 
 upon which the six withdrew from Chios, and came to 
 Sparta, and afterwards to iEgina, praying the Greeks 
 to pass over to Ionia. But it was with difficulty that 
 they induced them to proceed, even as far as Delos ; for 
 all beyond that island was formidable to the Greeks, both 
 because they were little acquainted with those seas ; and 
 because they supposed them to be filled with the enemy's 
 fleets. Samos they thought as remote from them as the 
 Pillars of Hercules. A like feeling prevailed on both 
 sides, for while the fears of the Barbarians prevented 
 their advancing westward of Samos, the Greeks, though 
 entreated by the Chians, moved not eastward of Delos. 
 Thus it was that Dread guarded the midway between 
 them. 
 
 While the Greeks sailed to Delos, Mardonius, who 
 had wintered in Thessaly, set out on his march thence ; 
 but first despatched a person named Mys, of Europus 
 {of Caria) to consult the oracles. He enjoined him to 
 proceed in all directions, to take the advice of every 
 oracle that could be had recourse to. What it was pre- 
 cisely that he wished to learn by these inquiries, I am 
 unable to say ; for it has not been related. But I suppose 
 it was nothing else than the issue of the impending con- 
 test. This person, it appears, came to Lebadea, and 
 having by a gift gained an inhabitant of the place, he 
 descended to (the cave of) Trophonius. He also visited 
 the oracle of Abas, of the Phocians, and came to Thebes, 
 where he not only first consulted the Ismenian Apollo, 
 whose responses are obtained in the same manner nearly 
 as at Olympia, by observing the flame of the burning 
 victim ; but also, having bribed some stranger- not a 
 (134) 2 t 2 
 
644 THE DELEGATE OF MARDONIUS. 
 
 Theban, be slept * in the temple of Amphiaraus. It is 
 not permitted to any Theban to inquire at this oracle, for 
 the following reason : — Amphiaraus had by responses 
 proposed to them to choose whether they would avail 
 themselves of his services as a diviner, or as an ally in 
 arms, and required them, after making their choice, to 
 abstain from the other. They chose him as their ally in 
 arms, and therefore it is unlawful for any Theban to sleep 
 in this temple. 
 
 A circumstance which to me seems highly extraor- 
 dinary, is related by the Thebans ;— they say that this 
 Mys, the Europian, in the course of his circuit among all 
 the oracles, came to the temple of Apollo Ptous, so called, 
 which belongs to the Thebans, and stands above the 
 Copaic lake, at the foot of the mountain (of that name), 
 and near the city Acraephia. When this man, say they, 
 entered the temple, three citizens, chosen by the people 
 for the purpose, attended him to write down whatever 
 response might be given him. But instantly the priestess 
 uttered her response in a foreign tongue. The Thebans 
 who were in attendance, amazed to hear a foreign tongue 
 instead of Greek, were at a loss what to do in their actual 
 circumstances. But Mys, the Europian, snatching from 
 them the tablet they had brought, wrote upon it what the 
 prophet had said, which it appeared was in the Carian 
 language. After himself taking a copy, he departed for 
 Thessaly. 
 
 After perusing the answers of the oracles, Mardonius 
 sent to Athens the Macedonian (king) Alexander, son of 
 Amyntas, who was allied to the Persians ; for his sister, 
 named Gygaea, the daughter of Amyntas, was the wife 
 of Bubares, a Persian (p. 358), and had borne him in 
 Asia a son, named Amyntas, after his maternal grand- 
 father. To this Amyntas, son of Bubares, the king had 
 
 * The customary mode of consulting this oracle. 
 
 (136) 
 
STORY OF PERDICCAS. 645 
 
 granted Alabanda, a large city of Phrygia. Mardonius 
 sent Alexander to the Athenians, because he understood 
 that the Macedonian king was on terms of friendship with 
 them, and was regarded by them as their benefactor, and 
 he hoped by this means to gain over to his interests a 
 people whom he heard of as numerous and valiant, and 
 whom he knew to have been, more than any others, the 
 authors of the defeat the Persians had lately met with at 
 sea. He reckoned moreover, and truly, that if he gained 
 them over, he should with ease hold the dominion of the 
 seas, and on land he thought himself superior to the 
 Greeks, and thus he calculated upon obtaining the ad- 
 vantage over them. Perhaps also the oracles had given 
 him this advice, and had counselled him to form alliance 
 with the Athenians. Influenced ,by such motives he sent 
 the embassy. 
 
 [This Alexander was the seventh* in descent from Per- 
 diccas, who in the manner I shall now relate, obtained the 
 sovereignty of Macedonia. Three brothers, Gavanes, 
 Aeropus, and Perdiccas, the descendants of Temenus, 
 fled from Argos into Illyria, from thence they came into 
 the upper Macedonia, and arrived at Lebsea, where they 
 engaged themselves in the service of the king for hire. The 
 elder of them engaging to mind the horses, the second to feed 
 the kine, while the youngest, Perdiccas, was to attend 
 the smaller cattle. In ancient times, even princes, and not 
 merely the common people, were scanty in their possessions, 
 and therefore the very wife of the king cooked the food for 
 the family ; now as often as she baked a loaf for the hire- 
 ling lad, Perdiccas, it became twice as large as at first. 
 As this happened constantly, she related the fact to her 
 husband, who on hearing it, instantly conceived that it was 
 a portent, and boded something of consequence. He forth- 
 with summoned the hirelings, and commanded them to 
 
 * The two extremes included. 
 
 (137) 2 t 3 
 
646 STORY OF PERDICCAS. 
 
 depart from his dominions. They said they would depart, 
 but ought first to receive their pay. When they spoke of 
 their pay, the king, as if infatuated,* thus replied — the sun 
 then shining into the house through the chimney (hole in 
 the roof) : — " I give you this as your pay, which is equal to 
 your deserts;" and as he spoke he pointed to the sun. The 
 two elder, Gavanes and Aeropus, stood in amazement on 
 hearing this answer ; but the youngest, who happened to have 
 in his hand a carver, said : — " O king, we accept what you 
 grant;" and with his carver he drew a circle on the floor 
 of the house, around the (light of the) sun. This done, 
 he three times admitted the rays into his bosom, and then 
 with his brothers departed. They went their way ; but one 
 of the assessors (senators) explained to the king what sort 
 of thing the youth had done ; and that it was with a deli- 
 berate intention that the youngest had accepted what was 
 given. On hearing this, he in a rage despatched horsemen 
 to kill them. There is a river in that country, to which tKe 
 descendants of these Argives perform sacrifices, as to a 
 deliverer ; for this river, when the sons of Temenus had 
 passed over it, ran with such a current that the horsemen 
 were unable to ford it. They, arriving in another district of 
 Macedonia, settled near the gardens said to have belonged 
 to Midas, son of Gordius : in these gardens grow sponta- 
 neously the roses, each of which has sixty petals, and of 
 uncommon fragrance ; and it was in these gardens, as the 
 Macedonians affirm, that Silenus was taken. Above them 
 is the mountain named Bermion — inaccessible from its 
 wintry climate. The three brothers having established 
 themselves in this spot, made excursions until they had 
 subdued the rest of Macedonia. From this Perdiccas, 
 Alexander was descended; thus he was son of Amyntas, 
 and he of Alcetas, whose father was Aeropus, the son of 
 Philip, the son of Argaeus, the son of Perdiccas, who ac- 
 quired the sovereignty.] 
 
 * StofiXafiriQ, hurt by the gods. 
 
 (139) 
 
MISSION OF ALEXANDER. 647 
 
 Alexander, sent by Mardonius, reached Athens, and 
 thus addressed the people : — ' Athenians ! Mardonius 
 says, — " A message has come to me from the king, to 
 the following purport — " ' I pass by all the offences which 
 the Athenians have committed against me ; now therefore 
 Mardonius do thus : — In the first place surrender to 
 them their lands ; then let them select some other lands, 
 at their pleasure ; let them observe their own laws ; and 
 if they will form an alliance with me, rebuild all the 
 temples which I have burned.'" Having then received 
 these commands, I can do no otherwise than execute 
 them, unless you, on your part, make opposition. And 
 now I (Mardonius) address you myself. Why be so mad 
 as to wage war with the king? For even might you 
 obtain an advantage over him, you are not in condition to 
 resist him for ever. You have seen the innumerable hosts 
 of Xerxes, and his achievements, and you are informed 
 of the force now at my command ; and you know that, 
 even should you prevail and gain a victory — of which 
 indeed you can entertain no hope, if you think soberly — 
 even then other armies, much more numerous, will come 
 forwards. Do not then, in balancing yourselves against 
 the king, deprive yourselves of your country, and be al- 
 ways in peril of your lives. But end the war : you may 
 now do so with honour, seeing that the king takes these 
 steps to effect a peace. Be free, and form an alliance 
 with us, apart from guile and deceit." This, Athenians, 
 is what Mardonius has enjoined me to say to you : and I 
 for myself shall say nothing of the good- will I bear towards 
 you ; for this is not the first occasion on which you have 
 been made acquainted with it. But I implore you to 
 yield to Mardonius, for T see that you will not be able to 
 maintain war perpetually with Xerxes. If I had per- 
 ceived any thing ' else to be practicable for you, I 
 would not have come among you with these propositions. 
 For indeed the power of the king is more than human, 
 (140) 2 t 4 
 
648 REPLY OF THE SPARTANS AND 
 
 and his arm long beyond measure. Unless therefore you 
 immediately come to terms, when conditions so advan- 
 tageous are proposed, on which they {the Persians) are 
 willing 1 to make peace, I greatly fear for you, especially 
 as you, more than any others, occupy the very highway 
 between all the belligerents, and must, again and again, be 
 left alone exposed to destruction ; for the soil you possess 
 lies in the very centre of war. Ah, but yield ! and 
 truly, when the great king offers to you alone of all the 
 Greeks, pardon for past injuries, and his willing friend- 
 ship, you may well deem the proposition of high con- 
 sequence.' 
 
 The Lacedaemonians having learned that Alexander 
 had arrived at Athens, in order to bring the Athenians into 
 alliance with the Barbarian, called to remembrance the 
 oracles which predicted that they, with the other Dorians, 
 were fated to be expelled from Peloponnesus by the 
 Medes and the Athenians, and were in great fear lest the 
 Athenians should make terms with the Persian. They 
 thought fit therefore instantly to despatch ambassadors, 
 and it so happened that they appeared at the same time 
 before the assembly. In fact, the Athenians had used 
 delays, well knowing that when the Lacedaemonians 
 heard of the arrival of an ambassador from the Barbarian 
 to treat for peace, they would instantly despatch ambas- 
 sadors also. They had therefore purposely postponed 
 {holding the assembly) in order, more fully, to set forth 
 their intentions before the Lacedaemonians. When 
 Alexander ceased, the messengers from Sparta took the 
 word, and thus spoke : — " We have been sent by the 
 Lacedaemonians to entreat you neither to adopt any 
 measures contrary to the interests of Greece, nor to 
 admit any propositions coming from the Barbarian. 
 Such a course would be by no means just in itself, nor 
 honourable in any of the Greeks, and least of all in you ; 
 and that for many reasons. — It was you who excited this 
 
 (142) 
 
OF THE ATHENIANS TO ALEXANDER. G49 
 
 war — and that without our concurrence ; and the contest 
 in its commencement related to your interests, though 
 now it involves the fate of all Greece. Besides, would 
 it not be insufferable that, after being the authors of all 
 these ills, the Athenians should become the agents in 
 reducing the other Greeks to slavery? And they too 
 who always, and from the most remote times, have shown 
 themselves the liberators of nations. Afflicted as you 
 are, we do indeed sympathize with you, who have now 
 been deprived of two harvests, and have had your homes 
 a long time laid in ruins. On account of these losses the 
 Lacedaemonians and the Confederates engage to receive 
 and sustain your wives, and as many of your domestics 
 as are unfit to serve in the war, so long as it shall con- 
 tinue. But let not Alexander the Macedonian prevail 
 with you — glossing as he does the message of Mardonius. 
 Such a part is indeed proper enough for him — himself a 
 tyrant, he toils for a tyrant. But a different course be- 
 comes you, if indeed you are wise ; knowing well as you 
 do, that with Barbarians there is neither faith nor truth." 
 Thus spoke the ambassadors. 
 
 The Athenians replied to Alexander in the following 
 terms : — " We do indeed well know that the power of the 
 Medes very far surpasses our own; nor was there any 
 need that you should aggravate to our view that fact. 
 And yet so eagerly do we cling to our liberty, that, be 
 our powers what they may, we will use them to the 
 uttermost in its defence. Attempt not to induce us to 
 make terms with the Barbarian ; never shall we be per- 
 suaded to do so. Go therefore, and tell Mardonius that 
 the Athenians declare that, so long as the sun holds the 
 same course as now, we will never make peace with 
 Xerxes; but trusting to the aid of the gods, we shall 
 resolutely oppose him; and we confide in the heroes, 
 whose dwelling places and whose statues he, without 
 (143) 
 
650 REPLY OF THE ATHENIANS 
 
 dread, has burned. — As for yourself, never again come 
 to make propositions like these to the Athenians; nor 
 think to recommend a course so abhorrent as if you would 
 promote our best interests; for we are unwilling that 
 you should receive at the hands of the Athenians any 
 ungracious treatment, being as you are, our guest and 
 friend." Thus did they answer Alexander: and then 
 the Spartan deputies, as follows — "That the Lace- 
 daemonians should fear our making terms with the Bar- 
 barian was, on ordinary principles, natural ; and yet it 
 seems on your part a most unworthy fear — knowing per- 
 fectly as you do the mind of the Athenians. The earth 
 no where holds a treasure so large, nor is there on its 
 surface a land so fair and so fertile as could induce us to 
 take part with the Medes, and bring Greece into bond- 
 age. Great and many are the reasons which must forbid 
 our thus acting, even if we were inclined so to do. — 
 First and chief are the statues and the abodes of the 
 gods, burned and laid in ruins, whom we are bound to 
 the utmost of our power to avenge ; nor could we possibly 
 form friendship with him who has perpetrated these out- 
 rages. Then again the Grecian community being of one 
 blood, and of one language, and having in common the 
 same sacred structures, and the same sacrifices, and using 
 the same manners, the Athenians would deem it a most 
 nefarious thing to become the betrayers of Greece. 
 Know then, now, if indeed you have never known it 
 before, that while one Athenian survives, we will never 
 make peace with Xerxes. We take in good part your 
 concern and forethought for us, whose ruined fortunes 
 you so far consider as to be willing to maintain our 
 households : your benevolence has done its part. But 
 we will so economize such means as we have, as shall 
 prevent our being burdensome to you. Now therefore, 
 things being as they are, do you despatch your army with 
 
 (144) 
 
TO THE SPARTANS. 651 
 
 all possible haste, for, as we conjecture, the Barbarian 
 will present himself, and invade our territory instantly 
 when he shall receive tidings of our refusal to comply 
 with any of his proposals. And it will be for us, before 
 he shall reach Attica, to meet him in Bceotia." On 
 receiving this answer from the Athenians, the Spartans 
 returned home. 
 
BOOK IX. 
 
 CALLIOPE. 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 SECOND ABANDONMENT OF ATHENS. RETURN OF 
 THE PERSIANS TO B030TIA. 
 
 When on the return of Alexander, Mardonius learned 
 the reply of the Athenians, he set out from Thessaly, 
 and led the army by rapid marches towards Athens, and 
 on his way took up all the forces of the countries through 
 which he passed. The Thessalian chiefs, far from re- 
 penting of what they had already done, more than ever 
 urged the Persian to proceed. And Thorax of Larissa, 
 who had attended Xerxes on his flight, now openly aided 
 Mardonius in the invasion of Greece. But the Thebans, 
 while the army was proceeding through Bceotia, endea- 
 voured to arrest his progress, and gave it as their opinion 
 that there was no region so fit for his encampment as that 
 in which he then halted, and that he should not advance 
 further, but that fixing his station there, he might van- 
 quish all Greece without fighting a battle. "To con- 
 quer Greece," said they, "by force of arms, while it 
 continues united, as at present, would be a difficult 
 matter, even were all nations to attempt it. But if you 
 adopt the measures we recommend, you may without toil 
 over-reach all their plans. Send gold to the most powerful 
 
 (2) 
 
SECOND CAPTURE OF ATHENS. 653 
 
 individuals in the several states; in so doing you will 
 split Greece into parties, and then, with great ease you 
 may, with the aid of the factious, overpower those who 
 are disinclined to submit." 
 
 Such was their advice ; but Mardonius, inspired with 
 the desire of again taking Athens, would not yield to it. 
 His foolish arrogance made him impatient to see the 
 signal-torches kindled from isle to isle, announcing to the 
 king at Sardis that he possessed Athens. On his arrival 
 at Athens, he again found it deserted by the Athenians, 
 who, as he learned, had, for the most part, retired to 
 Salamis, or to the other islands. He therefore took the 
 empty city : this second capture by Mardonius took place 
 ten months after the first by the king. 
 
 From Athens Mardonius despatched to Salamis a Hel- 
 lespontine, named Murichides, bearing to the Athenians 
 the same proposals which Alexander of Macedon had 
 conveyed to them. He sent this message a second time 
 to them, though well knowing their inimical feelings; 
 yet he hoped that as they now saw the whole of Attica 
 captured and in his power, they might recede somewhat 
 from their obstinacy. It was with this expectation 
 that he sent Murichides to Salamis. On his arrival, he 
 addressed to the council the message of Mardonius. On 
 this occasion Lycidas, one of the senators, gave it as his 
 opinion—" That it would be better to admit the propo- 
 sition which Murichides had brought, and to report it 
 to the people." In giving this advice, it might be that 
 he had accepted money from Mardonius ; or perhaps he 
 really wished what he proposed. But the Athenians, 
 moved instantly with deep indignation — those of the 
 council, and those without, who learned what had taken 
 place, surrounded Lycidas, and stoned him to death; 
 but Murichides the Hellespontine, they sent away 
 unhurt. In the tumult which took place in Salamis at 
 the death of Lycidas, the Athenian women, who had gained 
 
 (4) 
 
654 EVASIONS PRACTISED BY 
 
 intelligence of the affair, inciting one another by cheers, 
 went, unauthorized, and attacked his house, and stoned 
 his wife and his children. 
 
 The circumstances under which the Athenians had 
 passed over to Salamis were these: — So long as they 
 were in expectation that an army from Peloponnesu 
 would come to their support, they remained in Attica. 
 But as the Peloponnesians used every delay, and moved 
 with extreme tardiness, and as the Barbarian was said to 
 be advancing, and even already in Bosotia, they trans- 
 ported all their effects, and themselves passed over to 
 Salamis ; at the same time they despatched messengers to 
 Lacedaemon, to upbraid their allies for witnessing the 
 invasion of Attica by the Barbarian, without joining them 
 to oppose him in Bceotia. They moreover reminded the 
 Lacedaemonians of the promises made to them by the 
 Persian, if they would change sides; and they gave 
 them warning that unless succoured, the Athenians 
 would find for themselves a way of escape from impending 
 evils. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians were at this time celebrating a 
 festival — the Hyacinthia, and were very seriously intent 
 upon acquitting themselves towards the divinity. At 
 the same time they busied themselves in completing the 
 wall at the Isthmus, which was now receiving its breast- 
 work. With the Athenian deputies came those of Megara 
 and Plataea, who together appearing before the Ephors, 
 thus addressed them : — 
 
 " The Athenians have sent us to tell you that the king 
 of the Medes not only would restore to us our country, 
 but would treat us as friends, on terms of equality, and 
 form an alliance without fraud or deceit. He is willing 
 also to grant us any country we shall choose in addition 
 to our own. — But we, in reverence of the Grecian Jove, 
 and abhorring to betray Greece, do not consent to his 
 offers, but repel them, although injured and betrayed by 
 
 (7 
 
THE LACEDiEMONIANS. 655 
 
 the Greeks, and although, to form friendship with the 
 Persian were, as we well know, vastly more advantageous 
 to us than to carry on the war against him ; and yet we 
 will never of free will make peace. Thus sincerely have 
 we acted towards the Greeks. But you, who came to 
 Athens in so much alarm, fearing that we should make 
 our peace with the Persian, now, since you have perfectly 
 learned our dispositions, and are assured that we will 
 never betray Greece, and now, moreover, that the wall 
 you have been raising across the Isthmus is on the point 
 of completion, now, forsooth, you utterly disregard the 
 Athenians ! And although you had agreed with us to 
 oppose the Persian in Boeotia, you have proved false to 
 us, and winked at the invasion of Attica by the Bar- 
 barian. The Athenians are therefore at the present 
 moment enraged against you, for you have altogether 
 failed in your part. Yet they insist upon your instantly 
 sending out an army to join them, that they may meet 
 the Barbarian in Attica, and though we have fallen short 
 of Boeotia, the Thriasian plain, in our own territory, is a 
 very fit place for engaging the enemy." 
 
 Having listened to this address, the Ephors deferred 
 till the next day to give their answer. And on the next 
 day they again named the morrow ; and so from day to 
 day, until ten days were passed. Meanwhile the Pelo- 
 ponnesians, with their utmost efforts united, were finishing 
 the wall at the Isthmus — and it was now just completed. 
 Why it was that the Lacedaemonians, when Alexander 
 came to Athens, used so much diligence to prevent the 
 Athenians from joining the Medes, and why, at this time, 
 they were quite indifferent on that head, I cannot other- 
 wise explain, than by the fact that now the Isthmus was 
 fortified, and therefore they thought they had no more need 
 of the Athenians. But at the period when Alexander 
 arrived in Attica, they were far from having raised the 
 (8) 
 
656 ' ADVICE OF CHILEUS. 
 
 wall to a sufficient height, though working at it in great 
 dread of the Persians. 
 
 But at length an answer, and the despatch of troops 
 were obtained from the Spartans by the following means. 
 The day preceding that on which the last assembly was 
 to be held on the subject, Chileus, a citizen of Tegea, and 
 possessed beyond any other stranger of influence among 
 the Lacedaemonians, having learned from the Ephors the 
 whole purport of what the Athenian deputies had said, 
 expressed himself to the following effect: — " Ephors, 
 the state of affairs is this-— let but the Athenians with- 
 draw themselves from our alliance, and join the Barbarian, 
 and though the wall at the Isthmus were as strong or as 
 high as may be, wide doors into the Peloponnesus would 
 stand open to the Persian. But rather listen to the 
 Athenians, ere they adopt some course which shall be 
 ruinous to Greece." 
 
 The Ephors upon taking this advice into consideration, 
 instantly, and without giving any notice to the deputies 
 from the states, despatched, during the night, five thou- 
 sand Spartans, each of whom was attended by seven 
 helots. They were commanded by Pausanias, son of 
 Cleombrotus. The command belonged to Plistarchus, 
 son of Leonidas ; but he was yet a youth, and under the 
 tutelage of his cousin, Pausanias. For Cleombrotus, 
 father of Pausanias, and son of Anaxandrides, no longer 
 survived, but had died shortly after leading back the 
 army that had been employed in constructing the wall. 
 Cleombrotus led back the army from the Isthmus, because, 
 while performing a sacrifice to know if he should attack 
 the Persian, the sun became black in the heavens. Pau- 
 sanias chose as his colleague Euryanax, son of Dorieus, a 
 member of his own family. 
 
 The forces under Pausanias had left Sparta, when, 
 on the following morning, the deputies, knowing nothing 
 
 (ID 
 
MESSAGE OP THE ARGIVES. 657 
 
 of their departure, presented themselves before the 
 Ephors : they had resolved to depart severally to their 
 homes. They thus spoke : — " You Lacedaemonians re- 
 main here celebrating the Hyacinthia, and playing like 
 boys, while you are betraying your allies. Meanwhile 
 the Athenians, so much injured by you, and destitute of 
 allies, will make peace with the Persian on the best 
 terms they can ; and having done so, it is evident that, 
 being numbered with the king's confederates, they must 
 fight under his orders, in whatever country he may 
 direct, and then you will have to learn what the conse- 
 quence will be to yourselves." When they had thus 
 spoken, the Ephors said, with an oath, that they believed 
 the troops sent against the foreigners had reached Ores- 
 teum — they called the Barbarians foreigners. The mes- 
 sengers, ignorant of the fact, asked what they meant, and 
 in answer learned the whole truth. In great surprise 
 they set out with all speed to follow the army, and with 
 them went five thousand select and heavy-armed Lacedae- 
 monians, drawn from the vicinity. These hastened to- 
 wards the Isthmus. 
 
 The Argives no sooner heard of the march of the Spar- 
 tans under Pausanias, than they despatched a herald — 
 the most accomplished courier they could find, to Attica ; 
 for they had before promised Mardonius to prevent the 
 Spartans from leaving Peloponnesus. This courier 
 arriving at Athens thus spoke: — "Mardonius! the 
 Argives have sent me to tell you that the Lacedaemonian 
 youth are come out, and to say that the Argives are not 
 able to obstruct their progress : consider well, therefore, 
 what you are to do." So saying he retired. And Mar- 
 donius after receiving this intelligence, was by no means 
 eager to stay any longer in Attica. Hitherto indeed he 
 had lingered there, wishing to know what part the 
 Athenians would take, and during this time he neither 
 wasted nor damaged the Attic territory ; for he still 
 (13) 2 u 
 
658 ABANDONMENT OF ATTICA. 
 
 hoped, in the end, to make terms with them. But as he 
 could not prevail with them, and had learned their mind, 
 he departed before the forces with Pausanias should reach 
 the Isthmus : but first he burned Athens ; and whatever 
 of the walls, of the houses, or of the temples was still 
 standing, he threw down, and laid in heaps. His reasons 
 for leaving Attica were that the country was not fit for 
 the movements of horse, and that in the event of his 
 being defeated, he had no other way of escape than by a 
 narrow space, where a small force might prevent his 
 passing. He therefore determined to return to Thebes, 
 and to meet the enemy near a friendly city, and in a 
 country proper for cavalry. 
 
 Mardonius, we say, withdrew from Attica, and while 
 on the march there met him a messenger in all haste, 
 announcing that another body of a thousand Lacedaemo- 
 nians was advancing through Megara. On learning this, 
 he formed the wish, if possible, to attack them separately, 
 and with this view he turned his march towards Megara, 
 and an advanced body of horse actually rode upon the 
 Megarean territory ; this was the furthest point of Euro- 
 pean ground, towards the west, which was attained by 
 this Persian army. Presently afterward news reached 
 Mardonius that the Greeks were collected in numbers at 
 the Isthmus ; he therefore retraced his steps by Decelea ; 
 for the Boeotian chiefs had sent with him, as guides, per- 
 sons bordering upon the Asopians, who led him the way 
 to Sphendale, and thence to Tanagra, where he halted 
 for the night, and the next day he bent his course to- 
 wards Scolus, in the Theban territory, and these lands 
 he cleared of trees, though the Thebans were in his 
 interests : this he did not with any inimical intention 
 towards them ; but under the compulsion of extreme 
 necessity : for he thought proper to construct a fortified 
 camp, that in the event of an unlooked-for defeat, it 
 might serve as an asylum. This encampment commenced 
 
 (15) 
 
ENTERTAINMENT AT THEBES. 659 
 
 on the lands of Erythrae, near Hysiae, and extended to 
 the territory of the Platseans, along the banks of the 
 Asopus. Not indeed that the fence was of this extent, 
 for the space inclosed measured not more than about ten 
 furlongs on each side. 
 
 While the Barbarians were employed in this labour, 
 Attaginus, son of Phrynon, a Theban, having made vast 
 preparations, invited to an entertainment Mardonius 
 himself, and fifty of the most distinguished Persians who 
 were in his train. The feast was held at Thebes. The 
 particulars of what occurred, which have been handed 
 dowu, I heard from Thersander of Orchomenus, one of 
 the most respectable citizens of that place. This Ther- 
 sander related that he himself was invited by Attaginus 
 to the supper, as one of fifty Thebans who were present. 
 The Thebans and Persians were not placed apart; but 
 each couch was occupied by a Theban and a Persian. 
 After supper, as they were drinking one against another, 
 the Persian on the same couch with Thersander, asked 
 him in Greek of what country he was, and when he 
 replied — of Orchomenus, he said : — -" Since now you are 
 my companion at table and at the cup, I wish to leave 
 with you a memorial of my opinion, and which may also 
 serve to guide you in directing your own course of conduct 
 for the best. Do you behold these Persians who are 
 feasting here, and the army we have left encamped on 
 the banks of the river? Of all these whom you see, 
 there will survive, after a certain short time has elapsed, 
 only some few individuals." As the Persian spoke these 
 words, he shed an abundance of tears. Thersander, in 
 amazement at what he had uttered, said to him: — 
 " Ought you not then to communicate to Mardonius and 
 to the Persians in his favour what you have advanced?" 
 To this he replied :— " My friend, what God has deter- 
 mined to happen, may by no device of man be averted. 
 Nor will any one (Mardonius) be persuaded by those who 
 (16) 2 u 2 
 
660 TRIAL OF PHOCIAN VALOUR. 
 
 speak what truly deserves attention.* Many of these 
 Persians are well assured of the same fact ; but we fol- 
 low our leader, bound by necessity. The bitterest anguish 
 to which humanity is liable, is for a man to know well 
 what ought to be done, without having the least power 
 to use that knowledge." Such is the relation I heard 
 from Thersander of Orchomenus, and as he himself said, 
 he had told the same thing to several persons before the 
 battle had taken place at Plataea. 
 
 While Mardonius was encamped {the first time) in 
 Boeotia, all the Greeks of that region who favoured the 
 Medes furnished troops and attended in his attack 
 upon Athens : — the Phocians only excepted, for if they 
 had taken that part it was not willingly, but by necessity. 
 Not many days after the arrival of the Persians at Thebes, 
 there came a body of their heavy armed troops, a thou- 
 sand strong, under the command of Harmocydes, a man 
 of the very highest reputation among the citizens. When 
 these Phocians reached Thebes, Mardonius sent out 
 horsemen, commanding them to fix their station by 
 themselves on the plain, apart from the army. When 
 they had done so, the cavalry came up to them in full 
 force, and the report spread through the camp of the 
 Greeks on the side of the Medes, that they were about to 
 despatch them with javelins ; and the same belief was 
 entertained by the Phocians themselves. Upon this, 
 Harmocydes their general encouraged them in the fol- 
 lowing words : — " Phocians ! it is quite evident that these 
 men have devoted us to an inevitable death, in conse- 
 quence, as I conjecture, of the calumnies of the Thessa- 
 lians. Now, therefore, there is need that each man of 
 you should be valiant ; for it is better that we should meet 
 our end in action, and defending ourselves to the last, 
 than offer ourselves to perish by an inglorious fate. 
 
 TriffTci — assertions worthy of faith — agreeable to right reason. 
 
 (17) 
 
ADVANCE OP THE PELOPONNESIANS. 661 
 
 Rather let each of them learn that it is men of Greece 
 whose slaughter they — Barbarians as they are — have 
 compassed." 
 
 Such was his animating address ; but the horse only 
 formed a circle around them, and charged towards them 
 as if to destroy them, and extended their javelins as if 
 about to let fly, and here and there, one actually threw 
 his dart. But the Phocians presented an opposing front 
 in every direction, closing their ranks as much as pos- 
 sible ; and at length the cavalry turned away and retired. 
 I am unable with certainty to say whether they really 
 advanced at the request of the Thessalians to destroy the 
 Phocians, but seeing them put themselves in a posture of 
 defence, feared lest the slaughter should b e on their own 
 side, and so retired — as Mardonius had instructed them 
 to do ; or whether they only wished to make trial of the 
 prowess of the Phocians. When the cavalry had retired, 
 Mardonius sent a herald to them with this message — 
 " Be of good heart Phocians ! you have proved yourselves 
 brave men, and I see that you are not such as I had been 
 informed. Now therefore lend your aid zealously in this 
 war, and you shall not vanquish either me or the king in 
 benefits. 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 ENCAMPMENT OF THE TWO ARMIES AT THE ASOPUS. 
 DISPUTES AMONG THE GREEKS. 
 
 The Lacedaemonians arriving at the Isthmus, formed 
 their camp there. The other Peloponnesians hearing of 
 it — those of them who took the better part — and seeing 
 (19) 2 u 3 
 
662 CHARGES OP THE PERSIAN HORSE. 
 
 the Spartans issuing forth, would not be left behind 
 while the Lacedaemonians were advancing. The auspices 
 being favourable, they all marched forwards from the 
 Isthmus, and arrived at Eleusis: — there again they 
 consulted the victims, and the presages being still fa- 
 vourable, they proceeded onwards. Meanwhile the 
 Athenians had passed over from Salamis, and had joined 
 their forces to those of the allies at Eleusis. When they 
 reached Erythree in Boeotia, they learned that the Bar- 
 barians were encamped upon the Asopus. After holding 
 a conference upon this news, they formed themselves 
 opposite at the foot of Mount Cithseron. 
 
 As the Greeks did not descend into the plain, Mar- 
 donius sent against them the entire body of the cavalry 
 under its commander Masistius — called by the Greeks 
 Makistius, who was in high repute among the Persians : 
 he rode a Nissean horse, with a golden bridle, and other- 
 wise gorgeously caparisoned. In advancing towards the 
 Greeks, the Persians charged them in squadrons, and 
 inflicted upon them a considerable loss, at the same time 
 calling them women. The Megareans happened to be 
 stationed on that part of the ground which was the most 
 exposed to the enemy, and where chiefly the cavalry made 
 their attack. Thus pressed upon, they sent a herald to 
 the Greek generals, who thus addressed them — "The 
 Megareans say — Confederates ! we are not able alone to 
 receive the Persian horse, in this station where we were 
 at first placed. Nevertheless, hitherto we have with 
 assiduity and valour stood our ground, although hardly 
 pressed. But now, unless you send some other troops 
 to take our place, know that we shall quit our post." 
 
 On receiving this message, Pausanias inquired of the 
 Greeks if there were any of them who would volunteer to 
 proceed to the spot, and take up the position of the 
 Megareans. None of the others being willing to do so, 
 the Athenians undertook the service : — it was a band of 
 
 (21) 
 
FATE OF MASISTIUS. 663 
 
 three hundred Athenians, commanded by Olympiodorus, 
 son of Lampon, who before all the other Greeks posted 
 at Erythrae, engaged to take this station. — They took 
 with them some archers. After the fight had continued 
 some time it ended in the following manner : — As the 
 cavalry were charging in squadrons, the horse of Masis- 
 tius, who rode in front of the line, received an arrow in 
 the flank, and rearing with the anguish, threw his rider : 
 it was just as he fell that the Athenians came up ; they 
 seized the horse, and while he defended himself slew 
 him. At first indeed they were unable to do so, for he was 
 provided with a golden coat of mail, within a corselet, 
 over which he wore a purple cloak. In vain they dealt 
 their blows upon this corselet : at length some one under- 
 standing the reason, smote him in the eye, and he fell 
 dead. This transaction was unperceived by the cavalry, 
 who had neither seen his fall nor death ; for just at the 
 moment they had turned and were wheeling off the ground, 
 and therefore knew nothing of what had happened ; but 
 on making a halt, they presently found the want of a 
 leader to marshal the array. Then learning the fact, 
 they cheered, and all charged together to recover the 
 corpse. 
 
 The Athenians seeing that the enemy was now ad- 
 vancing, not in squadrons (as before) but all together, 
 loudly called upon the rest of the army, and while the 
 infantry was advancing to their aid, a sharp contest took 
 place for the body of the general; hitherto the three 
 hundred were alone, and being greatly outnumbered, they 
 lost possession of the corpse ; but when the other Greeks 
 came up in force, the cavalry no longer stood their ground, 
 and instead of carrying off the corpse, many of them fell 
 slain around it. Retiring to the distance of about two 
 furlongs, they consulted about what ought to be done, 
 and being without a commander, they thought proper to 
 return to Mardonius. On the arrival of the cavalry at 
 (24) 2 u 4 
 
664 REMOVAL OF THE GRECIAN CAMP. 
 
 the camp, the whole army uttered their grief for Masis- 
 tius, and especially Mardonius. All cut off their own 
 hair, and that of their horses and beasts of carriage, and 
 gave themselves up to unbounded lamentations : — all 
 Boeotia resounded with their woe. For next to Mardonius 
 there was no man so highly esteemed by the Persians and, 
 the king as he who had perished. Thus the Barbarians, 
 according to their manner, honoured Masistius. 
 
 The Greeks having in this manner sustained, and even 
 repulsed the charge of the cavalry, were very greatly 
 enheartened. In the first place, putting the corpse of 
 Masistius on a car, they carried it through the ranks, and 
 truly the body was worthy of admiration, for the size and 
 beauty of his person ; and in fact, the men, leaving their 
 ranks, came forwards to contemplate the dead Masistius : 
 and with this intention it was carried about. In the next 
 place they determined to descend towards Platsea, for the 
 grounds around that city appeared to them far more 
 commodious for encamping than the neighbourhood of 
 Erythrse, on several accounts; especially because there 
 was a better supply of water. They therefore thought 
 it best to remove, and proceed to that district, and to fix 
 their camp near the Gargaphian spring, which rises 
 there. Assuming their arms, they marched, along the 
 foot of Cithaeron, and near Hysias, into the Plataean 
 territory. When arrived, they formed in order, nation 
 by nation, in the immediate vicinity of the Gargaphian 
 spring, and of the temple of the hero Androcrates, on 
 the slight elevations, and on the levels. 
 
 When the army was to be marshalled in this station, a 
 long dispute took place between the Tegeans and the 
 Athenians, each thinking themselves entitled to occupy 
 the other* wing, and in support of their claims advanced 
 
 * To the Lacedaemonians was conceded the right of choosing which 
 wing they would occupy. 
 
 (26) 
 
PRETENSIONS OF THE TEGEANS. 665 
 
 severally their recent and their ancient exploits. First 
 spoke the Tegeans as follows : — " This station has ever 
 been deemed our right by all our confederates of Pelo- 
 ponnesus, as often as we have been associated in expe- 
 ditions, both in ancient times and of late. When, after 
 the death of Eurystheus, the Heraclids endeavoured to 
 return to Peloponnesus, we obtained this honour on the 
 following occasion — With the Achasans and Ionians, who 
 then dwelt in Peloponnesus, we marched to the Isthmus, 
 and posted ourselves opposite to the invaders : then 
 Hyllus is said to have proposed that, instead of hazarding 
 the two armies in a battle, the Peloponnesians should fix 
 upon the man among themselves whom they judged the 
 most valiant, to engage in a single combat with himself, 
 on conditions to be agreed upon. The Peloponnesians 
 thought the proposition eligible, and oaths were taken to 
 this effect, that if Hyllus vanquished the Peloponnesian 
 chief, the Heraclids should be suffered to return to their 
 paternal lands ; but if he was vanquished, they . should 
 retire with their army, and not, during a hundred years, 
 seek to return to Peloponnesus. By the common consent 
 of all the confederates, Echemus, son of Aeropus, son of 
 Phageus {or Cepheus), and who was our general and 
 king, was adjudged to fight this single combat, and he 
 slew Hyllus. On account of this achievement we ob- 
 tained, among the Peloponnesians, then many signal dis- 
 tinctions which we still retain, and among them the 
 honour of occupying the other wing in all expeditions in 
 which the Peloponnesians are confederated. With you, 
 Lacedaemonians, we do not contend; but concede to 
 you the right of choosing which you please of the two 
 wings to command. But of the other, the command, as 
 on all former occasions, comes to us. But besides the 
 claim founded on the achievement we have mentioned, 
 we are more worthy to hold this station than the Athe- 
 nians, on account of the many well fought contests we 
 (26) 
 
666 CLAIMS OP THE ATHENIANS. 
 
 have had with (for) you Spartans, and with others. It 
 is therefore just that we, rather than they, should have 
 the command of the other wing, for their exploits — nei- 
 ther of late nor in ancient times, are to be compared 
 with ours." 
 
 To this speech the Athenians replied in the following 
 terms : — " We understand that this assembly is drawn 
 together for the purpose of fighting the Barbarian, not of 
 uttering speeches. But since the Tegean has proposed to 
 adduce glorious actions of both people in all times, we are 
 necessitated to make known to you whence is derived our 
 ancient right — ever brave as we are — to take precedence of 
 the Arcadians (the Tegeans included). In the first place 
 — the Heraclids, Whose chief they affirm themselves to 
 have slain at the Isthmus, having been expelled in turn 
 by all the Greeks, among whom they sought refuge when, 
 escaping from servitude under the Mycenseans, we alone 
 received, and ended the outrages of Eurystheus, when 
 with them we vanquished those who then held Pelopon- 
 nesus. In the next place, when the Argives, under 
 Polynices, made an incursion upon the Thebans, and 
 were slain, and lay unburied on the field, we, as we are 
 wont to affirm, attacked the Cadmseans, bore away the 
 bodies, and buried them in our own territory at Eleusis. 
 Then again, we achieved a signal victory over the Ama- 
 zons, who, from the river Thermodon, once made an 
 irruption into Attica. Nor were we inferior to others 
 in the Trojan war. But what purpose can it serve to 
 recal these events ? for those who once were brave, may 
 now be the most cowardly ; while those who then were 
 cowardly, may now be more than others valiant. Enough 
 then of ancient exploits ! Had we nothing else to adduce 
 — though indeed we have as many and as brilliant ex- 
 ploits as any other people of Greece to mention — yet 
 alone, on account of what we accomplished at Marathon, 
 are we worthy of holding this honour, and indeed of 
 
 (27) 
 
ARRAY OF THE GREEKS. 667 
 
 other honours too — we alone of the Greeks, engaged, in 
 our single strength, the Persian ; and though the enter- 
 prize was so great to attempt, we were successful, and 
 actually vanquished six and forty nations. Are we not 
 therefore worthy, on the sole account of this action, to 
 obtain the post in question ? And yet, as on an occasion 
 like this, it is most unfit to be factiously contending for 
 precedence, we are prepared to yield obedience to you, 
 Lacedaemonians, in whatever post it shall seem to you 
 best to place us, and to engage with whatever foe. 
 Wherever stationed, we shall endeavour to acquit our- 
 selves as brave men. Lead on then, and we obey." 
 Thus answered the Athenians, and the whole army of 
 the Lacedaemonians, with loud acclamation, declared that 
 the Athenians were more worthy than the Arcadians to 
 command the other wing. Thus the Athenians held it, 
 and the Tegeans were overcome. 
 
 After this had passed, the Greeks, as well those who 
 had come up as those who arrived first, formed their line 
 in the following order. The Lacedaemonians, ten thou- 
 sand strong, occupied the right wing: of these, five 
 thousand were Spartans, attended by thirty-five thousand 
 light armed helots — seven to each Spartan. Next to 
 themselves the Spartans stationed the Tegeans, both for 
 honour and valour : they had one thousand five hundred 
 heavy armed troops. Then came the Corinthians, five 
 thousand strong ; and next to them, at their request, Pau- 
 sanias placed the three hundred Potidaeans, who had 
 come from Pallene. Then six hundred Arcadian Orcho- 
 menians ; then six thousand Sicyonians, and eight hundred 
 Epidaurians. Next to them were placed one thousand 
 Trcezenians, and two hundred Lepreates, and four hun- 
 dred Mycenaeans and Tirynthians. After these stood one 
 thousand Phliasians; and then three hundred Hermio- 
 nians. These had next them six hundred Eretrians and 
 Styrians, and four hundred Chalcidians'; beyond whom 
 (28) 
 
668 NUMBERS OF THE GREEKS. 
 
 were five hundred Ampracians ; then eight hundred 
 Leucadians and Anactorians, and two hundred Palians 
 from Cephallenia. After these were placed five hundred 
 -ZEginetans, and next three thousand Megareans ; near to 
 whom were six hundred Platasans, and lastly, though 
 first on the left wing, the Athenians, eight thousand 
 strong, commanded by Aristides, son of Lysimachus. 
 
 All these, excepting the helots, seven to each Spartan, 
 were heavy armed troops, and amounted to thirty-eight 
 thousand seven hundred, which was the entire number of 
 the heavy armed troops collected on this occasion to 
 oppose the Barbarian. The light armed troops were 
 these : the thirty-five thousand helots, seven to a man, 
 attending upon the Spartans ; and these were all able- 
 bodied men for the war. The light armed troops attend- 
 ant upon the other Lacedaemonians, and the rest of the 
 Greeks, were thirty-four thousand five hundred, one man 
 to each of the heavy armed, and making the whole num- 
 ber of the light armed sixty-nine thousand five hundred. 
 Thus then the Greek army assembled at Plataea consisted, 
 altogether, of a hundred and eight thousand two hundred 
 fighting men, heavy and light armed. Or, including the 
 Thespians, who also were there, the numbers would be 
 completed to a hundred and ten thousand. In fact, one 
 thousand eight hundred Thespians who had survived (the 
 slaughter at Thermopylae), were present ; but not heavily 
 armed. Such was the army that encamped in their ranks 
 on the borders of the Asopus. 
 
 (30) 
 
669 
 
 SECTION III. 
 
 INAUSPICIOUS OMENS ON BOTH SIDES. EMBARRASS- 
 MENTS AND MOVEMENTS OF THE GREEKS. 
 
 The Barbarians with Mardonius having ceased to 
 lament Masistius, and being informed that the Greeks 
 were at Plataea, themselves advanced to the Asopus, 
 which passes through the territory of that city. Mar- 
 donius ranged the Persians opposite to the Lacedaemo- 
 nians; but as they greatly exceeded them in numbers, 
 he formed them many ranks deep, and extended them 
 so as to include the Tegeans ; and at the suggestion, and 
 under the direction of the Thebans, he made a selection 
 even among the Persians, placing the most powerful 
 of them opposite to the Lacedaemonians, and the more 
 infirm against the Tegeans. Next to the Persians he 
 ranged the Medes, who stood opposed to the Corinthians, 
 the Potidaeans, the Orchomenians, and the Sicyonians. 
 Next to the Medes were the Bactrians, who faced the 
 Epidaurians, the Trcezenians, the Lepreates, the Tiryn- 
 thians, the Mycenaeans, and the Phliasians. Beyond the 
 Bactrians were the Indians, who extended in front of 
 the Hermionians, the Eretrians, the Styrians, and the 
 Chalcidians. The Saces were posted next, and opposed 
 the Amphracians, the Anactorians, the Leucadians, the 
 Palians* and the iEginetans. Next to the Saces, and 
 opposite to the Athenians, the Plataeans, and the Mega- 
 reans, Mardonius stationed the Boeotians, the Locrians, 
 the Melians, the Thessalians, and the thousand Phocians ; 
 for it was not all the Phocians that took part with the 
 Medes, some of them being collected about Parnassus, 
 aided the Greeks by making sorties thence as occasion 
 (31) 
 
670 ARRAY OF THE BARBARIANS. 
 
 offered, harassing the army of Mardonius, and the 
 Greeks under him. He placed also opposite to the Athe- 
 nians the Macedonians, and the people bordering upon 
 Thessaly. 
 
 The troops of the nations above-mentioned, as thus 
 marshalled by Mardonius, were those that were the most 
 noted and had the highest reputation for valour. Among 
 them there were mingled some few of other nations, as 
 of the Phrygians and the Thracians, the Mysians, the 
 Paeonians, and some of the others. And also some 
 ^Ethiopians, and those Egyptians called Hermotybies 
 and Calasiries (p. 177) who alone follow the profession of 
 arms. These had manned the fleet, nor had formed part 
 of the army under Xerxes that entered Attica ; but while 
 stationed at Phalerum, they had been drawn from their 
 ships. The Barbarians were, as I have already said, 
 three hundred thousand strong. The numbers of the 
 Greeks in alliance with Mardonius I cannot state ; 
 for they were never accurately reckoned, yet one might 
 guess them at fifty thousand. Such was the array of 
 the infantry. The cavalry were marshalled apart. 
 
 The two armies being thus arranged by nations and 
 battalions, the next day both performed sacrifices. The 
 sacrificer for the Greeks was Tisamenus, son of Antiochus, 
 who was the seer that attended this army. 
 
 [He was an Elian, and by extraction a Clytiad of the 
 Jamidian stock, and had been received as a citizen by the 
 Lacedaemonians : ^-Tisamenus having consulted the Delphic 
 oracle concerning progeny, was told by the Pythian that he 
 should be victor in five signal combats, and he, mistaking the 
 meaning of the response, addicted himself to gymnastic exer- 
 cises, as if in expectation of being victor in those combats ; and 
 after training himself in the five exercises, he contended in the 
 Olympic games with Hieronymus of Andros, and was victor 
 in all except wrestling. But the Lacedaemonians understand- 
 ing that it was not to gymnastic exercises, but to martial 
 
 (33) 
 
STORY OF TISAMENUS. 671 
 
 eoatests that the oracle addressed to Tisamenus really re- 
 ferred, endeavoured to induce him by rewards to accompany 
 the kings — the descendants of the Heraclids, as guide in their 
 wars. But he, perceiving that the Spartans considered it as a 
 matter of great importance to gain him as their friend, raised 
 the price of his services, and signified to them that " if they 
 would admit him among them as a citizen, and grant him a 
 full participation of all privileges, he would comply with their 
 wishes ; but for no other consideration." On first hearing 
 this demand, the Spartans were extremely indignant, and 
 dismissed altogether the thought of employing his services. 
 But at length, while under lively fear of the impending Per- 
 sian invasion, they sent for him, and offered him his terms. 
 Then seeing them come round to his proposition, he declared 
 he could not be satisfied with that alone ; but must have his 
 brother Hegias also made a Spartan citizen, with the same 
 privileges as himself. In so doing he imitated Melampus — 
 if one might compare the regal dignity with the right of 
 citizenship. For on an occasion when the women of Argos 
 were afflicted with madness, the Argives offered him a reward 
 to come from Pylos and heal their women of this disease ; but 
 Melampus demanded the half of the kingdom. This demand 
 they rejected, and went away ; but afterwards a still greater 
 number of their women becoming insane, they determined to 
 yield to the terms of Melampus, and went to Pylos to grant 
 him what he asked. But then, seeing them changed in pur- 
 pose, Melampus stretched his desires, and said that, " unless 
 to his brother Bias they granted a third part of the kingdom, 
 he would not do what they wished. The Argives, reduced as 
 they were to extreme distress, consented even to this. And 
 "thus the Spartans, having urgent need of the services of 
 Tisamenus, granted him fully his own terms — and he and his 
 brother are the only strangers ever admitted among the citizens 
 of Sparta. This Tisamenus the Elian, become a Spartan — 
 in quality of seer, took part with them in five signal vic- 
 tories. The first of which was that at Plataea;— next, that 
 obtained over the Tegeans and Argives at Tegea ; next 
 that at Diprea, over all the Arcadians, except the Man- 
 (35) 
 
672 STORY OF HEGESISTRATUS. 
 
 tineans ; then that over the Messenians, at the Isthmus 
 (or at Ithoma) and lastly that at Tanagra, over the Athenians 
 and Argives.] / 
 
 This Tisamenus, brought by the Spartans, performed 
 the rites of divination for the Greeks at Plataea. The 
 auspices were fair for the Greeks while they remained on 
 the defensive ; but not so if they passed the Asopus, and 
 commenced the fight. And thus also, though Mardonius 
 eagerly desired to bring on a battle, the victims gave no 
 encouragement to his doing so; but were favourable to 
 his acting on the defensive. He practised the Grecian 
 modes of divination, having for his seer Hegesistratus, 
 an Elian, and the most renowned of the Telliads.* 
 
 [This Hegesistratus, having some time before inflicted many 
 atrocities upon the Lacedaemonians, they had seized and bound 
 him for death ; but he on this occasion, having not only to 
 sustain the loss of life, but before death to endure many 
 grievous torments, accomplished an ineffable achievement : — 
 he was confined in stocks, lined with iron : having by chance 
 got possession of a knife, he formed a plan requiring more 
 courage than we have known ever before to be displayed : — 
 after measuring how he might withdraw the rest (the heel) of 
 the foot, he, with own hand, cut off the tarsus ; this done, the 
 prison being guarded, he dug through the wall, and so escaped, 
 and proceeded towards Tegea, travelling only by night, and 
 keeping close in the woods during the day : in this manner, 
 while the whole Lacedaemonian people were out in quest of 
 him, he actually reached Tegea on the third night. The 
 Spartans were in amazement at the audacity of the man, 
 whose amputated foot they saw lying in the prison, though him 
 they could not discover. Having in this manner escaped, he 
 took refuge at Tegea, because at that time the Lacedaemonians 
 were not in friendship with the Tegeans. When healed of his 
 
 * A family of soothsayers — the descendants of Tellias. 
 
 (37) 
 
DELAY OF BATTLE. 673 
 
 wound, Hegesistratus made use of a wooden foot, and openly 
 declared himself the enemy of the Lacedsemonians. And yet 
 in the end, this animosity did not fall to his advantage ; for 
 being taken prisoner by them in Zacynthus, while performing 
 his function as a soothsayer, they put him to death. But this 
 happened {long) after the battle of Plataea. At the time we 
 are speaking of, he acted as seer to Mardonius at the Asopus, 
 for no inconsiderable hire, and discharged his function with a 
 forward zeal, incited both by his enmity to the Lacedaemo- 
 nians, and by the love of lucre.] 
 
 The auspices were, we have said, unfavourable to 
 fighting, both to the Persians and to the Greeks under 
 the Barbarian, who had a diviner apart to themselves — 
 Hippomachus, a Leucadian. Meanwhile recruits were 
 constantly flocking in to the Grecian army, and Mar- 
 donius was advised by Timagenides, son of Herpys, a 
 Theban, to guard the passes of Mount Cithaeron ; for, as 
 he said, the Greeks were pouring through them daily, and 
 he might capture great numbers. 
 
 Already the two armies had remained opposed to each 
 other eight days, when Mardonius received this advice, 
 and he, perceiving the propriety of it, sent the cavalry the 
 same evening to the passes of Mount Cithaeron, on the 
 road to Plataea: — they are called by the Boeotians the 
 Three Heads ; but by the Athenians the Heads of Oak. 
 This detachment did not arrive in vain, for making an 
 incursion upon the plain, they seized five hundred sumpter 
 beasts, bringing corn for the army from Peloponnesus : 
 the drivers also were taken, and the Persians who fell 
 upon this prey put to the sword without mercy both man 
 and beast ; and when they had had enough of slaughter, 
 they drove what remained before them, and making a 
 circuit, returned to Mardonius in the camp. 
 
 Two more days passed after this exploit — neither army 
 being willing to commence the attack : during this time the 
 (40) 2 x 
 
674 CONSULTATIONS AMONG 
 
 Barbarians advanced to the banks of the Asopus, to tempt 
 the Greeks ; but neither would cross it. Still the cavalry 
 of Mardonius approached the Greeks, and distressed 
 them ; for the Thebans who very zealously affected the 
 interests of the Medes, acted with great forwardness in 
 the war, and constantly led on to the attack, and were 
 succeeded by the Persians, and they by the Medes, who 
 gave signal proofs of valour. 
 
 Yet during these ten days, in which the armies had 
 opposed each other at Plataea, nothing more than what 
 has been mentioned had taken place; but on the 
 eleventh, as the Greeks were now greatly reinforced, and 
 Mardonius fretted under this state of inaction, he con- 
 ferred with Artabazus, son of Pharnaces, who was one 
 of the few Persians especially in the favour of Xerxes. 
 These offered two opposite opinions. Artabazus thought 
 " it would be best to break up the camp as speedily as 
 possible, and to proceed to the walls of Thebes, in which 
 city there was laid up a large store of grain, and hay for 
 the cattle, and where they might remain quietly : mean- 
 while, as they possessed a large quantity of gold, both 
 coined and uncoined, and much silver, and many goblets, 
 these treasures should, without spare, be sent among the 
 Greeks, and particularly to the persons of most distinc- 
 tion in the several states : if this were done, they would 
 presently surrender the liberties of Greece, nor would be 
 inclined to hazard a battle." The Thebans approved of 
 the advice of Artabazus, thinking that he had more fore- 
 sight than Mardonius. But the inclination of Mardonius 
 was more vehement and more rash ; nor would he by any 
 means give way to others. His army was, he said, in his 
 opinion, vastly superior to that of the Greeks; battle 
 ought therefore to be given immediately: nor should 
 they wait till the enemy was augmented by new 
 reinforcements. The divinations of Hegesistratus were 
 therefore to be disregarded, and not their own customs 
 
 (41) 
 
THE PERSIANS. 675 
 
 violated, which required that battle should be given. 
 As he thus decided, no one contradicted, and his opi- 
 nion prevailed ; for it was to Mardonius, not to Artaba- 
 zus, that the king had entrusted the command of the 
 army. He therefore convoked the commanders of bat- 
 talions, and the generals of the Greeks in his service, 
 and inquired of them if they had knowledge of any 
 oracle relating to the Persians, which predicted that they 
 should be destroyed in Greece. 
 
 Those convoked kept silence ; — some because they were 
 ignorant of any such oracles, and others, who knew of 
 them, because they thought it unsafe to speak. Mardo- 
 nius then himself spoke thus : — " Since you either know 
 of none such, or have not courage to speak, I will say 
 that I am well aware there is an oracle predicting that 
 the Persians should arrive in Greece, and pillage tlie 
 temple of Delphi, and after sacking it, should all perish. 
 We therefore, being well informed of this same predic- 
 tion, have neither approached that temple, nor have 
 attempted to plunder it ; and because we have not done 
 so, we shall not perish. Wherefore as many of you as are 
 well affected to the Persian interests, be of good cheer 
 on this account, and be sure that we shall vanquish the 
 Greeks." So said ; he, in the next place, issued orders 
 that all should be put in readiness, and every proper 
 arrangement made in expectation of a battle on the 
 ensuing morning. 
 
 This oracle which Mardonius affirmed to relate to the 
 Persians, I am assured had reference to the Illyrians, and 
 the army of the Enchelians, and not to the Persians. 
 The oracle of JBacis concerning this battle is as follows : 
 
 " Greeks with Barbarians, on your grassy banks — 
 Asopus and Thennodon — close their ranks : 
 They fall in death, amid the din of fight ; 
 And bow-skilled Medes there last behold the light.' 
 
 (43) 2x2 
 
676 INFORMATION GIVEN TO THE GREEKS 
 
 These, and many others of a like kind of Musaeus, I know 
 to have related to the Persians. The Thermodon runs 
 between Tanagra and Glissas. 
 
 After the inquiry concerning the oracles, and the ex- 
 hortation given by Mardonius to the commanders, night 
 was come, and the watch set. And now, some hours of 
 darkness having passed— stillness seemed to reign through 
 the camp, and men were in ) their deepest sleep; — 
 at that hour Alexander, son of Amyntas, the general 
 and king of the Macedonians, rode towards the watches 
 of the Athenians, and demanded to confer with the 
 chiefs. While most of the watch remained at their 
 post, some ran to the generals, and told them that " a 
 man had come up on horseback from the camp of the 
 Medes, who uttered no other words than to name the 
 generals, and to say he wished to confer with them." 
 They, on hearing this, followed to the station of the 
 watch, and when arrived there, were thus addressed by 
 Alexander. 
 
 " Athenians ! I am about to impart to you a commu- 
 nication not to be divulged to any but Pausanias, lest you 
 cause my destruction. Nor would I utter it, were I not 
 in a high degree solicitous for the Grecian community ; 
 for I indeed am, by ancient derivation, a Greek, nor 
 would I see Greece exchange its freedom for slavery. I 
 therefore tell you that Mardonius and his army are unable 
 to obtain from the victims auspices such as they desire ; 
 otherwise you had fought long ago. But now Mardonius 
 has resolved to disregard the auspices, and at dawn of 
 day to give battle ; for he fears, as I conjecture, lest you 
 should receive new reinforcements. Hold yourselves 
 therefore in readiness, and should he again defer the 
 battle, remain at your post steadfastly, for in a few days 
 provisions will fail them. And if this war should termi- 
 nate as you wish, it will be just that you should bear it 
 in mind to effect my freedom, who in zeal for the Greeks, 
 
 (45) 
 
BY ALEXANDER. 677 
 
 have performed so hazardous a part, that I might make 
 known to you the intentions of Mardonius, lest the Bar- 
 barians should happen to fall upon you unexpectedly. I 
 am Alexander of Macedon." Having thus spoken, he 
 retired, and returned to his post in the camp. 
 
 The Athenian generals, going to the right wing of the 
 army, repeated to Pausanias what they had heard from 
 Alexander, and he, on receiving this intelligence, being 
 filled with dread of the Persians, thus spoke : — " Since 
 then battle is to be given at dawn, it will be proper that 
 you Athenians should be stationed opposite to the Per- 
 sians, and we opposite to the Boeotians, and those other 
 Greeks who are now ranged against you : — and for this 
 reason, that you know the Medes and their manner of 
 fighting, having fought them at Marathon ; whereas we 
 have made no trial of them, and know nothing of them 
 by experience, for none of the Spartans (now in the army) 
 have tried their strength with the Medes. But of the 
 Boeotians and Thessalians we have made trial. Therefore 
 it is needful that, on taking up our arms, you should 
 come over to this wing, and we go to the left." To this 
 the Athenians replied : — " We from the very first, when 
 we saw the Persians ranged opposite to you, had in mind 
 what you yourself now propose ; and should have said 
 what we thought, had we not feared that the proposition 
 might displease you. But as you have mentioned it, 
 and as it is agreeable to us, we hold ourselves ready to 
 do so." 
 
 Both parties being pleased with this arrangement, at 
 day-break the stations were changed ; and this being 
 perceived by the Boeotians, they made it known to Mar- 
 donius. He no sooner heard it, than he set about 
 changing his own line — leading the Persians over against 
 the Lacedaemonians. When Pausanias perceived what 
 was taking place, and found that his own movements were 
 not hidden, he led back the Spartans to the right wing ; 
 (47) 2x3. 
 
G78 TAUNTS OF MARDONIUS. 
 
 as did Mardonius the Persians, to the left. When the 
 original order was restored, Mardonius sent a herald to 
 the Spartans, who thus spoke — " Ah Lacedaemonians ! 
 you are spoken of by the people of these parts as the 
 bravest of men, who admire you exceedingly, because 
 you never flee from the field of battle, nor leave your 
 ranks ; but stand at your post, and either destroy your 
 enemies, or yourselves perish. But not a word of all 
 this is true ; for even before we have engaged you, or 
 have come to blows, we behold you retreating, and leaving 
 your post, and giving it to the Athenians to make the 
 first trial of us ; while you range yourselves opposite to 
 our slaves. This is by no means the conduct of brave 
 men; what has been said of you is then utterly false. 
 Judging by your celebrity, we had expected that you 
 would send a herald to challenge us, and to declare your 
 willingness alone to fight the Persians. But while we 
 held ourselves prepared for this, we find you, far from 
 making any such offer, skulking away. Yet since you are 
 not forward to make this offer, we will be the first to pro- 
 pose it. Shall not we {Persians and Lacedcemonians) 
 fight — you for the Greeks, as you are famed to be the 
 bravest ; and we for the Barbarians ; —the numbers being 
 the same on both sides ? or if it shall please you that the 
 others should fight also, let them fight afterwards ; but 
 if not, and if it shall suffice for us alone to contend 
 together, then, whichever shall conquer shall be held to 
 have conquered for the whole army." 
 
 The herald after pronouncing these words, waited 
 awhile, and then, as no one replied to him, he returned 
 and made his report to Mardonius, who in great glee, 
 and elated with his cold victory, sent the cavalry against 
 the Greeks. These coming up, troubled the whole line 
 of the Greeks, by throwing their javelins, and discharging 
 their arrows ; for they were cavalry trained to this method 
 of fighting ; nor was it practicable to bring them to close 
 
 (49) 
 
REMOVAL OF THE GRECIAN CAMP. 679 
 
 quarters. They also approached the Gargaphian spring-, 
 whence alone the Greeks derived their water ; and this 
 they disturbed and embanked. The Lacedaemonians only 
 were stationed near the spring, and the other Greeks, 
 according to the arrangement of the several states, were 
 distant from it, though all near the Asopus ; but being 
 repulsed from the river, they had hitherto had recourse 
 to the spring ; for it was impracticable to them to fetch 
 water from the river on account of the discharges of 
 arrows from the cavalry. 
 
 Under these circumstances, and as the army was suffer- 
 ing the want of water, and the whole line was incommoded 
 by the cavalry, the Greek generals held a conference at 
 the station of Pausanias on the right wing, concerning 
 these and other matters. For however much annoyed in 
 the way we have described, they were still more troubled 
 on other accounts. Their provisions were exhausted, and 
 their servants, whom they had despatched to Peloponnesus 
 to collect stores, were shut out from returning to the camp 
 by the enemy's cavalry. On consultation held among the 
 generals, it was resolved that if the Persians did not pass 
 the river and give battle that day, they would remove to 
 the island. This island lies before Plataea, and is distant 
 ten furlongs from the Gargaphian spring, and from {that 
 part of) the Asopus where the army was then encamped : 
 it may be called an island in the midland, for the river 
 dividing into two streams when it descends from Cithaeron 
 upon the plain, leaves a space between them of about 
 three furlongs, and then again unites : the branch is 
 called Oeroe, and by the country people — the daughter 
 of the Asopus. To this spot they resolved to remove the 
 camp, both because they would there have an abundant 
 supply of water, and because they would not be harassed 
 by the cavalry, as when directly opposed to them. They 
 fixed upon the second watch of the ensuing night for 
 making this remove, lest the Persians seeing them, should 
 (51) 2x4 
 
G80 MOVEMENTS OF THE GREEKS. 
 
 sally forth— follow and annoy them with their cavalry. 
 They moreover resolved, that when arrived on this spot, 
 encompassed by the Oeroe and the Asopus, dividing as it 
 flows from Cithaeron, they would, during the same night, 
 send a half of the army to the mountain passes, to bring 
 away the attendants who were coming with provisions, 
 and who were shut up upon Mount Cithaeron. 
 
 SECTION IV. 
 
 OBSTINACY OF AMOMPHARETUS. BATTLE AT PLATjEA, 
 DESTRUCTION OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 During the whole day, after these resolutions had been 
 formed, they were kept under arms, with great difficulty 
 sustaining the assaults of the cavalry. But as the day 
 declined, the enemy ceased to assail them, and when the 
 hour of the night arrived that had been agreed upon for 
 taking their departure, they took up their baggage, and 
 moved off ; yet the greater part of them had no intention 
 of proceeding to the place appointed ; but being put in 
 movement, they gladly retired out of the reach of the 
 cavalry towards Plataea, and in their flight came to a 
 temple of Juno which stands in front of that city, and 
 distant twenty furlongs from the Gargaphian spring ; and 
 here they pitched their camp. These then stationed them- 
 selves around this temple. Meanwhile Pausanias, who 
 witnessed their departure from the encampment, gave 
 orders to the Lacedaemonians to take their arms, and to 
 follow in the track of those who had preceded them; 
 for he supposed them to have gone to the place agreed 
 upon. Immediately all the commanders held themselves 
 
 (53) 
 
CONDUCT OF AMOMPHARETUS. 681 
 
 ready to .obey the order of Pausanias ; — all except Amom- 
 pharetus, son of Poliades, captain- of the cohort of Pita- 
 nians, who declared that " he would not flee from the 
 foreigners, nor willingly bring disgrace upon Sparta." 
 For not having been present at the late council, he was 
 amazed at what he saw taking place. Pausanias and 
 Euryanax, though greatly troubled at his disobedience to 
 their commands, would have been still more troubled to 
 abandon the Pitanian cohort on account of the resolution 
 taken by its captain, lest, if so left behind by them, while 
 accomplishing the movement agreed upon with the other 
 Greeks, Amompharetus and all with him should perish. 
 Influenced by these motives, they retained the Lacedae- 
 monian forces in their position, and endeavoured to con- 
 vince him of his error. 
 
 While arguing with Amompharetus, who alone of all 
 the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans held back, the Athe- 
 nians kept themselves unmoved on the ground where they 
 had been stationed, well knowing the devices of the La- 
 cedaemonians, and that it was their manner to say one 
 thing and intend another. And when the army was 
 actually in movement, they sent one of their horsemen to 
 observe whether the Spartans were beginning to march, 
 or whether in fact they were not intending to take them- 
 selves off altogether. The horseman was (as a pretext) 
 to ask orders from Pausanias. When he came up to the 
 Lacedaemonians, he beheld them yet at their station, and 
 the chiefs in contention one with another. For then 
 Euryanax and Pausanias were exhorting Amompharetus 
 not to put his men in peril by remaining at his post 
 alone: but they by no means prevailed with him: and 
 their contention had become vehement when the Athenian 
 herald arrived on the spot. Amompharetus in debating, 
 took up a fragment of rock in both hands, and placing 
 it at the feet of Pausanias, said, " With this pebble 
 I give my vote not to retreat from the foreigners;" — 
 (55) 
 
682 CONDUCT OF AMOMPHARETUS. 
 
 meaning the Barbarians. But Pausanias, after calling 
 him a madman and insane, told the Athenian herald who 
 asked for his commands, to report to the Athenians the 
 present circumstances, and to say that he requested them 
 to come, and to do in the matter of the retreat the same 
 as the Lacedaemonians. 
 
 The herald returned to the Athenians ; and the dawn 
 found the Spartans still disputing in the same place where 
 Pausanias had remained. At length, being of opinion 
 that Amompharetus would not be left behind if the other 
 Lacedaemonians actually withdrew — and so it happened 
 — gave the signal for retiring, and led all the others away 
 over the hills. The Tegeans followed them. But the 
 Athenians marched in order of battle by a different route. 
 For while the Lacedaemonians, from fear of the cavalry, 
 held by the rising grounds, and along the base of Mount 
 Cithaeron, the Athenians took their course below through 
 the plain. 
 
 Amompharetus, in the firm persuasion that Pausanias 
 would not dare to abandon him and his men, had perti- 
 naciously endeavoured, by himself remaining, to prevent 
 the army leaving its station. But as the troops with 
 Pausanias proceeded onwards, he, concluding that they 
 were in very deed leaving him, made his cohort take 
 up their arms, and led them at a slow march towards the 
 main body. They, when they had advanced about ten 
 furlongs, halted for the cohort of Amompharetus, on the 
 banks of the Moloeis, and at a place called Argiopium, 
 where stands a temple of the Eleusinian Ceres. He 
 waited here with the intention of returning to succour 
 Amompharetus and his band, in case he actually remained 
 with his men on the ground where he had been sta- 
 tioned. Scarcely had the cohort come up, when the 
 entire cavalry of the Barbarians pressed upon them, and 
 attacked them in the same manner as on every former 
 occasion. The cavalry having found the place vacated 
 
 (57) 
 
PURSUIT OF THE GREEKS. 683 
 
 on which the Greek army had been encamped the pre- 
 ceding days, had pushed on further and further, until 
 they overtook and attacked them. 
 
 When Mardonius learnt that the Greeks had withdrawn 
 during the night, and when he beheld the deserted 
 ground, he called to him Thorax of Larissa, and his 
 brothers, Eurypylus and Thrasydeius, and said : — " You 
 sons of Aleuas, what now say you in seeing this deserted 
 ground ! You, neighbours of the Lacedaemonians, who 
 affirm that they never retreat from the combat, but are 
 in martial conduct the very first of men ! And yet you 
 have lately seen them changing their station ; and now 
 we see that in the past night they have one and all fled. 
 When the occasion required them to decide the fortune of 
 war with men who are truly more brave than others, they 
 have made it manifest that — worthless themselves, they 
 are distinguished only among Greeks — worthless also. 
 Unacquainted as you are with the Persians, and knowing 
 something commendable of the Lacedaemonians, I have 
 readily pardoned your praising them. But I have so 
 much the more wondered that Artabazus should fear the 
 Lacedaemonians, and that, smitten with such fears, he 
 should have advanced an opinion so timid, as if it were 
 necessary to break up our encampment, and to go to 
 Thebes, there to be besieged — which opinion the king 
 shall hear of from me ; but of this anon. For the pre- 
 seDt, the Greeks are not to be suffered to escape, but are 
 to be followed till we overtake and requite them for all 
 the injuries they have done the Persians." 
 
 Having so spoken, Mardonius led the Persians forward, 
 and crossing the Asopus, followed the track of the Greeks, 
 as if they had been put to flight. It was the Lacedae- 
 monians and Tegeans only that he followed, for the Athe- 
 nians who had taken their course through the plain below 
 the hills, he did not discern. The leaders of the rest of 
 the Barbarian army seeing the Persians moving on, and 
 (59) 
 
684 ATTACK UPON THE GREEKS. 
 
 pursuing the Greeks, immediately all took up their 
 standards, and followed also — every one as he could, 
 without any order or keeping of ranks ; but moved on in 
 a crowd with loud cries, as if about to make the Greeks 
 their prey. When the Persian cavalry came up to the 
 Greeks, Pausanias sent a horseman to the Athenians with 
 this message : — " Athenians, now when the great contest 
 is to be decided, which must issue in the emancipation or 
 slavery of Greece, we Lacedaemonians, and you Athe- 
 nians, have been betrayed by our allies, who in the past 
 night have made their escape. But our resolution is 
 taken — we will bravely defend ourselves to the utmost of 
 our power, and support each other. If now the cavalry 
 had first attacked you, it would have been our part with 
 the Tegeans, who are not traitors to Greece, to aid you ; 
 but actually it has advanced in full force against us, and 
 it is just that you should come to the defence of that 
 portion of the army which is especially pressed upon. 
 Yet if you are so circumstanced, that you cannot come 
 to our aid, at least oblige us by sending us a body of 
 archers. Knowing as we do your great zeal in prose- 
 cuting this war, and which we acknowledge, we confide 
 that you will yield to this request." 
 
 The Athenians on hearing this, marched to aid the 
 Lacedaemonians with the purpose of doing so to the 
 utmost of their power ; but while on their way,,they were 
 attacked by the Greeks in the king's service, who were 
 stationed opposite to them. This prevented their afford- 
 ing any further aid to their allies, for they were themselves 
 harassed by the attack. The Lacedaemonians and Te- 
 geans, with their light armed troops, were therefore left 
 alone, the former amounting to fifty thousand, and the. 
 Tegeans, who ever kept close to them, to three thousand. 
 They performed sacrifices at this time, as about to con- 
 flict with Mardonius and his army— now at hand ; but the 
 auspices were not good j meanwhile many of the Greeks 
 
 (61) 
 
BATTLE OF PLAT^EA. 685 
 
 fell slain, and many more were wounded. For the Per- 
 sians, forming as it were a fence with their osier bucklers, 
 discharged their arrows so copiously, that the Spartans 
 were oppressed by them : yet the sacrifices were unfavour- 
 able. At this moment Pausanias, looking up towards the 
 temple of Juno near Plataea, invoked the goddess, and 
 prayed her not to let them be disappointed in their 
 hope. 
 
 While yet he was uttering this invocation, the Tegeans 
 first standing up, advanced towards the Barbarians, and 
 the Lacedaemonians immediately after the prayer of 
 Pausanias, sacrificed and obtained auspicious omens, and 
 forthwith themselves also moved forwards to attack the 
 Persians, who leaving their bows, stood to sustain the 
 assault. The first combat took place about the fence of 
 bucklers.* When that was overthrown, again a fierce 
 contest was maintained, and for a long time, near the 
 temple of Ceres, until the moment when the combatants 
 came to push close one upon another ; for the Bar- 
 barians had seized the spears of their assailants and 
 broken them, and on this occasion the Persians were not 
 inferior to the Greeks in daring, and in personal vigour ; 
 but they were unprotected by defensive armour, and 
 moreover in practised discipline and intelligence, were 
 altogether unequal to their antagonists ; and thus it was 
 that, rushing forward singly or in tens — sometimes more 
 sometimes fewer, they fell upon the Spartans, and perished. 
 At the point where Mardonius himself, riding a white 
 horse, fought at the head of a chosen band of a thousand 
 of the bravest Persians, there especially the Greeks were 
 hardly pressed : and so long as he survived, the Persians 
 stood their ground, and defended their position, over- 
 throwing many of the Lacedaemonians. But when Mar- 
 
 * It seems the Persians had planted their wicker shields on the 
 ground, so as to form a fence, from behind which they discharged their 
 arrows. 
 
 (63) 
 
G86 RETREAT OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 donius was slain, and the body of Persians around him, 
 who were the best troops in the army, had fallen, then the 
 others turned, and gave way before the Lacedaemonians. 
 In fact, having to fight with men completely armed, they 
 suffered great disadvantage from their loose dress, desti- 
 tute as it was of defences. 
 
 And now the Lacedaemonians, according to the pre- 
 diction of the oracle, obtained from Mardonius satisfac- 
 tion for the death of Leonidas ; and Pausanias, son of 
 Cleombrotus, son of Anaxandrides, won the most 
 signal victory of which we have any knowledge. — We 
 have recounted the ancestors of Pausanias when enu- 
 merating those of Leonidas; — for they are the same. 
 Mardonius was slain by Aimnestus, a Spartan of dis- 
 tinction, who some time after the Median war, having 
 under his command three hundred men, fought at Steny- 
 clerus, with all the Messenians, and perished with his 
 three hundred. 
 
 , When the Persians at Plataea were first put to flight 
 by the Lacedaemonians, they retreated, in utter disorder, 
 towards their camp, and to the wooden fortification they 
 had constructed in the Theban territory. — It is to me a 
 matter of wonder that, though the battle took place near 
 the sacred grove of Ceres, not one of the Persians appears 
 to have entered the sacred enclosure, or to have died 
 there, but fell, for the most part, about the temple, and 
 on unconsecrated ground, and I am of opinion — if indeed 
 it be proper to form any opinion on matters relating to 
 the gods, that the goddess would not admit them because 
 they burned her own peculiar residence at Eleusis. Such 
 was the issue of this battle. 
 
 Artabazus, son of Pharnaces, from the first had dis- 
 approved of Mardonius being left in Greece by the king, 
 and had, at that time, though to no avail, opposed his 
 giving battle. Unable either to prevail with Mardonius, 
 or to assent to his measures, and having under his com- 
 
 (66) 
 
CONDUCT OF ARTABAZUS. G87 
 
 mand no inconsiderable force — for it amounted to forty 
 thousand men — as soon as the action commenced, he — 
 well assured of what must be its issue, advanced to them, 
 and commanded them to follow him in a compact body 
 wherever he might lead them, when they saw him move 
 at quick pace. After giving this order, he led them on 
 as if into the fight. But being in advance of his troops, 
 and seeing the Persians retreating, he no longer held the 
 same course, but wheeled about to retire without delay ; — 
 not indeed towards the fortified camp, nor towards the 
 walls of Thebes, but to Phocis, with the intention of 
 reaching the Hellespont as quickly as possible : thus this 
 body of troops turned off. 
 
 The Greeks in general who were in the king's service 
 behaved remissly from design ; but the Boeotians main- 
 tained a long contest with the Athenians. And those of 
 the Thebans who took part with the Medes displayed no 
 little zeal, but fought with heart until three hundred of 
 the chiefs and of their bravest men fell by the hands of 
 the Athenians. And when the battle turned, they fled 
 to Thebes, yet not with the mob of Persians, nor with the 
 other confederates, who, many of them, ran before they 
 had struck a blow, or had given any display of valour. 
 To me it is manifest that on the side of the Barbarians all 
 depended on the Persians ; and if the other parts of the 
 army fled before they had met the enemy at all, it was 
 because they saw the Persians retreating. And thus 
 all fled except the cavalry ; the Boeotian cavalry espe- 
 cially afforded important aid to the retreating host, by 
 keeping constantly close upon the enemy, and so sepa- 
 rating the pursuers from the pursued. Yet the victorious 
 Greeks followed the army of Xerxes — still pursuing, and 
 putting them to the sword. Meanwhile news came to the 
 other Greeks, stationed about the temple of Juno, and 
 who were absent from the battle, that a battle had taken 
 place, and that the troops under Pausanias were vic- 
 (69) 
 
688 CAPTURE OF THE FORTIFIED CAMP. 
 
 torious. Whereupon, without keeping any order, they 
 hastened— the Corinthians along the foot of the mountain, 
 and over the low hills, directly towards the temple of 
 Ceres; while the Megareans and Phliasians took their 
 course through the plain ; that being the most even road ; 
 but when these came up near the combatants, the Theban 
 cavalry, commanded by Asopodorus, son of Timander, 
 seeing them hastening on in confusion, charged upon 
 them at speed, and overthrew six hundred of them, and 
 continued the pursuit of the remainder till they had 
 driven them upon Mount Cithseron. Thus ingloriously 
 did these perish. 
 
 The Persians and the rest of the confused host, when 
 they had reached their asylum in the wooden fortification, 
 ascended the towers in haste, before the Lacedaemonians 
 should arrive, and then set themselves to fence the walls 
 in the best manner they could. The Lacedaemonians 
 coming up, a vigorous assault and defence took place, 
 in which, before the Athenians arrived, the besieged had 
 much the advantage over their assailants, who were un- 
 skilled in the attack of fortifications. But when the Athe- 
 nians reached the place, a still more violent conflict en- 
 sued, which lasted a long time. At length, by valour and 
 assiduity, the Athenians surmounted the wall, and demo- 
 lished a part of it ; and through the breach the Greeks 
 poured in; the Tegeans were the first to enter, and it 
 was they who pillaged the tent of Mardonius :— among 
 other things, they took thence a crib (cparvrf) for the 
 horses, all of brass, and of admirable workmanship. This 
 same crib of Mardonius the Tegeans dedicated at the 
 fane of the Alean Minerva. The rest of the spoil taken 
 by them they carried to the common stock of the other 
 Greeks. Their defence having fallen, the Barbarians 
 did not again rally in masses, nor did one of them recol- 
 lect his prowess ; but astounded and trembling with 
 fear at finding so many thousands of men shut up within 
 
 (70) 
 
VALOUR OF ARISTODEMUS. 68i) 
 
 a narrow space, they offered an easy slaughter to the 
 Greeks; so that of the three hundred thousand men — 
 after excepting the forty thousand that fled with Artabazus, 
 there were not more than three thousand that survived. 
 Among the Lacedaemonians the Spartans had in all, 
 during the attack,* ninety-one slain, the Tegeans lost 
 eighteen, and the Athenians fifty-two. 
 
 Among the Barbarians — of the infantry, the Persians 
 behaved with the most valour; — of the cavalry — the 
 Saces, and of individuals, Mardonius. On the side of 
 the Greeks, though the Tegeans and the Athenians con- 
 ducted themselves well, the Lacedaemonians surpassed 
 both in valour; of which I can indeed bring no other 
 proof than this — that while all vanquished those of the 
 enemy opposite to whom they were stationed, these 
 fought with and overcame the most powerful troops of 
 the whole army. According to our opinion Aristodemus 
 by far surpassed any other individual in bravery ; it was 
 the same who alone of the three hundred had survived 
 the action at Thermopylae, and on that account had 
 drawn upon himself reproach and contempt. Next to 
 him in valour were Posidonius, and Philocyon, and Amom- 
 pharetus, the Spartan. And yet, when the question was 
 diseussed, which of these had shown himself the most 
 valiant, the Spartans present on the occasion came to 
 the conclusion, that, though Aristodemus — wishing to die 
 in the sight of all, on account of the charge brought 
 against him, had madly advanced from the line, and 
 performed great exploits — Posidonius, having no such 
 intention of dying, had behaved valiantly, and by so much 
 was the better of the two. But perhaps envy had in- 
 fluence in this decision. Those whom I have mentioned 
 
 * ev rr) av/ifiokr) — I suppose Herodotus to refer to the attack upon 
 the fortified camp only, not to the whole day's fighting, for his own ac- 
 count seems to imply a much greater loss, even among the Spartans 
 only. 
 
 (71) 2 y 
 
G90 DEATH OF CALLICRATES. 
 
 who fell in this battle, were held in honour, except 
 Aristodemus, who because he died purposely, for the cause 
 before related, was unhonoured. 
 
 These then are the persons who acquired most renown 
 in the battle of Plataea. Callicrates died out of the 
 fight ; he was the most handsome man in the army, not 
 only among the Lacedaemonians, but among all the Greeks. 
 While Pausanias performed the sacrifices, he was 
 wounded in the side by an arrow, as he sat in his place 
 in the ranks, and during the combat was carried away : 
 addressing himself to Arimnestus, a Platsean, he said " he 
 died reluctantly, not that he regretted to die for Greece ; 
 but because he had not struck a blow, or achieved any 
 action worthy of himself, though ardently desiring to 
 do so." 
 
 Of the Athenians, Sophanes, son of Eutyc hides, of 
 the township of Decelea, was much commended. 
 
 [The people of Decelea, as the Athenians affirm, once per- 
 formed an action from which they have derived advantage 
 ever since. For when, in a remote age, the Tyndarides 
 ( Castor and Pollux) invaded Attica with a numerous army 
 for the recovery of Helen, not knowing whither she had been 
 withdrawn, and when they had expelled the people from 
 their habitations, then, say they, the Deceleans, or, as some 
 affirm, Decelus himself, indignant at the violence committed 
 by Theseus, and fearing for the whole Athenian territory, 
 made known to them the whole affair, and guided them to 
 Aphidna, which Titacus, a native of the place, delivered up 
 to the Tyndarides. On account of this action the people of 
 Decelea (who may have settled) at Sparta have, from that 
 time to this, enjoyed an exemption from all tribute, and also 
 a precedency in assemblies. And thus also, in the war which 
 many years after the time of which we are speaking took 
 place, between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians, when 
 the Lacedaemonians ravaged all the rest of Attica, they 
 abstained from Decelea. 
 
 (73) 
 
EXPLOITS OF SOPHANES. 691 
 
 Two accounts are given of the way in which this Sophanes 
 of Decelea obtained so much celebrity among the Athenians ; 
 the one is that he carried an iron hook (anchor) suspended by 
 a chain of brass from the girdle of his corselet, which as often 
 as he approached the enemy he threw out, so that when they 
 sallied from their line, they might not be able to move him 
 from his ground ; and when they fled, he took it up again, 
 and joined in the pursuit. This is one account: the other, 
 widely different from this, is that without any actual anchor of 
 iron suspended from his corselet, he bore the figure of an 
 anchor on his shield, which ever and without rest he turned 
 about. Another signal exploit of Sophanes is related— that 
 when the Athenians invested JEgina, he challenged and slew 
 Eurybates of Argos, who had been victor in the five exercises. 
 But some time afterwards, this Sophanes himself was slain by 
 the Edonians at Datus, while valiantly fighting, when with 
 Leager, son of Glaucon, he commanded the Athenians in 
 their war concerning the gold mines.] 
 
 SECTION V. 
 
 i 
 
 INCIDENTS CONNECTED WITH THE BATTLE. SIEGE 
 OF THEBES. RETREAT OF ARTABAZUS. 
 
 After the Barbarians had been overthrown by the 
 Greeks at Platasa, there arrived a woman who had left 
 the camp of the enemy. She was the mistress of Pha- 
 randates, son of Teaspes, a Persian, and when she learned 
 that the Persians had perished, and that the Greeks were 
 victorious, she came — herself and her female attendants, 
 gorgeously decked with gold, and wearing the most 
 sumptuous attire. Descending from her chariot, she 
 approached the Lacedaemonians, who were still employed 
 (76) 2 y 2 
 
G92 THE DAUGHTER OF HEGETORIDES. 
 
 in the slaughter of their foes. She recognized Pausanias, 
 by seeing him in supreme command ; and she had already 
 become acquainted with his name and ancestry, which 
 she had often heard spoken of. By this means, knowing 
 Pausanias, she embraced his knees, and spoke as follows : 
 — " King of Sparta ! deliver me, your suppliant, from 
 servitude and captivity ;* so far you have already helped 
 me in destroying these (Persians) who have no respect 
 for either the daemons or the gods. I am of Coos, and 
 the daughter of Hegetorides, son of Antagoras. By 
 force the Persian took me thence, and by force retained 
 me." Pausanias thus replied : — " Woman, be of good 
 heart, not merely because a suppliant ; but more than 
 that, if what you say is true, and if you are indeed the 
 daughter of Hegetorides of Coos ; for he, more than any 
 other person of those parts, is my friend." Having thus 
 spoken, he for the time committed her to the care of the 
 Ephors, who were then present, and afterwards, at her 
 own wish, sent her to iEgina. 
 
 Presently after this occurrence, and when the labour 
 of the day was accomplished, the Mantineans arrived, and 
 being informed that they came too late to take part in 
 the battle, were in great sorrow, and professed themselves 
 deserving of punishment ; gfnd hearing of the escape of 
 the Medes under Artabazus, they offered to pursue them 
 as far as Thessaly ; but the Lacedaemonians would not 
 give consent that the fugitives should be pursued. When 
 they returned home, the generals were driven from their 
 territory by the Mantineans. After these came the Elians, 
 who also, like the Mantineans, were greatly afflicted, and 
 like them departed, and on their return banished their 
 generals. So much for the Mantineans and Elians. 
 
 At Plataea, and among the forces of iEgina, was an 
 
 ai^/j.a\(t)TOv SovXoavvrjQ — slavery in consequence of being made 
 prisoner in war. This was often the fate of persons of high rank. 
 
 (78) 
 
FLATTERY OF LAMPON. 693 
 
 eminent citizen of that island, named Lampon, son of 
 Pytheas. This man, coming up to Pausanias in great 
 diligence, proposed to him a most iniquitous advice. He 
 thus spoke : — " Son of Cleombrotus — an achievement 
 has been accomplished by you that is altogether extra- 
 ordinary, vast, and splendid. God has granted to you 
 to be the deliverer of Greece, and so to obtain a renown 
 surpassing that of any Greek whose name is known. 
 Accomplish then what remains to be done, and your fame 
 shall be still greater, and henceforth the Barbarians — 
 one and all, will take care never again, in the superfluity 
 of their arrogance, to offend the Greeks. When Leo- 
 nidas was slain at Thermopylge, Mardonius and Xerxes 
 cut off his head, and affixed his body to a cross. Now 
 in rendering to him the like, you will be commended, 
 first by the Spartans, and then by the other Greeks ; for 
 by empaling Mardonius, you will avenge your uncle 
 Leonidas." Thus he spoke, thinking to curry favour 
 with Pausanias ; but the Spartan king replied : — " My 
 friend of iEgina ! I admire your good intentions, and 
 your foresight ; but in the advice you offer you sin against 
 propriety, for after having extolled me so highly — me, 
 my country, and my achievements, you have cast me 
 down to nothing, in advising me to violate the dead ; 
 and were I to do so, you say, my fame would be en- 
 hanced. But an act, such as you recommend, is more 
 fitting in Barbarians than in Greeks, and on account of 
 such deeds we hold them in abhorrence. Nor would I 
 wish thus to win the favour of the iEginetans, or of any 
 others who might take pleasure in an act of this kind. To 
 me it is enough to approve myself to the Spartans, by 
 virtuous deeds, and virtuous discourse. As for Leonidas, 
 whom you exhort me to avenge, I affirm that he is amply 
 avenged ; — these countless multitudes of dead afford 
 satisfaction enough for Leonidas, and the others who fell 
 at Thermopylae. And now for yourself, approach me no 
 (79) 2 y 3 
 
694 COLLECTION OF THE BOOTY. 
 
 more with language or advice like this, and be thankful 
 that you go unhurt." With this reply he departed. 
 
 Pausanias made proclamation that no one should 
 touch the booty, and commanded the helots to collect 
 together all the treasures. They, dispersing themselves 
 through the camp, found pavilions decked with gold and 
 silver, couches embossed with the same, golden goblets 
 and cups, and other drinking vessels. They found also 
 waggons loaded with sacks, containing firkins filled with 
 gold and silver. From the bodies of the dead also, they 
 tore away bracelets, and twisted necklaces, and scymetars 
 of gold : — as to the apparel of divers colours, it was made 
 no account of. Much of this wealth the helots stole, and 
 sold to the ^Eginetans ; and much also they produced — that 
 is, so much as they were unable to conceal. This was the 
 beginning of the great opulence of the iEginetans, who 
 purchased gold of the helots, no doubt, as if it had been 
 copper. When the spoil had been brought together, it 
 was tithed, and to the Delphic god was consecrated the 
 golden tripod, supported by a three-headed brazen ser- 
 pent, and which stands near the altar. To the Olympic 
 god was dedicated a brazen statue of Jupiter, ten cubits 
 in height. For the Isthmian god also a tithe was taken, 
 from which was made a brazen statue of Neptune, of 
 seven cubits ; these dedications being made from the 
 tenths, they divided the remainder according to their 
 several claims; this partition included the women in 
 attendance on the Persians, and the gold and the silver, 
 and other wealth, and the beasts of burden. What choice 
 articles were presented to those who most signalized 
 their valour at Plataea has not been reported ; yet I sup- 
 pose some such presents were actually made. To Pausa- 
 nias was granted a tenth, selected from the whole booty — 
 women, horses, talents, camels, and all other articles. 
 
 The following incident has also been reported : — it is 
 said that when Xerxes fled from Greece, he left to 
 
 (82) 
 
DEVICE OF PAUSANIAS. 695 
 
 Mardonius his own pavilion. Now Pausanias, on seeing 
 the furniture and service of Mardonius, with its gold and 
 silver, and the many-coloured hangings, commanded the 
 confectioners and cooks to prepare a supper as if it were 
 for Mardonius. They fulfilled these commands, and 
 then Pausanias, seeing the couches embossed with gold 
 and silver, and all laid in order, and the tables of gold 
 and silver, and the magnificent preparations for the sup- 
 per, was struck with wonder at the wealth before him, 
 and in derision he ordered his own servants to make ready 
 a supper in the Laconic fashion ; and as the difference 
 between the two suppers was extremely great, Pausanias, 
 in mirth, sent for the Greek generals, and when they 
 came together he said, pointing first to the one, then to 
 the other preparation — " Greeks, the reason of my call- 
 ing you together is, that I wished to display before you 
 the folly of this chief of the Medes, who, master of such 
 dainties as these, came to us to take away our miserable 
 fare." Such, it is affirmed, was the speech addressed by 
 Pausanias to the Greek generals. 
 
 Some long time after the battle of Plataea, there were 
 found many coffers of gold and silver, and other precious 
 articles ; and moreover, after the bodies of the slain were 
 bared of flesh, the Plataeans brought together on one 
 spot all the bones : among the skulls was found one with- 
 out any sutures, and consisting of a single bone. An 
 upper and under jaw was also found, the teeth of which 
 grew in one, being all of a single bone — as well the front 
 teeth as the grinders ; and there was the skeleton of a 
 man five cubits high. 
 
 The day after the battle, the body of Mardonius dis- 
 appeared ; but by whom removed I cannot with any cer- 
 tainty relate. I have indeed heard many persons men- 
 tioned of various nations, who were said to have buried 
 Mardonius ; and I know that many, on pretext of having 
 performed this service, received large gratuities from 
 (84) 2 y 4 
 
696 BURIAL OF THE SLAIN. 
 
 Artontes, son of Mardonius ; yet have I never been able 
 to learn with certainty who it was that withdrew and 
 buried it. The common report is that the corpse was 
 interred by Dionysophanes, an Ephesian. 
 
 When the Greeks at Plataea had divided the booty, 
 they buried their dead — each nation separately. The 
 Lacedaemonians formed three repositories for their dead ; 
 in the first they placed the youths {who had held command) 
 of whom were Posidonius, and Amompharetus, and 
 Philocyon, and Callicrates ; — these youths were buried in a 
 grave apart. In the second were laid the other Spartans ; 
 and in the third the helots. The Tegeans in a grave to 
 themselves buried all their dead together; as did the 
 Athenians theirs. The Megareans and Phliasians buried 
 those that had been destroyed by the cavalry : the sepul- 
 chral mounds of these were really filled with dead ; but 
 as for the other mounds that are seen at Plataea — these, 
 as I am informed, are empty, and were piled up by those 
 who, ashamed of having been absent from the battle, 
 endeavoured by this means to impose on posterity. There 
 is, for instance, on the field, a tumulus which is called 
 that of the iEginetans ; but which I am told was raised 
 ten years after the battle, at the request of the iEgine- 
 tans, by Cleades, son of Autodicus, a Plataean, who was 
 on terms of friendship with them. 
 
 Having buried their dead at Plataea, the Greeks pre- 
 sently held a council in which it was determined to 
 advance against Thebes, and to demand the persons who 
 had espoused the interests of the Medes. The principal 
 of these were Timagenides and Attaginus, who were the 
 heads of that faction ; and in case of their refusal to 
 deliver them up, they resolved not to depart till they had 
 taken the city. This resolution formed — on the eleventh 
 day after the battle, they arrived, and laid siege to Thebes, 
 and summoned the citizens to deliver up the persons 
 named. They being unwilling to do so, the Greeks 
 
 ) 
 
SIEGE OF THEBES. 697 
 
 cleared their lands of trees, and invested the walls. 
 Nor did they oease their depredations during twenty 
 days, when Timagenides thus addressed the citizens — 
 " Thehans, since the Greeks have so resolved that they 
 will not raise the siege until they have either taken the 
 city or we have been given up to them — now therefore 
 let not the Boeotian territory suffer further injury on 
 our account ; but if they demand us merely as a pretext 
 for obtaining money, let us give them money from the 
 public fund ; for it is not we as individuals, but all the 
 citizens who have taken part with the Medes. Yet if 
 truly they besiege Thebes to obtain us, we hold ourselves 
 ready to plead our own cause before them." This was 
 thought to be well and seasonably spoken, and imme- 
 diately the Thebans announced to Pausanias that they 
 were willing to surrender the men. 
 
 Just as terms to this effect were agreed upon, Atta- 
 ginus made his escape from the city: — his sons being 
 brought to Pausanias were dismissed, for, said he, the 
 children were not implicated in the crime of favouring 
 the Medes. The other persons delivered up by the 
 Thebans, imagined they should either make an available 
 defence, or obtain their lives by giving money. But 
 Pausanias suspecting that this might happen, no sooner 
 got them in his power than he dismissed all the con- 
 federates, and then leading the prisoners to Corinth, put 
 them to death. So much for what took place at Platasa 
 and Thebes. 
 
 Meanwhile Artabazus, son of Pharnaces, continued to 
 urge his retreat, and had advanced a considerable dis- 
 tance. Arriving in Thessaly, the people of that country 
 received him hospitably, and being utterly ignorant of 
 what had happened at Plataea, they inquired of him con- 
 cerning the rest of the army. But Artabazus knew that 
 if he were to relate truly and fully the issue of the con- 
 test, he should incur for himself and those with him the 
 (89) 
 
479. 
 
 698 RETREAT OF ARTABAZUS. 
 
 danger of destruction ; for there were none of these 
 nations that would not have attacked him, had they been 
 informed of what had happened. Calculating upon this 
 probability, he had not, even to the people of Phocis, 
 communicated any news, and to the Thessalians he thus 
 spoke — " Thessalians, I, as you see, am urging my march 
 with all possible speed towards Thrace, and use dili- 
 gence, having been sent from the army with these troops 
 on an important business. And you have to expect 
 Mardonius himself and his army who is following close 
 upon my steps. Him receive hospitably, and make 
 evident your good intentions ; for in so doing you will 
 never have reason to repent." So saying he led his army 
 with the utmost haste through Thessaly and Macedonia, 
 directly to Thrace. On reaching Thrace, he took the 
 shortest road across the country towards Byzantium, 
 where he arrived after losing many of his troops, who 
 were cut in pieces by the Thracians on the road, or 
 who died from famine and fatigue. From Byzantium 
 he passed over in ships. Thus did he return home to 
 Asia. 
 
 SECTION VI. 
 
 BATTLE AT MYCALE — DEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS. 
 
 Septem- The same day in which the slaughter of the Persians 
 
 ber 22. 
 
 B. c. took place at Plataea, a like calamity happened to them 
 at Mycale, in Ionia. For when the Grecian fleet under 
 the command of Leotychides the Lacedaemonian were 
 stationed at Delos, there came from Samos as messen- 
 gers, Lampon, son of Thrasycles, and Athenagoras, son 
 
 , (90) 
 
APPLICATION FROM THE SAMIANS. 699 
 
 of Archestratides, and Hegesistratus, son of Aristagoras, 
 who had been despatched by the Samians without the 
 knowledge of the Persians, or of Theomestor, son of 
 Androdamas, whom they had constituted tyrant of the 
 island. These deputies arriving in the fleet, Hegesis- 
 tratus addressed the generals at great length, and with 
 various arguments to this effect — " that if once the 
 Ionians should see them, they would revolt from the 
 Persians, nor would the Barbarians make a stand, or if 
 they did so, the Greeks could never find a greater booty." 
 Then he invoked the gods whom they worshipped in com- 
 mon, and implored them to rescue from slavery those who, 
 like themselves, were Greeks, and to defend them from 
 the Barbarian : and, said he, " nothing will be more easy 
 than for you to do so ; — their ships are bad sailers, and by 
 no means in condition to fight those of the Greeks. Or 
 if the Greeks suspected any fraud in this invitation to 
 come over, they {the deputies) were willing to go on 
 board the Greek fleet, there to remain as hostages." 
 After the Samian had used many entreaties, Leotychides 
 asked him his name — either because he wished to obtain 
 an omen, or merely by a divinely-ordered fortuity — 
 " Samian friend," said he, " what is your name?" " He- 
 gesistratus," replied the Samian ; on hearing this, Leoty- 
 chides, cutting short what the other might have added, 
 went on — " Samian friend ! I accept the omen — Hegesis- 
 tratus {leader of an army) only see that ere you depart, 
 you, and those with you, pledge yourselves that the 
 Samians shall become our zealous allies." 
 
 Thus having spoken, forthwith the business was put in 
 progress. The Samians instantly gave their word, and 
 ratified it by oath, for forming an alliance between the 
 Samians and the Greeks, and then the two set sail, while 
 Hegesistratus, whose name had served as an omen, sailed 
 at the command of Leotychides with the Greeks. They 
 remained at their station that day, and on the next sacri- 
 (92) 
 
700 STORY OF EVENIUS. 
 
 ficed with auspicious omens. Their diviner was Dei- 
 phonus, son of Evenius — from Apollonia, on the Ionian 
 gulph. 
 
 [To this Evenius, the father, happened the following inci- 
 dents. In Apollonia there are certain sheep, sacred to the 
 sun, which by day feed on the banks of the river that flows 
 from Mount Lacmon through the Apollonian territory, and 
 empties itself into the sea near the port Oricus. At night 
 they are taken charge of by some one of the most opulent 
 and noble of the citizens, who is elected to guard them — 
 each for a year. For the people of Apollonia, at the instiga- 
 tion of an oracle, attach high importance to these sheep. 
 They pass the night in a cavern, remote from the city. It 
 came to the turn of this Evenius to be chosen to guard the 
 sheep ; but he sleeping during the time of his watch, some 
 wolves entered the cavern, and destroyed about sixty of the 
 sheep. On observing what had happened, he kept silence, 
 nor mentioned it to any one, intending to purchase other sheep, 
 with which to replace those that were lost. But the matter 
 was not concealed from the Apollonians, who on becoming 
 acquainted with it, brought him before the tribunals, where, 
 for having slept during the time of his watch, he was con- 
 demned to be deprived of sight. But presently, after Eve- 
 nius had lost his eyes, the cattle neither produced young, nor 
 did the earth yield its increase. This had been predicted to 
 them at Dodona and at Delphi. When they inquired of the 
 prophets the cause of the present calamity, they were an- 
 swered that " They had unjustly deprived Evenius, keeper 
 of the sacred sheep, of his sight ; for themselves (the gods) 
 had sent the wolves, nor would cease to avenge him until 
 they had made him such reparation for the injuries the Apol- 
 lonians had inflicted, as he himself should choose, and deem 
 sufficient. Moreover after they had fulfilled their part, the 
 gods would confer upon Evenius such a boon as should make 
 most men bless him." The Apollonians upon receiving this 
 response, divulged it not; but deputed certain of their citizens 
 
 (94) 
 
ADVANCE OF THE GRECIAN FLEET. 70L 
 
 to manage the affair, which they effected in the following 
 manner : — finding Evenius sitting on a bench, they sat them- 
 selves down with him, and began conversation on some other 
 matters, and at length proceeded to commiserate his misfortune, 
 and having by this means wheedled him, they inquired — 
 " What reparation he would name, supposing the Apollonians 
 were willing to make him amends for what they had done." 
 He, having heard nothing of the response of the oracle, men- 
 tioned, as his choice, that if they would grant him the lands 
 of two citizens — whom he named, and whose possessions he 
 knew to be the best in Apollonia; — and besides, a certain 
 mansion which he knew to be the most superb in the city ; — 
 then, if possessed of these, he would ever after be placated, 
 and deem himself to have obtained reparation. Thus speak- 
 ing, the persons who sat with him caught up his words, and 
 said: — " Evenius, the Apollonians will make to you this re- 
 paration for the loss of your eyes, in obedience to a response 
 they have received." On hearing the whole truth, he was 
 highly indignant at having been so deceived. But they, after 
 purchasing the possessions of their owners, gave him what he 
 had chosen. Presently afterwards Evenius became gifted 
 with skill in divination, so as to acquire great celebrity.] 
 
 Deiphonus, son of this Evenius, having been brought by 
 the Corinthians, discharged the function of diviner to the 
 fleet. Yet I have heard it said that this Deiphonus was 
 not the son of Evenius ; but that having usurped the name, 
 he traversed Greece, and let out his services. The 
 auspices obtained by the ministration of this person 
 being favourable, the Greeks removed their fleet from 
 Delos towards Samos, and when they came off Calamus, 
 in that island, they anchored near the temple of Juno, 
 and made preparations for an engagement. The Per- 
 sians, informed of their approach, moved towards the 
 continent, and allowed the Phoenicians to depart; for 
 after holding a consultation they determined not to fight 
 the Greeks at sea, as they deemed themselves unequal 
 (96) 
 
702 PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE 
 
 to the contest with such a foe ; and they drew to shore 
 on the continent, that they might be under the protection 
 of their army, which was at Mycale. This force being a 
 part of the main army, had been left here by the order 
 of Xerxes to guard Ionia : it mustered sixty thousand 
 strong, and was under the command of Tigranes, a Per- 
 sian, surpassing all his countrymen in height and beauty 
 of person. It was under the protection of this army that 
 the commanders of the fleet resolved to take refuge ; 
 and to haul their ships ashore, and surround them with a 
 fence, to serve as a fortified asylum, both for the ships 
 and themselves. 
 
 Having therefore resolved on their plan, they weighed, 
 and passing a temple of the Eumenides, on the territory 
 of Mycale came to {the mouths of the) Gaeson and Sco- 
 loposis, where is a temple of the Eleusinian Ceres, reared 
 by Philistus, son of Pasicles, who followed Neleus, son 
 of Codrus, when he founded Miletus. There they drew 
 up their ships on the beach, and surrounded them with a 
 defence, formed of stones and timber, which they pro- 
 cured by cutting down the fruit trees : in front of this 
 wall they formed a palisado of stakes. In fact they 
 made every preparation which, on deliberation, seemed 
 proper for both kinds of warfare — either for sustaining a 
 siege, or attacking the enemy. 
 
 "When the Greeks were informed that the Barbarians 
 had retired to the continent, they were chagrined, as 
 they supposed them to have escaped their hands, and 
 they were in doubt what course to take, whether to 
 return the way they came, or to sail to the Hellespont. 
 In the end, they resolved to do neither ; but to proceed 
 to the continent. Accordingly they made preparations 
 for an engagement, and taking with them planks for 
 disembarking, and other necessary articles, sailed to 
 Mycale. When they drew near to the fortification, 
 instead of an enemy advancing to meet them, they saw 
 
 (98) 
 
AT MYCALE. 703 
 
 the ships drawn up within the wall, and a numerous army 
 ranged on the beach. Then Leotychides moving for- 
 wards from the line as near as possible to the shore, 
 caused a herald to make proclamation, addressed to the 
 Ionians, to this effect — rt Ionians ! as many of you as 
 may now be within hearing, mark what I say; for the 
 Persians will understand nothing of the injunction I 
 address to you : — when we join battle, then let each of 
 you think first of all of liberty ; and next of the watch 
 word — Hebe. And let those who have not heard this 
 proclamation, learn it from those that hear it." This he 
 did with an intention similar to that of Themistocles at 
 Artemisium (p. 591) for he thought that if the meaning 
 of the address was not understood by the Barbarians, 
 it might avail with the Ionians ; or if it came to their 
 knowledge, it would render the Ionians suspected by 
 them. 
 
 Leotychides having made this suggestion, the Greeks 
 immediately drawing their ships close to the shore, landed 
 on the beach, and ranged themselves in order of battle. 
 Then the Persians, seeing the Greeks prepared for battle, 
 and knowing them to have given advice to the Ionians, 
 in the first place disarmed the Samians, whom they sus- 
 pected of wishing well to the Greeks : — for it had hap- 
 pened that some Athenians who were left in Attica, and 
 who had been made prisoners by the army of Xerxes, were 
 brought as captives on board the Barbarian fleet ; all 
 these the Samians had redeemed and sent to Athens, 
 furnished with provisions for the voyage. There was 
 therefore no small reason for suspecting those who had 
 redeemed five hundred of the enemies of Xerxes. In 
 the next place, the Persians appointed the Milesians to 
 guard the roads leading to the heights of Mycale — appa- 
 rently because they, better than others, were acquainted 
 with the country ; but in fact in order to remove them 
 from the army. It was thus that the Persians endea- 
 (99) 
 
704 RUMOUR AMONG THE GREEKS. 
 
 voured to secure themselves against those of the Ionians 
 who, in their opinion, might attempt some revolution, 
 should they find the means of doing so. They then 
 brought their bucklers together to form a wall of 
 defence. 
 
 The Greeks having formed themselves in order of 
 battle, advanced towards the Barbarians, and while 
 moving forwards, a rumour flew through the whole army, 
 and the wand of a herald (Caduceus) was seen lying by 
 the water's edge : — the report that came among the troops 
 was that the Greeks had fought and conquered the army 
 of Mardonius in Bceotia. Interpositions of the divine 
 providence are manifested by many proofs. And thus 
 the same day on which the Persians were defeated at 
 Plataea, and just when they were about to be overthrown 
 at Mycale, the rumour reached the Greeks, at the latter 
 place, of what had happened at the other ; by which 
 means this army was inspired with greater courage, and 
 became willing to encounter every peril. And another 
 coincidence may be mentioned, namely, that both battles 
 were fought near a temple of the Eleusinian Ceres. For, 
 as I have already said, the battle of Plataea took place 
 about the temple of Ceres ; so also it was to be at Mycale. 
 And most opportunely came this rumour of the victory 
 obtained by the Greeks under Pausanias, for it was yet 
 early in the day when the battle at Plataea took place ; 
 but that at Mycale, not till evening. That the two bat- 
 tles actually happened on the same day of the month, 
 was ascertained not long afterwards by mutual inquiries. 
 Before the arrival of the rumour, great fear prevailed 
 among the Greeks, not so much for themselves, as for the 
 Greeks (at Jiome), lest Greece should fall and be broken 
 under Mardonius ; but when this auspicious rumour flew 
 from rank to rank, they so much the more urged their 
 advance against the enemy. Indeed both Greeks and 
 Barbarians hastened to join battle, feeling that the 
 
 (101) 
 
DEFEAT OF THE PERSIANS. 705 
 
 islands and the Hellespont were proposed as the prize of 
 the combat. 
 
 The Athenians, who with those that had been ranged 
 near them, formed nearly a half of the army, held their 
 way along- the shore, and over an even ground, while 
 the Lacedaemonians and the troops joined with them, 
 proceeded by a ravine (channel of a winter stream), and 
 over the hills, and while these were making a circuit, 
 those of the other wing were already engaged with the 
 enemy. So long as the fence of bucklers remained 
 standing, the Persians defended themselves well, nor 
 were at all inferior to the Greeks. But the Athenians 
 and those with them wishing to achieve the victory by 
 themselves, without the Lacedaemonians, cheered each 
 other with shouts, and urged their efforts with redoubled 
 zeal ; then the fortune of the day changed, and the hedge 
 of bucklers being overthrown, the Greeks fell upon the 
 Persians in a body ; — these sustained the shock, and a 
 long time kept their ground ; but at length fled to the 
 fortified inclosure. The Athenians, and Corinthians, and 
 Sicyonians, and Trcezenians — for in this order they were 
 marshalled, followed hard and rushed with them into the 
 fortification; and when this was in the power of the 
 enemy, the Barbarians no more made a stand, but all 
 except the Persians, retreated precipitately. These, 
 though reduced to a small number, continued to oppose 
 the Greeks who were entering the defence. Of the Per- 
 sian generals, two fled, and two were slain : — Artayntes 
 and Ithamitres, who commanded the fleet, made their 
 escape, while Mardontes, and Tigranes the general of the 
 army, were killed fighting. 
 
 The Persians were still maintaining the combat when 
 the Lacedaemonians and those with them came up, and 
 joined in the slaughter of such as survived. Nor was it 
 a few of the Greeks that fell on this occasion ; — among 
 others many of the Sicyonians, with their leader Perilaus. 
 (103) 2 z 
 
706 TREASON OF THE IONIANS. 
 
 Those Samians who had formed part of the Median army, 
 and had been deprived of their arms, no sooner saw the 
 advantage preponderating on the side of the Greeks, than 
 they used their utmost exertions to lend them aid, and 
 then the other Ionians, seeing the part the Samians were 
 taking, themselves revolted from the Persians, and at- 
 tacked the Barbarians. To the Milesians had been com- 
 mitted the charge of guarding the passes, as a provision 
 for the security of the Persians in case that — if what 
 actually occurred should take place, they, having guides 
 with them, might save themselves in the heights of My- 
 cale. Such was the part assigned to the Milesians ; nor 
 with this intention only, but also to prevent their being 
 present in the army, where they might originate some 
 mutiny. But in fact they acted in direct opposition to 
 their orders ; for they led those who fled from the field 
 by roads that brought them upon their enemies, and in 
 the end joined in the slaughter with more animosity than 
 even the Greeks. Thus the second time Ionia revolted 
 from the Persians. 
 
 In this battle the Athenians chiefly distinguished them- 
 selves by their bravery ; and among the Athenians, Her- 
 molycus, son of Euthynus, a man accomplished in the 
 pancratium (exercise of wrestling and boxing). This 
 Hermolycus, at a subsequent period, during the war 
 between the Athenians and Carystians, died fighting at 
 Cyrnus, in the Carystian territory, and was interred near 
 Gerffistus. Next to the Athenians, the Corinthians, the 
 Troezenians, and the Sicyonians behaved with the greatest 
 valour. 
 
 The Greeks having put to the sword, either in the 
 battle or in the retreat, the greater part of the Barba- 
 rians, set fire to the ships and to the fortification, and 
 collecting the booty on the beach, they found among it 
 some coffers of money. When both the fleet and the 
 wall were consumed, they sailed away, and arriving at 
 
 (106) 
 
CONSULTATION AMONG THE GREEKS. 707 
 
 Samos, held a consultation relative to the removal of the 
 Ionians, and inquired in what part of Greece which was 
 under their control, they ought to be settled, so that 
 Ionia might be abandoned to the Barbarians; for it 
 appeared impracticable for them to keep the Ionians in 
 possession of that country, or long to defend them in it. 
 And unless they were so defended by the Greeks, the 
 Ionians had little prospect of escaping punishment from 
 the Persians. Under these circumstances, the chiefs 
 of the Peloponnesians were of opinion, that those of the 
 Greek community who had favoured the Medes should 
 be expelled from their cities, and that their lands should 
 be given to the Ionians. But the Athenians were by no 
 means willing that any such removal of the Ionians 
 should take place ; nor would they consent that the 
 Peloponnesians should concert measures involving the 
 interests of states deriving their origin from Athens. 
 As this opposition was made by the Athenians, the 
 Peloponnesians readily withdrew their proposition. And 
 thus the Samians, the Chians, the Lesbians, and the 
 other islanders, who happened to take part in this 
 enterprize, were brought into alliance with the Greeks, 
 and engaged their honour, sanctioned by oaths, to remain 
 faithful to this treaty, nor ever to withdraw themselves 
 from their allies. These engagements made, the Greeks 
 sailed to the Hellespont, to break up the bridges, which 
 they expected to find still entire. 
 
 Meanwhile those of the Barbarians who had escaped — 
 few in number, and had been driven to the heights of 
 Mycale, made good their retreat to Sardis. On the way, 
 Masistes, son of Darius, who was present at the late 
 disaster, addressed many reproaches to Artayntes, the 
 general, and among other taunts said that he had behaved 
 in his command of the army worse than a woman, and 
 was deserving of the heaviest punishment for having 
 wrought so much mischief to the king's affairs. Among 
 (107) 2 z 2 
 
708 MASISTES AND ARTAYNTES- 
 
 the Persians, to say a man is more of a coward than a 
 woman, is of all contumelies the greatest. Indignant 
 at these reproaches, Artayntes drew his scymitar upon 
 Masistes, and would have killed him ; but Xenagoras, son 
 of Praxilaus, a Halicarnassian, perceiving the assault as 
 he stood behind Artayntes, caught him round the waist, 
 and lifting him up, threw him to the ground. At this 
 moment the guards of Masistes came up. For this 
 service Xenagoras gained the. thanks, both of Masistes 
 and of Xerxes, whose own brother he had thus rescued, 
 and in recompense he received from the king the govern- 
 ment of all Cilicia. Nothing else remarkable occurred 
 in their further progress towards Sardis, where the 
 king had remained ever since his flight from Athens, after 
 the destruction of his fleet. 
 
 SECTION VII. 
 
 DEATH OF MASISTES. SIEGE OF SESTUS. 
 
 While Xerxes remained at Sardis, he formed an 
 attachment to the wife of Masistes, who was there ; 
 but being restrained by respect for his brother, he took 
 another course, and brought about a marriage between 
 his own son Darius, and the daughter of Masistes. 
 After celebrating these nuptials with the usual forms, 
 he set out on his return to Susa. When arrived there 
 he brought the wife of his son Darius to his palace, 
 and thenceforward ceased to care for the wife of Masistes, 
 who now was supplanted by her own daughter Artaynte, 
 wife of Darius. In process of time this affair became 
 notorious in the following manner. Amestris, the wife 
 
 (109) 
 
INTRIGUES OF XERXES. 709 
 
 of Xerxes, had woven a mantle of large dimensions and 
 admirable workmanship, with divers colours, and had 
 given it to the king, who, much delighted with it, wore 
 it when he visited Artaynte. In his fondness for her he 
 commanded her to ask of him whatever she pleased, 
 promising that what she asked she should obtain : — and. 
 as calamities were destined to befal the family, she said— 
 "And will you give me whatever I shall ask?" He 
 thinking she would demand any thing rather than what 
 she actually named, promised to do so, with an oath ; 
 no sooner had he sworn, than she boldly asked for the 
 mantle. Xerxes most unwilling to give it, used every 
 means to avoid doing so ; for he dreaded nothing more 
 than that by this means Amestris, who before had sus- 
 pected his intrigue, should convict him of it. He offered 
 her instead cities, and abundance of gold, and an army, 
 to be under her sole command — for an army is a Persian 
 gift in high esteem ; but she would not yield, and he 
 gave her the mantle. Extremely delighted with the 
 gift, she wore it, and prided herself upon possessing it. 
 Amestris was informed that she had it ; but on learning 
 what had taken place, she entertained a grudge, not 
 against Artaynte, but against her mother, the wife of 
 Masistes, whom she imagined to be the mover in the 
 plot ; and therefore resolved on accomplishing her 
 destruction. With this view she awaited the time 
 when Xerxes her husband gave the royal banquet, 
 which takes place once every year, on the king's birth- 
 day. The name of this banquet in the Persian lan- 
 guage is Tycta, which in Greek signifies — the Perfect. 
 On that occasion only the king anoints his head, and con- 
 fers gifts on the Persians. This day Amestris waited 
 for, and then asked of Xerxes that the wife of Masistes 
 might be given up to her. To do so he deeply felt 
 to be a most atrocious act, not only because it was his 
 brother's wife whom he was required to give up, but 
 (110) 2 z 3 
 
710 MASISTES AND XERXES. 
 
 because he knew her to be guiltless of the conduct 
 imputed to her: for he understood on what account 
 the request was made. 
 
 But at length as she was assiduous in urging her 
 request, and he felt himself bound by the law ; for 
 the king has no power to refuse a request during the 
 continuance of the royal banquet — he, though most 
 reluctantly, gave the nod of assent. But in surrendering 
 his brother's wife, while he told Amestris to do what 
 she would, he sent for his brother, to whom he thus 
 spoke: — " Masistes, you are the son of Darius, and 
 my brother, and moreover a good man; yet live no 
 longer with your present wife : instead of her I give 
 you my own daughter; — with her live. But it is 
 not my will that you should retain as your wife her 
 whom you now have." Masistes utterly amazed at this, 
 replied: — "My lord! what luckless words have you 
 uttered? You command me to put away a wife by 
 whom I have three sons — now youths, and daughters, 
 one of whom you have given in marriage to your own 
 son; — and a wife, moreover, who suits me well: — her 
 you tell me to dismiss, and to marry your own 
 daughter! I do indeed, O king, deem myself highly 
 honoured that you think me worthy of your daughter ; 
 but shall comply with neither of these commands. 
 Force me not when you ask from me conduct like 
 this. A man not inferior to me will present himself 
 as the husband of your daughter: — suffer me then 
 still to live with my wife." Xerxes enraged by these 
 words, thus replied : — " Thus, then, Masistes, your 
 concerns are arranged : neither shall my daughter be 
 given you in marriage ; nor shall you live any longer 
 with your wife. So may you learn to accept what 
 is offered you." Masistes on hearing this went out, 
 only saying, " My lord, yet you have not utterly de- 
 stroyed me." 
 
 (Ill) 
 
REVENGE OF AMESTRIS. 711 
 
 Meanwhile, and during the interval in which Xerxes 
 was conversing with his brother, Amestris had sent for 
 the guards of Xerxes, that she might mutilate the wife of 
 Masistes. Her breasts she cut off, and threw to the 
 dogs, together with her nose, ears, and lips. She also 
 cut out her tongue, and then sent her, thus miserably 
 mangled, to her home. Masistes knew "Indeed nothing 
 of all this ; but yet expecting some mischief, he ran 
 with all haste to his house. — On seeing his wife thus 
 mutilated, he instantly consulted with his sons, and 
 proceeded with them and some other persons to Bactria, 
 with the intention of raising a revolt in that province, 
 and of doing the greatest mischief possible to the king ; 
 and in this I think he would have succeeded, had he 
 actually arrived among the Bactrians and Saces, for he 
 was governor of the Bactrians, and greatly beloved by 
 them. But Xerxes having gained intelligence of the 
 plan he had in hand, sent an armed force after him, which 
 put him and his sons and his troops to the sword, as they 
 were on their way. So much for the intrigues of Xerxes 
 and the death of Masistes. 
 
 The Greeks leaving Mycale, advanced towards the 
 Hellespont, and first came to anchor about Lectum — the 
 winds arresting their progress. Thence they advanced to 
 Abydos, and found the bridges, which they had ex- 
 pected to see entire, completely broken up ; though to 
 destroy them had been the principal motive of their 
 coming to the Hellespont. The Peloponnesians, with 
 Leotychides, then thought proper to return to Greece; 
 but the Athenians under Xantippus resolved to remain 
 there, and to make an attempt upon the Chersonese. 
 The former therefore departed, while the latter passing 
 over from Abydos to the Chersonese, laid siege to 
 Sestus. Sestus being the strongest place in all that 
 country, the people of the neighbouring towns had flocked 
 into it when they heard that the Greeks had reached the 
 (115) 2 z 4 
 
712 SIEGE OF SESTUS. 
 
 Hellespont. From Cardia also came CEobazus, a Persian 
 who had caused the supporters of the bridges to be laid 
 up there. The city was held by the native iEolians, and 
 there were in it also some Persians, and a numerous body 
 of their allies. 
 
 The province was governed for Xerxes by Artayctes, 
 a Persian, and a man of a cruel and outrageous temper. 
 When the king was on his march towards Athens, this 
 man, by practising a fraud upon him, had carried off the 
 {consecrated) treasures of Protesilaus, son of Iphicus, 
 from Elaeus. For at Elaeus, of the Chersonese, there 
 was the sepulchre of Protesilaus, in the midst of a sacred 
 enclosure, and within it were great treasures, with gob- 
 lets of gold and silver, and brazen vessels, and vest- 
 ments, and other dedications, all which Artayctes by 
 grant of the king plundered. He imposed upon Xerxes 
 by thus addressing him: — "My lord, there is in these 
 parts the house of a Greek who, having invaded your, 
 territories, met his punishment and died. Give me then 
 his house, and so shall all learn not to invade your 
 territory." Xerxes having no suspicion of his real 
 meaning, was easy to be persuaded to grant him the 
 house. In affirming that Protesilaus had invaded the 
 king's territory, his meaning was this — that the Per- 
 sians deem the whole of Asia to be their own, (p. 3) 
 and the property of the reigning king. Having ob- 
 tained these treasures he transported them to Sestus, 
 and the consecrated lands he converted into arable, and 
 held as a farm, and as often as he visited Elaeus, he 
 profaned the sanctuary by making it the scene of his 
 profligate excesses. At this time he was besieged by 
 the Athenians, and without having made preparations 
 to sustain a siege ; for he had not expected the Greeks, 
 and so they fell upon him off his guard. 
 
 The siege continued till the autumn, and the Athe- 
 nians fretting at being so long absent from their homes, 
 
 (117) 
 
FATIi OF ARTAYCTES. 713 
 
 and still unable to capture the city, entreated their 
 generals to lead them back to Attica. But they refused 
 to do so, until either they had taken the place, or 
 were recalled by the assembly of the people ; for they 
 were eager to achieve the enterprize. Already the 
 besieged were reduced to the last degree of misery ; 
 so much so that they stewed and eat the thongs of their 
 couches ; when even these were all consumed, the Per- 
 sians with Artayctes and CEobazus made their escape 
 at night by descending the wall at the back of the 
 town, where fewest of the enemy were stationed. At 
 day break the Chersonetans made signals of what had 
 happened to the Athenians, from the towers, and 
 opened the gates. While some of the besieging army 
 took possession of the city, the greater part pursued the 
 fugitives. CEobazus having fled into Thrace, was seized 
 by the Absinthian Thracians, who, according to their 
 manner, sacrificed him to their indigenpus god, Pleis- 
 torus: his attendant they slaughtered in another man- 
 ner. Artayctes and his company setting out on their 
 retreat later, were overtaken when they had proceeded 
 only a short distance beyond iEgos Potamos. For 
 some length of time they defended themselves, until 
 all were either put to the sword or taken prisoners. 
 The Greeks binding these, led them to Sestus, and with 
 them Artayctes, and his son bound also. 
 
 To one of those who guarded the prisoners there 
 happened, as the Chersonetans affirm, a prodigy ; ; — 
 as the man was cooking corned fish, the fish as they 
 lay over the fire quivered and palpitated, as if just 
 caught. Those who stood about were amazed ; but 
 Artayctes beholding the prodigy, called the man who 
 cooked the fish, and said — "Athenian friend, fear 
 nothing on account of this prodigy : it regards not you : 
 but to me — Protesilaus, deposited at Elaeus, signifies 
 that though corned (embalmed) he has power with the 
 (120) 
 
714 PROPOSITION OF THE PERSIANS, 
 
 gods to hurt him who has injured him. Now there- 
 fore T am willing to pay to him this forfeit-money. — 
 As the price of the treasures which I took from the 
 temple, I will lay down to the god one hundred talents, 
 and for my own life and my son's I will give to the 
 Athenians two hundred talents." To this offer Xan- 
 tippus the Athenian general would not listen; for not 
 only did the Elaeans entreat that he might be de- 
 stroyed, to avenge Protesilaus, but the general himself 
 was thus minded also. They therefore led him to the 
 point where Xerxes had fixed the bridge over the 
 passage; or, as some say, to the rising ground above 
 Madytus, and there nailing him to a balk, hung him 
 up: the son of Artayctes they stoned to death before 
 his eyes. Having thus accomplished their enterprize, 
 the Athenians returned to Greece, taking with them, 
 besides other treasures, the supporters {cordages) 
 of the bridges, with the intention of dedicating them 
 in their temples. Nothing more was effected in this 
 year. 
 
 Artembares, the paternal grandfather of this Ar- 
 tayctes — hanged by the Athenians, was the person 
 who drew up an address for the Persians, which they 
 adopting, presented to Cyrus : — its purport was as fol- 
 lows. — " Since Jupiter has granted to the Persians the 
 sovereign power, and among them to you, Cyrus ; — 
 Astyages being deposed — Come, and as we possess a ter- 
 ritory of small extent, and rugged, let us take for our- 
 selves a better; for there are many better around 
 us, and many at a greater distance. If we occupy one 
 of these, we shall acquire greater respect in the eyes 
 of most men ; for it is reasonable that those who rule 
 others should adopt such a course. And when, better 
 than now, can we do it, while we have under our com- 
 mand so many nations, and rule the whole of Asia?" 
 Cyrus on hearing this address, though he admired not 
 
 (122) 
 
AND REPLY OF CYRUS." 715 
 
 the proposal, commanded that it should be put in exe- 
 cution ; yet in doing so he advised the Persians to 
 prepare themselves henceforward not to command but 
 to obey ; for, said he, it is the order of nature that de- 
 licious lands should produce delicate men. Nor is it 
 given to the same soil to bear at once the most admir- 
 able fruits, and men valiant in war. The Persians, per- 
 ceiving the truth of this assertion, acknowledged them- 
 selves vanquished by the opinion of Cyrus, and chose 
 rather to govern, inhabiting a barren land, than to cul- 
 tivate fertile plains, as the slaves of others. 
 
GENERAL NOTICES. 
 
 The reader of Herodotus will naturally seek information on some 
 points relative to which little more can, with candour, be said, than 
 that they are involved in obscurity. It would indeed be easy to repeat 
 certain commonly received opinions, and it might seem safe to follow 
 certain respectable authorities:— but when the justness of these opi- 
 nions is known to be open to very strong suspicion, and when the most 
 respectable writers are at variance, it would be a virtual imposition 
 upon the simplicity of the unlearned reader to deal out to him such 
 doubtful and controverted statements as if they were acknowledged 
 truths. On the other hand, to adduce the reasons which support 
 opposing opinions, would require treatises to be written, instead of 
 brief notes. The only course that remains is to advertize him, that, on 
 such and such topics, his wish for satisfactory and concise information 
 cannot be gratified. There are questions connected with ancient history 
 which, twenty years ago, might have been stated positively, but upon 
 which it would now betray either ignorance or an absurd dogmatism, to 
 speak in any such tone of assurance. 
 
 1. The first of these debated subjects is the chronology of the events 
 recorded by Herodotus. I have placed in the margin of my translation 
 the dates which I found attached to the Greek text of Schweighasuser's 
 edition, and which are adopted by Prof. Gaisford ; — in a few instances 
 only admitting a correction on the authority of Larcher. But the reader 
 is cautioned against supposing that they are absolutely certain and incon- 
 trovertible. He will however remember that the chronology of the 
 Persian war is liable only to some lesser and unimportant diversities of 
 opinion ; while that of the more remote ages of Grecian and Asiatic 
 history can scarcely be said to rest on any substantial basis. Learned 
 ingenuity may indeed give a plausible appearance to this or that hypo- 
 thesis, but still it remains — only an hypothesis. The reader who wishes 
 to inform himself on this subject, will of course refer to Dr. Hale's New 
 Analysis of Chronology, the most elaborate and satisfactory work extant 
 on the difficult subject of which it treats. A system of chronology 
 adapted to the history of Herodotus, is subjoined by Larcher to his 
 translation. 
 
 2. Intimately connected with the subject of chronology, is that of 
 the correspondence of profane and sacred history ; a subject of great 
 interest and some importance. I should have deemed it an indispensa- 
 ble part of my task— could it have been executed consistently with 
 truth and candour — to give the reader a clue by which he might identify 
 
718 GENERAL NOTICES. 
 
 the persons and events of the Persian history, as they occur in Hero- 
 dotus, with those mentioned by the inspired writers. And if I had 
 been contented to follow some one of such authorities as Prideaux, 
 Usher, Shuckford, Hales, this might have been done. But very serious 
 difficulties attend every explication that has hitherto been advanced, and 
 though of late much of the light (or of the darkness) of .ient?J f uing 
 has been brought to bear on these difficulties, very little, if anjP$ ,gress 
 is made towards their solution. I shall therefore attempt nothing more 
 than just to direct the reader's attention to a few points, in which the 
 coincidence between the narrative of Herodotus and that of the Jewish 
 historians and prophets may be traced with more or less of certainty. 
 
 i. The description of the extent, magnificence, and wealth of Babylon, 
 and of the dissoluteness of its inhabitants, pp. 84 — 96, accords well with 
 the allusions of the prophets, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Daniel. 
 
 ii. The story of Hercules, p. 124, will remind every reader of the 
 history of Samson, though disguised in its circumstances, by the Egyp- 
 tian priests. 
 
 iii. The capture of Jerusalem by Shishak, king of Egypt, in the reign 
 of Rehoboam, 1 Kings xiv. 25. 2 Chron. xii. is certainly the same event 
 as, is mentioned by Herodotus, p. 145-6, and attributed by him to 
 Sesostris. He says he had himself seen in the Syrian Palestine the 
 columns erected by the Egyptian king in commemoration of his con- 
 quests ; and that these bore the emblem of ignominy, indicating that 
 little resistance had been made to the conqueror. This agrees with the 
 manner in which the invasion is spoken of by the author of the Book 
 of Chronicles. 
 
 iv. Herodotus mentions Sanacherib, p. 161, Sennmherib, and gives a 
 corrupted account of his miraculous defeat, as reported to him by the 
 Egyptian priests. See 2 Chron. xxxii. and Is. xxxvi. 
 
 v. The defeat of Josiah at Megiddo by Pharaoh Nechoh, as related 
 2 Kings xxiii. 29 ; and 2 Chron. xxxv. 20, is referred to by our author, 
 p. 174 : he misnames the place where the battle was fought, calling it 
 Magdolus. In a note upon the passage the reader will find the evidence 
 which proves that by Cadytis Herodotus intends Jerusalem. 
 
 vi. In adjusting the history of the Persian kings, Cyrus, Cambyses, 
 Darius Hystaspes, and Xerxes, to the Scripture history, some 
 disputable questions arise which could not fairly be stated within a 
 narrow compass ; the reader who wishes for information on the subject 
 will consult the writers already mentioned ; to which ought to be added, 
 Sir John Malcolm's History of Persia : or he will find the subject treated 
 in a compendious and lucid manner in that ably conducted work, the 
 Modern Traveller— Persia, Part I. Those instances in which the testi- 
 mony of Herodotus contains the fulfilment of prophecies, are adduced 
 by Bishop Newton, or the reader may find the subject presented in a" 
 condensed but forcible manner, in Keith's Sketch of the Evidence from 
 Prophecy. 
 
 3. A large proportion of those frequent digressions which interrupt 
 our author's narrative, consists of geographical descriptions. These, 
 with the exception of a few erroneous computations of distance, or state- 
 
GENERAL NOTICES. 719 
 
 merits of relative position, are proved by modern researches to be in a 
 high degree exact ; and they afford a convincing proof of our author's 
 care and industry in collecting information. In many instances his state- 
 ments are more correct than those of the later geographical writer's — 
 Ptolemy, Strabo, and Pliny. This interesting subject has been very 
 fully 'ed by JVIajor Rennell, in his Geographical System of Herodotus 
 exam. , and explained, &c. to which the reader is referred. And in 
 Larcher's notes ; and in his Table of Geography, almost every doubtful 
 point is copiously and learnedly discussed. 
 
 4. Our author's notions of astronomy and of natural philosophy were 
 not only very confined and erroneous, but inferior to those of the age 
 in which he lived. He had evidently paid no attention to subjects of 
 this class, and he betrays his ineptitude whenever he attempts to reason 
 upon them. The reader will be liable to very little perplexity from this 
 source, and will know what to understand when the historian informs 
 him that " the sun was darkened at mid-day ;" or when he reads that 
 the force of the wintry storms is such, that " it drives the sun from the 
 mid-heavens towards the remote regions of Libya," where he is detained 
 in exile until the northern blasts have spent their rage. I have thought 
 it better to translate passages of this kind in all their simplicity, than to 
 dress them in the phraseology of modern science. 
 
 6. On the subject of natural history our author is tolerably exact, so 
 far as his personal knowledge extended. He has however admitted — 
 yet almost always with the distinct caution — " I report only what I 
 heard" — some fabulous accounts. Thus he tells us of the phoenix, of 
 griffins, of pigmies, of one-eyed, and of goat-footed men, &c. Yet in 
 not a few instances some substantial truth is veiled under these fables. 
 
 6. The capital question of our author's historical authenticity, I have 
 treated in a volume recently published,* to which I refer the reader. 
 He will bear in mind the simple rule of holding his faith in suspense in 
 what relates to remote ages ; while he may rely with very little hazard 
 upon the narrative of later events; — those I mean of the Persian inva- 
 sion. A few incidents, derived from the testimony of interested priests, 
 or of individuals not subject to be confronted by other evidence, are 
 manifestly of no authority; but these exceptions make no important 
 deduction from the credit of the history. The least authentic portions 
 of the main narrative are the speeches and dialogues, which, with the 
 exception of a few repartees, likely to have been remembered, arc 
 scarcely ever to be deemed genuine. They are embellishments with which 
 the taste of the times made it necessary that an historian should relieve 
 the story. The intelligent reader will not fail to observe, that in our 
 author's descriptions of the conflicts between the Greeks and Persians, 
 there is none of that vapouring and inflation of style, or exaggeration, 
 which bring the narratives of some later historians under just suspicion. 
 He does justice to the valour of the Persians ; and attributes their de- 
 feats to the imperfection of their weapons— to their mistaken system of 
 warfare, and to the errors and folly of their leaders. On the other hand, 
 
 * The Process of Historical Proof exemplified and explained. 
 
720 GENERAL NOTICES. 
 
 he makes no scruple of mentioning the fears and trepidations which pre- 
 vailed among the Greeks ; nor conceals their childish contestations, and 
 interested treasons. That a narrative so little complimentary to the 
 vanity of the people at large, and so derogatory to the honour of several 
 powerful states, should have been received and admired by the Greeks, 
 gives high proof of the freedom, vigour, and integrity of public opinion 
 among that people. 
 
 7. The religious opinions of Herodotus are not to be gathered with 
 certainty from his mode of speaking on subjects of this kind. It may 
 however be conjectured that he held the mythologies of the Greeks 
 in contempt, yet without perceiving the superiority of the purer theo- 
 logy of which it is evident he had obtained some knowledge in the east. 
 He seems to have held the doctrine so common to travellers — that the 
 religious systems of nations are all equally absurd, and yet should all 
 be treated with decorous respect. His sense of right and wrong, if not 
 very acute, is rather more so than that of many of the Greek writers ; and 
 on the whole his history, like the poems of Homer, bears towards the 
 side of good morals, and is far from being chargeable .with any 
 corrupting tendency. On the contrary, many powerful lessons of 
 virtue are met with in the course of the narrative, and exclusively of a 
 few objectionable phrases, which have been modified in the present 
 translation, the whole work is eminently proper for the perusal of young 
 persous. 
 
 8. Our author's political principles are much less obscure than his 
 religious Relief. As in early life he had signalized himself by his active 
 opposition to the tyranny established in his native city, so on every 
 proper occasion he holds up every form of absolute and irresponsible 
 rule as an object of dread and abhorrence ; and declares himself the 
 friend of popular government. The evils of democracy had scarcely 
 developed themselves in his time, and he seems very little aware of the 
 impracticability which afterwards became so apparent in Greece, of 
 conducting the business of state in a mob-like assembly. 
 
 There are some terms of frequent occurrence which demand a few 
 words of explanation. 
 
 1. When Herodotus is speaking of Grecian affairs, or reporting the 
 speeches of Greeks, he uses the word $sog God, almost always — per- 
 haps invariably, in its mythological sense, to indicate this or that divinity 
 of the popular superstition, and most often Apollo, who was the principal 
 oracular personage in Greece. But when the sentiments of the Persians 
 are reported, there seems reason, from the style of the context, to think 
 that a purer and more elevated idea of the Maker and Ruler of the 
 world was, in the author's intention, attached to the same word. I have 
 therefore, though not always on absolutely satisfactory grounds of discri- 
 mination, marked this difference of sense by using or not using the 
 definite article and the initial capital. 
 
 The word ccufMov — damon, is used rather indefinitely by Herodotus ; 
 most often to supply the want of an abstract term for the deity ; and 
 
GENERAL NOTICES. 721 
 
 may be translated— Providence. Sometimes it seems equivalent to 
 the phrase — the god. 
 
 2. BaeriXeuc— king, is used in several senses. " The king," or " the 
 Great King," means the sovereign of Persia by eminence ; as we say 
 " the Grand Seignior "—lord. This word is not applied by Herodotus 
 to rulers of any rank or sort who owned subjection to the " great king ;" 
 but is only employed when the nations lying beyond the bounds of the 
 Persian empire are mentioned — as for example the {ancient) Egyptians, 
 the Libyans, the Indians, the Scythians, and the Thracians. Not seldom 
 the phrase "kings" means nothing more than nobles, or the class of 
 1 an d-proprietors . 
 
 3. TvpavvoQ — tyrant, an absolute ruler or despot — is applied by our 
 author to the irresponsible petty sovereigns of Grecian cities ; — never, I 
 believe, to the native sovereigns of barbarian states. These tyrants 
 were either enterprizing individuals, who by management and force had 
 usurped supreme power in particular cities, as the Pisistratids of Athens ; 
 or the hereditary monarchs of small states, as some of those of Magna 
 Grecia ; or they were the governors who held power under the Persian 
 kings in the Grecian cities of Asia : such were Aristagoras, Histieeus, 
 Miltiades, &c. This title, which originally conveyed only the simple 
 idea of office, gradually acquired an obnoxious sense, derived in part 
 from the licentious ferocity which often attended its exercise ; and in 
 part from the heat of democratical declamations. 
 
 4. The word IIoXic — city, though not seldom applied, by extension of 
 meaning, to a collection of buildings included wi,thin walls, when used 
 by Herodotus in its proper sense, means — commonwealth, or state ; and 
 I have in these instances so translated it. The town or collection of 
 houses, &c. is signified by another word — aarv, which in its special 
 meaning belonged to Athens. To " found a city " — in the language of 
 Herodotus, means to establish a colony ; that is to say, to clear and 
 enclose a tract of land on a foreign shore — to raise walls sufficiently 
 extensive to afford a place of refuge to the colonists, when attacked by 
 the aborigines, to establish a police, and to erect a temple or two. 
 
 5. The term — Barbarian, as every one knows, was applied by the 
 Greeks to all people not of Greek extraction ; and by the arrogance of 
 national vanity, acquired a meaning of contumely. It is used as a term 
 of haughty contempt frequently in the last three books. 
 
 6. The Hoplites — biikirai, heavy armed troops, were those who wore 
 the complete Grecian defensive armour, as well as being furnished with 
 the weapons of offence— the long spear and sword. These formed the 
 substantial part of the army, being free citizens, and thoroughly trained 
 to military service. The light armed — \pi\oi — were unfurnished with 
 defensive armour, carried bows or slings, and were considered as 
 attendants upon the Hoplites. Thus the helots of Sparta' were 
 brought into the field ; seven of these slaves being assigned to each 
 citizen. 
 
 7. The ancient ships were either long ships— that is galleys, constructed 
 only for war ; or merchant vessels of a more cumbrous make. The 
 war galleys were impelled — besides the occasional use of sails, by 
 
 3 A 
 
722 GENERAL NOTICES. 
 
 rowers, arranged in galleries, one over the other, in two, three, or some- 
 times many stages. The prow was armed with one, two, or three brazen 
 spikes, placed just between wind and water, and intended to pierce the 
 sides of an enemy's ship ; and by the united effect of the shock and 
 rupture, to sink it. When the stroke of the galley upon its antagonist 
 failed to send it to the bottom, a conflict took place between the armed 
 men who were crowded in each vessel, and who fought with javelins, 
 hatchets, and swords, until one of the ships was boarded and taken. 
 The trireme was a galley having three banks, or galleries of rowers — 
 thirty or fifty on each bench. The penteconter was a smaller vessel, 
 impelled by fifty rowers. The trieconter had thirty rowers. The 
 Greeks held the seas against the much superior numbers of the 
 Persians, and at length utterly discomfited the invader, not only 
 by their better discipline and higher spirit, but by the skill and 
 boldness with which they used the trireme as an engine of percus- 
 sion. The brawny arms of one or two hundred lusty fellows, giving 
 their pull with the precision of musical time, imparted a momentum to 
 the ponderous war boat, which, when skilfully direeted against the side 
 of a vessel at rest, infallibly sent it down. The crews of these vessels 
 of war were, if possible, encamped on shoje every night, while the ships 
 were drawn upon the beach. 
 
 8. A table of the road measures mentioned by Herodotus, will enable 
 the reader to make any calculations he may wish upon our author's state- 
 ments ; but a ready recollection of the gross value of terms of measure- 
 ment is generally so important to the intelligence of historical narratives, 
 that, in most instances throughout the translation, I have used an English 
 term nearly, though not precisely equivalent to the Greek, rather than 
 either employ the Greek word, or encumber the memory with fractions. 
 The precise value of the principal term — the stadium, as employed by 
 Herodotus, is not ascertained satisfactorily. It seems, either that he 
 refers to a different measure under the same name, in speaking of dif- 
 ferent countries, or that his computations in some instances were founded 
 on very inaccurate information. Or perhaps in some cases a corruption 
 of the text has taken place. When giving measurements in Egypt, and 
 the countries north of the Euxine, his stadium must be supposed much 
 smaller than that by which he computes distances in Greece and Asia 
 Minor. And even in some of his statements relative to Greece it seems, 
 though he does not advertise the reader of his doing so, that he intends 
 the smaller or Pythian, not the common or Olympic stadium. The mode 
 in which he computes distances— whether inclusive or not of incurvations, 
 is also undetermined. Under air these uncertainties, it would be al- 
 together deceptive to affect precision : the reader who wishes to pursue 
 particulars of this sort, will of course examine for himself the Greek 
 text critically, and have recourse to the notes of the principal editions. 
 The general reader, who cares only for so much information on this head 
 as is necessary to understand the narrative, will bear in mind that the 
 word furlong is used by accommodation for a measure always less than 
 the eighth of an English mile; and sometimes for one less than the 
 tenth. 
 
NOTES ON PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 723 
 
 The English furlong is equal to . . 660 English feet. 
 The Olympic stadium, to ... 630 
 
 The Pythian stadium, to . . . 504£ 
 
 The Orgyia (fathom), to . . . 6 feet and half an inch. 
 
 The Pechys (cubit), to . . . 1 6J inches. 
 
 The Grecian foot, to .... 1 .0875 dec. of an inch. 
 The Plethron is a land measure, reckoned equal to 100 Grecian feet, or 
 the sixth part of the stadium. Herodotus uses also some foreign terms 
 of measurement, as the schcene, or line, equal, according to his state- 
 ment, to sixty stades ; though he seems to have overrated its real value. 
 The term is used also for a measure of thirty stades, equivalent to the 
 Persian parasang. 
 
 NOTES ON PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 
 
 Page 6. 
 
 This prediction toas confirmed by the event.'] This is the first 
 
 of very many prophetic oracles which the reader will find gravely 
 quoted by Herodotus, and to which, as appears from his own explicit 
 assertion, he himself gave credit (p. 615) though evidently not without 
 a degree of hesitation, probably arising from his knowledge of the 
 frauds and managements perpetually carried on by the priests at the 
 oracular temples. Yet there were, in his opinion, too many proofs of 
 the possession of superhuman knowledge by those who delivered 
 these oracles, to allow of his calling it in question, as some did, it seems, 
 even in that age. So far as any importance attaches to the subject, it 
 is to be regretted that he has not, even in a single instance, put his 
 reader in possession of the proper historical proof of the existence of 
 these predictions prior to the events to which they relate ; nor shown on 
 what ground he had reason to confide in the integrity and genuineness 
 of the verses which he quotes, and which apparently he had received 
 from the priests who were the interested ministers of the oracles. This 
 entire absence of the very proof most necessary in such cases may 
 well be held to deprive such predictions of all claim to serious atten- 
 tion. How far a superhuman knowledge was at the command of those 
 who managed the oracles, is a question not to be discussed in a small 
 space. However it might be decided, there are proofs enough, which 
 the reader will not fail to observe, in Herodotus, that the responses 
 were under the corrupt control of statesmen, and employed by them as 
 an engine of policy. 
 
 Page 10. 
 
 Stretching a cord from her temple, &c] A precaution not unusual 
 among the ancients during a siege, and intended to prevent the escape 
 of the tutelary deity in the hour of peril. For it was believed that the 
 gods, when they foresaw that the capture of a city was inevitable, took 
 
 3 A 2 
 
724 NOTES ON 
 
 themselves off rather than witness the destruction of their votaries. 
 Thus the Tyrians chained Apollo to his place when besieged by 
 Alexander. 
 
 Page 14. 
 If we fix the term of human life, &c] The entire passage is as fol- 
 lows—" I lay down seventy years as the limit of the life of man. These 
 seventy years contain 25,200 days, exclusive of the intercalary months. 
 But if you will make the alternate years longer by a month, (By 
 adding the intercalary months to the whole ■period,') in order that 
 the seasons may come round at the proper time ; then these inter- 
 calary months, in the seventy years, will amount to thirty-five, and the 
 days contained in them to 1,500. Now of all these days, making up the 
 seventy years, and amounting to 26,250 days, not one brings with it 
 events altogether like those of another," &c. 
 
 Page 21. Note. 
 The common Attic talent valued 56lb. lloz. 17£gre. The mina — 
 lib. 2oz. lldwts. 10 2-7th grs. 
 
 Page 22. 
 
 Amphiaraus son of Apollo, was swallowed up in his chariot by the 
 earth, on his return from the Argive expedition against Thebes. He 
 received divine honours after death, and was deemed to impart the 
 knowledge of futurity. Those who consulted him were obliged, after 
 long abstinence, to sleep in his temple ; when they received in a dream 
 the answer to their inquiry. Frequent mention is made of this oracle. 
 The temple was situated at Oropus in Attica. 
 
 Page 33. 
 
 This eclipse of the sun recorded by Herodotus has been the subject of 
 long and learned discussion ; for could it, beyond question, be deter- 
 mined which, of several eclipses that may be ascertained to have hap- 
 pened about that period, is here intended, an important point would be 
 gained for the solution of chronological difficulties. But this certainty 
 seems not attainable. The knowledge of astronomy implied in the pre- 
 diction of Thales was confined, at least in Greece, to so small a number 
 of individuals, that the superstitious fears excited by this ordinary phe- 
 nomenon continued in full force during the most enlightened periods of 
 Grecian history. And many a time men who were not ashamed of 
 slaughtering each other under the broad light of the sun, were stopped 
 in the work of blood by their groundless fears, when, as if in horror, he 
 withdrew his beams. 
 
 Page 46. 
 
 It has been supposed that the " three distinct accounts" of the ex- 
 ploits of Cyrus here referred to are — that given by our author — that 
 adopted by Xenophon in his Cyropaedia, and that related by Ctesias ; 
 but this is mere conjecture. If indeed there were in Persia, in our 
 author's age — " three distinct accounts," of so illustrious a personage as 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 725 
 
 Cyrus, the last years of whose reign might be remembered by indi- 
 viduals alive at the time when Herodotus was in Asia, we may be 
 assured that authentic and well attested memoirs of his exploits had 
 either never existed, or were presently lost; otherwise the various and 
 exaggerated rumours which national vanity on the one hand, or which 
 the ill nature of detractors on the other, might originate, could not so 
 far have prevailed as to leave an intelligent collector of historical facts 
 in perplexity. We ought therefore to receive the narrative given ns by 
 the Greek historians, as of extremely uncertain authority. I have had 
 occasion to advert to the difference between Herodotus and Xenophon 
 in the " Process of Historical Proof," p. 100, and note p. 318. 
 
 Page 48. 
 
 I must request indulgence for stepping so far out of my province as to 
 suggest an inquiry whether the description here given of Ecbatana — 
 even though its correctness were doubted, might furnish any illustration 
 of Revelation xxi. 10 — 21. The Median city was constructed on a 
 conical hill, and consisted of seven diminishing circular platforms, each 
 distinguished by the colour of its wall. May we understand the de- 
 scription of the New Jerusalem as meaning a quadrangular pyramid of 
 twelve stages — or foundations, variously garnished with precious stones. 
 No incongruity will then be implied in the measurement which affirms 
 that u the length, and breadth, and height of the city are equal." Such 
 staged pyramids were not unknown to the ancient architecture of Asia : 
 and may it be presumed that this construction of the city thf*t shall 
 " descend from heaven," is intended to symbolize the towering hierarchy 
 of thrones, dominions, powers, that shall take place under the Messiah's 
 reign ? 
 
 Page 85. 
 
 The considerable diversities in the measurements given by ancient 
 authors of the walls of Babylon afford strong probability to the sup- 
 position that Herodotus and other Greeks used the word stadium in 
 translating the Asiatic terms of measurement by accommodation, as being 
 the nearest to the truth which their language offered ; and that they are 
 not to be understood as affirming that they had themselves measured the 
 walls by the Greek stadium. This supposition removes the hope of obtain- 
 in« certainty on the subject. The reader who wishes to pursue the inquiry, 
 will peruse the notes of the translators ; and especially the chapter on 
 the site and remains of ancient Babylon, in Major Rennell's Geography 
 of Herodotus ; or that on the same subject by Sir W. Di ummond in his 
 " Ori«nnes," The greatest extent that has been affirmed need not seem 
 to surpass the limits of probability ; for Babylon was not properly a 
 
 c ity understanding the terfn in its modern sense— but a walled province, 
 
 including, besides palaces, temples, and the houses of a vast population, 
 large spaces of garden ground, arable land, and parks, which rendered 
 the place in a great measure independent of the surrounding country, 
 and enabled it to sustain a lengthened siege. Our ideas of ancient 
 Babylon are perhaps best taken from descriptions of the modern capital 
 
 3 a 3 
 
726 NOTES ON 
 
 of China, and perhaps also we should approach nearer to tile truth were 
 wc to derive from such a comparison a very considerable abatement of 
 those ideas of magnificence and of architectural sublimity which we have 
 been accustomed to attribute to — Babylon the Great. 
 
 Page 86. 
 
 " Filled with houses of three and four stories"— or, having many such 
 hoases ; besides, no doubt, a large proportion of mere huts. The c'e- 
 scription given by Quintns Curtius, B. V. should be taken in explanation 
 of that of our author. "The edifices do not approach the walls — a space 
 of about an acre (intended probably for two hundred and forty feet) 
 intervening; nor is the whole city occupied with habitations, but ninety 
 stades ; nor are the houses contiguous ; it being thought, as I suppose, 
 more safe to have them scattered — the rest of the ground is cultivated 
 for the supply of the inhabitants in the event of a siege." 
 
 Page 94. 
 
 The fruitfulness of the palm was believed to depend upon the pre- 
 sence of the fly, or rather worm, which occupies the bud. Various 
 processes of impregnation are described by ancient and modern authors. 
 
 Page 97. 
 
 An error must be attributed to some part of our author's description 
 of this river : he probably confounds the Araxes with the Ochus, which 
 discharges itself on the eastern side of the Caspian ; or perhaps with 
 the Oxus or the Jaxartes. 
 
 Page 106, §. 
 
 Sixty furlongs.] In these measurements of Egypt, the lesser stadium 
 must be understood. 
 
 Page 110, t. 
 The employment of swine for these purposes, though asserted by 
 other authors, has appeared utterly incredible to modern annotators; 
 and it has been supposed that oxen must be intended. These con- 
 jectural alterations of the text, merely to avoid a seeming difficulty, are 
 to be shunned.-We can rarely affirm of foreign and ancient usages, 
 that they are incredible. 
 
 Page 111, * 
 The reader must keep in mind that the Nile, not the Red Sea, was 
 considered by the ancients as the boundary between Africa and Asia- 
 the country between the Nile and the Red Sea was assigned to 
 Arabia. Thw notice may serve to explain several passages which 
 the reader will presently meet with. 
 
 Page 113. 
 River ocean.] See foot notes to pages 271 and 282. 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 727 
 
 Page 114. 
 I conclude therefore that the sum.] Our author's account of his own 
 hypothesis will not perhaps be immediately understood by the reader. 
 The substance of what he means to say seems to be this — That the 
 Nile during its inundation, after the summer solstice, is only at its 
 natural level; and that it is less the rest of the year, because, unlike 
 other rivers, it is exposed during the winter also to evaporation ; while 
 it is deprived of those replenishing rains which then fill other rivers. 
 The storms of winter he thinks drive the sun from the mid heavens 
 towards the south, where he employs the months of his exile in dimi- 
 nishing the sources of the Nile. Herodotus was no astronomer. 
 
 Page 118. 
 
 May be passed in five days.] Herodotus evidently underrates the 
 width of the peninsular Asia; for he would not reckon so much as 
 fifty-six miles as a day's journey, even to " a good traveller;" thirty -five 
 miles being the distance usually calculated for the travelling of a 
 courier on foot. 
 
 Page 130. 
 
 It is not pwrnitted to me to say, &c] Expressions of this sort fre- 
 quently occur in our author : — in some of these, as that noted page 
 125, it seems that he excuses himself from the disagreeable task of 
 describing the filthy obscenities of the Egyptian ceremonies. But more 
 often, as there is reason to believe, from a religious scruple, he avoids 
 mentioning name* which he had learned by being initiated in sacred 
 mysteries, and which it would have been a violation of his vows to 
 disclose. See pages 138, 179. 
 
 Page 134. 
 
 The Phoenix.] In matters of natural history, even when correct in 
 substance, Herodotus is to be heard with caution, and indeed he com- 
 monly himself suggests this caution by the phrase— "I report what I 
 have been told." In this doubting style he relates the fable of the 
 phoenix — a fable very generally believed by the ancients. 
 
 Page 137. 
 
 This ode of lamentation — " in use among the Egyptians from the most 
 remote ages," and said to have been sung in honour of the only son of 
 an Egyptian king, may just be conjectured to have commemorated that 
 night of sorrow for Egypt, when there was not a house in which there 
 was not one dead. 
 
 Page 138. 
 
 Not lawful to mention : see above. 
 
 Page 1C1. 
 
 For the death of J£sop.~] This passage has been variously translated.— 
 The sense to me seems clearly this, that as the Delphians had put TEsop 
 
 3 a 4 
 
728 NOTES ON 
 
 to death by throwing him from a rock, in revenge of his railleries, they 
 were required to expatiate their crime by paying a fine to him who 
 could establish his right to receive it. The grandson of Jadmon made 
 the claim on the ground that the fabulist had been the property of his 
 ancestor. 
 
 Page 164. 
 
 Samcharib, king of the Arabians, &c] The Sennacherib of scripture 
 history. " Herodotus," says Prideaux, " gives us from the relation of 
 the Egyptian priests, some kind of a disguised account of this deli- 
 verance from the Assyrians in a fabulous application of it to the city of 
 Pelusium, instead of Jerusalem, and to Sethon, the Egyptian king, 
 
 instead of Hezekiah : by whose piety he saith it was obtained, &c 
 
 and it is particularly to be remarked that Herodotus calls the king of 
 Assyria, to whom he saith this happened, by the same name of Sen- 
 nacherib, as the scriptures do, and the time in both doth also well 
 agree, which plainly shews that it is the same fact that is referred to by 
 Herodotus, although much disguised in the relation ; which may easily 
 be acsounted for when we consider that it comes to us through the hands 
 of such as had the greatest aversion both to the nation and the religion 
 of the Jews, and therefore would relate nothing in such manner as 
 might give any reputation to either." Vol. I. an. 710. 
 
 Page 175. 
 
 Cadytis, a great city in Syria.!; Though not without dissenting voices, 
 the fact seems well established, that Herodotus here, and page 188, 
 means Jerusalem : the reasons for thinking so are thus given by Pri- 
 deaux. — " Herodotus making mention of this expedition of Necho's, 
 and also of the battle which he fought at Megiddo — or Magdolum, as he 
 calleth it, saith that after the victory there obtained by him, he took the 
 great city Cadytis, which city he afterwards describes to be a moun- 
 tainous city in Palestine, of the bigness of Sardis in Lydia,the chief city 
 of all Lesser Asia, in those tunes. By which description, this city 
 Cadytis could be none other than Jerusalem. For that is situated in the 
 mountains of Palestine, and there was then nopther city in those parts 
 which could be equalled to Sardis, but that only ; and it is certain from 
 scripture that after this battle Necho did take Jerusalem ; for he was 
 there when he made Jehoiakim king. There is, I confess, no mention of 
 this name, either in the scriptures or Josephus. But that it was how- 
 ever called so in the time of Herodotus, by the Syrians and Arabians, 
 doth appear from this, that it is called by them, and all the eastern 
 nations, by no other name but one of the same -original, and the same 
 signification, even to this day. For Jerusalem is a name now altogether 
 as strange to them as Cadytis is to us. They all call it by the name, 
 \lkuds (or rather el Goutz or el Koudes), which signifies the same that 
 Cadytis doth ; that is Holy, for from the time that Solomon built the 
 temple at Jerusalem, and it was thereby made to all Israel the common 
 place of their religious worship, this epithet of the holy was commonly 
 given to it This name Kedushah, the holy, became current 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. ?29 
 
 among the nations ; and by the Syrians who usually turned the Hebrew 
 sh into th ;^-Kedutha. And the Syriac in the time of Herodotus being 
 the only language that was then spoken in Palestine, he found it when he 
 travelled through that country to be called there in the Syriac dialect 
 Kedutha; from whence by giving it a Greek termination, he made it 
 Kaci/nc, Cadytis, in his history, which he wrote about the time that 
 Nehemiah ended his twelve years' government at Jerusalem." Vol. T. 
 an. 610. Major Rennell professes the same opinion, Section xi. From 
 his error on the subject of circumcision, page 145, and his utter silence 
 on the subject of the Jewish customs and worship, though so ready to 
 report whatever is remarkable or unusual, it would seem that his visit 
 to Jerusalem must have been very hasty ; — some fortuity perhaps com- 
 pelled him to pass through the city without making any stay. Had he 
 held converse with the Jews, or even witnessed their worship, he would 
 assuredly have made some mention of them. 
 
 Page 201. 
 
 Cambyses as in a fit of frenzy.] Though the violence of a man of un- 
 governed passions seems to belong to this, and other parts of the conduct of 
 the son of Cyrus, the language attributed to him by our author agrees well 
 with other indications of the existence among the Persians of a compara- 
 tively pure religion. The description given of their notions and worship — 
 page 64, is evidently distorted in the manner common to the Greeks, who 
 could understand nothing that-seemed altogether unlike their own usages. 
 He however there makes a distinction between the ancient and the 
 modern religion of the Persians, affirming that polytheism was but lately 
 introduced among them. Their extensive conquests had probably led 
 to the adoption of foreign superstitions. But the sentiments attributed 
 by Herodotus to the Persian chiefs on several occasions — if they may 
 be thought to have been at all in character, have much more of theism, 
 and much less of a corrupt superstition than is commonly heard from the 
 Greeks. The reader will not fail to notice some striking instances of 
 this sort in the eighth and ninth books. This clearer light may be sup- 
 posed to have been derived either by tradition from patriarchal times ; 
 or more lately from frequent intercourse with the Hebrew nation. 
 
 Page 225. 
 
 !ja lie must be told, &c] The bad morality which is here put into the 
 mouth of Darius, neither accords with the Persian character, (see 
 pp. 66, 67,) nor with the tone of sentiment which belongs generally to 
 Herodotus. A scrap of corrupt casuistry, which he had somewhere 
 met with, he here thrusts into his narrative. The reader will remember 
 that the speeches attributed by our author to the personages of his story 
 are rarely to be deemed authentic. 
 
 Page 235. 
 
 The Babylonian and Euboic talents.'] The talent of Eubcea is believed 
 to be nearly the same as the Attic, and valued about £193 15s. of 
 English money. The Babylonian talent would be worth about £226. 
 
730 NOTES ON 
 
 The stated revenue of the empire, at this rate, amounts to no more than 
 about £2,821,000, or, adding the probable value of the presents and 
 gratuities, to £3,650,000, a 6um very inconsiderable for so extensive a 
 dominion. " As it cannot be supposed," says Major Rennell, " that 
 the statements are generally wrong, although particular errors may be 
 expected, it may be collected that the value of money was incredibly 
 greater at that time than at present. The rich and trading kingdom of 
 Egypt and its dependencies, which sent two hundred triremes to the 
 fleet of Xerxes, paid only £320,000, including the corn furnished, and 
 which amounted to half of the sum. Thus, if we suppose a population 
 of three millions, it will be only about two shillings per head, and the 
 people of Bengal at this time, whoare not heavily taxed, pay about seven 
 shillings per annum." 
 
 Page 237. 
 
 Such were these governments.] The foregoing description of the sa- 
 trapies has undergone minute investigation by modern writers; the 
 result of which has been to establish beyond doubt its general authen- 
 ticity ; and consequently the industry and fidelity of our author. For 
 without actual and laborious researches so much accuracy on a subject 
 so difficult would never have been attained. From a comparison of this 
 description of countries with that of the army of Xerxes, pp.504 — 513, 
 many of those minor coincidences are obtained, which serve to authenti- 
 cate both accounts, and so to prove indirectly the principal fact of the 
 history — namely, the invasion of Greece, by an army drawn from many 
 nations of Asia. 
 
 Page 238. 
 
 The Indians.] The mixture of a few facts with many extravagant 
 errors in our author's account of India, proves that he had sought infor- 
 mation from persons conversant with the countries beyond the Indus, 
 though they to a great extent abused his confidence. The reader will 
 remark in many instances that fables of a terrific kind are connected 
 with the account of countries whence the precious metals, or other 
 valuable productions were obtained : — griffins, flying serpents, &c. are 
 ordinarily the guardians of such places. The origin of these scaring 
 accounts is not hard to be imagined. The description presently follow- 
 ing, of the mode of collecting the Arabian spices, contains several 
 instances of this sort of interested exaggeration. 
 
 Page 243. 
 
 The river Eridanu*.~] Supposed to be the Rho-daune, emptying itself 
 into the Vistula, near Dantzic, and on the banks of which amber is 
 found. 
 
 Page 251. 
 
 The medical skill of Democedes.] If we want a significant and infallible 
 criterion of the relative advancement of nations in real cultivation, we 
 may take the particular circumstance of the employment of the phy- 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 731 
 
 sicians of one country by the people of the other. The people who 
 send abroad for professors of the most necessary of the sciences, are 
 barbarians, whatever may be their power or opulence. From tbis story 
 it is evident, that an Egyptian or a Greek, skilled in the healing art, 
 was then valued in Persia very much in the same way that the services 
 of a Frank, if he calls himself a physician, are now prized in all parts of 
 Asia. 
 
 Page 269. 
 
 Our author's description of Scythia, and of its wandering tribes is, in 
 all its leading particulars, verified by the present condition of the same 
 regions, and of their occupants. Herodotus had unquestionably wit- 
 nessed much of what he describes. There is indeed a considerable error 
 in his statements of the figure and extent of these countries, but that 
 error may be accounted for without at all impeaching either his fidelity 
 or general accuracy. The means of a true knowledge of distance and 
 position were not in his power. 
 
 Page 284. 
 
 They had the sun (rising) on the right hand.] The mention of this cir- 
 cumstance which, to our author, seemed so incredible, is alone sufficient 
 to authenticate the whole narrative : for it would never have been 
 imagined by a fabricator of traveller's wonders. I do not think, as 
 some suppose, that this refers to the snn at noon, which after passing the 
 line would seem to have gone over to the other hand, if the progress of 
 the voyagers was obliquely south-west; but rather to the sun rising, 
 which after doubling the cape would be on the right. For in the first 
 place, the line of coast is so nearly due south, that the voyagers would 
 more probably have said the sun was behind them ; and secondly, summer 
 voyages in the southern ocean were unquestionably often extended 
 below the tropic of Capricorn : to see the sun in the northern heavens 
 was therefore not an extraordinary circumstance, and could hardly have 
 been reported as such among the Phoenicians. 
 
 Page 287. 
 
 The Ister, &c] The modern names of these rivers are as follow. 
 The Ister is the Danube ; the Tyras, the Niester ; the Hypanis, the Bog ; 
 the Borysthenes, the Nieper ; the Panticapes, probably, the Samara ; the 
 Hypacyris, probably, the Kalauczac ; the Gerrhus has not been identified 
 in modern geography, unless it be the Donee; the Tcma'is is the Don. 
 
 Page 328. 
 
 Fcund in Lybia a city.] This is one among several instances occurring 
 in our author of the policy pursued by the managers of the Delphic 
 oracle, which compelled individuals who were dangerous at home to 
 banish themselves with their adherents. It is probable also that the 
 system of colonization was thus steadily promoted by the Pythian 
 with a view to the extension of her trade in responses : for it had be- 
 come customary for the Greeks in the most remote settlements to visit 
 
732 NOTES ON 
 
 Delphi on occasions of difficulty. By spreading the Greeks over the 
 countries surrounding the Mediterranean sea, the customers of the god 
 were greatly multiplied. 
 
 Page 843. 
 There are seen serpents, &c] Our author's enumeration of the Lybian 
 animals on this, and the following page, is not in every instance intelli- 
 gible to modern naturalists. In those cases that are doubtful, I have 
 adopted the conjectural interpretation which seemed supported by the 
 strongest reasons, and where conjecture fails, have, by necessity, ad- 
 mitted the word employed by Herodotus. 
 
 Page 345. 
 
 The Libyans and the Ethiopians are the aborigines.] The description, 
 given by Herodotus of the native nations of Africa, like that which he 
 gives of the Scythians, accords perfectly with the condition of the mo- 
 dern aboriginal occupants of the same regions, and serves therefore — 
 first, to establish his character as an accurate observer and authentic 
 writer; and in the second place to demonstrate, in a striking manner, 
 the perpetuity of the modes of savage life. Until he has received the 
 quickening of intellectual life, man is the creature of soil and atmosphere, 
 and remains from age to age the passive slave of climate. 
 
 Page 348. 
 
 Darius gave them for theii abode a town in Bactria.'] And page 355. 
 The reader will notice several instances mentioned by Herodotus of the 
 plan pursued by the Asiatic monarchs for disposing of a vanquished 
 people. The bulk of the inhabitants of a city or province were not 
 unfrequently marched from one extremity of their extensive empire to 
 the other, and there comfortably established, and allowed to follow their 
 natural usages. This procedure, which seemed dictated by a spirit of 
 mildness rather than of ferocity, afforded effectual security against 
 renewed rebellions, and at the same time served to diffuse civilization 
 among less polished tribes: There is reason to think that the philosophy 
 and science' of ancient India were not a little indebted to some such 
 deportations of the Greeks to the East, by the Persian kings. The cap- 
 tivities of Israel and Judah were instances of the same policy, and pro- 
 bably diffused the rays of religious truth through many nations. 
 
 Page 350. 
 
 Sang the PceonJ] Paean. The Greek word iraMvi^io presets the 
 sameness of sound by which the mistake of the Paeonians was occasioned : 
 this is lost in the word Pcean. The paean was a hymn of thanks- 
 giving addressed to Apollo. 
 
 Page 373. 
 
 The itinerary is as follows.'} A mistake or omission exists in these 
 computations as the reader will perceive ; nor are the inns arranged in 
 equal proportions through the road. Larcher supposes some errors of 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 733 
 
 the MSS. and therefore does not pretend to reconcile the apparent 
 inconsistency. The fords of rivers and the passes of mountains were 
 secured by forts and gates, held by the government. The inns seem to 
 have been intended for the accommodation of the Persian king or his 
 family, for they were more frequent than the common traveller could 
 need, as well as more sumptuous than the eastern caravanserai is wont 
 to be, where nothing more than shelter is commonly found. 
 
 Page 385. 
 A government which secures an equality of rights.] That is a government 
 controlled by the people, in distinction from either a tyranny or oli- 
 garchy. A government, like our own, securing the benefits of law to all 
 the people, was unknown in ancient times. For a very large ma- 
 jority in every community were in the condition of the most abject 
 slavery. — At Sparta and at Athens the citizens were a comparatively 
 small class. 
 
 Page 402. 
 
 Sardinia that large island.] Sapcfw stands in the text ; it seems 
 however a little improbable, that an island so remote from the Persian 
 empire, and so little known, until afterwards, even by the Greeks, 
 should have been chosen by the wily Greek as the subject of his cajoling 
 promise. The name has perhaps been changed by the copyists. Yet 
 the improbability is not absolute, for afterwards, page 408, Aristagoras 
 proposes to his partizans to retire to Sardinia ; — unless a corruption of 
 the name is here also supposed. 
 
 Page 408. 
 
 Thus fell these cities.'] The Greeks of Asia were evidently much in- 
 ferior in military virtue to those of Greece. They had not only been 
 broken in spirit by long subjugation, but seem to have been enervated 
 by luxurious habits. Though in possession of the seas they could make 
 no successful resistance to their oppressors. The story of these contests, 
 in many of its circumstances, resembles that of the modem war between 
 the Greeks and their barbarian masters. 
 
 Page 412. 
 
 The barbarians numbered six hundred ships.] The Persians were supcr- 
 stitiously averse to maritime warfare, and indeed only from compulsion 
 ever went on board a ship. This prejudice naturally rendered them 
 inferior to the Greeks on the sea. Thus in the present instance, though 
 almost double in number of ships, they thought themselves unequal to 
 the combat; and eventually succeeded only by detaching the Samians 
 from the confederacy. 
 
 Page 450. 
 
 An island where the two gods were born.] This deference to the Gre- 
 cian superstitions— if indeed it was rendered— by the Persian general, 
 was either an act of policy intended to conciliate the Asiatic Greeks, 
 
734 NOTES ON 
 
 or it must be considered a8 evidencing a great corruption in the religious 
 sentiments of the Persians to have taken place since the time of Cam- 
 byses, who in his behaviour in Egypt exhibited, not merely the violence 
 of an ungoverned temper, but the contempt and abhorrence of 
 national feeling towards idolatry. 
 
 Page 454. 
 
 They would not violate the law.] The Lacedaemonians were indeed 
 forbidden to undertake military expeditions in the early days of the 
 moon, or during certain festivals ; but it seems that when their leaders 
 thought it necessary, they disregarded these superstitions, and on the 
 other hand made a pretext of them when they wanted a pretext for 
 delay, or for treachery towards their allies. Some notable instances of 
 this paltry hypocrisy appear in the subsequent history. The principle of 
 the Spartan government was a selfish and narrow-minded caution. 
 
 Page 458. 
 
 In the centre, &c] It is not improbable that the genius of Miltiades 
 prompted him to risque the defeat of the centre in the hope of accom- 
 plishing the movement which actually took place. He might think it 
 probable that the best portion of the Barbarian army would succeed in 
 driving in the Greeks opposed to them, in spite of their utmost efforts; 
 he therefore conceded to them this first success, and then, with the 
 strength of the Grecian army, closed upon them behind. Later writers 
 have added a multitude of embellishments to the brief narrative given 
 by Herodotus of this battle. But they are to be considered for the 
 most part as pure inventions. 
 
 Page 467. 
 
 Whether to move those things, &c] If this story is considered as authen- 
 tic, it is probable that the intention of Miltiades was, at the suggestion 
 of the priestess, to carry away some sacred bauble upon the presence 
 of which the security of the island was believed to depend. The story 
 of the palladium is an instance of this kind of superstition. 
 
 Page 479. 
 
 See you that God hurls his bolts.'] Both the sentiments and the phra- 
 seology of this passage indicate derivation from the Hebrew Scriptures, 
 and are very unlike what is heard from the lips of Greeks. 
 
 Page 485. 
 
 Thus did Xerxes draw together his forces none of these armies can 
 
 be compared with that of Xerxes. For what people of Asia was there which 
 Xerxes did not lead against Greece!] These expressions will bring to the 
 reader's recollection the concise but significant prediction of Daniel 
 xi. 2. " Behold there shall stand up yet three kings in Persia, and the 
 fourth shall be far richer than they all, and by his strength, through his 
 riches he shall stir up all against the realm of Grecia." 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 735 
 
 Page 501. 
 Addressing a prayer to the sun.] The worship of the sun and of fire 
 was the predominant religion of the Persians ; though they had admitted 
 the mythologies of the conquered countries. 
 
 Pages 503—511. 
 
 This description of the forces of Xerxes, when compared in particulars 
 with that before given of the Satrapies, page 234, and with facts other- 
 wise ascertained, affords too many minute coincidences to leave any 
 reasonable doubt of the authenticity of the narrative. This description 
 could not have been fabricated, without betraying the art or ignorance 
 of the inventor. 
 
 Page 513. 
 
 There were Persians, Medes or Saces on board all the ships,] — to compel 
 obedience. Nothing less than absolute necessity induced the Persians 
 to violate the sanctity of the sea by furrowing its bosom with the 
 keel of a ship. See page 67. 
 
 Page 534. 
 
 A wooden fort shall be impregnable.] A hint from Themistocles pro- 
 bably suggested this phrase to the Pythian. He availed himself of it 
 and saved Greece. 
 
 Page 546. 
 
 We who alone liave never been removed from our territory.'] See page 23. 
 The Athenians prided themselves on their immemorial occupation of the 
 Attic territory, while the Doric races, including the Lacedaemonians, 
 were known to have migrated frequently. Thucydides, (I. 2,) allows the 
 justness of this pretension, but attributes the fact of the immobility of 
 the people of Attica to the poverty of the soil which had not attracted 
 intruders. 
 
 Page 554, and 563. 
 
 Thermopylce.] The reader will no doubt be pleased to read a descrip- 
 tion of this celebrated spot in its present appearance, as given by a dis- 
 tinguished modern traveller. " On the 24th we pursued our journey. 
 The road was near the sea, and the mountains rose about a quarter of 
 a mile on our left. We crossed a small marsh and two streams, and had 
 a view of the open iEgean sea, between Eubcea and the Thessalian shore, 
 with the islands of Skopelos and Skiathos, towards the north-east. 
 Turnin« to the south-west, the summits of Parnassos were distin- 
 guished, glittering with snow, over a dip of Mount Knemis. As we 
 proceeded, the road was terminated by the interruption of rocks and 
 bushes, and we rode for ten minutes through a shallow part of the sea. 
 
 We pursued our journey, and after crossing two streams, 
 
 observed a tumulus of stones to the right, upon an artificial bank that had 
 
736 NOTES ON 
 
 been elevated from a marsh. As we approached the pass of Thermo- 
 pylae, the scenery assumed at once an aspect of more beauty and sub- 
 limity. To our left were the lofty and shattered precipices of (Eta, 
 covered with forests ; while silver lines of descending springs sparkled 
 in the shade. The luxuriant plain of Trachis, encircled by distant 
 mountains, was expanded in our front ; while on the right, the eye 
 expatiated over the marshes of Thermopylae, and the Malaic Gulph, 
 reaching to the foot of the Thessalian heights. Our way led through a 
 forest shade of various trees of stately growth, beneath which a disper- 
 sion of odoriferous and flowery shrubs scented the air, while the clus- 
 tering vine hung its fantastic garlands from the wide-branching platanus. 
 The scene was one of voluptuous blandishment. No gratification was 
 wanting which the enraptured lover of landscape could desire. Nature 
 here displayed all her multiform charms. The exuberant' soil teemed 
 with a captivating wilderness of plants and flowers. The olive, the 
 laurel, the oleander, and the arbutus; the terebinth, rosemary, agnos, 
 yellow jasmine, and lentiscus, the christakanthos, tamarisk, and gummy 
 cistus, luxuriated on all sides, and seemed to revel in the genial clime. 
 We now approached the spot where the best blood of Greece and of 
 other nations had so often been spilt. A few paces to the left of the 
 road is a green hillock, with a house upon its summit, which was once 
 a derbeni, or custom-house. Here the horizontal surface of the rock is 
 cut into channels for the reception of the water which comes from the 
 neighbouring springs. The marsh begins immediately on the right, 
 extending about a mile to the sea ; but the narrowest part of the pass is 
 further on. The battle raged with the greatest fury in the widest part 
 of the pass, where Leonidas so glorionsly fell. After his death the sur- 
 viving Spartans and Thespians, repassing their fortification, took post 
 upon a hillock at the commencement of the defile, where they made a 
 desperate defence till they were surrounded and destroyed. I conceive 
 the derbeni hill to be the spot to which Herodotus alludes. It is pro- 
 bable also, that these devoted heroes were buried where they fell, and 
 that this hill served as their common sepulchre. As the shades of night 
 were enveloping the interesting scene, we had not time for a more 
 minute investigation. We therefore continued our route, and about 
 twenty-five minutes from the derbeni, crossed two streams, one of which 
 was warm, the other cold : fifty minutes more brought us to the narrowest 
 part of the pass, where we entered Thessaly. But as it was dark, we 
 reserved till the next day the more attentive contemplation of a spot 
 consecrated by historical recollections of the most lofty and animating 
 kind. It is a locality that is peculiarly fitted to kindle the glow of clas- 
 sical enthusiasm in the breast. We passed the streams which issue from 
 the hot springs, and crossing a bridge over the river at the northern 
 extremity of the pass, arrived at a khan, a little before ten, after a very 
 interesting though fatiguing day. 
 
 " Before I undertake a description of this place, it may be necessary to 
 observe that if the traveller takes Herodotus and Strabo, for unerring 
 guides in his examination of this celebrated spot, he will be liable to be 
 misled at almost every step of his way. Nor will the dubious light they 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 737 
 
 afford enable him to identify scarcely any thing but the pass itself, and the 
 thermal springs, which remain as they were in his time. It must how- 
 ever be understood, that I am by no means accusing the above-named 
 authors of inaccuracy or negligence in their descriptions; and much 
 less Herodotus, whose account was no doubt perfectly suitable to the 
 place at the time he wrote. But the whole country has since experienced 
 great physical as well as moral revolutions. ' The sea has retired, rivers 
 have altered their courses, and towns, castles, and temples have been 
 swept from the surface of the earth, or ingulphed in the marshes, and 
 over-grown with reeds and bushes. Considering all these various 
 changes and convulsions of nature, it is not surprising that out of six 
 celebrated rivers which discharged themselves into the sea in the vici- 
 nity of Thermopylae, only three can at present be identified with any 
 degree of certainty : these are the Boagrios, the Asopos, and the 
 
 Spercheios We rode up a steep part of the mountain, in 
 
 M)rder to examine the ruins of an ancient town or castle : as the way was 
 extremely bad and difficult we were an hour in reaching the place, 
 though the distance is not more apparently than a mile and a half by 
 the circuitous road, and in a straight line only a few hundred yards from 
 
 the springs The ruins consist of the lower parts of a wall which 
 
 encompassed a long narrow hill that is difficult of access. These walls 
 are of the fourth style of military architecture, composed of large blocks. 
 Their general thickness is seven feet. In some parts they are composed 
 of small stones and mortar, where their thickness is more considerable. 
 The walls are carried up to the very edge of the precipices which rise 
 above the pass to the north of the hot springs. Contiguous to the 
 ridge on which the walls stand, and on the north side, is a small plain 
 wbere there are a few imperfect traces, and a spring of excellent water. 
 We enjoyed a view from this spot where the beauty of the scenery was 
 illuminated by many reflections from the lustre of the classic page. 
 Below us, towards the south, were the thermal springs, and the ever- 
 memorable pass. In the middle of the gulph was the north-west 
 extremity of Eubcea. The rich and even plain of Melis was dotted with 
 villages, adorned with trees, and improved by cultivation. It is inter- 
 sected by the Asopos and the Spercheios, that pursue their devious 
 course through the Trachiniau rocks, which environ the plain." Dod- 
 well's Classical Tour through Greece. Vol. ii. pp. 65 - 73. 
 
 Page 5o6. 
 
 Leaving- Artemisium, retired to Chalets to defend the Euripus.] The 
 very neck of the strait between Eubcea and Bceotia, where a small force 
 might prohibit the advance of the most numerous fleet. The import- 
 ance of this passage resulted almost entirely from the dangers that 
 were apprehended in coasting the eastern shores of the island : see 
 page 587. 
 
 Page 558. 
 
 5,283,220 men.] These numbers have been thought by most modern 
 writers to surpass credibility : and it is certain that a considerable de- 
 
 3 B 
 
738 NOTES ON 
 
 duction may be made from them without impeaching the accuracy of 
 Herodotus. I have considered this question in the Process of Historical 
 Proof, p. 61, and Note. 
 
 Page 569. 
 
 The Pylagors of the Amphictyons.~] The Amphictyonic council, or 
 states-general of Greece, was composed of deputies from every city of 
 the Union — two, sometimes more, from each: of these two, one was 
 named — Hieromnemon, being charged with matters of religion; the 
 other — Pylagor, and had no peculiar function. The former was chosen 
 by lot ; the latter by vote. 
 
 Page 615. 
 
 Bacis tints speaking.] There were many soothsayers of this name. 
 The predictions attributed to them, and which in the time of Herodotus 
 were orally current in Greece, had no doubt been manufactured or mo- 
 dified soon after the Persian invasion by those who made divination 
 their trade. It is evident that even in our author's time there were 
 many who knew too much of this trade to give any faith to such oracular 
 verses. 
 
 Page 658 
 The furthest point of European ground towards the west.'] The reader 
 on inspecting the map of Greece will be perplexed by this assertion ; for 
 the Persians were considerably further towards the west when in Thes- 
 saly and Phocis, than vvhen they penetrated to the territory of Megara. 
 But the ancients referred to the bearings of places with much less 
 accuracy than is usual among the moderns ; and in the present instance, 
 as the general course of the invaders was from east to west, Hero- 
 dotus speaks of the furthest point of that course as if it were in fact the 
 furthest westward. 
 
 Page 662. 
 
 When they reached Erythrce in Bceotia.] Erythrse was situated on the 
 heights of the ridge which divides Attica from Boeotia, and which to- 
 wards the west was called Citheeron, towards the east Parnes. On 
 ascending this ridge, the Persian host — encamped beyond the Asopos, 
 would be seen by the Greeks : the direct distance across the valley is 
 not more than five miles. The wooden fort on the margin of the river, 
 and which presented a front one mile in length, must have been con- 
 spicuous from the heights of Mount Cithaeron. 
 
 Page 664. 
 
 They determined to descend towards Plataa.] Plataea stands in the nar- 
 row part of the valley, and near the source of the Asopos. In the vicinity 
 of that city the Greeks were near the stream, and yet on the side of the 
 mountain where they were out of the reach of the Persian cavalry. 
 
 Page 685. 
 
 The Tcgcans first standing up.] While waiting in the presence of the 
 enemy for the command to fight, the Greeks were accustomed to couch 
 
PARTICULAR PASSAGES. 739 
 
 on the ground, under shelter of their shields ; see the account of the 
 death of Callicrates, p. 690 : in modern warfare the troops under 
 similar circumstances lay extended to avoid the enemy's fire. 
 
 Page 686. 
 
 According to the prediction of the oracle.~\ Probably that mentioned 
 above, pp. 634-635. 
 
 Page 696. 
 
 The youths who had held command.'] tovq ipevag. This phrase has 
 perplexed translators — a corruption of the text probably exists. I adopt 
 the correction which seems the most plausible. 
 
 Page 714. 
 
 A territory of small extent and rugged.] This description is applied 
 with great propriety to the mountainous country which runs parallel to 
 the course of the Euphrates and Tigris, and separates the once fertile 
 plains of Chaldea from the great salt deserts of central Persia. Upon 
 these arid high lands were reared the warriors, who, by a series of 
 rapid conquests, made the whole of Western Asia tributary to Cyrus and 
 his successors, and kept them so until the progress of luxurious habits 
 rendered the empire of Asia an easy prey to the Macedonians. 
 
 3 b 2 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Aba, and Abas, a city of Phocis, where 
 was an oracle of Apollo, 19, 593, 
 
 595, 643 
 Abantes, ancient inhabitants of Eu- 
 
 boea, 70 
 Abaris, the Hyperborean, 281 
 Abdera, a city of Thrace, 79, 428, 520, 
 
 525, 637 
 Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, sons of 
 
 Darias, 574 
 Abronychus, a spy in the service of 
 
 Leonidas, 590 
 Absinthians, a people of the Euxine, 
 
 423 
 Abydos, a city of the Hellespont, 406, 
 
 throne of Xerxes at, 496, bridge at, 
 
 491, 553 
 Acanthus, a town near Mount Athos, 
 
 427, 522. Gulph of, 486 
 Acarnania, 108, 573 
 Acbatana, see Egbatana 
 Aceratus, a priest at Delphi, 597 
 Aces, a river of Asia, 244 
 Acbaeans, a people of Peloponnesus, 
 
 70, 612 
 , of Phthiotis, 528, 562. 
 
 Achaean Ceres, 377 
 Achaemenes, son of Darius, 191, 474, 
 
 514, 579 
 
 , father of Teispes, 481 
 
 Achaemenidian, royal family of Persia, 
 
 61, 220 
 Achaia, district of Peloponnesus, 
 
 596 
 
 or Phthiotis in Thessaly, 552 
 
 Achelous, a river of Acarnania, 108, 
 
 525 
 Acheron, a river of Thesprotia in 
 
 Epirus, 395, 601 
 Achillea, 396 
 
 Achilles, race course of, 290, 297 
 Acracphia, a town of Bceotia, 644 
 Acrisius, father of Danae, 432 
 Acropolis, citadel of Athens, taken 
 
 by the Persians, 602 
 Acrothoon, a town on the summit of 
 
 Mount Athos, 487 
 Adicran, a Libyan king, 332 
 Adimantus, father of Aristeas, 531 
 general of the Corinthians, 
 
 581, 605, 622 
 
 3 i 
 
 Adrastus, son of Gordins, 15 — 18 
 
 • , king of Sicyon, 380 
 
 Adria (the Adriatic sea) 77, 280; 
 
 people of Libya, 
 
 352 
 
 Adyrmachides, 
 
 336 
 
 iEa of Colchis, 2, 561, 563 
 iEaces, father of Polycrates, 207, 
 
 257 
 ^Eaces, tyrant of Samos, 414, 415, the 
 
 iEacides, {statues of) 386, 607 
 iEacus, ancestor of Miltiades, 389, 
 
 423 
 -<Ega, a city ofPallene, 524. iEgae, a 
 
 city of Achaia, 70 
 iEgaea, a city of ./Eolia, 71 
 iEgaean sea, 302 
 jEgaleos, Mount, in Attica, 621 
 .ffigeus, an Athenian, 82 
 
 , ancestor of the iEgidae, 327 
 
 iEgialian Pelasgians, 513 
 iEgialians, a tribe of Sicyonia, 381 
 iEgicores, son of Ion, 379 
 iEgida;, a Spartan tribe, 327 
 iEgila, or Angila, a region of Libya, 
 
 337, 340 
 iEgilia, an island of the ^Egaean sea, 
 
 454 
 
 ■ — , near Eretria, 451 
 
 iEgina and Thebe, daughters of Aso- 
 
 pns, 385 
 jEgina, an island off the coast of 
 
 Attica, 599, N 600 
 iEginetans, 216, animosity towards the 
 
 Athenians, 386—389. 429, 439, 
 
 444, 536. At Salamis, 600, 622, 
 
 637. At Platasa, 668, 693, 696 
 iEgium, a city of Achaia, 70 
 ./Egia, a city of Achaia, 70 
 iEgircessa, a city of iEolia, 71 
 Mgis, of Minerva, 339 
 iEglians, a people of Asia, 236 
 iEgos Potamos, a town and river of 
 
 Chersonesus, 713 
 .(Egypt, see the 2d Book throughout. 
 
 Measurement, 106: deposited by the 
 
 river, 108, see Nile. Animals of, 
 
 131. Productions, 141. History, 
 
 early, 143, middle, 167, later, 176. 
 
 Conquest of, by Cainbyses, 186. 
 
 A Persian government, 236. 
 
 3 
 
742 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 ^Egyptians, antiquity of, 104. Man- 
 ners and superstitions, 119 — 131, 
 usages, 135 ; arms, 66, 339, 512 : 
 defection, 471, 475. Services in the 
 Grecian war, 488,512, 589 
 iEimnestus a Spartan, 686 
 yEnisedemus — 542, 547 
 iEnia, a town of Macedonia, 524 
 iEnus, a city of Thrace, 304, 503 
 iEnyra, a district of Thrace, 429 
 iEolia, a region of Asia Minor, re- 
 duced by Croesus, 4, 71, 72 
 -iEolians, ancient people of Greece, 
 513 : of Asia, 68, 104, 235, 408, 
 712: 596 
 ^Eolus, 562 
 iEorpata, or Oiorpata, Scythian name 
 
 of the Amazons, 311 
 Aeropus, brother of Ferdiccas, 645, 
 646 
 
 , father of Echemus, 665 
 
 iEsanius, father of Grinus, 328 
 iEsehines, an Euboean, 451 
 iEscbreas, father of Lycomedes, 586 
 .iEsclirionians, a tribe in Samos, 199 
 iEschylus, the poet, 173 
 JEsop, the fabulist, 161 
 ^Ethiopia, 243 
 
 ^Ethiopians, 116 ; practised circum- 
 cision, 145 : 196. Long-lived, 198, 
 237— Troglodyte, 341. Ethiopians 
 in the army of Xerxes, 506 
 jEtolia, a country of Greece, 463 
 Africa, see Libya 
 Agasus, an Elian, 464 
 Agamemnon, 29, 544 
 Agarista, daughter of Clisthenes, 463 
 Agarista, mother of Pericles, 465 
 Agasicles of Halicarnassus, 70 
 Agathyrses, a Scythian people, 288. 
 
 309 
 Agathyrsus, son of Hercules, 272 
 Agbal, father of Merbal, 514 
 Agbatana, see Ecbatana, a -city of Me- 
 dia, 48, 53, 73 
 Agbatana, a city of Syria, 219 
 Agenor, 512 
 Agesilaus, son of Doryssus, 565. — Son 
 
 of Hippocratides, 642 
 Agetus, son of Alcides, 435 
 Agis, father of Menares, 436 
 Aglauios, daughter of Cecrops, 603 
 Agloinachus, of Cyrene, 335 
 Agora, a town of Thrace, 502 
 Agrianis, a river of Thrace, 304 
 Agrigentines, a people of Italy, 547. 
 
 550 
 Agron, a king of Sardis, 4 
 Agyllanians, a people of Italy, 79 
 Ajax,423.— Son of Telamon, 379, 607, 
 
 637 
 Alahanda, a city of Phrygia, 645 
 Alabandians, a people of Caria, 562 
 Alalia, a city of Corsica, 79 
 Alarodians, a people of Pontus, 237 
 Alazir, a king of Barca, 335 
 Alazones, a Scythian nation, 275, 
 289 
 
 Alcseus, son of Hercules, 4. — A poet, 
 
 396 
 Alcamenes, son of Telicles, 565 
 Alcetes, father of Amyntas, 646 
 Alcibiades, father of Clineas, 589 
 Alcides, father of Agetus, 435 
 Alcimachus, father of Euphorbus, 452 
 Alcinor and Chromius, 37 
 Alcmaeon of Athens, father of Mega- 
 
 cles, 24 
 
 , son of Megacles, 462 
 
 AlcEeinonids, the, 26, 379, 381, 377, 
 
 458, 461, 465 
 Alcmena, mother of Hercules, 123, 
 
 167 
 Alcon, a Molossian, 464 
 Aleades, or Cleades, 696 
 Aleium, or Aleum, a plain of Cilicia, 
 
 449 
 Aleuads, Thessalian chiefs, 474, 551, 
 
 see 6S3 
 Alexander, or Paris, 2. 149 — 153 
 ^Alexander, king of Macedonia, 357, 
 
 552, 644, 650, 676 
 Alilat, Arabian Urania, 189. Alitta, 
 
 64 
 Alopece, village of Attica, 378 
 Alpenus, a town near Thermopylas, 
 
 554, 576 
 Alpheus, and Maron, 575 
 Alpis, a river falling into the Ister, 
 
 288 
 Alus, a city of Thessaly, 552, 562 
 Alyattes, king of Sardis, 3, 7, 8, 10, 
 
 33, his sepulchre, 45 
 Amasis, king of Egypt, 12, 35, 176— 
 
 187; 190,194,207,210 
 
 , a Persian general, 336, 348 
 
 Amathus, a city of Cyprus, 401 — ; 
 
 405 
 Amazons in Scythia, 311 — 313 
 Amestris, wife of Xerxes, 504, 521, 
 
 709 
 Amiantus, 463 
 
 Amilcar, king of Carthage, 547 
 Aminias, an Athenian captain, 618, 
 
 622 
 Aminocles of Sepias, 560 
 Amitres, or Ithamitres, a Persian ge- 
 neral, 641 
 Ammon, a Libyan oracle, 19, 117, see 
 
 128 
 Ammonians, a Libyan people, 123, 199, 
 
 340. Ammonn, a name of Jupiter, 
 
 123 
 Amompharetus, a Spartan officer, 681 
 
 —696 
 Amorges, a Persian general, 407 
 Ampe, a city on the coast of the Red 
 
 Sea, 417 
 Ampelus, a promontory of Torone, 
 
 524 
 Amphiaraus, his oracular temple at 
 
 Thebes, 19, 20, 21, 644 
 , father of Amphilochus, 
 
 236 
 Amphicasa, a city of Phocis, 595 
 Amphicrates, king of Samos, 216 
 
INDEX. 
 
 743 
 
 Amphietyons, scat and council of, 184, 
 
 377, 564, 569, 576 
 Amphilochus and Calchas, 236, 512 
 Araphilytus, a seer, 26 
 Ainphimnestus, of Epidaranus, 463 
 Amphion, of Corinth, 392 
 Ainphissa, a city of the Locrians, 
 
 595 
 Amphitryon, father of Hercules, 123, 
 
 376, 432 
 Ampracia, or Ambracia, a city of Epi- 
 
 rus, 601, 668 
 Arayntas, king of Macedonia, 356, 358, 
 
 396, 552, 644, 646 
 
 , son of Bubares, 644 
 
 Amyrgian Scythians, 505 
 Amyris, called the sage, 463 
 Amyrtaeus king of Egypt, 104, 194 
 Aniytheon, father of Melainpus, 126 
 Anacharsis, the Scythian sage, 287, 
 
 297, 298 
 Anacreon, the poet, 247 
 Arittctorians, ot'Epirns, 668 
 Anaphes, a Persian general, 504 
 Anaphlystus, a village of Attica, 308 
 Anana, a city of Phrygia, 489 
 Anaxander, ancestor of Leonidas, 565 
 Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, 29, 367, 
 
 565 
 , father of Theopompus, 
 
 642 
 Anaxilaus, son of Archidamns, 642 
 , tyrant of Rhegiura, 418, 
 
 547 
 Anchimolins, a Spartan, 377 
 Andericca, see Ardericca 
 Andreas, father of Myron, 463 
 Androbulus, father of Timon, 533 
 Audrocrates, a hero, 664 
 Androdamas, father of Theomestor, 
 
 618, 699 
 Andromeda, wife of Perseus, 504, 
 
 540 
 Androphages (cannibals), 276, 309, 
 
 310, 314, 317 
 Androsphinges, 181 
 Andros, one of the Cyclades, 280, 
 
 363 
 Andrians, 632 
 Anenistus, father of Sperthies,529. — 
 
 Son of Sperthies, 531 
 Angites, a river tributary to the Stry- 
 
 nion, 521 
 Angrus, a river of Illyria, 288 
 Anopaea, a mountain path at Ther- 
 mopylae, 570 
 Antacasus, a fish, 289 
 Antagoras, of Coos, 6[)2 
 Antandrus, a city of Troas, 360, 496 
 Authela, a city near Thermopylae, 554, 
 
 564 
 Anthemus, a city of Macedonia, 336 
 Antliylla, a city of Egypt, 143 
 Antichares, an Elian, 396 
 Anticyra, a city of Thessaly, 563, 569 
 Antidorus, a Lemnian, 587 
 Antiochus, father of Tisauienes, 670 
 Antipater, a Thasian, 522 
 
 3 B 
 
 Antiphemus, general of the Lindians. 
 
 541 
 Anysis, king of Egypt, 163 
 
 , a city of Egypt, 163, 178 
 
 Anysus, father of Tetramneslus, 514 
 Aparytes, a people of Asia, 236 
 Apaturian festival, 71 
 Aphetas, a port of Magnesia, 561, 583, 
 
 584 
 Aphidna, a town of Attica, 456, 
 
 690 
 Aphrodisias, an island on the coast of 
 
 Libya, 336 
 Aphthis, a district in Egypt, 178 
 Aphytis, a city of Pallene, 524 
 Apia, a Scythian divinity, 291 
 Apidanus, a river of Thessaly, 525, 
 
 562. 
 Apis, an Egyptian god, 172, 200, see 
 
 201 3V • 
 
 Apollo,the Egyptian Orus, 173; 137; 
 
 fountain sacred to, 332 ; image of, 
 
 31, 275, Scythian, 291, Triopian,70: 
 
 Ismenian, 22, 44, 643 : Reply to 
 
 Croesus, 43, flayed Silenus, 488. 
 
 Temple of, 595. Ptous, 644. see 
 
 Delphi. 
 Apollonia on the Euxine, 304 
 
 — on the Ionian gulph, 700 
 
 Apollophanes, father of Bisaltes, 420 
 Apries, king of Egypt, 176—179. 
 
 332 
 Apsinthians, or Absinthians, a people 
 
 of Thrace, 423. 713 
 Apulia, or Japygia. Japyges, 308 
 Aqueduct, in Samos, 216 
 Arabia, soil of, 109, description of, 
 
 241, productions, 243, geography, 
 
 283 
 Arabians, usages, 96, 190, Indepen- 
 dence, 234, 236 : offering, 238, in 
 
 the armv of Xerxes, 506 — 511. 
 Arabian gulph, 108,283 
 Aradus, an island near Tyre, 514 
 Araras, a river of Scythia, 287 
 Araxes, a river of Scythia, 97, 98, 
 
 205, 283 
 Arcadians, 28, 70, 180, 372, 440, at 
 
 Thermopylae, 504. 592 
 Areesilaus, king of Barca, 333 
 
 — , son of Battus, 334 
 
 Archander, son of Achaeus, 143. — City 
 
 of Egypt, 143 
 Archelaeans, a tribe of Sicyon,38l 
 Archelaus, of Sparta, 565 
 Archestratidas, a Samian, 699 
 Archias, a Spartan, 214, — a Samian, 
 
 214 
 Archidamus, of Sparta, 642 
 Archidice, a courtezan, 162 
 Archilochus, a Parian poet, 5 
 Ardericca, a town of Assyria, 88 
 Ardys, king of Sardis, 6 
 Areopagus, (Mars' hill), 602 
 Argadas, son of Ion, 379 
 Argaeus, king of Macedonia, 646 
 Aigant'nonius, king of Tartessus, 77. 
 
 78 
 
714 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Arge a:id Opis, Hyperboraran virgins, 
 281 
 
 Argia, wife of Aristodemas, 430 
 
 Argilas, a city of Bisaltia, 521 
 
 Argiopiuin, a place near the Asopns, 
 682 
 
 Argippaeans, a people bordering on 
 Scythia, 277 
 
 Argives, people of Peloponnesus, 1, 
 28, 37, 252, 388. War with Cle- 
 omenes, 441; 447; 666. 671: con- 
 duct in the Persian war, 538 — 540 ; 
 657 
 
 Argo, the ship of Jason, 338, 561 
 
 Argolis, county of Peloponnesus, 37 
 
 Argonauts, companions of Jason, 326 
 
 Argos, city of Peloponnesus, 1, 3, 443. 
 539 
 
 Argus, a hero, 442 
 
 Ariabignes, son of Darius, 514,620 
 
 Ariantas, a Scythian king, 301 
 
 Ariapithes, a Scythian king, 298 
 
 Ariamnes, a Persian, 621 
 
 Aridolis, tyrant of Alabanda, 562 
 
 Arians, a people of Asia, 237; an- 
 cient name of the Medes, 504, 505. 
 
 Arimaspians, Arimaspous, a people of 
 northern Europe, 244, 2? 3, 278 
 
 Arimnestus, a Plataean, 690 
 
 Ariomardus, general of the Caspians, 
 505 
 
 , son of Darius, 508 
 
 Arion, a poet, 9 
 
 Ariphron, father of Xantippus, 465, 
 467, 490, 642 
 
 Aiisba, a city of Lemnos, 72 
 
 Aristagoras, tyrant of Cyme, 323, 366, 
 367 
 
 , of Cyzicns, 323 
 
 , tyrant of Miletus, and au- 
 thor of the Ionian revolt: 361, to 
 408 
 
 , father of Hegesistratus, 
 
 699 
 
 Aristeas, a poet of Proconnesus, 273 — 
 275 
 
 , a Corinthian, 531 
 
 Aristides, the Just, an Athenian, 616 — 
 623 : 668 
 
 Aristocrates, father of Casambus, 439 
 
 Aristocyprus, king of Solias, 405 
 
 Aristodemus, king of Sparta, 326, 430, 
 565, 642 
 
 , a Spartan, 576, 689 
 
 Aristodicus, of Cyme, 75 
 
 Aristogiton and Harmodius, 375, 456, 
 462 
 
 Aristolaides, an Athenian, 24 
 
 Aristomachus, father of Aristodemus, 
 430, 565, 642 
 
 Ariston of Byzantium, 323 
 
 — ; , king of Sparta, 29, 434—437 
 
 Aristonice, the Pythian, 533 
 
 Aristonymus of Sicyon, 463 
 
 Aristophantus, father of Cobon, 436 
 
 Aristophilides, king of Tarentum, 255 
 
 Arizantians, a Median tribe, 49 
 
 Arizus, a Persian prince, 509 
 
 Armenians, 94, 372, in the array of 
 
 Xerxes, 507 
 Armenius, Mount, 32 
 Arpoxais, ancestor of the Scythians, 
 
 270 
 Arsamenes, son of Darius, 506 
 Arsames, grandfather of Darius, 100, 
 
 481, 574 
 Arsanes, son of Darius, 506 
 Artabanus, uncle of Xerxes, 301, 478 — 
 
 485: 496 — 500; his sons, 505, 
 
 508 
 Artabates, a Persian, 505 
 Artabazanes, eldest son of Darius, 
 
 472 
 Arlabazus, a Persian general, 505, 
 
 639—641 : 674, 686, 697 
 Artace, a city of the Propontis, 274, 
 
 423 
 Artachaees, a Persian general, 486, 
 
 522 
 , father of Otaspes, 505. — 
 
 father of Artayntes, 641 
 Artasans, ancient name of the Persians, 
 
 504 
 Artaeus, father of Artachaees, 486 — 
 
 father of Azanes, 505 
 Artanes, brother of Darius, 574 
 
 , a river of Thrace, 288 
 
 Artaphernes, brother of Darius, 360, 
 
 363 ; 382 ; 399, 409 
 , son of Artaphernes, Per- 
 sian general at Marathon, 449 — 460 ; 
 
 478, in the army of Xerxes, 507 
 
 rtaxerxes, son and successor of 
 
 Xerxes, 450; 519 
 Artayctes, a Persian general, 508; 
 
 712—714 
 Artaynte, niece of Xerxes, 708 
 Artayntes, a Persian admiral, 641, 
 
 705—708 
 Artazostra, daughter of Darius, 427 
 Artenibares, a Mede, 55 
 
 , a Persian, 714 
 
 Artemisia, queen of Halicarnassus, 
 
 514 ; 610 ; 622 ; 627 
 Artemisium, a port of Euboea, 553, 
 
 562. — Engagements at, 585 — 589 
 Artimpasa, Scythian Venus, 291 
 Artiscus, a Scythian river, 304 
 Artochraes, son-in-law of Darius, 507 
 Artontes, father of Bagaeus, 250 
 
 , son of .Mardonius, 696 
 
 Artybius, a Persian commander, 403 
 Artyntes, a Persian general, 506 
 Artyphius, brother of Ariomardus, 
 
 505 
 Arty stone, daughter of Cyrus, 234, 
 
 506 
 Aryandes, prefect of Egypt, 335, 346 
 Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes, 33 
 Asbystes, a Libyan people, 337 
 Ascalon, a city of Palestine, 50 
 Aschy, a liquor, 277 
 Asia, wife of Prometheus, 286 
 Asia, upper, 64: subdued, 46 ; 49; 
 
 51, 64. Geography of, 282—285. 
 
 Nations of 372; 234 and 504 
 
INDEX. 
 
 745 
 
 Asia Minor, or the Lower Asia, 11, 
 
 32 
 Asian tribe at Sardis,2S6 
 Asias, son of Cotys, 286 
 Asina, a city of Peloponnesus, 613 
 Asmach, an Egyptian word, 116 
 Asonides, a captain of iEgina, 556 
 Asopians, a people of Boeotia, 658 
 Asopodoras, a Theban commander, 
 
 688 • 
 Asopus, a river of Boeotia, 455, 564, 
 
 5T0, 659, 679 
 Aspathines, a Persian prince, 223 — 
 
 228,514 
 Asphaltus, bitumen of Babylon, 85, 
 
 460 
 Assa, a city of Mount Athos, 524 
 Assesus, a town of the Milesians, 7: 
 
 Assessian Minerva, 8 
 Assyria, 84, 93, 111,283 
 Assyrians, 46, 49,51,84 ; in the army 
 
 of Xerxes,. r )04 
 Astacus, father of Melanippus, 380 
 Aster, father of Anchimolius, 377 
 Astrabacus, a hero of Sparta, 438 
 Astyages, king of the Medes, 19, 32 ; 
 
 see 51 — 64 
 Asychis, king of Egypt, 162 
 Atarantes, a Libyan people, 341 
 Atarbechis.acity of Egypt, 122 
 Atarneus, or Atarnea, a city and terri- 
 tory of Mysia, 76, 410, 420, 495 
 Atarnes, a river of Thrace, 288 
 Alhamas, son of iEolus, 562 
 Athenades, a Trachinian, 569 
 Athenagoras, a Samian, 698 
 Athens, taken by Cleomenes, 378 ; 
 taken by Xerxes, 602 ; by Mar- 
 donius, 653, and utterly destroyed, 
 658 
 Athenians, history of, 24— 27, 600. 69: 
 183: 252: 381—384. War with 
 jEgina, 385 — 390. Spartan con- 
 spiracy against them, 390. Their 
 expedition against Sardis, 397 — 400. 
 Sympathy with Miletus, 417. Mil- 
 tiades and Pisistratus, 423. Persian 
 expedition against them, 427. Re- 
 tain the hostages of JEgina, 444 — 
 448. Second Persian expedition 
 against Athens, 449 — battle of Ma- 
 rathon, 458 — 460. Alcmaeonids, 
 461. Attack Paros under Miltiades, 
 466; condemn Miltiades, 468: their 
 treatment of the Persian heralds, 
 528. Their importance in the Per- 
 sian war, 522. Application to Del- 
 phi, 533. Peace with ./Egina, 536. 
 Their deputation to Sicily, 545. Ex- 
 pedition to Tempe, 552. Their fleet 
 at Artemisium, 582 : ' behaviour 
 there, 589. Occupation of Salamis, 
 598. Behaviour of those who held 
 the Acropolis, 602. Conduct at 
 Salamis, 618 — 623. Mission of 
 Alexander, 644 — 651. Treatment of 
 Lycidas, 653. Message to Sparta, 
 
 654. Behaviour in Boeotia, 663. 
 
 Dispute with the Tegeans, 665—667. 
 
 Conduct at Plataea. 677—690. Con- 
 duct at Mycale, 705. Besiege Ses- 
 
 tus, 711 
 Athos, Mount, 428, 449: canal at, 486 ; 
 
 524 
 Athribis, a district in Egypt, 178 
 Athrys, a' river of Thrace, 288 ' 
 Atlantes, or Atarantes, a people of 
 
 Libya, 341 
 Atlantic sea, 97 - 
 Atlas, a river of Mount Haemus, 
 
 288 
 
 , Mount, 341 
 
 Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, 222, 234 ; 
 
 253 : 473 
 Atramytteuin, or Adramyttium, a 
 
 town of Troas, 496 
 Atrides, the sons of Atreus, 485 
 Attaginus, a Theban, 659, 696 
 Attica, 384, 386; first invaded by the 
 
 Persians, 452 : the second time, 
 
 602 ; ravaged, 658 
 Attic people, 23, 127. Attic women, 
 
 389 
 Atys, king of Sardis, 4, 45, 507 
 
 , son of Croesus, 15 — 18 
 
 Auchates, a family of Scythians, 270 
 Angila, a country of Libya, 337 
 Auras, a river of Mount Haemus, 
 
 288 
 Auschises, a people of Libya, 337 
 Auses, a people of Libya, 339, 343 
 Autesion, father of Theras, 326, 430 
 Autodicus, a Platsean, 696 
 Automolians, a colony of Egyptians, 
 
 116 
 Autonous, and Phylacus, 597 
 Auxesia and Damia, 386 
 Axius, a river of Macedonia, 525 
 Axus, a city of Crete, 329 
 Azanes, a Persian general, 505 
 Azen, Azania, in Arcadia, 463 
 Aziris, a district in Libya, 331, 337 
 Azotus, a city of Syria, 174 
 
 Babylon, 73, description, 84 — 89: 
 taken by Cyrus, 90—92. Capture 
 by Darius, 263—267. Its tribute, 
 236 
 
 Babylonia, 92, 236 
 
 Babylonians, their usages and man- 
 ners, 94 — 96. Revolt from Darius, 
 262. Their learning, 147 
 
 Babylonian talent, 235 
 
 Bacchus, Egyptian Osiris, 126, 166, 
 173. The Arabian, 189; 242. The 
 Ethiopian, 237: the Grecian, 299, 
 310, 380 
 
 , temple of, at Byzantium, 
 
 303 ; oracle of, 521 : hymn to, 608 
 
 Bacchanalia, 299 
 
 Bacchiads of Corinth, 392 
 
 Bacis, the predictions of, 590, 615, 
 623, 675 
 
 Bactra, a city of Assyria, 412 
 
746 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bactria, a country of Asia, 348 
 
 Bactrians, 73, 236; in the army of 
 Xerxes, 505, 511 : 711 
 
 Badres, a Persian admiral, 336, or 
 Bares, 348 
 
 Bagaeus, a Persian, 250. — Father of 
 Mardontes, 509 
 
 Bagasaces, or Bassaces, a Persian 
 general, 508 
 
 Barbarians, compared with the Greeks, 
 25; conduct beiitting them, 693, 
 mode of fighting, 684 
 
 Barca, a city of Libya, 236, its his- 
 tory, 325—349 
 
 , of Bactria, 348 
 
 Bares, a Persian, see Badres 
 
 Basilides, an Ionian, 643 
 
 Battus, king of Cyrene, 328—332 
 
 , the fortunate, 332 : — son of 
 
 Arcesilaus, 333—335 
 
 Battiads, family and adherents of Bat- 
 tus, 348 
 
 Becos, Phrygian word, 105 
 
 Belides, gates of Babylon, 265 
 
 Belus, father of Ninus, 4.— Father of 
 Cepheus, 504 
 
 Bermion, a mountain of Macedonia, 
 646 
 
 Bessians, interpreters of Bacchus, 521 
 
 Bias, a sage of Priene, 11, 80 
 
 Bisaltes, son of Apollophanes, 420 
 
 Bisaltia, a region of Macedonia, 521, 
 635 
 
 Bisantha, a city of the Hellespont, 
 
 Bistones, a people of Thrace, 520 
 
 Bistonis, a lake, 520 
 
 Bithynia, a province of Asia Minor, 
 
 11 ; Bithynians, 508 
 Biton, and Cleobis, Argives, 13 
 Boebeis, a lake of Thessaly, 527 
 Boeotia, 126, 375, 597 
 Boeotians, 375, 383 : Thespian, 564 ; 
 
 take part with the Medes, 596 ; con- 
 duct at Plataea, 687 
 Boeotian Buskin, 94 
 Boges, a Persian governor of Ei'on, 
 
 519, 521 
 Bolbitic month of the Nile, 111 
 Boreas, son-in-law of the Athenians, 
 
 559 
 Borysthenes, a river of Scythia, 276, 
 
 287,289 
 Borysthenians, 276, 290, 298, 299 
 Bosphorus, the Cimmerian, 273, 278, 
 
 308 
 
 ; , the Thracian, 301, 302 
 
 Bottiaea, a region of Macedonia, 525. 
 
 526, 557, 640 
 Branchidae, Branchus, 19, oracle of, 
 
 43, 75, see Didymus, 416 
 Brauron, a town of Attica, 325, 469 
 Briantica, a region of Thrace, 520 
 Briges, Phrygians, 507 
 Brongus, a river tributary to the 
 
 Ister, 288 
 Brnndusium, a city of Italy, 308 
 
 Bryges, a people of Thrace, 428, 
 
 557 
 Bubares, a Persian, 358, 486, 644 
 Bubastis, a city of Egypt, 129, 163, 
 
 156 
 , the Egyptian Diana, 163, 
 
 156 
 Bucolic, mouth of the Nile, 111 
 Budians, a people of Media, 49 
 
 , of Scythia, 276, 310 
 
 Bulis, a Spartan, 529—531 
 Bura, a city of Achaia, 70 
 Busaeans, a people of Media, 49 
 Busiris, a city and district of Egypt, 
 
 129, 130, 177 
 Butacides, father of Philip of Crotona, 
 
 370 
 Buto, Butos, a city of Egypt, 129, 
 
 130, 173 
 Bybassia, a peninsular of Caria, 83 
 Byblos, or, Papyrus, 140; 376; 487, 
 
 492 
 Byzantium, 325, 360, 400 
 
 Cabales, a people of Libya, 337 
 Cabalians, a people of Asia Minor , 
 
 235 
 Cabalensian Meonians, 508 
 Cabiri, their orgies, 127, 206 
 Cadmean letters, 376 
 Cadmeans, of Peloponnesus, 70 ; ex- 
 pelled by Argives, 375 ; 377: 666 
 Cadmus, son of Agenor, 126, 327, 
 376 
 
 , of Coos, 546 
 
 Cadytis, a city of Palestine, (Jeru- 
 salem,) 175, 188 ; see Note 
 Caenis, ancestor of Eetion, 392 
 Caicus, a river — and plain of Mysia, 
 
 420, 495 
 Calacte, a spot on the coast of Sicily, 
 
 418 
 Calamus, in Samos, 701 
 Calantian Indians, 237. Callatian, 
 
 206 
 Calasiries, Egyptian warriors, 177, 670 
 Calchas and Amphilochus, 512 
 Calchedon, or Chalcedon, 302, 325, 
 
 360, 422 
 Callatebus, a city of Lydia, 490 
 Calliades, an Athenian archon, 602 
 Callias, an Elian diviner, 369 
 
 , an Athenian, 461 
 
 — ■ , son of Hipponicus, 540 
 
 Callicrates, a Spartan, 690, 696 
 Callimachus, the Polemaroh, 456, 458 
 Callipides, an ultra-Scythian people, 
 
 275 
 Callipolis, a city of Sicily, 542 
 Callista, afterwards Thera, 327 
 Calydne, a city of Asia Minor, 514 
 Calyndian mountains, 82. Calyndiaus, 
 
 a people of Caria, 619 
 Camarina, a cit}' of Sicily, 542 
 Cambyses, father of Cyrus, 19, 52, 54, 
 
 99, 481 
 , son of Cyrus, 100; his ac- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 ?47 
 
 cession, 104 ; bis invasion of Egypt, 
 
 and conduct there, 186—206: his 
 
 death, 217—221. Incidental re- 
 ferences, 234, 257, 335 
 Camels, 36, 239; 511; 525 
 Camicus, a city of Sicily, 550 
 Camirus, a Dorian city, 70 
 Campsa, a city of Crossaea, 524 
 Cana, Mount, in Mysia, 495 
 Canals of leather, 190 
 Canastraeus, promontory of Pallene, 
 
 524 
 Candaules, king of Sardis, 4 — 6 
 
 , father of Damisithmus, 514 
 
 Canobic, mouth of the Nile, 110, 111, 
 
 149, 183 
 Canobus, a city of Egypt, 143 
 Capbareuni, promontory of Euboea, 
 
 585 
 Cappadocia, 32. Cappadocians, 32, 
 
 372, 507 
 Car, brother of Lydus and Mysus, 81 
 Carcinitis.acity of Scythia, 29a, 308 
 Cardamyle, a town of Laconia, 613 
 Cardia, a city of the Chersonese, 423, 
 
 502, 712 
 Carenus, father of Evaenetus, 552 
 Caria, 69, subdued by the Persians, 
 
 419. Carians, subdued by Croesus, 
 
 11 ; see 81 : subdued by Harpagus, 
 
 82: their revolt, 406: in the fleet 
 
 of Xerxes, 513. In Egypt, 130, 
 
 171,190 
 Carina, a city of Mysia, 495 
 Carpathus, an island near Rhodes, 
 
 209 
 Carpis, a river tributary to the Ister, 
 
 288 
 Carthage, 196, 548 
 Carthaginians, 195, 344 ; defeated in 
 
 Sicily, 548 
 Carystus, a city of Euboea, 280. Ca- 
 
 rystians, 280, 451, 633, 637, 706 
 Casambus, of TEgina, 439 
 Cassia, Arabian spice, 242 
 Casius, Mount, in Arabia, 107, 174, 
 
 188 
 Casmena, a city of Sicily, 542 
 Caspatyrus, a city of Pactyica, 239, 
 
 285 
 Caspian sea, 97, 283 
 Caspians, 236, in the army of Xerxes, 
 
 505, 511 
 Cassandane, wife of Cyrus, 104, 187 
 Cassiterides, western islands, (Scilly) 
 
 243 
 Castalian spring on Parnassus, 597 
 Casthanaea, a city of Magnesia, 557 
 Castor and Pollux (the Tyndaridae, or 
 
 Dioscuri) 123, 463 
 Catarracta, a river tributary to the 
 
 Maeander, 488 
 Catiarians, a Scythian tribe, 270 
 Caucasus, Mount, 50, 97, 238, 273 - 
 Cauconian Pylkins, 71, 327 
 Caunus, a city of Caria, 84, 400 
 Caustrobius, father of Aristeas, 273 
 Cayster, a river of Lydia, 399 
 
 Cecrops, king of Athens, 600 
 Celaene, a city of Phrygia, 488 
 Celeas, an associate of Dorieus, 370 
 Celts, a people of Europe, 118, 288 
 Ceos, an island of the TEgaean sea, 
 
 281, Ceians, 400, 582, 600, 614 
 Cephellenia, an island of the Ionian 
 
 sea, 668 
 Cephenes, Persians, 504 
 Cepheus, father of Andromeda, 504, 
 
 540 
 Cephissus, father of Thyia, 555 
 
 ■ — , a river of Phocis, 595 
 
 Ceramic gulph, 83 
 
 Cercasora, a city of Egypt, 110, 143 
 
 Ceres, the Egyptian Isis, 129, 156, 
 
 173., 290, 377; rites of (Thesmopho- 
 
 ria) 416: Eleusinian, 608; temple 
 
 of, 685, 702, 704 
 Chalcedonians, or Calchedonians, 325, 
 
 360 
 Chalcidians, of Euboea, 383, 384, 399, 
 
 557, 640, 667 
 Chaldaeans, of Babylon, 88, 87. In 
 
 the army of Xerxes, 505 
 Chalestra, a city of Macedonia, 525 
 Chalybians, of Asia Minor, 11 
 Champsa, the crocodile, 133 
 Charadra, a city of Phocis, 595 
 Charaxus, brother of Sappho, 162 
 Charilaus, of Samos, 260 
 Charillus, son of Eunomus, 642 
 Charopinus, brother of Aristagoras, 
 
 399 
 Cheramis, a floating island in Egypt 
 
 173 
 
 , a city of Egypt, 139, 177 
 
 Cheops, an Egyptian king, 157 
 Chephren, an Egyptian king, 159 
 Cherasmes, a Persian, 508 
 Chersis, father of Gorgus, 514, 586 
 Chersonese of Thrace, 308, held by 
 
 Miltiades, 423 — 425; 470; 490, 
 
 713 
 Chilaus, a Tegean, 656 
 Chilon, a Lacedaemonian sage, 24, 436, 
 
 578 
 . Chius, a city of Ionia, 7, 69, 76, 183, 
 
 422, 643 
 Choaspes, a river near Susa, 90, 372, 
 
 374 
 Chosnix (quart) 558 
 Chosreates, a tribe at Sicyon, 380 
 Choreas, a city of Euboea, 451 
 Choerus, father of Micythus, 550 
 Chorasraians, a people of Asia, 237, 
 
 244, in the army of Xerxes, 505 
 Chromius, an Argive, 37 
 Ciconians, a Thracian people, 503, 
 
 520 
 Cilicia, Ciliciacs, 11, 33, 118, 372, 373; 
 
 in the fleet of Xerxes, 512, 588; 
 
 708 
 Cilix, a Phoenician, 512 
 Cilia, an /Eolian city, 71 
 Cimmeria, Cimmerian Bosphorus, 273, 
 
 278, 308 
 Cimmerians, 4, 7, 269, 272 
 
748 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Cimon, father of Miltiades, 423, 452, 
 
 —son of Miltiades, 468, 519 
 Cineas, king of Thessaly, 378 
 Cinnamon (spice) 242 
 Cinyps, a river of Libya, 338 : — a re- 
 gion, 345, 369 
 Cion, a city of Mysia, 407 
 Circumcision practised by the Egyp- 
 tians, &c. 120, 145 
 Cissia, 236, 372, 374, 460 :— Cissians, 
 
 504, 510, 568 
 Cissian gate of Babylon, 265 
 Cithseron, Mount, 534, 662, 664, 673 
 Cius, or Scius, a river .tributary to the 
 
 Ister, 288 
 Clazomenae, an Ionian city, 7, 21, 69, 
 
 183, 408 
 Cleades, a Plataean, 696 
 Cleander, a seer, 443. — Son of Pan- 
 tares, 541. — Son of Hippocrates, 
 542 
 Cleobis and Biton, 13 
 Cleodaeus, son of Hyllus, 430, 565, 
 
 642 
 Cleombrotus, son of Anaxandrides, 
 
 300, 368, 612, 656 
 Cleomenes, king of Sparta, 262; see 
 367 ; 372 : takes possession of 
 Athens, 378— 384.— Repulsed from 
 iEgina, 430: Intrigues against De- 
 maratus, 436 ; actions and fate, 
 439—443 
 Cleonas, a city of Mount Afhos, 487 
 Clineas, an Athenian captain, 589 
 Clisthenes, tyrant of Sicyon, 379, 463 
 -465 • 
 
 , an Athenian, 379—382, 
 
 465 
 Clyiiads, an Elian family, 670 ; see 
 
 Tisamenus 
 Cnidus, a town of Caria, 70, 183 ; 
 
 Cnidians, 83,256,334 
 Cnoethus, father of Nicodromus, 446 
 Cobon, son of Aristopbantus, 436 
 Codrus, king of Athens, 379, 384 
 
 , son ofMelanthus, 71, founder 
 
 of Miletus, 702 
 Coela, (the hollow) 452 
 Coenyra, a town in Thasos, 429 
 Coes, tyrant of Mitylene, 306, 353, 
 
 366 
 Colseus, a Samian captain, 329 
 Colaxais, ancestor of the Scythians, 
 
 270 
 Colchians, 145, 238, 282 ; in the army 
 
 of Xerxes, 509 
 Colchis, 2 
 
 Colias, on the coast of Attica, 623 
 Colophon, an Ionian city, 6, 69, 
 Colossal statues, 160, 166, 172, 182 
 Colosse, a city of Phrygia, 489 
 Columns of Sesostris, 145 : of Her- 
 cules, 124: of Darius, 303 
 Combrea, a city of Crossaea, 524 
 Compsatus, a river of Thrace, 520 
 Coniaeus, a Thracian race, 378 
 Contadesdus, a river of Thrace, 304 
 Copai's, a lake of Boeotia, 644 
 
 Corcyra, colonized from Corinth, 211 
 
 Corcyrseans, 211 — 214 : their conduct 
 in the Persian war, 548 
 
 Coressus, a port near Ephesus, 399 
 
 Corinth, Corinthians, their history 
 under Periander, 9, 210 — 214 : 
 under Cypselus, 392 — 395: junction 
 with Cleomenes, 383 : lend ships to 
 the Athenians, 447 : conduct in the 
 Persian war, 564, 622, 705. Inci- 
 dental references, 6, 21, 178, 334 
 
 Corobius, a Cretan, 328 
 
 Coronaeans, neighbours of the Thebans, 
 385 
 
 Corsica, or Cyrnus, 78, 547 
 
 Corycium, a cavern of Parnassus, 596 
 
 Corydallus, of Anticyra, 569 
 
 Corys, a river of Arabia, 190 
 
 Cos, Coos, a Doric island, 70, 547 
 
 Cotys, father of Asias, 286 
 
 Cranaspes, a Persian, 249 
 
 Cranaeans, ancient name of the Athe- 
 nians, 600 
 
 Crastis, a stream near Sybaris, 369 
 
 Crathis, a river of Achaia, 70 
 
 Cratines, or Cretineus, father of Anax- 
 alaus, 547 
 
 Cratinus, father of Aminocles, 560 
 
 Cremnis, a port, Cremuians, a people 
 of the Masotic gulph, 276, 311 
 
 Creston, Cretona, a city of Thrace, 23, 
 351, 525, 635 
 
 Crete, Cretans, 82, 328 ; conduct in 
 the Persian war, and early history, 
 549—551 
 
 Crinippus, 'father of Terillas, 547 
 
 Crisaeen plain, of Locris, 595 
 
 Critalla, a city of Cappadocia, 488 
 
 Critobulus, a Cyrenaean, 184 
 
 Crius, a citizen of iEgina, 430, 439 
 
 Crobyzian Thracians, 288 
 
 Crocodiles, 132—134 : of the Indus, 
 285 : of Libya, 344 
 
 -, city of, in Egypt, 168 
 
 Croesus, king of Lydia, 3 : 10 — 23 : 
 30—44. 73,99,193,204: 366: En- 
 riches Alcmason ; 424. 462 : 596 
 
 Crophi and Mophi, supposed mounts 
 in Upper Egypt, 115 
 
 Crossasa, a district of Macedonia, 
 525 
 
 Crotona, a city of Magna Graecia, 225, 
 369. Crotonians aid the Greeks, 
 601 
 
 Cuphagoras, an Athenian, 459 
 
 Curium, a city of Cyprus, 405 
 
 Cyaneau islands in the Euxine, 302 
 
 Cyaxares, king of Media, 7, 32, 49 — 
 51 
 
 Cybelle, temple of, atSardis, 400 
 
 Cyberniscus, a Lycian, 514 
 
 Cyclades, islands of the iEgaean sea, 
 363 
 
 Cydippa, daughter of Terillus, 547 
 
 Cydonia, a city of Crete, 209, 215 
 
 Cydrara, a city on the borders of Phry- 
 gia, 490 
 
 Cyllestes, Egyptian cakes, 136 
 
INDEX. 
 
 749 
 
 Cyllyrians, slaves of Sicily, 542 
 
 Cylon, an Athenian, 381 
 
 Cyme, an iEolian city, 71, 75 ; Cy- 
 masans, 76, 367, 408, 561, 641 
 
 Cynasgiras, a valiant Athenian, 458 
 
 Cyneas, father of Philager, 452 
 
 Cynetes, Cynesians, farthest people of 
 Europe, 118, 288 
 
 Cyniscus, son of Leotychides, 438 
 
 Cvno, or Spaco, nurse of Cyras, 53 — 
 60 
 
 Cynosargean Hercules, 378,459 
 
 Cynosura, an island near Salamis, 614 
 
 Cynurians, people of Peloponnesus 
 612 
 
 Cyprian verses, 151 
 
 Cyprus, Cyprians, conquered by Araa- 
 sis, 185 ; 196, 236 ; their revolt, 
 401, and subjection, 405 : in the 
 fleet of Xerxes, 512 
 
 Cypselus, tyrant of Corinth, 9 ; see 
 391—395 : 464 
 
 , father of Miltiades, 423 
 
 Cyraunis, an island near the Libyan 
 coast, 344 
 
 Cyrene, Cyrenaeans, history of, 325 — 
 336: 346—349: 192 
 
 Cyrnus, (Corsica) 78, 547 
 
 , a city of Carystia, 706 
 
 , a hero, 79 
 
 Cyrus, king of Persia, 19; his war 
 with Croesus, and conquest of the 
 Lydian kingdom, 30 — 39 : treatment 
 of Croesus, 39—44 : three accounts 
 of his life, 46 : history of bis birth 
 and childhood, 51 — 60 : revolt 
 against Astyages the Mede, 60 — 64 : 
 Redaction of the Lesser Asia, 68 — 
 84 : attack upon Assyria, 84 : Cap- 
 ture of Babylon , 90 — 92 : expedition 
 against the Massagetes, and his 
 death, 96 — 103. Incidental refer- 
 ences, 203, 234, 263, 267, 475, 481, 
 714 
 
 Cythera, an island off Peloponnesus, 
 37; temple of Venus there, 50: its 
 danger to Sparta, 578 
 
 Cythnus, an island of the sea of Myr- 
 tus, 512, 601, 609 
 
 Cytissoras, son of Phixus, 563 
 
 Cyzicus, a city of Propontis, 274, 297, 
 423 
 
 Dadices, a people of Asia, 236, 505 
 Daedalus, son of Eupalamus, 550 
 Dai, Nomadic Persians, 61 
 Damasithymus, king of Calyndene, 
 
 514, 619 
 Damasus, son of Amyris, 463 
 Damia and Auxesia, 386 
 Danae, mother of Perseus, 139, 431, 
 
 504, 540 
 Danaus and Lynceus, 139 
 , son-in-law of Archander, 143 : 
 
 daughters of, 185. Danaus and 
 
 Xuthus, 513 
 Daphne, Pelusian, of Egypt, 116, 
 
 147 
 
 Daphnis, tyrant of Abydos, 323 
 
 Dardanus, a city near Abydos, 406, 496 
 
 Dardanians, or Darnians, a people of 
 Asia, 90 
 
 Dariles, a people of Asia, 236 
 
 Darius, king of Persia, 100 ; meaning 
 of his name, 450 : question to Greeks, 
 206: conspiracy to overthrow the 
 Mage, 223—229. Consultation on 
 the form of government to be estab- 
 lished in Persia, 229 — 232: his ac- 
 cession, 233 : Division of the empire 
 into Satrapies, 234 : punishment of 
 Intaphernes, 245 ; destruction of 
 Oroetes, 246—250. Cure by Demo- 
 cedes, and its consequences, 251 — 
 257 : price of a scarlet cloak, 257 — 
 262 ; siege and capture of Babylon, 
 262—267 : expedition against the 
 Scythians, 268, 301—307, his dis- 
 comfiture, 313 — 325 : expedition 
 against Barca, 346 : treatment of the 
 Paeonians, 353 — 355 : embassy to 
 Amyntas, 356 — 358 : conduct to- 
 wards Histiaeus, 359 : Ionian revolt, 
 361; Burning of Sardis, 397, audits 
 consequences, 400 : Revolt of the 
 Cyprians, 401 — 405 : subjugation of 
 Ionia and conduct of Histiasus, 406 
 — 421 : First attempt upon Greece, 
 427 — 430: second attempt, 448— 460: 
 new preparations, 471, dispute be- 
 tween his sons, 472 : his death, 473, 
 Incidental references, 505, 514, 574, 
 620. Darius, son of Xerxes, 708 
 
 Dascylas, father of Gyges, 4 
 
 Dascyleum, a city of Bithynia, 246 
 249, 423 
 
 Datis, a Mede, general of the Persians 
 at Marathon, 449—460 : his sons 
 511 
 
 Datus, a city of the Edonians, 691 
 
 Daulians, a people of Phocis, 596 
 
 Daurises, son-in-law of Darius, 406 
 
 Decelea, a district of Attica, 658 — 690. 
 Decelus, 690 
 
 Dejoces, king of the Medes, 7 ; 32 ; 
 see 47 — 49 
 
 Deiphonas, son of Evenius, 700 
 
 Delians, 280, 449 
 
 Delium, a Theban city, 459 
 
 Delphi — Delphians, 8, oracle con- 
 sulted by Croesus, 19, 21 : en- 
 riched by him, 21, 44: its tem- 
 ple burned, 21, 184 ; rebuilt by 
 the Alcmaeonids, 377 : The Delphi- 
 ans consult the oracle on the ap- 
 proach of the Persians, 555 ; remove 
 their goods, and abandon the place, 
 596: repulse of the Barbarians, 597 
 
 Delta, of the Nile, 110,184 
 
 Delos, an island of the ./Egasan sea, 
 27, 179, 280, 449, 4.50, 643, 698 
 
 Demaratus, king of Sparta, 383, 430; 
 supplanted by the intrigues of Cleo- 
 inenes, 434—438 : advice to Xerxes, 
 472 ; opinions given during the war, 
 515,518. 567,578,580 
 
750 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Demarmenus, father of Prinetades, 
 
 368, and of Chilon, 436 
 Democedes, a physician of Crotona, 
 
 his adventures, 251 — 257 
 Democracy, advocated by Otanes, 
 229 ; established in the Ionian cities 
 by Mardonius, 427 
 Democritas, of Naxos, 600 
 1 Domonax, a Mantinean, 333 
 Demonous, father of Penthylus, 562 
 Demophilus, a Thespian general, 573 
 Dersaeans, a Thracian tribe, 520 
 Derusiaeans, a Persian tribe, 61 
 Deucalion, king of Thessaly, 23 
 Diactorides, father of Eurydame, 439 
 
 , a Cranonian, 464 
 
 Diadromus, father of Demophilus, 
 
 573 
 Diana, the Ephesian, 10 ; of the Egyp- 
 tians, 129, 137 ; Bubastis, 163 ; 
 173; the Grecian. 211, 303, 469, 
 554 
 Dicsea, a city of Thrace, 520 
 Dicaeus, an Athenian exile, 608 
 Dictyna, or Dictynna, her fane, 216 
 Didymus, oracle of, 416: see Bran- 
 
 chidae 
 Dienecis, a Spartan, full of valorous 
 
 conceits, 575 
 Dindymene, (Cybele) 36 
 Dinomenes, father of Gelon, 536 
 Diomed, bravery of, 151 
 Dionysius, a Phocsean, his able con- 
 duct, 413 
 Dionysophanes, an Ephesian, 696 
 Dionysus, (Bacchus) 166 
 Dioscures, (Castor and Pollux, - ) 123, 
 
 126, 463 
 Dipoea, a place in Peloponnesus, 671 
 Dithyrambus, a valiant Thespian, 575 
 Dithyrambics, first composed by Arion, 
 
 Divination, of the Egyptians, 137 ; of 
 the Nasamones, 337 ; of the Scy- 
 thians, 294. 
 
 Dium, a city of Mount Athos, 487 
 
 Doberes, a people of Paeonia, 355, 
 521 
 
 Dodona, oracle of, 19, 127 ; origin of, 
 128; 700 
 
 Dolonces, a people of Thrace, 423 
 
 Dolopes, a people of Thessaly, 528 
 557 
 
 Dorians, 4, 11, 69, 70, 81, 214, 384 
 431, 513 ; see 595, and 612 ; 599 
 
 Doris, formerly Dryopis, 595 
 
 Dorieus, son of Anaxaudrides, 367 — 
 370; 544, 565 ; his son Euryanax,656 
 
 Doriscus, a shore of Thrace, 398, 488 
 503, 519 
 
 Dorus, king of the Dorians, 23 
 
 Doryssus, son of Leobotes, 565 
 
 Dotus, a Persian general, 507 
 
 Dropices, a Persian race, 61 
 
 Drymus, a city of Phocis, 595 
 
 Dryopis, a region of Thessaly, 23, 70, 
 see 595 ; Dryopians of Pelopon- 
 nesus, 612 
 
 Dymae, a town of Achaia, 70 
 Dymauates, a tribe at Sicyon, 381 
 Dyras, a river of Trachinia, 563 
 Dysorum, Mount, 356 
 
 Ecbatana, a city of Media, 48; — of 
 
 Syria, 219 
 Echecrates, father of Eetion, 392 
 Echidorus, a river of Thrace, 525 
 Echemus, son of Aeropus, 665 
 Echestratus, son of Agis, 565 
 Echinades, islands at the mouth of the 
 
 Achelous, 108 
 Eclipses of the sun, 34, 493, 656 
 Edonians, a people of Thrace, 353, 358, 
 
 408, 520, 691 
 Eetion, father of Cypselus, 392 
 Egestaeans, a people of Sicily, 370 
 Ei'on, a city on the Strymon, 488, 521, 
 
 636 
 Elasus, a city of the Thracian Cher- 
 sonese, 470, 486, 490, 712, 71$ 
 Elatea, a city of Phocis, 595 
 Elbo, an island of the Nile, 164 
 Elephants, 343 
 Elephantine, a city of Upper Egypt, 
 
 108, 115, 133, 182, 195 
 Eleusis, a town of Attica, 383, 440 ; 
 see 608, 666. Eleusinian Ceres, 662, 
 704 
 Elia, Elis, 279 
 Elis, a country of Peloponnesus, 613. 
 
 Elians, 175, 253, 464, 670, 692 
 Ellopia, a district of Euboea, 592 
 Elorus, a river of Sicily, 542 
 Enchelas, a town of Illyricurn, 377, 
 
 675 
 Enetes, or Venetians, 95, 352 
 Enians, of Thrace, 528,557, 563 
 Enipeus, a river of Thessaly, 526 
 Enneacrunos, nine springs near Athens, 
 
 468 
 Eordians, of Macedonia, 557 
 Epaphus, god of the Memphians, 
 
 120 
 Ephesus, 374; 443. Ephesians, 10, 
 
 69, 71 
 Ephialtes, the traitor, 569, 573 
 Ephors of Sparta, 28, 262, 367, 435, 
 
 656, 692 
 Epicydes, father of Glaucus, 445 
 Epidamns, a river of Thessaly, 562 
 Epidaurus, a town of Peloponnesus, 70, 
 
 211, 213, 387, 600, 667 
 Epigones, supposed poems of Homer, 
 
 280 
 Epistrophus, father of Amphimnestris, 
 
 463 
 Epium, a city of the Minyans, 327 
 Epizelus, an Athenian, 459 
 Epizephyrian Locrians, 418 
 Erasinus, a river of the Stymphalian 
 
 lake, 441 
 Erechtheus, king of Athens, 386, 559, 
 
 600, 604 
 Eretria, a city of Euboea, 26, 398, 427, 
 449; its destruction by the Persians, 
 451,460; 600,667 
 
INDEX. 
 
 751 
 
 Eridanus, a river of Europe, 243 
 Erochns, a city of Phocis* 595 
 Erxander, father of Coes, 306, 366 
 Erythea, an island near Gades, (Red 
 ^island,) 271 
 
 Erythrebolus, a city of Egypt, 148 
 Erythrae, a city of Ionia, 7 , 69. 411 
 
 ■ , a town of Bceotia, 659 
 
 Eryx, a region of Sicily, 369 
 Eryxo, wife of Arcesilaus, 333 
 Etearchus, king of Axus, 329 
 , king of the Ammonians, 
 
 117 
 Eteocles, father of Laodaraus, 337 
 Evaenetus, son of Carenns,552 
 Euagoras, a Lacedaemonian, 452 
 Eualcides, general of the Eretrians, 
 
 400 
 Eubcea, 280, 363, 451, 584, 587, 590 
 Euboeans of Sicily, 543 
 Euclid.and Oleander, 542 
 Evelthon, king of Salamis, in Cyprus, 
 
 334, 401 
 Evenius, father of Deiphonus, 700 
 Evesperides, islands on the coast of 
 
 Libya, 337 
 
 , people of Libya, 346 
 
 Eumenes, an Athenian captain, 622 
 Euraenides, (Furies) temple of the, 
 
 327, 702 
 Eunomus, son of Polydectes, 642 
 • Eupalinus, an engineer, 216 
 Euphorbus, son of Alcimachus,452 
 Euphorion, father of iEschylus, 173 
 
 , father of Laphanes, 463 
 
 Euphrates, 85—89 ; 91, 374 
 
 Earipus, the strait of Euboea, 384, 556, 
 
 588 
 Europa, of Tyre, 2, 82, 288 
 Enrope, 283, 285, 243, 473 
 Euryanax, son of Dorieus, 656, 681 
 Eurybates. of Argos, 448, 691 
 Eurybiades, commander of the Grecian 
 
 fleet, 582, 599, 613, 638 
 Euryclides, father of Eurybiades, 582 
 Eurycrates, son of Polydorus, 565 
 Eurycratides, son of Anaxander, 565 
 Eurydame, wife of Leotychides, 439 
 Euryderaus, father of Ephialtes, 569 
 Eurylaus, a companion of Dorieus, 
 
 370 
 Eurymachus, father of Leontiades, 566 
 Euryphon, son of Procles, 642 
 Eurypylus, son of Aleuas, 683 
 Eurysthenes, son of Aristodemus, 326, 
 
 367,431,565 
 Eurystheus, king of Argos, 666 
 Eurytus, a valiant Spartan, 576 
 Euthjnus, father of Hermolycus, 706 
 Eutychides, father of Sophanes, 690 
 Euxine sea, 3, 32, 282 ; nations of the 
 
 Euxine, 286 : see 302 
 Exampaeus, a Scythian region, 289, 
 
 300 
 .Expiation, 15,27 
 
 Fate, 43, 209, 219, 393 
 
 Festivals ; Apaturia,71; Carneia, 566; 
 
 Hyacynthia, 654 ; Theophania, 21 ; 
 
 Thesmophoria, 416 . Egyptian, 126, 
 see K9 — 131. Ethiopian, 237 ; Scy- 
 thian, 309, of Diana, 469 ; 281 ; of 
 the mother of the gods, 297 : of Mi- 
 nerva, 339; of Vulcan, 625. Baby- 
 lonian, 92 
 
 Funerals ; of the Spartan kings, 433 ; 
 of the Persian kings, 434 ; of the 
 Scythian kings, 295; of the Egyp- 
 tians, 138 ; of the Babylonians, 96 ; 
 of the Getes, 351 ; of the Massa- 
 getes, 103 ; of Artachaees, 522 ; of 
 Masistius, 664 
 
 Furies, 327 
 
 Gades, beyond the Pillars of Hercules, 
 
 271 
 Gaeson, a river near Mycale, 702 
 Galepsus, a city of Macedonia, 524 
 Gallaic region of Macedonia, 520 
 Gamores, landholders of Syracuse, 
 
 542 
 Gandarians, a people of Asia, 236, 
 
 505 
 Garamantes, a people of Libya, 338, 
 
 341 
 Gargaphian fountain, near Plataea, 664, 
 
 679 
 Gavanes, brother of Perdiccas, 645 
 Gebeleizis, see Zalmoxis 
 Gela, a city of Sicily, 418, 541 
 Geleon, son of Ion, 379 
 Gelon, tyrant of Syracuse, 541 — 548 
 Gelon, son of Hercules, 272 
 Gelonus, a wooden city in Scythia, 
 
 310, 316 
 Geometry, 106— 119 : 281—290: 336 
 
 —346: 371 , 'origin of, 147 
 Gephyraeans, a family at Athens, 375, 
 
 377 
 Geraestus, a town of Euboea, 585, 706 
 Gergis, a Persian general, 509 
 Gergithe-Teucrians, 408, 490 
 Germanians, a Persian tribe, 61 
 Gerrhus, a region and river of Scythia, 
 
 276, 287, 290, 295 
 Geryon, a monster, 271 
 Getes, a people of Thrace, professing 
 
 immortality, 304,306 
 Gigonus, a town of Crossaea, 524 
 Giligammes, a people of Libya, 336 
 Gillus, an exile of Tarentum, 256 
 Gindanes, a people of Libya, 338 
 Glaucon, father of Leager,G91 
 Glaucus, a Chian artist, 10 
 
 -, a Spartan, 445 
 
 , son of Hippolochus, 71 
 
 Glissas, a town near the Thermodon, 
 
 676 
 Gnomon, invented by the Babylonians, 
 
 147 
 Gnurus, a Scythian, 298 
 Gobryas, a Persian prince, father of 
 
 Mardonius, 223—229; 320; 473, 
 
 509 
 Gonnus, a city of Thessaly, 526, 
 553 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Gordius, a Phrygian king, 6, 15, 346 
 Gorgo, daughter of Cleomenes, 370 ; 
 her pertinent advice, 373 ; and sa- 
 gacity, 581 
 Gorgon's head, 140 
 
 Gorgns, king of Salamis, in Cyprus, 
 401, 586 
 
 , a Persian general, 514 
 
 Greece, its climate, 240; its people, 
 516 ; 546 : explored by order of 
 Darius, 254 ; its calamities, 450 : its 
 preservation, 532,536 
 Greeks, their derivation, 23, 127 ; 
 their reputation for wisdom and ge- 
 nerosity, 25, 693, 593 ; patriotism, 
 683, 654, 655, 528, 536 ; origin of 
 their learning, 147, 376; origin of 
 their mythologies, 123, 126, 127, 
 129, 166 ; religions opinions, 64 ; 
 political opinions, 391, 529; com- 
 merce, 1, 241, 257 ; their arms, 339, 
 342; colonies, 172, 183, see Cyrene, 
 Barca, Sicily, Italy, the Euxine : 
 compared with other nations, 120, 
 106, 206, 65, 699 ; 45, 695 ; conflicts 
 with the Barbarians, see Marathon, 
 Thermopylie, Artemisium, Salamis, 
 Plataea, and Mycal6. Their sub- 
 mission demanded, 429, 490, 528 ; 
 552,581, 588,599, particular usages, 
 278; friendship, 184; 
 
 Greeks of Asia, 11, 68, 69, 71, 104, 
 186, 199, 307, 323 ; see Aristagoras, 
 and Histiaeus, 707 
 
 Greeks of Scythia, 275, 288, 310 
 
 Graces, hill of, 338 
 
 Griffins, 244, 273 
 
 Grinus, king of Thera, 328 
 
 Grynea, an iEolian city, 71 
 
 Gyges, usurper of Sardis, 4 — 6, 43, 
 45 
 
 , father of Myrsus, 247, 407 
 
 Gy gea, sister of Alexander, 358, 644 
 
 Gyndes, a river of Armenia, 90, 97, 
 374 , 
 
 Gyzantes, a people of Libya, 344 
 
 Haemus, Mount, 288 
 
 Haliacmon, a river of Macedonia, 526 
 
 Halicarnassus, a city of Asia Minor 1, 
 
 70, 183, 514 
 Halys, a river of Asia Minor, 3, 11, 32, 
 
 34, 373, 488 
 Hanno, father of Amilcar, 547 
 Harmamithres, a Persian general, 511 
 Harmatides, father of Dithyrambus, 
 
 575 
 Harmocydes, general of the Phocians, 
 
 660 
 Harmodius, see Aristogiton 
 Harpagus, a Median Prince, 3C, 52 — 
 
 58,63; 77—84 
 
 , a Persian general, 420 
 
 Hebe, 703 
 
 Hebrus, a river of Thrace, 304, 503 
 
 Hecataeus, a Greek historian, 165,366, 
 
 408, 468 
 Hector, son of Priam, 153 
 
 Hegesander, father of Hecatasus, 408 
 Hegesicles, king of Sparta, 27 
 Hegesipyla, daughter of Olorus, 425 
 Hegesistratus, tyrant of Sigeum, 396 
 
 , an Elian diviner, 672 
 
 , a Samian, 699 
 
 Hegetorides, of Coos, 692 
 Hegias, brother of Tisamenns, 671 
 Helen, wife of Menelaus, 2, 149 — 153 
 
 435, 690 
 Helice, a city of Achaia, 70 
 Heliconian Neptune, 71 
 Heliopolis (city of the sun) a city of 
 
 Egypt, 105, 107, 129, 130 
 Helisycians, a people of Gaul, 547 
 Helle, daughter of Athamas, 502 
 Heilen, father of Dorus, 23 
 Hellenians, 23 
 
 Hellespont, 283 ; see 203, and 491 ; 
 
 353, 358, 422; 470; Bridges at, 
 
 491; 501. Hellespontines, 304 ) 
 
 513, Hellespoutin (wind) 559 
 
 Hellopian, or Ellopian district in Eu- 
 
 bcea, 592 
 Helots of Sparta, 433, 592, 667 
 Hephaestia, a town of Lemnos, 
 Heraclea, a city of Sicily, 369 
 Heraclids, kings of Sardis, 4, 43 
 
 — , of Sicily, 369 
 
 , return to Peleponnesus, 
 
 665 
 Heraclides, son of Ibanolis, 407 
 
 , father of Aristodicus, 7't 
 
 , father of Aristagoras, 
 
 366 
 Herajus, a city of Thrace, 304 
 Hercules, the Egyptian, 123, 166, 137, 
 149 ; the Tyrian, 124, the Grecian, 
 123, 166 ; with Jason, 561 ; 563, 
 565 ; In Scythia, 271, 291 ; print of 
 his foot, 301 ; Temples of, 459, altar 
 of, 554 
 
 , pillars of, 118, 271, see 284 
 
 340, 341 
 Hermione, a town of Peloponnesus, 
 
 215, 474, 599, see 613, 667 
 Hermippus, of Atarnea, 410 
 Hermolycus, a valiant Athenian, 705 
 Hermophantes, an Asian Greek, 399 
 Hermotimus, of Pedasus, 628 
 Hermotybies, Egyptian warriors, 177, 
 
 670 
 Hermus, a river of Asia Minor, 23, 36. 
 
 399 
 Herodotus, of Halicarnassus, 1; date 
 of his history, 109, 128, and 167 ; 
 lived to the time of the Pelopon- 
 nesian war, 530, 690 : his religious 
 opinions and scruples, 127, see 105, 
 and 131 ; 125, 179, 443, 528, see 
 588; 686: his opinion of oracles, 
 615 ; bis method and rules of history, 
 3, 46, 84, 103, 105. 144 ; see 157 : 
 190, 306, 540, 613 ; fond of digres- 
 sions, 279, 551 : his impartiality 
 and caution, 369, 532, see 540, 541 
 613 , 
 , an Ionian, 643 
 
INDEX. 
 
 753 
 
 Heroes, not worshipped in Egypt, 
 
 127: 79, 405, 424, 438, 496, 522, 
 
 597 
 Herophantus, of Pariuin, 323 
 Herpys, a Theban, 673 
 Hesiod, the poet, 127, 280 
 Hiero, brother of Gelon, 542 
 Hieronymus, an Andrian, 670 
 Himera, a city of Sicily, 419 
 Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, 375, 
 
 462, 474 
 Hipnias, son of Pisistratus, 26, 391 — 
 
 397; 454 
 Hippobotes, rearers of horses (knights 
 
 or gentry) 384, 451, 543 
 Hippoclides, an Athenian, 464 
 Hippoclus, of Lampsacns, 323 
 Hippocoon, father of Scaeus, 376 
 Hippocrates, father of Pisistratus, 24 
 
 , tyrant of Gela, 418 
 
 -, son of Megacles, 465, 
 
 542 
 
 -, father of Smyndyrides, 
 
 463 
 
 Hippocratides, son of Leotychides,642 
 Hippolaus, promontory in the Euxine, 
 
 290 
 Hippolochus, father of Glaucus, 71 
 Hippomachus, a diviner, 673 
 Hipr)onicus, father of Callias, 540 
 Hippopotamus, of the Nile, 134 
 Histiaeotis, a region of Eubosa, 553,591 
 
 , a region of Tbessalj, 23 
 
 Histiasus, tyrant of Miletus, 323, 353, 
 
 358 : instigator of the Ionian revolt, 
 
 365, 402, 409, 419—421 
 
 , father of Phylacus, 618 
 
 , tyrant of Termera, 366, 514 
 
 Homer, 113, 127 ; citations, 150, 279, 
 
 280 : 380, 546 
 Hoples, son of Ion, 379 
 Hyacinthia, 654 
 Hyaena, 344 
 
 Hyampeus, summit of Parnassus, 597 
 Byampolis, a city of Thessaly, 594, 
 
 595 
 Hyates, a tribe at Sicyon, 380 
 Hybla, a city of Sicily, 542 
 Hydarues, a Persian noble, 223, 468, 
 
 529 
 
 , father of Sisamnes, 505 
 
 Hydrea, an island off Peloponnesus, 
 
 215 
 Hyela, a city of CEnotria, 79 
 Hygennians, a people of Asia, 235 
 Hylaea, a region of Scvthia, 276, 290, 
 
 297 
 Hylleans, a tribe at Sicyon, 381 
 Hyllus, son of Hercules, 430, 565, 642, 
 
 665 
 
 , a river of Lydia, 36 
 
 Hymeas, son-in-law of Darius, 406, 
 
 407 
 Hymettus, Mount, 468 
 Hypachreans, Cilicians, 512 
 Hypacyris, a river of Scythia, 287, 
 
 290 
 Hypanis, a river of Scythia, 287, 290 
 
 3 
 
 Hyperanthes, son of Darius, 574 
 Hyperboreans, 273 ; see 280 — 281 
 Hyperoche and Laodice, Hyperborean 
 
 damsels, 281 
 Hyrcanians, 244, 504 
 Hyrgis, a river of Scythia, 290 
 Hyria, a city of Italy, 550 
 Hyroeades, a Mardian, 38 
 Hysiae, a town of Boeotia, 455, 659, 
 
 644 
 Hysia, a town of Attica, 383 
 Hystanes, father of Badres, 508 
 Hystaspes, father of Darius, 100, 223, 
 
 234, 574 
 , son of Darius, 505 
 
 Iacchus, the mystic, 608 
 
 Jadmon, master of iEsop, 161 
 
 Ialyssus, a Doric city, 70 
 
 Jamidian family, diviners of Elis, 369, 
 
 670 
 Japygia, or Apulia, 256, 308 
 Japyges, Messapian, 550 
 Jardanus, 4 
 
 Jason, the Argonaut, 338, 561 
 Iatragoras, an Ionian, 366 
 Ibanoles, father of Oliatus, 3C6, 407 
 Iberia (Spain) 77, 547 
 Ibis, sacred bird of the Egyptians, 132, 
 
 135 
 Icarian sea, 449 
 Ichnae, a city of Bottireis, 525 
 Ichneumon, 132 
 
 Ichthyophagians, fish-eaters, 195 — 198 
 Ida, Mount, 72, 496 
 Idanthyrsus, king of Scythia, 298, 315, 
 
 317 
 Idrias, a region of Caria, 406 
 lenysus, a town of Arabia, 188 
 Ilias, Troas, 408 
 Ilium, a city of Troas, 3, 108, 152, 396, 
 
 496 
 Ilissus, a river of Attica, 559 
 Illyriaus, Enetes or Venetians, 95, 288, 
 
 675 
 Imbros, an island of the JSgaean sea, 
 
 360, 426 
 Immortals, Persian troops, 509, 568 
 Immortal Thracians, Getes, 305 
 Immortality of the soul, 157 
 Iuarus, a Libyan king, 191, 194, 475 
 India, its rare productions, 238 — 241 : 
 
 283 
 Indians, 238 : Calantian, or Calatian, 
 
 206 ; subdued by Darius, 285 : In 
 
 the army of Xerxes, 505, 
 Indian dogs, 93, 558 
 Indus, 285 
 
 Ino, wife of Athamas, 562 
 Inscriptions ; Cadmean, 376; falsified, 
 
 21: of Nitocris, 89: on a pyramid, 
 
 163 : of Sesostris, 146 : of Darius, 
 
 234, 303, 304: at Thermopylae, 
 
 575 
 Intaphernes, a Persian prince, 223 — 
 
 234; 245 
 Intercalary month, 14, 106 
 Interpreters, 172, 195,277 
 
754 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Inycus, a city of Sicily, 419 
 Io, daughter of Inachus, 1, 3, 122 
 Iolcus, a town of Magnesia, 396 
 Ion, ancestor of the lonians, 513, COO 
 Tonia, lonians, reduced by Croesus, 4, 
 see 68 — 72: conquered by Cyrus, 
 72 — 80 : subject to Cambyses, 104, 
 186 : to Darius, 235 ; employed in 
 the expedition to Scythia, 304—307: 
 behaviour at the Ister, 322 — 324 : 
 Revolt under Aristagoras and His- 
 tiseus, 361—373; reduction, 406— 
 -121 : Liberated from tyrants by 
 Mardonius, 427: commended by 
 Xerxes, 500, and employed in the 
 invasion of Greece, 513, 560 : tam- 
 pered with by Themistocles, 589: 
 conduct at Salamis, 618 — 621 : so- 
 licit the Greeks, 643 : invited to re- 
 Dellion by Leotychides, 703 : con- 
 sultation on their afiV.i.s, 703, aban- 
 doned by tlj-3 'jieeks, 711, see 
 Athenia: 
 Ionian gulph, 453 - 
 Iphiclus, father of Protesilaus, 712 
 Iphigenia, daughter of Agamemnon 
 
 309 
 Irasa, a region of Iibya, 332 
 Irenes, see note to p. 696 
 Is, a city and river of Babylonia, 85 
 Isagoras, son of Tisander, 379 — 382 
 Ischenous, father of Pytheas, 556 
 Isis, of the Egyptians, see 122, 129, 
 
 130, 173, 342 
 Ismaris, a lake of Thrace, 520 
 Israenian Apollo, 22, 376, 643 
 Issedonians, a people of Northern 
 
 Asia, 97, 274, 278 
 Ister, a river of Scythia, 97, 118 ; see 
 
 287, 322 
 Isthmus of Corinth, 583, 598, 612, 613, 
 654 
 
 , Cnidian, 83 
 
 — : , of the Chersonese, 424 
 
 Istria, country at the mouth of the 
 
 Ister, 298 
 Italy, 10, 255, 274, 308, 463 
 Itanus, a city of Crete, 328 
 Ithamatres, a Persian general, 506 
 Ithamitres, a Persian admiral, 641, 
 
 705 
 (Itkome) 672 
 Juno, 13,183 184,442,680 
 
 , Egyptian, 126 
 
 Jupiter, Jove, Persian, 64, 495, 635 ; 
 Belus, 86, 266 r Egyptian, 122, 
 
 , Ammonian, 128, 199, 339; 
 
 Dodonean, 128 ; ^Ethiopian, 116 ; 
 a Scythian, 291 ; the Grecian, 18,437 
 654, 107, 432, 407, 81, 259. 562, 
 370 
 Iyrces, a Scythian people, 277 
 
 Kiki, an Egyptian ointment, 141 
 
 Labda, daughter of Amphion, 392 
 Labdacus, father of Laius, 376 
 Liibranda, a city of Caria, 407 
 
 Labynetus, king of Babylon, 33, 35 
 
 , king of Assyria, 90 
 
 Labyrinth of Egypt, 168 
 Lacedaemon, Lacedaemonians, 21, their 
 origin, 23 ; war with Tegea, and 
 early history, 27 — 30 ; and 37 ; re- 
 semble the Egyptians in their respect 
 to the aged, 137 : expedition against 
 Samos, 207, 209, 214 ; not addicted 
 to study, 298: treatment of the 
 Minyans, 325 — 328: see Sparta, 
 applied to by Aristagoras, 371 : see 
 Cleomenes: attempt against Athens, 
 390 — 396: antiquities and institu- 
 tions, 430—434; see Ariston — De- 
 maratus : applied to by the Athe- 
 nians, 453, their petty excuse, 454 ; 
 and late arrival, 460 : treatment of 
 the Persian heralds, 528 — 531 : con- 
 joint embassies to Argos, Sicily, 
 Corcyra, &c. 538 — 550 : occupation 
 of Thermopylae, 552; see Leonidas : 
 their custom before battle, 567 ; in- 
 scription over the dead, 576; pre- 
 vious knowledge of the Persian in - 
 vasion, 580, their fleet at Artetni- 
 sium, 583 : their interested policy, 
 601, 612 : pay honours to Themis- 
 tocles, 638 ; anxious embassy to 
 Athens, 648 ; their blind policy 
 654 — 656 ; advance to Bosotia, 662 
 precedence in the allied army, 667 
 their fears, 677 : insulted by Mar- 
 donius, 678: conduct at Plataea, 
 680—696 : conduct at Mycale, 702 
 — 707 : their return to Greece, 
 711 
 
 Lacmon, Mount, 700 
 
 Lacrines, a Spartan, 73 
 
 Lada, an island near Miletus, 411 
 
 Ladanum, an odoriferous drug, 243 
 
 Ladice, wife of Amasis, 184 
 
 Laius and (Edipus, 327, 376 
 
 Lampitc, daughter of Leotychides, 
 439 
 
 Lampon, an JEginetan, 693 
 
 , son of Thrasycles, 689 
 
 , father of Olympiodorus, 663 
 
 Lamponium, a city of Troas, 360 
 
 Lampsacus, a city of the Hellespont, 
 323, 406, 424 
 
 Laodamas, son of Eteocles, 377 , a 
 
 Phocaean, 323 
 
 Laodice and Hyperoch6, 280 
 
 Laphanes, son of Euphorion, 463 
 
 Laphystian Jupiter, 562 
 
 Lasonians, a people of Asia, 235, 508 
 
 Lasus, of If ermione, 474 
 
 Latona, oracle of, 173 
 
 Laurian mines, 535 
 
 Laus, a city of the Sybarites, 417 
 
 Leager, son of Glaucon, 691 
 
 Learchus, brother of Arcesilaus, 333 
 
 Lebadia, a town of Bosotia, 643 
 
 Lebaea, a city of Macedonia, 645 
 
 Lebedus, a city of Lydia, 69 
 
 Lectus, promontory, 711 
 
 Leipsydrium, a city above Paeonia, 377 
 
INDEX. 
 
 755 
 
 Lemnos, an island of the JEgxan sea, 
 
 325, 360, 468, 612 
 Leo, a Troezenian, 555 
 Leobotes, king of Sparta, 28,565 
 Leocedes, son of Phidon,.463 
 Leon, king of Sparta, 27, 565 
 Leonidas, king of Sparta, 368, 565 ; 
 
 his self-devotion at Thermopylae, 
 
 566—576; 634 
 Leontiades, a Theban general, 566, 
 
 577 
 Leontinians, a people of Sicily, 542 
 Leoprepes, father of Theasides, 444 
 
 , father of Simonides, 576 
 
 Leotychides, king of Sparta, 436 — 438; 
 
 444, commands the combined fleet of 
 
 Greece, 642, 698—707 
 
 , son of Anaxilaus, 642 
 
 Lepreum, a city of the Minyans, 327, 
 
 667 
 Leros, an island near Miletus, 408 
 Lesbos, an island of the iEgaean sea, 
 
 72, 76, 207, 422 
 Leucadians, islanders of the Ionian 
 
 sea, 601, 668 
 Leuce-acte, a coast of Thrace, 488 
 Leucon, a city of Libya. 
 Libya, Libyans, geography, 111, 283; 
 
 circumnavigation of, 284 : climate 
 
 and productions, 340, 345 : nations, 
 
 336—346; 332—336 : superstitions, 
 
 127: submission to Cambyses, 191 ; 
 
 and to Darius, 236; and to Xerxes, 
 
 557 
 Liches, a Spartan, 29 
 Lida, Mount, 83 
 
 Ligures, a people of Gaul, 352, 547 
 Ligyes, a people of Asia, 507 
 Limenenm, a place in the Milesian 
 
 territory, 7 
 Liudus, a Doric city, 70, 184 ; Lin- 
 
 dians of Rhodes, 541 
 Linus, a song of the Egyptians, 136 
 Lipaxus, a city of Crossaea, 524 
 Lipoxais, son of Targitaus, 270 
 Lipsydrium, see Leipsydrium. 
 Lis 36, a city of Cross asa, 524 
 Lissus, a river of Thrace, 520 
 Locris, Locrians, (Opuntian) 528, 564, 
 
 582 ; (Epizepbyrian) 418, (Ozolian) 
 
 595 
 Lotas, an Egyptian plant, 140 
 Lotophagians, (eaters of the Lotus,) 
 
 338 
 Lucina (Ilithyia) 281 
 Lycasan Jupiter, 248 
 Lycaretus, brother of Maeandrius, 260, 
 
 360 
 Lycians, their origin, 82; 11, 235, 
 
 512 
 Lycidas, an Athenian senator, 653 
 Lycomedes, a valiant Athenian, 586 
 Lycopas, a valiant Spartan, 214 
 Lycophron, son of Periander, 211 — 
 
 214 
 Lycurgus, the Spartan legislator, 27, 28 
 
 , an Athenian, 24 
 
 , an Arcadian, 463 
 
 3 
 
 Lycus, a river of Phrygia, 489 
 
 , a river of Scythia, 316 
 
 , a Scythian, 298 
 
 , son of Pandion, 82, 513 
 
 Lydia, Lydians, origin, 81; early his- 
 tory, 4 — 10, 33, see Croesus: their 
 warlike character, 36 : public works, 
 44 ; usages, 45 : revolt and redac- 
 tion, 73, 74: their marshal attire, 
 507 
 Lydias, a river of Macedonia, 526 
 Lydus, son of Atys, 4, 81, 507 
 Lygdamis, father of Artemisia, 514 
 
 , a Naxian, 26 
 
 Lynceus, and Danaus, 140 
 Lysagoras, a Parian, 466 
 
 , father of Histiaeus, 362 
 
 Lysanias, an Eretrian, 464 
 Lysimachus, father of Aristides, 616 
 Lysistratus, an Athenian diviner, 
 624 
 
 Maces, a people of Libya, 338 
 
 Macednic race, 599 
 
 Macedonia, 526 ; its kings, 358; i~", 
 
 Amyntas and Alexander. 
 Machlyes, a people of Libya, 338 
 Macistius, Makistius, or Masistius, a 
 
 Persian general, 662 — 664 
 Macistus, a city of the Minyans, 327 
 Macrobian /Ethiopians, see /Ethiopians 
 Macrones, a people beyond the Ther- 
 
 modon, 146, 237, 508 
 Mactorium, a town of Sicily, 541 
 Madyes, a Scythian, 50 
 Madytus, a city of the Chersonese, 
 
 490, 714 
 Masander, a river of Caria, 77, 406, 
 
 488 
 Maeandrius, a Samian, 248, 259, 360 
 Maeonians (Lydians) 4, 507, Maeonians 
 
 (Cabalian) 508 
 Maaotis, Palus, 50, 269, 290, 302, 308, 
 
 315 
 Magdolus, a city of Syria, (mistaken 
 
 for Megiddo) 175 
 Magi, a Median tribe, 49 
 Mages, of Persia, interpreters of 
 
 dreams, 51, 58, 63 ; see 65, 67 ; 
 
 485, 493, 496, 521, 560 
 
 , the two brothers, 217—229 
 
 Magnesia, of Asia Minor, 77, 247 
 , of Macedonia, 553, 556, 
 
 561 
 Magnetes, of Europe, 528 
 
 , of Asia, 235 
 
 Malean promontory, 37, 338, 549 
 Malena, a city of Atarnea, 421 
 Males, brother of Titormus, 463 
 Maliac territory, and golph, 280, 528, 
 
 562, 595 
 Mandane, daughter of Astyages, 51 
 Mandrocles, a Samian architect, 303 
 Maneros, an Egyptian song, 136 
 Manes, king of Lydia, 45, 286 
 Mantineans, 333, 564, 692 
 Mantyas and Pigres, 353 
 Mapen, a Svrian, 514 
 
 c 2 
 
75G 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Maraphians, a tribe of Persians, 61, 
 
 336 
 Marathon, 26; battle of, 454—460 
 
 Mardians, a Persian tribe, 61 
 
 Mardonins, bis first expedition against 
 Greece, 427, 428 : superseded in 
 command, 449: incites Xerxes to a 
 new war, 473— 4S4 : his high rank, 
 509;' advice to Xerxes, 625 ; and 
 subsequent conduct, 634 : message 
 to the Athenians, 645 ; and 653 : 
 tonduct preliminary to the battle of 
 Platsea, 660, and death, 685 ; 695 
 
 Mardontes, a Persian general, 509, 
 641, 705 
 
 Marea, a city of Egypt, 112, 116 
 
 Mares, or Marsians, 237, 508 
 
 Mariandvnians, a people of Asia Mi- 
 nor, 11, 235, 507 
 
 Maris, a river of Sr.ythia, 287 
 
 Maron and Alpheus, 575 
 
 Maronea, a city of Thrace, 520 
 
 Mars, the Egyptian, 131, 137: the 
 Scythian, 291, 292 
 
 Marsyas, a river of Phrygia, 407 
 
 ,Silenus, 488 
 
 Mascames, a Persian governor, 518 
 
 Masistes, son of Darius, 509, 524, 707 
 —711 
 
 Masistins, see Macistius 
 
 , son of Siromitres, 509 
 
 Maspians, a Persian tribe, 61 
 
 Massages, a Persian general, 507 
 
 Massagetes, a people of Northern 
 Asia, attacked bv Cyrus, 96, and 
 victorious, 98 — 103, their manners, 
 103 : 272 
 
 Matianian mountains, 90, 97 
 
 , — people, 32, 237, 372, 374, 
 
 507- 
 
 Mausolus, 406 
 
 Maxyes, of Libya, 343 
 
 Mazares, a Mede, 74, 76 
 
 Mecistes, brother of Adrastus, 380 
 
 Mecyberna, a city of Thrace, 524 
 
 Media, daughter of the king of Col- 
 chis, 2, 504 
 
 Medes, 32, 33 ; their early history, 
 46 — 51 ; subjection to the Persians 
 under Cyrus, 59—64: 282 ; see 
 Mages : in the army of Xerxes, 504, 
 510 ; 568. Note, the Greeks were 
 accustomed to use the word Median 
 as a general designation of the 
 Asiatic empire. To "favour the 
 Medes" means, to favour the Per- 
 sians. 
 
 Media, 53,282 
 
 Medimnus, measure, 93, 432 
 
 Mediterranean sea, 1, called by Hero- 
 dotus, "this sea," or " our sea ;" or 
 sometimes the northern sea 
 
 Megabates, a Persian general, 363, 
 514 
 
 Megabyzus, a Persian commander, 
 223, 230, 324, 351. 354, 514 
 
 , son of Zopyrns, 267, 569 
 
 Megacles, an Athenian, 24, 462 
 
 Megacles, son of Alcmaeon, 464 
 
 , son of Hippocrates, 465 
 
 Megacreon, of Abdera, 523 
 Megadostes, father of Mascames, 519 
 Megapanus, governor of Babylon, 
 
 504 
 Megara, Megarians, 25, 658, 662 ; of 
 
 Sicily, 542 
 Megasidras, father of Dotus, 507 
 Megistias, diviner to the Spartans at 
 
 Thermopylae, 573—576 
 Melampus, a seer, 126, 573, 671 
 Melampygus, a rock near the Asopus, 
 
 570 
 Melanchlsenians, a people of northern 
 
 Asia, 276, 309, 310 
 Melanippus, a hero, 380 
 
 1 — , of Mitylene, 396 
 
 Melanthius, an Athenian commander, 
 
 398 
 Melanthus, father of Codrus, 71, 379 
 Melas, a river of Thessaly, 563 
 Melanic gulph, and river, 425, 502 
 Meles, king of Sardis, 39 
 Meliboea, a city of Magnesia, 559 
 Melians, or Malians, 601 
 Melissa, wife of Periander, 211, 395 
 Membliarus, son of Paeciles, 327 
 Memnon, city of (Susa) 540 
 Memphis, a city of Egypt, 105, 108, 
 
 143 
 Menares, father of Leotychides, 436, 
 
 438,642 
 Menda, a city of Pallen6,524 
 Mendes, (Egyptian Pan) 122, 125 
 Mendesian plain, 123, 178 
 Mendesian mouth of the Nile, 111 
 Menelaus, husband of Helen, 149— 
 
 152: 336 , 
 Menes, first king of Egypt, 106 
 
 143 
 Menestheus, an Athenian commander, 
 
 546 
 Menius, brother of Eurydame, 439 
 Merbal, son of Agbal, 514 
 Mercury, temple of, 164 : Thracian, 
 
 352 
 Mermnades, kings of Sardis, 4,6 
 Meroe, a city of ^Ethiopia, 116 
 Mesambria, a city of Thrace, 305, 
 
 423, 520 
 Messana, a city of Sicily (Messina) 
 
 547 
 Messapian, Japyges, (Cretans) 550 
 Messenians, of Peloponnesus, 672 
 Metapontines, of Italy, 274 
 Methymna, a city of Lesbos, 72 
 Metiochns, son of Miltiades, 426 
 Metrodorus, tyrant of Proconnesus, 
 
 323 
 Micythus, servant of Anaxilaus, 5,51 
 Midas, king of Phrygia, 6, 15 ; his 
 
 gardens, 646 
 Miletus, a principal city of Ionia, 
 Milesians, their war with Alyattes, 
 6 — 8, .69, their submission to 
 Cyrus, 80 ; part in the Ionian revolt, 
 361 — 367 ; 398 : see Aristagoras and 
 
INDEX. 
 
 /O/ 
 
 Histiaeus : defeat of the Ionians 
 near Miletus, 412, and fall of the 
 city, 417 : colony at the mouth of 
 the Ister, 118 : founded by Neleus, 
 702 
 Milo, a wrestler, 258 
 Miltiades, son of Cypselus, 423—425 
 
 , sou of Cimon, tyrant of the 
 
 Chersonese, 425 ; 452 ; general of 
 the Athenians at Marathon, 453 — 
 460 ; his failure at Paros, 466, and 
 death, 468 : his conquest of Lemnos, 
 468—470 
 Milyas, a province of Asia, 82, 235, 
 
 508 
 Minerva, Grecian, 604, 28, 688, 7, 9, 
 369, 382, 386, 76, 26, 597, 623, 393, 
 496, 184, 83: Egyptian, 137, 181 : 
 Libyan, 339, 312 
 Minoa, a colony from Selinus, 370 
 Minos, of Cnossus, 247 
 
 , son of Europa, 82, 550 
 
 Minyans, descendants of the Argonauts, 
 
 70, see 325—327 
 Mitra, the Persian Venus, 64 
 Mitradates, foster father of Cvrus, 
 
 53—56 
 Mitrobates, a Persian prince, 246 — 
 
 249 
 Mitylene, capital of Lesbos, 183, 396 
 Mnesarchus, father of Pythagoras, 305 
 Mnesiphilus, friend of Themistocles, 
 
 604 ■ 
 Maeris, king of Egypt, 109, 144 
 
 , lake of, 109, 133; see 169: 
 
 236 
 Mokeis, a stream of Bosotia, 682 
 Molossians, a people of Epirus, 70, 
 
 464 
 Molpagoras, father of Aristagoras, 
 
 362 
 Momemphis, a city of Egypt, 177 
 Mophi, a (supposed) mountain of 
 
 upper Egypt, 115 
 Moschians, a people of Asia, 237, 508 
 Mosynceces, a people of Asia, 237, 
 
 508 
 Mammies of Egypt, mode of prepar- 
 ing, 138 : of Ethiopia, 198 
 Munychia, a port of Attica, 614 
 Murichides, a Hellespontine, 653 
 Musseus, a seer, 474, 623, 676 
 Mycale, a promontory opposite Samos, 
 71, 415, 509, battle there, 698—707 
 Mycenaeans, a people of Argolis, 
 
 666 
 Mycerinus, king of Egypt, 159- — 162. 
 Mycians, a people of Asia, 236, 506 
 Myconos, an Island near Delos, 459 
 Myecphoris, a district in Egypt, 178 
 Mygdonia, a district of Macedonia, 
 
 525 
 Mylassa, a Carian town, 81, 366, 407 
 Mylitta, Assyrian Venus, 64 
 Myndian ship, 364 
 Myrcinus, a town of Edonia, 353, 358, 
 
 408 
 Mvriandrian gulph, 283 
 
 3 c 
 
 Myriua, an ./Eolian city, 71 
 
 , a town of Lemnos, 470 
 
 Myrmex, a rock near Sciathus, 556 
 
 Myrou, father of Aristonymus, 463 
 
 Myrrh, 241 
 
 Myrsilus — Candaules, 4 
 
 Myrsus, a Lydian, 247, 407 
 
 Mys, of Europus, 643 
 
 Mysians, subdued by Croesus, 11 ; 76 ; 
 
 see 81 : 235, 407, 485, 495, 507 
 Mytilene, see Mitylene 
 Myus, a town of Ionia, 69, 366, 411 
 
 Naparis, a river of Scythia, 287 
 Nasamones, a people of Libya, 118, 
 
 337, 343 
 Natho, an island of the Nile, 178 
 Naucrarian Prytanes, 381 
 Naucratis, a port of the Delta, 143, 
 
 162, 183 
 Nauplius, a port of Argolis, 441 
 Naustrophus, father ofEupalinus, 216 
 Naxos, one of the Cyclades, 27, 361 — 
 
 365, 449, 542, 600 
 Neapolis, a town of Pallene, 524 
 
 , a city of Egypt, 139 
 
 Neco, father of Psammitichus, 171 
 
 ■ , king of Egypt, 174, 284 
 
 Neleus, son of Codrus, 379, 702 
 Neocles, father of Themistocles, 552 
 Neon, a town of Phocis, 595 
 Neotichus, an iEolian town, 71 
 Neptune, Heliconian, 71 ; derived 
 from Libya, 127, 342; the Scythian, 
 291 : author of earthquakes, 527 : 
 560 ; 638, 641, 694 
 Nereids, 560 
 
 Nestor, father of Pisistratus, 379 
 Nestus, a river near Abdera, 520, 525 
 Neurians, a Scythian people, 275, 288, 
 
 310 
 Nicander, king of Sparta, 642 
 Nicandra, priestess at Dodona, 128 
 Nicodromus, of iEgina, 446 
 Nicolaus, son of Bulis, 531 
 Nile, description, and conjectures rela- 
 tive to its source and inundations, 
 108—119: 284; compared with the 
 Ister, 288 
 Nineveh, 87, 93, 49, 170 
 Ninus, son of Belus, 4 
 Nipsaean Thracians, 305 
 Nisasa, a town of Megara, 25 
 Nisaean plain, and horses, 241 ; see 
 
 495 
 Nisyros, an island near Rhodes, 514 
 Nitetis, daughter of Apries, 186 
 Nitocris, queen of Babylon, 87, 89 
 
 , queen of Egypt, 144 
 
 Nitre, used in embalming, 138 
 Noes, a river of Thrace, 283 
 Nomadic tribes, of Scythia, 6, see 
 Scythia 
 
 ■ : , of Libya, see Libya 
 
 , of Persia, 510 
 
 Nonacris, a town of Arcadia, 440 
 Nothon, father of jEschines, 451 
 Notium, an ^Eolian town, 71 
 
758 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Nudium, a town of the Minyans, 327 
 Nymphodorus, 6on of Pytheas, 531 
 Nysa, a town of ^Ethiopia, 167, 237, 
 comp. 242 
 
 Oarizus, father Of Massages, 507 
 Oarus, a river of Scythia, 316 
 Oasis, a city of Libya, 199 
 Obelisks, 148, 179 
 Ocean, a supposed river, encompassing 
 
 the earth, 113, 271, see 282 
 Octamasades, brother of Scylas, 800 
 Ocytus, father of Adimantas, 584 
 Odomantians, a people of Thrace, 355, 
 
 521 
 Odrysaeans, a people of Thrace, 304 
 G3a, a place in JEgina, 387 
 GSbares, groom of Darius, 233 
 
 , governor of Dascylium, 423 
 
 G3dipus, son of Lains, 327, 376 
 QSnoe, a town of Attica, 383 
 CEnone, ancient name of iEgina, 600 
 CSnotria, a district of Italy, 79 
 GSnussaean islands off Messenia, 78 
 GSobazus, a Persian, 301 
 
 , father of Siromitres, 506 — 
 
 a Persian, 712 
 Oeroe, daughter of Asopus, 679 
 GEtas, mount, 570 
 GStosyrus, Scythian Apollo, 291 
 Ojlolycus, 327 
 Oiorpata, Amazons, 311 
 Olbiopolitans, see Borysthenians 
 Olen, a poet, 281 
 Olenas, a town of Achaia, 71 
 Oliatus, tyrant of Mylassa, 366 
 Olophyxus, a town of Mt. Athos, 487 
 Olorus, king of Thrace, 425 
 Olympia, Olympic games, Olympian 
 Jove, 107 : 175, 358, 566, 593, 643, 
 694 : victors, 370, 381, 438, 452, 463 
 Olympiodorus, son of Lampon, 663 
 Olympus, Mount of Mysia, 16, 18, 507 
 
 , Mount of Thessaly, 23, 526, 
 
 552 
 Olynthus, a town of Sithonia, 524; 639 
 Oneates, a tribe at Sicyon, 380 
 Onesilus, brother of Gorgus, 401 — 404 
 Onetes, son of Phanagoras, 569 
 Onochonus, a river of Thessaly, 526, 
 
 562 
 Onomacritus, a diviner, 474 
 Onomastus, son of Agaens, 464 
 Onupbis, a district of Egypt, 178 
 Ophryneum, a town of Troas, 496 
 Opis and Arge, 281 
 
 , a town at the mouth of the Tigris, 
 
 90 * 
 
 Opoea, wife of Scylas, 298 
 Opuntian Locrians, 564 
 Oracles, see Aba, Dodona, Amnion, 
 Amphiaraus, Bacis, Ptous, Musaeus 
 Bacchus, Apollo, Delphi, Bran- 
 chidas, Didymus, Hercules, Latona, 
 Mars, Thebes, Thresprotia : the 
 opinion of Herodotus, 615. Remark- 
 able responses ; to Croesus 20, 23, 
 43 ; to Arcesilaus, 334; to Battus, 
 
 330 ; to the Cymeans, 75 ; to the 
 Dolonces, 423 ; to the twelve kings 
 of Egypt, 168; to Glaucus,445; to 
 Lycurgus, 27 : to Neco, 174 to the 
 Pelasgians, authorizing Polytheism, 
 127 ; to Psammitichus, 171 ; to the 
 Spartans, 572, 634 ; to the Athenians, 
 533, and 534 : one quoted by Mar- 
 donius, 675 ; to Mys of Caria, 644 
 Orbelus, Mount, of Pasonia, 356 
 Orchonienians, of Boeotia, 596 
 
 , of Arcadia, 564, 667 
 
 , Minyan, 70 
 
 Ordessus, a river of Scythia, 287 
 Orestes, son of Agamemnon, 29; Ores- 
 
 teum, 657 
 Orges, father of Antipater, 522 
 Orgies, of Ceres, 377, see Cabiri ; 
 
 Bacchus 
 Orgyia, fathom, 103 ; see 169 
 Oricus, a port of Apollonia, 700 
 
 , son of Opoea, 298 
 
 Orithyia, wife of Boreas, 559 
 Orneates, a people of Peloponnesus, 
 
 613 
 Oroetes, governor of Sardis, 246 — 250 
 Oromedon, father of Syennesis, 514 
 Oropus, a port of Boeotia, 451 
 Orosanges, Persian title of honour, 
 
 618 
 Orphic institutions, 137 
 Orsiphantus, a Spartan, 575 
 Orthian ode, 9 
 OrthocorybantiaDS, a people sf Media, 
 
 236 
 Orthyades, a Lacedaemonian, 37 
 Orus, son of Osiris, 166 
 Osiris, Egyptian Bacchus : see Bac- 
 chus 
 Ossa, Mount, of Thessaly, 23, 526 
 Ostracism, 616 
 
 Otanes, a Persian prince, 222 — 230 : 
 258—262 
 
 , son of Sisamnes, 360, 406 
 
 , father of Anaphes, 504; 695 
 
 Otaspes, son of Artachaeus, 505 
 Othrys, Mount of Thessaly, 526 
 Ozolian Locrians, 595 
 
 Pactolus, a river of Lydia, 399 
 Pactya, a town of the Chersonese, 424 
 Pactyas, a Lydian, 73 — 76 
 Pactyica, a country of Asia, 236, 285 
 
 505, 510 
 Padaean Indians, 238 
 Paean, hymn to Apollo, 351 
 Paeanians, a tribe at Athens, 25 
 Pasonia, Pasonians, 351, conquered and 
 removed by Darius, 354 — 356 : their 
 return, 398 : 557 
 Paeoples, a people of Thrace, 355 
 Paesus, a town of the Hellespont, 406 
 Paetians, a people of Thrace, 520 
 Pasum, 'a town of Azania, 463 
 Pagasa, a town of Magnesia, 561 
 Palaestine, people of, practise circum- 
 cision, 145 ; conquered by Sesostris, 
 146 : 50 : geography of, 188 ; see 
 
INDEX. 
 
 759 
 
 Cadytis; tributary to Darius, 236; 
 
 in the army of Xerxes, 89, 507 : see 
 
 Syrians 
 Palans of Cephallenia, 668 
 Pallene, a peninsula of Macedonia, 
 
 524, 639 
 Palms, of Libya, 337, 340 : of Baby- 
 Ionia, 93 
 Pamisus, a river of Thessaly, 526 
 Pammon, a Scyrian, 556 
 Pamphylians, a people of Asia Minor, 
 
 11, 235, see 512 
 
 , of Sicyon, 381 
 
 i Pan, the Egyptian Mendes, 125, 166 ; 
 
 the Grecian, 453 
 Panaetius, son of Socimenes, 617 
 Panathenaea, (festival) 375 
 Pandion, father of Lycus, 82 
 Pangaeus, Mount, of Paeonia, 355, 521 
 Panionia, (festival) 70 
 Panionium, place of meeting of the 
 
 states general of Ioniaj 69, 71, 80, 
 
 411 
 Panionius, a nefarious Chian, 628 
 Panites, a Messenian, 431 
 Panopians, of Phocis, 596 
 Panormus, a Milesian port, 75 
 Pantagnotus, brother of Polycrates, 
 
 207 
 Pantalcon, brother of Croesus, 44 
 Pautareus, father of Oleander, 541 
 Panthialaeans, a tribe of Persians, 61 
 Pauthimathians, a people of Asia, 236 
 Panticapes, a river of Scythia, 276, 
 
 287, 290 
 Pantites, a Spartan, 577 
 Papaeus, Scythian Jupiter, 29] 
 Paphlagonians, a people of Asia 
 
 Minor, 3, 11, 32, 235, 507 
 Papraces, a kind of fish, 356 
 Papremis, a city of Egypt, 129, 130, 
 
 134, 177, 191 
 Papyrus, see Byblos 
 Paraebates, a Spartan, 370 
 Paralates, Scythians, 270 
 Parapotamium, a town of Phocis, 595 
 Parasang, a Persian measure, see 
 
 107,374,426 
 Paretacenians, Medes, 49 
 Paricanians, a people of Asia, 236, 
 
 506 
 Parium, a town of the Hellespont, 
 
 406 
 Paris, see Alexander 
 Parmis, or Parmys, daughter of Snier- 
 
 dis, 234, 508 
 Parnassus, Mount of Thessalv, 593, 
 
 595 
 Paroreatejs, a people of Peloponnesus, 
 
 327, 613 
 Paros.'Onc of the Cyclades, 361 , 363, 
 
 466, 467, 609, 633 
 Parthenius, a river of Thrace, 146 
 , Mount in Peloponnesus, 
 
 453 
 Parthians, a people of Asia, 237, 505 
 Pasargades, a tribe of Persians, 61 
 , a Persian commander, 336 
 
 3 
 
 Pasicles, father of Philistus, 702 
 Pata, a Scythian word, 311 
 Pataici,.figures of divinities, 206 
 Pataicus, father of iEnesidemus, 542 
 Patara, a- town of Lycia, 86 
 Patarbemis, an Egyptian prince, 176 
 Patiramphes, charioteer to Xerxes, 
 
 495 
 Patizeithes, a Mage, 217— 229 
 Patrae, a town of Achaia, 70 
 Patumus, a town of Arabia, 174 
 Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus, 300, 
 
 366; his ancestry, 565, 686: 583; 
 
 General of the Greeks af'Plataea, 
 
 662—694 
 Pausices, a people of Asia, 236 
 Pausiris, son of Amyrtasus, 194 
 Pedasus, a town of Caria, 83, 407, 417, 
 
 628 
 Pedicae, a town of Phocis, 595 
 Peithagoras, tyrant of Selinus, 370 
 Pelasgians, ancient people of Greece, 
 
 23 ; of Arcadia, 70 ; of Attica, 127 ; 
 
 of Imbros, 360; of Lemnos, 468, 
 
 470; of Achaia, 513, of Antandrus, 
 
 496 : Cranaeans, 600 
 Peleus, king of Thessaly, 560 
 Pelion, Mount, of Thessaly, 338, 526 
 Pella, a town of Bottiaea, 525 
 Pellena, a district of Peloponnesus. 
 
 70 
 Pelops, a Phrygian, 476, 481 
 Peloponnesians, see Lacedaemonians, 
 
 Arcadians, Argives, Messenians,&c. 
 Peloponnesus, inhabited by Dorians, 
 
 23, 595 : for the most part subject 
 
 to the Lacedaemonians, 30 : its seven 
 
 nations, 612 
 Pcloponnesian war, 530 ; 690 ; eomp. 
 
 577 
 Pelusian, mouth of the Nile, 111, 
 
 172, 190 
 Penelope, mother of Pan, 167 
 Peneus, a river of Thessalv, 485, 526, 
 
 &52, 556 
 Pentapolis, a Dorian district, 69 
 Penthylus, general of the Paphians, 
 
 562 
 Percalos, wife of Demaratus, 436 
 Percote a town of the Hellespont, 
 
 406 
 Perdiccas, ancestor of Amyntas, 
 
 358, 645, 646 
 Pergamus, citadel of Troy, 496 
 
 , a fort in Thrace, 521 
 
 Perialla, Pythoness, 436 
 
 Periander, tyrant of Corinth, 8, 9 : 
 
 conduct to his son, 210 — 213 : to his 
 
 wife, 395 
 Pericles, his parentage, 465 
 Perilaus, general of the Sicyonians, 
 
 705 
 Perinthus, a town of the Chersonese, 
 
 304, 350, 422, 488 
 Perpherees, 280 
 Perhasbians, a people of Thessaly, 526, 
 
 52S, 553 
 Perses, son of Perses, 504, 540 
 
 c 4 
 
760 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Perseus, son of Danae, 139, 431, 504 
 Persians, their historians, 1, 2, 3 : 
 consider Asia their own, 3; rudeness 
 of their manners originally, and 
 poverty of their country, 31, 714 : 
 subject to the Medes, 49; their 
 revolt under Cyrus, 61 : several 
 tribes, 61: success, 62 — 64: Reli- 
 gion, manners, laws, 64 — 68 : For 
 their later history, see Cyrus, Cam- 
 byses, Darius, Xerxes: for their 
 origin, see Cephenes, Perses, Per- 
 seus : and of the royal family, 
 Achaemenides ; their prejudices, 
 194 : custom of burying alive, 204, 
 521: mourning for the dead, 664; 
 martial sentiments, 708, 620, 556, 
 .^80 ; manners at table, 356, 197, 
 695 ; dress and accoutrements, 416, 
 371, 504, 510, and discipline, 364, 
 509, 574, 660, 686, 688, 689 : extent 
 and revenues of the Persian empire, 
 234—238 ; Persian posts, 625 
 Petra, a town of the Corinthians, 392 
 Phaedima, daughter of Otanes, 222, 
 
 223 
 Phaenippus, father of Collias, 461 
 Phagres, Phagra, a fort of Pieria, 521 
 Phalerus or Phalerum, the port of 
 Athens, 378, 388, 459, 609, 621, 
 670 
 Phanagoras, father of Onetes, 569 
 Phanes, a Halicarnassian, 188, 190 
 Pharandates, son of Theaspes, 509, 
 
 691 
 Pharbaethis, a district of Egypt, 178 
 Pharse, a town of Achaia, 70 
 Pharnaces, father of Artabazus, 505, 
 
 674 
 Phamaspes, father of Cassandane, 104, 
 
 187 
 Pharnazathres, a Persian general, 505 
 Pharnuches, general of cavalry, 511 
 Phaselis, a Doric town, 183 
 Phasis, a river of Colchis, 2, 50, 145, 
 
 282, 286, 302, 443 
 Phayllus, of Crotona, 601 
 Phageus, father of Aeropus, 665 
 Pheneus, a town of Arcadia, 440 
 Pherendates, son of Megabazus, 505 
 Pheretijna, wife of Arcesilaus, 336 : 
 
 346—349 
 Pheron, king of Egypt, 148 
 Phidippides, a courier, 453 
 Phidon, tyrant of Argos, 463 
 Phigalia, a district of Arcadia, 443 
 Philaeus, son of Ajax, 423 
 Philager, son of Cyneas, 452 
 Philaon, son of Chersis, 586 
 Philes, father of Rhoscus, 216 
 Philip, of Crotona, 370 
 
 , king of Macedonia, 646 
 
 Philistus, son of Pasicles, 702 
 Philition. an Egyptian shepherd, 159 
 Philocyon, a Spartan, 689, 696 
 Philocyprus, tyrant of Solis, 405 
 Plila, an island of the lake Tritciiis, 
 338 
 
 Phlegra, ancient name of Pallene, 
 Phlius, a town of Peloponnesus, 524 
 Phocaaa, an Ionian city of Lydia, 36, 
 69, Phocaeans discover Tartessus, 
 77 ; solicit the Spartans, 72 : 146 ; 
 183 : join in the Ionian revolt, 411 ; 
 under command of Dionysins, 416 
 Phocis, a country of Greece, Phocians, 
 fortify Thermopylae, 554, comp. 570, 
 guard the mountain pass of (Eta, 
 569—570 : devastated by the Per- 
 sians, 595 : conduct under Harmo- 
 cydes, 660 : harass the Persians, 669 
 Phoebeum, temple of, 435 
 Phosnicians, their migration, 1, and 
 512 : their trade, 241 : practise cir- 
 cumcision, 145 : introduce letters 
 into Greece, 376 : circumnavigate 
 Africa, 2S4 : in Egypt, 149: in 
 Cythera, 50: worshippers of Her- 
 cules, 124 : work the mines of 
 Thasos, 429 : parents of Carthage, 
 196 ; in the service of Xerxes, 511 ; 
 their superior skill, 487 ; construct 
 the bridge at the Hellespont, 491 ; 
 exhibit their naval skill, 496: con- 
 duct at Salamis, 620 The Cartha- 
 genians are sometimes called bv 
 Herodotus Phoenicians, 547, 548; see 
 Tyre, and Sidon: geography of 
 Phoenicia, 255, 283 ; tribute, 236 
 Phoenix, fabulous bird, 134 
 
 , a river near Anthela, 554, 
 
 564 
 Phormus, an Athenian, 556 
 Phraortes, king of the Medes, 32, 49 
 Phrataguna, wife of Darius, 574 
 Phriconis, Cyma, 71 
 Phrixae, atown of the Minyans, 327 
 Phrixus, father of Cytissorns, 563 
 Phronima, daughter of Etearchus, 329 
 Phrygia, Phrygians, subdued by 
 Croesus, 11, inhabit the banks of the 
 Halys, 32 ; supposed antiquity, 104 : 
 tributary to Darius, 235 ; in the ser- 
 vice of Xerxes, 507 
 Phrynichus, an Athenian poet, 417 
 Phrynon, father of Attaginus, 659 
 Phthiotis, a region of Thessaly, 23, 
 
 528 
 Phya, a woman of Attica, 25 
 Phylacus and Autonous, 597 
 
 ■ , son of Histiaeus, 618 
 
 Phyllis, a region near Mount Pang^eus, 
 
 521 
 Pieria, a region of Macedonia, 345, 
 
 521,528,555,557 
 Pigres, son of Seldomus, 514—, and 
 
 Mantyes, 353 
 Pilorus, a town of Mount Atho, 524 
 Pindar, the Poet, 206 
 Pindus, Mount, of Thessaly, 23, 526 
 Pirene, fountain, near Corinth, 392 
 Piromis, 166 
 
 Pirus, a river of Achaia, 70 
 Pisa, atown of Elis, 107 
 Pisistratus, son of Nestor, 379 
 : , son of Hippocrates, tyrant 
 
INDEX. 
 
 761 
 
 of Athens, 24—27 ; 423, 452, his 
 
 ancestry, 378 
 Pisistratids, sons of Pisistratus, 377, 
 , 448 : see Hippias 
 Pistyrus, a town of Thrace, 520 
 Pitana, an jEolian town, 71 
 Pitane, a town of Laconia, 214, 681 
 Pittacus, of Mitylene, 11 
 Pixodarus, son of Mausolns, 406 
 Placia, a Pelasgian town of the Hel- 
 lespont, 24 
 Plataea, Platasans, surrender them- 
 selves to the Athenians, 454 ; pre- 
 sent at Marathon, 455 ; in the fleet 
 at Artemisium, 582 ; but not at 
 Salamis, 600, Platsea burned, 602, 
 battle at, 680—696 
 Platea, an island off the coast of 
 
 Libya, 328, 331, 336 
 Pleistarchus, son of Leonidas, 656 
 Pleistorus, divinity of the Thracians, 
 
 713 
 Plinthine, gulph of, 108 
 Plynns, a lake of Libya, 336 
 Pceciles, father of Membliares, 327 
 Pogon, a port of the Trcezenians, 599 
 Poliades, father of Amompharetus, 681 
 Polichnitian Cretans, 550 
 Pollux, see Tyndarides 
 Polyas, of Anticyra, 590 
 Polybus, ancestor of Adrastus, 380 
 Polycrates, tyrant of Samos, his for- 
 tunes, and friendship with Amasis, 
 207 — 209: conduct to revolters, 
 210, 214 ; death from Oroetes, 246— 
 249 
 Polycritus, of iEgina, 621 
 Polydectes, king of Sparta, 642 
 Polydorus, son of Alcamenes, 565 
 
 , grandfather of Lai'us, 376 
 
 Polymnestus, father of Battus, 328, 
 
 330 
 Polynices, father of Thersander, 326, 
 
 430, 666 
 Pontus, see Euxine 
 Porata, a river of Scythia, 287 
 Porian marble, 377 
 Porthmea, Cimmerian, 273 
 Posideum, a town of Cilicia, 236 
 Posidonians, 79 
 Posidonius, a Spartan, 689, 696 
 Potidaea, a city of Pallene, 524, be- 
 sieged by Artabazus, 639, 640 
 Praesian Cretans, 550 
 Prasias, a lake of Thrace, 355 
 Praxilaus, father of Xenagoras, 708 
 Praxinus, a Trcezenian captain, 555 
 Prexaspes, a Persian prince, 203, de- 
 stroys Smerdis, 218 ; confesses his 
 guilt and dies, 226 
 
 , son of Aspathines, 514 
 
 Priam, king of Troy, 2, 3, 153, 496 
 Priene, a town of Caria, 6, 69, 76, 
 
 411 
 Prinetades, son of Demarmenus, 368 
 Procles, son of Aristodemus, 326, 431, 
 
 612 
 , tyrant ofEpidaurus, 211 
 
 Proconnesus, an island of the Propon- 
 tis, 273,423 
 
 Prodigies, carefully noted bv the 
 Egyptians, 137; at Sardis, 35; at 
 Pedasus, 83; in the host, of Sena- 
 cherib, 165, in Egypt, 190 ; at Ba- 
 bylon, 263 ; at Thera, 328 ; at Chios, 
 420; to Xerxes, 493; 502; at Del- 
 phi, 597 ; in Attica, 608 ; to Per- 
 diccas, 645 ; to Artayctes, 713 
 
 Prometheus, see Asia, 286 
 
 Pronasan Minerva, 44, 597 
 
 Propontis, its measurement, 502 
 
 Proserpine, feast of, 608, see Ceres 
 
 Prosopitis, an island of the Nile, 122, 
 178 
 
 Protesilaus, a hero, 490, 712, 713 
 
 Proteus, king of Egypt, 149 
 
 Protothyes, a Scythian, 50 
 
 Prytanes, Naucrarian, 381 
 
 Pry tanis, king of Sparta, 642 
 
 Prytaneum, at Athens, 70, 470 : of the 
 Achasans, 562 
 
 Psammenitus, king of Egypt, 190 — 
 193 
 
 Psammis, king of Egypt, 175 
 
 Psammitichus, king of Egypt, 50, 104, 
 171—174 
 
 , father of Inarus, 475 
 
 Psyllians, a Libyan people, 337 
 
 Psyttalea, an island near Salamis, 614, 
 623 
 
 Pteria, a town of Cappadocia, 34 
 
 Ptous, Apollo, 644 
 
 Pylas, see Thermopylae 
 
 Pylagors, Amphictyons, 569, see note 
 
 Pylians, Cauconian, 71, 379 
 
 Pylus, a town of Laconia, 549 
 
 , a town of Elis, 671 
 
 Pyramids, of Memphis, 107, of Che- 
 ops, 157, 158 ; of Chephren, 159 ; of 
 Mycerinus, 161, 162; of the Laby- 
 rinth, 168 
 
 Pyrene, a town near the Ister, 118 
 
 Pyretos, a river of Scythia, 287 
 
 Pyrgus, a town of the Minyans, 327 
 
 Pythagoras, the sage, 137, 305 
 
 Pytheas, a valiant iEginetan, 556, 622, 
 693 
 
 Pythennus, a Phocaean, 72 
 
 Pythian, Pythoness, Priestess of 
 Apollo, see Oracles, and Delphi ; 
 corrupted by the Alcmasonids, 377, 
 390 ; by Cleomenes, 436 
 
 Pythius, an opulent Lydian, 488,493 
 
 Pythogenes, a Scythian, 419 
 
 Red Sea, 107, 174, 282, 283 
 Ehadinacc, a kind of oil, 460 
 Rhampsinitus, king of Egypt, 153 — 
 
 156 
 Rhegium, a town of Italy, 79, 550 
 Rhe.nasa, an Island near Delos ,45 
 Rhodope, Mount of Thrace, 288, 635 
 Rhodopis, a courtezan, 161 
 Rhodes, 83, 183, 541 
 Rhcecus, an architect, 216 
 Rhodium, a town of Troas, 496 
 
762 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Rbype, a town of Aohaia, 70 
 
 Sabacon, king of Egypt, 163, 164, 
 171 
 
 Sabyllus,ofGela,54l 
 
 Saces, a people of Asia, 73, 236; in the 
 army ofXerx.es, 505 
 
 Sacrifices, see religious rites of the 
 Egyptians, Scythians, Thracians, 
 Libyans, Persians : pile of Croesus, 
 20 ; of Periander, 395 : of the Spar- 
 tans, 432 : of the Greeks, 529, 662, 
 see Amilcar, Hegesistratus, Tisa- 
 menus 
 
 Sadyattes, king of Lydia, 7 
 
 Sagartian Persians, 61, 236, 510 
 
 Sais, a city of Egypt, 115, 129, 177 
 
 Saitic mouth of the Nile, 111 
 
 Sala, a town of Samothracia, 503 
 
 Salamis, 548; refuge of the Athenians, 
 604, victory there over the Persians, 
 617—624 
 
 Salamis, a city of Cyprus, 334, 401 
 
 Salmydessus, a town of Thrace, 304 
 
 Salt, pillars of, in Libya, 340, houses 
 of, 341 
 
 Samofhracians, 127,429, 520 
 
 Samos, Samians, Ionians, 69, tribe, 
 199; public works, 216; temple of 
 Juno, 168: their piracies, 31, 210: 
 application to the Lacedaemonians, 
 210 : see Polycrates, Syloson, and 
 Ionians ; occupation of Zancla, 418 : 
 application to the Greeks, 698: dis- 
 armed by the Persians, 703 
 
 Samyris, or Amyris,463 
 
 San, a Doric letter, 67 
 
 Sana, a town of Mount Athos, 486, 
 524 
 
 Sanacbarib, king of Assyria, 164 
 
 Sandanis, a Lydian, 31 
 
 Sandoces, a Persian judge, 561 
 
 Sappho, the poetess, 162 
 
 Saranges, a people of Asia, 236, 244, 
 505 
 
 Sardanapallus, king of Nineveh, 170 
 
 Sardis, captured by the Cimmerians, 
 7 ; see Alyattes, Croesus, &c. Cap- 
 tured by Cyrus, 38, burned by the 
 Ionians and Athenians, 399 : see 
 Pactyas, Xerxes 
 
 Sardinia, 80, 402, 408, 547 
 
 Sardonian linen, 146 
 
 sea, 79 
 
 Sarpedon and Minos, 82 
 
 Sarpedon, promontory, 502 
 
 Sarta, a town of Mount Athos, 524 
 
 Saspires, a people of Asia, 50, 237, 
 282, 509 
 
 Sataspes, a noble Persian, 284 
 
 Satres a people of Thrace, 520 
 
 Satrapies, of Darius, 92, 234—244 
 
 Sattagydes, a people of Asia, 236 
 
 Saulins, king of Scythia, 298 
 
 Sauromates, a Soythian people, 276, 
 311, 312 
 
 Scaeus, a pugilist, 376 
 
 Soamander, a river of Troas, 379, 496 
 
 Scaraandronymns, father of Charaxus, 
 
 162 
 Scapte-Hyle, a place in Thrace, 428 
 Schoene, a measure used in Egypt, 106 
 Sciathos, an island near Artemisium, 
 
 555,556,585 
 Scidrus, a town of the Sybarites, 417 
 Sciona, a town of Pallen6, 524 
 Sciras, Minerva, 623 
 Scironian road at the Isthmus, 612 
 Scitus, servant of Democedes, 252 
 Scius, or Cius, a river of Scytbia, 288 
 Scolus, a town of Boeotia, 658 
 Scolopoei's, a river near Mycale,702 
 Scolotes, Scythians, 270 
 Scopades, Thessalians, 464 
 Scopasis, king of the Scythians, 314, 
 
 318 
 Sculptures', Egyptian, 106, see Pyra- 
 mids, Colossal, and Statues, 
 Scylace, a Pelasgian town, 24 
 Scylas, king of the Scythians, 298 
 Scylax, a voyager, 285 
 
 , a Mindian captain, 364 
 
 Scyllias, a diver, 585 
 Scyrmiadian Thracians, 305 
 Scythes, son of Hercules, 272 
 Scythia, , Scythians ; the country and its 
 rivers;described, 277, 286—290; the 
 people, their origin, manners, super- 
 stitions, and different tribes, 268 — 
 282, 291—301 ; Ultra-Scythian na- 
 tions, 307^313. Invasion of Scy- 
 tbia by Darius, 301, 313—325 ; their 
 invasion of Media, 6, 50 ; subdued 
 by Sesostris, 145 : conference with 
 the Spartans, .443 : Amyrgian Scy- 
 thians, 505 : allusion of Artabanus, 
 478 
 Scythes, of Zanela, 419 
 
 , of Coos, 546 
 
 Sebennys, a district of Egypt, 178 
 Sebennytic, mouth of the Nile, 111 
 Seldomus, father of Pigres, 514 
 Selinus, a town of Sicily, 370 
 Selybria, a town of the Chersonese, 
 
 422 
 Semiramis, queen of Babylon, 87 
 Sepia, a town of Argolis, 441 
 Sepias, a shore of Magnesia, 557, 558, 
 
 560, 562 
 Sepulchres of the Egyptians, 162 ; of 
 the Scythians, 318; see Alyattes, 
 Nitocris, Mycerinus, Athamas, La- 
 byrinth 
 Serbonis, a lake of Egypt, 106, 188 
 Seriphos, an island of the iEgaean sea, 
 
 601 
 Sermyla, a Greek town of Sithonia, 
 
 524 
 Serpents, at Sardis, 35 ; saored, of 
 Egypt, winged, 135; winged, of 
 Arabia, 241 ; of Libya, 341, 344 : 
 of Scythia, 310 ; guardian ef the 
 Acropolis, 599 
 Serrheum, promontory of Thrace, 503 
 Servants, not known early in Greece, 
 468: Scythian slaves, 268, 296 ; of 
 
INDEX. 
 
 763 
 
 Argos, 443 ; privilege in Egypt, 
 
 149 
 Sesame, a species of grain, 93 
 Sesostris, king of Egypt, 145, 146 
 Sestus, a city of the Chersonese, 324, 
 
 490, Til 
 Setbon, king of Egypt, 164 
 Sicania, Sicily, 550 
 Sicas, father of Cyberniscus, 514 
 Sicinnus, bondman of Themistocles, 
 
 614, 632 
 Sicyon, a state of Peloponnesus, 380, 
 
 448, 667, see Clisthenes 
 Sidon, Sidonians, 151, 255, 515, 526 
 Sigeam, a town on the Scamander, 379, 
 
 396 
 Sigynnes, a people beyond the Ister, 
 
 352 
 Silenus, Marsyas, 488, 646 
 Sillicyprian tree, 141 
 Silphium, a plant, 337, 344 
 Simonides, the poet, 400, 576 
 Sindians, a people of the Cimmerian 
 
 Bosphorus, 279, 302 
 Sindus, a town of Mygdonia, 525 
 Singus, a town of Sithonia, 524 
 Sinope, a town of the Euxine, 34, 118, 
 
 273 
 Siphnos, one of the Cyclades, 215, 601 
 Siris, a town of Italy, 463 
 
 , a town of Paeonia, 607 
 
 Siromitres, a Persian general, 506, 
 
 509 
 Siromus, a Tyrian, 514 
 
 , a Cyprian, 401 
 
 Sisamnes, a Persian general, 505 
 
 , father of.Otanes, 360 
 
 Sisimaces, a Persian general, 407 
 Sitalces, king of Thrace, 300, 531 
 Sithonia, a region of Thrace, 524 
 Siuph, a city of Egypt, 180 
 Smerdis, son of Cyras, 201, 219 
 Smerdis, the Mage, 217— 229 
 Smerdomenes, son of Otanes, 509, 524 
 Sraila, a town of Pallene, 524 
 Smindyrides, a Sybarite, 463 
 Smyrna, 7, 71 
 
 Sogdians, a people of Asia, 237, 505 
 Soli, a town of Cyprus, 405 
 Soloeis, western promontory of Libya, 
 
 117, 284 
 Solon, the Athenian legislator, 12 — 
 
 15; 183,405 
 Solymians, Milyans, 82 
 Sopbanes, of Decelea, 448, 690 
 Sosicles, a Corinthian, 391 — 395 
 Sosimenes, father of Panaetius, 617 
 Sostratus, of ^Egina, 329 
 Spaco, see Cyno 
 
 Spargapises, son of Tomyris, 102 
 Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsians, 
 
 298 
 Sparta, see Lacedasmon 
 Spartans distinguished from Lacedae- 
 monians, 578 
 Sperchius, a river of Thessaly, 563, 
 
 576 
 Sperthies and Bulis, 529 
 
 Sphendale, a town of Attica, 658 
 Stade, a measure, see notes and, 169 
 Stagirus, a town of Macedonia, 522 
 Stations, Persian, 373 
 Statues, see Jupiter, Neptune, Vulcan, 
 
 Venus, Damia, on the poop of a 
 
 ship, 637 : at Olympia, 551 : of sum- 
 mer and winter, 153 : wooden, 160 : 
 
 of Darius, 234 : of Alexander, 637 
 Stentoris, a lake of Thrace, 503 
 Stenyclerus, a town of Messenia, 
 
 686 
 Stesagoras, father of Cimon, 423,452 
 Stesenor, tyrant of Curium, 405 
 Stesilaus, son of Thrasylaus, 458 
 Strattis, tyrant of the Chians, 323, 
 
 643 
 Struchates, a people of Media, 49 
 Stryme, a town of Briantica, 520 
 Strymon, a river of Macedonia, 27, 
 
 354,358,487,521,635 
 Strymonian wind, 636 
 Strymonians, 508 
 Stymphalis lake, 441 
 Styrax, Storax, a gum, 241 
 Styreans, of Dryopea, 454, 582, 601, 
 
 667 
 Styx, a river of Arcadia, 440 
 S nnium, sonthern promontory of Attica, 
 
 308, 446, 458 
 Susa, residence of the Persian kings, 
 
 (Shushan) 90, 301, 372; city of 
 
 Memnon, 374, 540 
 Syagrus, a Spartan, 541 — 544 
 Sybaris, a city of Italy, 369, 417, 463 
 Syene, a city in Upper Egypt, 115 
 Syennesis, king of the Cilicians, 33, 
 
 406 
 , a general in the army of 
 
 Xerxes, 514 
 Syle, plain in Thrace, 522 
 Syloson, brother of Polycrates, 207, 
 
 value of his cloak, 257 — 262 
 Syme, sea of, 83 
 Syracuse, 542, see Gelon 
 Syrgis, a river of Scythia, 316 
 Syria, Syrians, 3, 32, 34, 109, 146, 151, 
 
 188, 236, 283, see Palestine, 507, 
 
 511 
 Syrtis, region and gulph of, 117, 170 
 
 Tabalus, governor of Sardis, 73 
 Tahiti, Scythian vesta, 291 
 Tachompso, an island of the Nile, 
 
 116 
 Taenarus, a place in Laconia, 9, 549 
 Talaus, father of Adrastus, 380 
 Talent, Babylonian and Eubcean, 235 
 Talthybius, a hero honoured at Sparta, 
 
 529 
 Tamynae, a town of Eubcea, 451 
 Tanagra, a town of Boeotia, 375, 385, 
 
 658, 676 
 Tanai's, a river of Scythia, 276, 286, 
 
 308, 316 
 Tanitis, a district in Egypt, 178 
 Tarentum, a city of Italy, 9, 256, 308, 
 
 550 
 
764 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Targitaus, ancestor of tlie Scythians, 
 
 270 
 Tarichea, a city of Egypt, 143 ; (con- 
 servatories) 110 
 Tartessus, a city of Iberia, 77, 329, 
 
 344 
 . Tauchira, a town of the Barcasans, 
 
 337 
 Tanrica, (the Crimea,) Taurians, 269, 
 
 276, 308, 309 
 Taxacis, king of Scythia, 315 
 Taygetus, Mount, of'Laconia, 326 
 Teams, a river of Thrace, 304 
 Teaspes, father of Sataspes, 284, 509, 
 
 691 
 Tegea, a town of Arcadia, Tegeans, 27, 
 439, 453, 551 ; at Thermopylae, 564 ; . 
 dispute with the Athenians, 664; at 
 Plataea, 688 
 Teios, a town of Ionia, 79, 411 
 Telamon, a hero, 607 
 Teleboes, a people of iEtolia, 376 
 Telecles, a Samian, 208 
 Teleclus, son of Archelaus, 565 
 Telesarchus, a Sarnian, 259 
 Telines, ancestor of Gelon, 541 
 Telliads diviners, 672 
 Tellias, a diviner, 593 
 Tellus, an Athenian, 12 
 
 , a Scythian goddess, 291, (the 
 
 Earth) 
 Telmessus, a town of Caria, 35 
 Teios, an island off Triopium, 541 
 Telys, tyrant of Sybaris, 369 
 Temenas, ancestor of the Macedonian 
 
 kings, 645 
 Temnos, an JEolian island, 71 
 Tempe, vale of Thessaly, 552 
 Temples, see Jupiter, Babylon, Thebes, 
 of Egypt, Amphiaraus, Apollo, Bac- 
 chus, Ceres, Cybele, Delphi, Di- 
 ana, Hercules, the Tyrian, Latona, 
 Minerva, Protesilaus, 'Venus, Vul- 
 can ; not used by the Persians, 64, 
 or Scythians, 291 
 Tenedos, an iEolian island, 72, 422 
 Tenos, an island near Delos, 280, 449, 
 
 617 
 Teos, a town of Lydia, 69, 79, 183 
 Teras, a Thracian, 300, 531 
 Terillus, tyrant of Hiinera, 547 
 Termera, a town of Caria, 366 
 Termiles, Cretans, 82, 513 
 Tethronium, a town of Phocis, 595 
 Tetramnestus, a Sidonian, 514 
 Teucrians, Trojans, 485 ; Gergithe, 
 408, 496 ; Paeonian, 354 ; Maxyes, 
 343 
 Teuthrania, a part of Mvsia, 108 
 Thales, of Miletus, 33, 80 
 Themanaeans, a people of Asia, 236, 
 
 244 
 Thamasius, father of Sandoces, 56 ! 
 Thamimasidas, Scythian Neptune, 291 
 Thannyras, a Libyan, 194 
 Thasos, an island of the iEgean sea, 
 
 124, 420, 427, 429, 522 
 Theasides, a Spartan, 444 
 
 Thebes, of Egypt, 86, 105, 111, 122, 
 
 127, 190 
 , Thebans, of Boeotia, see Am- 
 phiaraus, 22, war with Athens, 385 ; 
 dispute with the Plataeans, 455 ; at 
 Thermopylae, 564; render their ser- 
 Tices to the Barbarian, 577, 669, 
 674, 687 ; besieged by the Greeks, 
 696—697 
 Thebe, daughter of Asopus, 385 
 Theban, plain, in Asia, 496 
 Themiscyra, a towu on the Thermodon, 
 
 302 
 Themison, of Thera, 329 
 Themistocles, son of Neocles, 535: 
 interpretation of the Delphic oracle, 
 535 : general of the Athenians at 
 Tempe, 552 ; bribed by the Euboeans, 
 584: attempts the Ionians, 589: 
 conduct among the allies, 601 — 607 ; 
 stratagem practised,on the Persians, 
 613 ; interview with Aristides, 616 : 
 conduct at Salamis, 621 ; his advice 
 and address, 630, 632 ; honoured at 
 Sparta, 638 
 Theogony, 128 
 
 Theocydes, father of Dicasus, 608 
 Theodorus, a Samian engineer, 21, 208 
 Theomestor, son of Androdamus, 618, 
 
 699 
 Theophanian festival, 21 
 Theopompus, king of Sparta, 642 
 Thera, an island of the iEgaean sea, 
 
 326—330 
 Theras, a Cadmaean, 326 
 Therambas, a town of Pallen6, 524 
 Therapne, a town ofi Laconia, 435 
 Tberma, a town of Mygdonia, 524, 
 
 525,555,550,640 
 Thermodon, a river of Cappadocia, 
 146, 302, 666 
 
 , a river of Boeotia, 311, 
 
 675 
 Thermopylae, or Pylae, 564, described, 
 
 553 ; 557, battle there, 573—581 
 Theron, king of Agrigentum, 547 
 Thersander, son of Polynices, 326, 430 
 
 , of Orchomenus, 659 
 
 Theseus, 690 
 
 Thesmophoria, festival of Ceres, 179, 
 
 416 
 Thespia, a town of Boeotia, Thespians, 
 385, 564, 573, 575, 602, 614, fight at 
 Platasa, 668 
 Thesprotia, a country of Epirus, 395, 
 
 554, 601 
 Thessaly, described, 526,527 ; cavalry, 
 562: Thessalians, compelled to at- 
 tach themselves to the Barbarian, 
 551 — 553 : see Aleuads ; animosity 
 towards the Phocians, 554, 593 : 
 lead the Barbarians into Greece, 
 595, 653 : conduct at Plataea, 669 
 Thessalus, companion of Dorieus, 370 
 Thesta, a fountain in Libya, 332 
 Thetis, 560 
 
 Thmuitis, a district of Egypt, 178 
 Thoas, king of Lemnos, 469 
 
INDEX. 
 
 765 
 
 Thonis, an Egyptian governor, 149 
 Thoracles, Egyptian, 184, 310, worn by 
 
 the Persians, 66, 663 
 Thorax, of Larissa, 652, 683 
 Thoricum, a place in Attica, 308 
 Thornax, Mount of Laconia, 31 
 Thrace, Thracians, 80 ; progress of 
 
 Darius, 303, 307: see Getes ; Zal- 
 
 moxis ; nations of Thrace, 350 — 
 
 353 ; progress of Xerxes, 518 — 524 ; ' 
 
 in the fleet, 557 ; annoy his retreat, 
 
 635, 698 ; subdued by Sesostris, 145 
 Thracians, of Asia, Thynians and Bi- 
 
 thynians, 11, 235, see 508 
 Thrasybulus, tyrant of Miletus, 8, 
 
 394 
 Thrasycles, father of Lampon, 698 
 Thrasydeius, son of Aleuas, 683 
 Thrasylaus, father of Stesilaus, 458 
 Thriasian plain, in Attica, 608, 655 
 Thyia, daughter of Cephissus, 555 
 Thynians, a people of Asia, 11 
 Thyrea, a town of Argolis, 441 
 Thyssagetes, a people of Europe, 276, 
 
 316 
 Thyssus, a town of Mount Athos, 487 
 Tiaras, turbans of the Persians, 191, 
 
 371, 504, 637 
 Tiarantus, a river of Seythia, 287 
 Tibarenians, a people of Asia, 237, 
 
 508 
 Tibisis, a river of Seythia, 288 
 Tigranes, general of the Medes, 504, 
 
 702, 705 
 Tigris, 90, 374, 417 
 Tilones, a kind of fish, 356 
 Timagenides, a Theban, 673, 696 
 Timagoras, father of Timonax, 514 
 Timander, father of Asopidorus, 688 
 Timareta, priestess at Dodona, 128 
 Tiraesifueus, of Delphi, 382 
 Timesius, of Clazomenae, 80 
 Timnas, a Scythian, 298 
 Timo, priestess at Paros, 467 
 Timon, of Delphi, 533 
 Timonax, son of Timagoras, 514 
 Timoxenus, general of the Scionians, 
 
 640 
 Tiryns, Tirynthia, in Arsrolis, 441,443, 
 
 531, 667 
 Tisamenus, a diviner, 670 
 
 — , a Spartan, 326, 430 
 
 Tisander, father of Isagoras, 379 
 
 , father of Hippoclides, 464 
 
 Tisias, father of Lysagoras, 466 
 
 Titacus, of Aphidna, 690 
 
 Tithaeus, son of Dates, 511 
 
 Tithorea, summit of Parnassus, 595 
 
 Titormus, of ^Etolia, 463 
 
 Tmolus, Mount, near Sardis, 39, 44, 
 
 399 
 Tomyris, queen of the Massagetes, 98, 
 
 103 
 Torone, a town of Sithonia, 486, 524 
 Trachea of the Scythian Chersonese, 
 
 308 
 Trachis, a town of the Malians, 563, 
 
 564 
 
 Trachinia, 595 ; Trachinians,553 
 
 Trade, of Phoenicians, 1 ; comp. 376 ; 
 241, 242, 189 : exportation of corn, 
 275, 537 : trading journeys of the 
 Scythians, 277 : tin and amber, 243 : 
 voyages of the Phocaeans, 77 ; comp. 
 329 ; commerce of the Carthage- 
 nians, 345 : course of caravans 
 through Central Africa, 340 : com- 
 merce of the Greeks in Egypt, 257, 
 183, 172 : 146 : commerce on the 
 Euphrates, 94 
 
 Tragedy, 417 
 
 Trapezius, a town of Arcadia, 463 
 
 Traspian Scythians, 270 
 
 Trausians of Thrace, 351 
 
 Travus, a river of Thrace, 520 
 
 Triballian plain, 288 
 
 Tribes, see Sicyon, Athens, Libya, 
 Seythia 
 
 Triopium, Promontory, 70, 83, 283 
 
 Tripod of Crossus, 44 ; of Jason, 339 : 
 in the temple of Apollo, at Thebes, 
 376 ; at Delphi, 617 ; 694 
 
 Tritasa, a town of Achaia, 70 
 
 Tritantaechmes, a Persian general, 509, 
 524, 593 
 
 — — f governor of Baby- 
 lonia, 93 
 
 Triteae, a town of Phocis, 595 
 
 Triton, a river of Libya, 338, 343 
 
 — , a divinity, 338, 339 
 
 Trcezen, a town of Argolis, 515, 599, 
 667 
 
 Troglodyte ^Ethiopians, 341 
 
 Troy, Trojans, 2. Ilium, Troas, 108, 
 Trojan war, 149— 153; 343; 354: 
 see Teucrians, 408 ; 550 
 
 Trophouius, oracle of, 19, 643 
 
 Tycta, Persian feast, 709 
 
 Tydeus, son-in-law of Adrastus, 380 
 
 Tymnes, father of Histiaeus, 366,514 
 
 Tyndarus, 149 
 
 Tyndarides, Argonauts, 326, 383, 690 
 
 Typhon, 173, 188 
 
 Tyranny, a precarious possession, 213; 
 described, 229, 230; and 39W395 ; 
 abolished in Ionia, 427 
 
 Tyras, a river of Seythia, 273, 287, 
 288 
 
 Tyrodiza, a town of Thrace, 488 
 
 Tyrrhenia, Etruria, 45, 77, 78, 79 
 
 Tyrrhenian Thracians, 23 
 
 Tyre, Tyrians, Temple of Hercules, 
 124 ; in Egypt, 148 ; in the service 
 of the Persians, see Satrapies, and 
 the accounts of the Ionian revolt, 
 and invasion of Greece, see Phoe- 
 nicians ; second to Sidon,610 
 
 Veiia, Hyela, a town of the Phocasaus, 
 
 Venetians, see Enetians 
 
 Venus, see Mylitta, Mitra, Urania, 
 
 Artimposa : of Egypt, 149, 122 ; 
 
 at Ascalon, 50 ; Apbrodita, 294 
 Vesta, Tahiti of the Scythians, 291, 
 
 31S 
 
/ 
 
 766 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Victims, see Sacrifices and Divination 
 Umbrians, of Italy, 46, 288 
 Urania, Venus, 189 ; 291 
 Urotal, Bacchus, 189 
 Utians, a people of Asia, 506 
 Vulcan, the Egyptian, 144, 153, 168, 
 
 182, 206 ; priests of, 165, 105, 143 : 
 
 the Grecian, 625. 
 
 Xantippus, father of Pericles, 465, 
 
 467, 490, 642, 711 
 Xanthus, a town of Lycia, 84 
 Xenagoras, of Halicarnassus, 708 
 Xerxes, son of Darius, contention be- 
 tween the royal brothers for the 
 throne, 472; his accession, 473; 
 influenced by Mardonius to invade 
 Greece, 473 — and dissuaded by 
 Artabanus, 478 — 485 : his foolish 
 ambition, 487; interview with Py- 
 thius, 489 ; advance towards Greece, 
 through Asia, 488—490: folly at 
 the Hellespont, 491 : order of march, 
 495 ; progress to Abydos, 496 ; 
 conversation with Artabanus, 496* — 
 500 : passage of the bridges, 501 ; 
 muster and costumes of the army, 
 503 — 511, comp. with the account of 
 
 the Satrapies of Darius : muster of 
 the fleet, 511 — 515 : conversation 
 with Demaratus, 515 — 518 : advance 
 through Thrace, Macedonia, and 
 Thessaly, 518, to Thermopylae ; num- 
 bers of the host and attendants, 557 : 
 conduct at Thermopylae, 567, 569, 
 573, 578—580; 592: takes Athens, 
 602: holds a council, 609—611: 
 conduct at Salamis, 619 — 624 : his 
 alarms and retreat, 624—635, 637 : 
 message to the Athenians, 647 ; bis 
 pavilion, 695; intrigue at Sardis, 
 708, and treatment of Masistes, 708 
 —711 
 Xuthus, father of Ton, 513 
 
 Zacynthus, an island of the Ionian sea, 
 
 216, 344, 438 
 Zalmoxis, divinity of the Getes, 305 
 Zancla, a town of Sicily, 418, 547, 542 
 Zaueces, a Libyan people, 344 
 Zeuxidamus, son of Leotychides, 438 
 Zona, a town of Samothracia, 503 
 Zopyrus, a Persian prince, 263 — 267 ; 
 
 284 
 
 : , grandson of Zopyrus, 267 
 
 Zoster, promontory of Attica, 630 
 
 
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