^■" \/ .-Jfe*- \/ .'^S&'" \./ ''^^*- •"' ■J^^r **' $^i ^/ .^^" "^,^ -.^"i^flfS^/ '^^ '^^ V ..- o > ^^•^^'. 'J^ av ^*\<^'^ , '^V'"-^*%^'^'^ \.*'^^v'^ "^^.'-'o^^-^V^^^ : J' SPEECH V \>' OF / HOI. H. V. JOMSOK IN SENATE. Wednesday, February 28, 1849. The Civil and Diplomatic appropriation Bill having been reported to the Senate from the Committee of the Whole, and the ques- tion being on concuring in the amendment of Mr. Walker in relation to the Territories acquired from Mexico — Mr. Johnson, of Georgia, said: Indis- position during almost the entire present session of Congress has prevented me, if I had desired it, from participating in the dis- cussions of this body. Nor do I feel now that my health justifies me in attempting an elaborate elucidation of the position which I occupy upon the questions which have been discussed in this debate. This fact, in connexion with what I know to be the reasonable and just impatience of the Sen- ate, and the strong and unfavoiable contrast which my poor effort must necessarily pre- sent to the able speech which has just been delivered by the distinguished senator from New York, [Mr. Dickinson,] impresses me with the conviction that my words should be few, and that I should not unnecessarily consume the time of the Senate. But, not- withstanding these considerations, I feel it a duty which I owe to myself and to those whom I in part represent on this floor, to present, very briefly, the views which I en- tertain upon some of the topics which have been touched during the progress of this debate. No man feels more sensibly than ..I do the importance of giving law and govern- ment to our Pacific territories. The con- siderations which render this necessity, ob- vious are so apparent, and have been so elaborately discussed l)y those who have jpreceded me, that I deem it superfluous to intrude them at length upon the attention of the Seriate. These territories have been acquired by the expenditure of common blood and treas- ure, and ttieir intrinsic and relative value is beyond computation. The richness «(f the gold mines of California scarcely finds a parallel in the history of the world. They have been imbeded there for ages — still accumulating by the washings from the ad- jacent mountains. They have been givea to the arts of civilization and commerce as the trophies of American valor. They havo produced a profound sensation — not hero only, but throughout the civilized world. They aie attracting, daily, thousantlsof our own enterprising citizens, a id a ■> < :.-wdf» from the ports of Europe and the islanaa of the Pacific. All congregate there, greedy to accumulate wealth, and to appropriate, without let or hindrance, the public prop- erty; for these mines are the common prop- erty of the States ; and, whatever may be said in favor of the right of our own citizens to go thither and disinter tlieir treasures, none will contend that foreigners from the shores of Europe, from South America and the East India islands, should be permitted to indulge in their unrestrained plunder. It is incumbent, therefore, upon Congress to adopt measures, and that without delay, to protect the public property of the United States, and to secuie, as far as may be, all its benefits to our own people. It is indispensable also that our revenue laws should be enforced at all our ports on the Pacific. We have already lost perhaps not less than a quarter of a million f<)r the want of regulations there for the coilectioa of duties on imports. Under our wara- 2 housing system, vast quantities of imported goods remain in st(jre at all our ports o( en- try, upon v/hich the imporier is not requir- ed to pay duties until they are taken out for sale; and, if he desires lo reship them to another port in the United States, he lias the privilege of removino: tiiem without the payment of duties. This regulation is wise and just. But nevertheless, since the dis- covery of the gi>ld mines in California, and the vast emigration which it has produced, immense cargoes of warehoused goods have been removed, especially from Bostotj, New York, and Baltimore, and shipped to Cali- fornia, where, the revenue laws not being enforced, they are entered free of duty, and to the great loss of the govertiment. Our government is in debt, and we need all the revenue which our tai iff system will yield. This is a strong reason for the adoption of some measure at the present session of Congress which will secure the execution of our laws in those remote territories. Nor is this all. The location of these territories in relation to the popuhms islands of the Pacific, China, and the countries of the East, clearly point to an almost bound- less commerce, to be realized at no distant day. It is the duty of a wise and expansive statesmanship to encourage an early devel- opment of such a commerce by the enforce- ^oent of wholesome laws, and the ehtablish- raent of such institutions, political and so- cial, as will give impulse to the arts of civ- ilization and refinement. Nor can the duty be less imperative to protect our enterprising fellow-citizens who have gone to California against the violence and anarchy which must exist, wherever there is no mode of punishing the vicious, the dishonest, and lawless. The character of the population there must necessarily be mixed, composed of Indians, half civilized MexicaTis and foreigners from every clime. The occupation of mining, as its history shows in all ages and in every country, is debasiirg to the finer f/elings of our nature; it inflames the baser passions, and, without the restraints of law, it is the parent of eve- ry vice known to the catalogue of crime. "We are, therefore, called upon by every (Consideiarion which should influence the action of legislators to exiend our laws, and throw over New Mexico and California our protecting a?gis. The necessity for suchi action is immediate and urgent. What, then, should be the character of the government which we should give ihem? The nature of the emergency suggests what ought to be its principal feature. It must combine energy with the capacity for its^ summary exertion; and, theiefore, our legis- lation should be such as may be put into the most speedy and efficient operation; The amendment now under consideration, does, in my judgment, combine these indis pensable lequisiies. It extends immediate ly such provisions of the constitution andt laws of the United States over our territory fl west of the Rio Grande as are applicable to its condition and necessities. It author- izes ti e President of the United States "to prescribe and establish all proper and need- ful rules j^nd regulations, in conformity with the constitution of the United States, lor the; enforcement of said laws in said territory,, and for the preset vation of order and tran quility and the establishment of justices theiein, and friim time to time to modify orr change the said rules and regulations ini such manner as may seem to him discreet^ and proper." It also empowers him to)' '•prescribe and establish, temporarily, suchi divisions, districts, ports, offices, and ar rangemenis proper for the execution of saidl laws, and lo appoint and commission suchi «)fficers as may be riecessary to administern such laws in said territoiy for such term or terms as he may prescribe, whose authority shall continue until otherwise provided by Congress." Clothed with these powers, itt* is obvious that the President will be able? to give the most speedy and ample protec-- lion to the public pr< perty of the United 1 Stales, and secure tlie gold mines from un-j authorized plunder by foreign emigrants.; He can enforce the collection of duties oni f(jreign imports, in coriforniity with ourt revenue laws; and he can preserve tran-- quility and good order among the mixedl population which is so rapidly congregating^ there from every point of ihe coinpass. All! this can be effected with far less delay ihaDi by any other mode of «)rgaiiization which i we could adopt. It meets ihe emergency in all its prominent features, and theiefore i I cheei fully give it my support. There are, however, some objections to < it, and I am sensible of their weight. But I do not regard them as paramount, and I shall not dwell upon them. Under circum- stances less urgent I would not sanction any measure which vests so much power in the hands of the Executive as is conferred by this amendment. But il is intended to bo only temporary in its duration; the Presi- dent is clothed with no legislative powers; and, in the establishment of "needful rules and regulations," he is expressly confined to the limits of the constitution. M' reover, the whole arrangement is liable to be su- perseded at any moment by the future ac- tion of Congress. With these wholesome safeguards there is but little reason to ap- prehend abuses by the President in the exe- cution of the provisions of this amendment. I will confide in his patriotism, his plighted fidelity to the constitution, and his sense of justice to every portion and interest of the confederacy. I will waive all minor ob- jections for the sake of giving law and gov- ernment to our unprotected territories be- yond the Rio Grande. The grounds of opposition to this amend- ment, which have been relied on in this de- bate, are scarcely worthy of serious refuta- tion. The principal objection urged against it is the one raised by the senator from New Jersey, [Mr. Dayton.] It is, that the con- stitution of the United States does not ex- tend tn teirhories propria vigore, and that it is not competent for Congress thus to ex- tend it by legislative enactment. »ir, I shall not pause to discuss the question whether the constitution extends per se to territories. I am content with the southern view of it, which has been so triumphantly maintained by other senators, and particularly by the senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,] in the debate which he conducted on yes- terday with the memher from Massachu- setts, (Mr. Webster.] I entertain not the shadow of a doubt that the constitution of the United States, so far as its provisions are applicable, does extend to territories. I do not believe that the Supreme Court ever has or ever will decide to the contrary. So far from this, I believe the case of Canter, in 1 Peters's Reports, page 511, which has been relied on to support the proposition advanced by the member fiom New Jersey, [Mr. Dayton,] recognises a principle which. if correct, (and it has never been disputed,) sustains most amply, the position for which the South contends. In delivering his opin- ion in that case. Chief Justice Maisliall, speaking of the effect of cessif its guar- anties. Heretofore the North has been con- tent to rest upon their opinion that, under the constitution, the South cannot carry slaves into New Mexico and California. I had thought that the whole controversy re- lated to this single point. But it has as- sumed a new and alarming aspect. It is now openly avowed that, even though the constitution secure this right, the South is to be solemnly denied its benefit. Sir, I repeat, I wish to present this in bold relief to the people of the South. I wish it to reverberate from the Potomac to the re- motest boundary of the southern Slates, un- til it shall reach every city, town, hamlet, and habitation, and arouse the down-trod- den masses to a sense of the danger to their rights which is threatened by the reckless and exclusive spirit of northern aggression. Ml. President, some southern grentlemen nave ex[)iessed surjirise at the anuounce- meni of such a position. But, sir, I am not surprised. 1 have long known, and this Sennte has occasion to know, that the great body .if the North are unwilling to pet mil the South to enjoy the rights which are gUMr-iriiied to her by the constitution in the newly acquired territories of the United States. Perhaps it has not heretofore beer exlubited in the shape which it now as- sumes; but it has been manifested in si manner net less equivocal. Has the Sen ale forgotten the history of the "comprom-i! ise bill" of the last session ] Have they forgotten the main feature which that bill embraced 1 Sir, what was that history, and what that feature % Eaily in the last session of Cono-ress. thei Committee on Territories reported a bill t0 tlu Senate to form a territorial government of Oregon. The twelfth sectiT)n of that bill lattfied and declared to be in force thet laws and ordinances of the provisional ?ov^| eminent which the people of that territoryj had established for themselves, in the ab-i, sence of any oiganization by Congre s. Among these, there was a decree "that ini! voluntaiy servitude should not exist there-) in. We of the South believed that to rati-i fy and declare such a restriction to be ini force, involved the assumption of the right;; on the part of Cnngres8,to prohibit slavery) by leg slative enactment. Against the ex-: ercise of such a power we protested; and: therefoie an exciting debate was eliciteds upon the general subject, not only in refer-'; ence to Oregon, but also Calif. rnia and' New Mexico. We exhibited a willingnesss to vote for the bill, if ifie twelfth sectioni should be stricken out. Accordingly thet senator fi-om Indiana [Mr. Bright] m°>ved to do so. But the question was not taken imn mediately, and, to the surprise of all the southern senators, he withdrew the motioni on the next moiniog. U was immediately renewed by my colleague, [Mr. Berrien.] Indications were very soon exhibited that: the motK.n could not prevail, and that thee slavery restricti .n would, for the first time,'! be forced upon us. The senator from Indi-' ana [Mr. Bright] then offered, by way of amendment, what is known as the "Missou- ri compromise.'' It was very soon ascer-| tained that this would not r^ass. The sena-i tor from Mississippi [Mr. Davis] then pro-M posed to amend the twelfth section by add ing a proviso, "That irothing contained intl the said act shall be so construed as to au- thorize the prohibiiion of domestic slavery^ in said territory whiUt it remains in the con-' ditioii of a territory of the United States.'" Several other amendments, I believe, were; offered by southern senators, havinj for their object the protection of the rights of the South in our lenitoiies. The dithcul- ties of adjustment thickened; the fxcile- ment in this body waxed warm, and dirt'us- ed itself throughout the entiie republic; and the public press literally groaned under the utteriuo's (jf popular si)licitude. The ship of State seemed to tremble and creak throughout all her timbers, and the minds of pairiitts, everywhere, were burdened with painful apprehensions fose between this amend- ment and a well-digested territorial bill, 1 should certainly prefer the latter. It is more in accordance with the usage of our sovernment: and it would allow to the pso- pie greater latitude in the exercise and en- joyment of those great principles of repub- lican liberty which are recognized by (jur constitution. But who does not know that the passage of such a territorial bill at this late peri()(l of the session is impossible'/ — Besides there is no probability that any bill which would be acceptable to the House could pass both houses of Congress. Trie one which has been sent us from the South contains the Wilmot Proviso; and if we were to strike it out, it is very certain that they would not concur in the amendment. Hence, an acceptable" territorial bill at this session is out of the question. The only other alternative before us is to bring these Territories into the Union im- mediately. To accomplish this object, two methods have been proposed. The one by the Senator from Tennessee, [Mr. Bell,] is to merge the whole territory of New Mexi- co and California into one State: and the other, by the senator from Illinois, [Mr. Douglas,] as the chairman of a select com- mittee, proposes to divide them into two States, admit one immediately and the other prospectively. To both these propositions I am at present inflexibly opposed. The former, however, has been rejected, and therefore I shull not attempt trious surrender of the rights of the South. It is the Wilmot Proviso in dis- guise, and will accomplish all which thai odious measure was ever intended to ac- complish. Sir, where is the necessity for admitting these territories into the Union? Is it indis- pensable to their safety and protection? Or is there any moral or political obligation for us to do so? Have they asked for ad- mission? Are we informed that California has the requisite population? These are grave questions, and ought to be solved to our entire satisfaction, before we can be called upon to add another State to the Confederacy. The amendment of the sen- ator from Wisconsin [Mr. Walker] gives the people of those territories the njost am- ple protection. That is all they can claim; it is all we are bound to give them at the present time. Or, if this is not enough, organize a Territorial government in accor- dance with settled usage. Let it be liberal in its provisions, and confer upon them all the powers compatible with their relation to the States, and the rights of the States of the Union. But it is said that no Territorial bill can pass Congress without the Wilmot Proviso, and that by admitting these territories into the Union we avoid that, and thereby set- tle the agitating question of slavery. I re- gret to find southern men yielding to this view of the subject. For one I regard it as insulting to the South — as a proposition to her friends to betray her into the hands of her deadliest enemies. Sir, whose fault is it that these territories cannot be organ- ized ? Who is it that throws obstacles in the way ? Is it the South ? No, sir. The South stands with folded hands, except when her rights are sought to be invaded. She acts on the defensive. She claims noth- ing at the hands of Congress btit to be let alone. She is willing to co-operate in any legislation for the benefit of these territo- ries which does not infringe upon her rights. But the very moment any bill is introduc- ed which looks to the formation of territo- / 10 rial governments, the northern factinnists\ seek to incorporate upon it the Wilmoi Proviso, which excludes the people of the South from these territories and violate? that equality in dignity and sovereignty which, under the constitution, appertains to every State of the confederacy To avoid this, what, are the southern States asked ti> do? With the fact staring them in the face, that if admitted now Calif >rriia must be a free State, and with the distinct avowal on the part of the Noith that slavery never shall be extended an inch beyond its pres- ent limits, we are seriously asked to incor- porate our new territoiies into the Union, in order to avoid threatened legislative degradatiini. Sir, if I am to submit to the Wilmot Proviso, let it come undisguised. If the South is to be excluded fr((m the ter- ritories, let her not be insulted by an invi- tation to aid in the operation. I am not prepared, Mr. President, to pro nounce the bill of the senator from Illinois unconstitutional. But everything constitu- tional is not necessarily just or expedient. I concede the right of Congress to admit California immediately, and New Mexico prospectively. I grant also — nav, I insist — that in the formation of a State constitu- tion, the people have the right to determine for themselves whether they will tolerate slavery as a part of tneir system of govern- ment. Bat, sir, it becomes a very different questifin when it is proposed to do this for the avowed purpose of avoiding the Wil- mot Proviso, and when it is known that by this method all will be accomplished which the northern agitators desire. It calls up- on the South to do that under the influence . of a threat which it would be degrading to submit to if executed according to the forms of legislation. Let it not be inferred from what I have said that I would oppose the admission of a State into the Union on the ground of its being a free State. I have no such feeling. If California and New Mexico shall be re- quired to submit to the usual probation of the territorial condition; if, by just legisla- tion of the part of Congress, the South be allowed a fair chance to participate in the formation of their civil and social system; if the door of emigration be thrown open alike to the citizens of all the States ; and then, if the climate and productions of those regions, without congressional interference' shall exclude slavery, and at a proper lime the people shall form State c(jnsiitution! prohibiting its existence, T would cheei full} vote for their admission, even though they be free Stales. But I cannot at this time with due regard to the interest and honoi of ihe South, vote for their immediate ad mission, when the South has not enjoyed an equal share of emigralion to ihem, when it is knr)wn that they must be free States, anc! when the proposition is coupled with the declaration that it is the only mode for I he South to escape from submission to the Wilmot Proviso. I make no such surren- der. I shall insist on the most ample re-? cognition of the rights of the South. Shd ' may be deprived of them by the force oi< superior numbers: but 1 trust in God hev\ representatives on this floor will never coni^ sent that she sliail be cheated out of themr' by indirection and circumvention. Nor would I have it inferred, from the^ position which I occupy, that I am opposedl to a settlement of the question of slavery. On the contrary, I most anxiously desire it. The prosperity of the country, the safety of the South, and the integrity of the Union, all demand its speedy settlement; and het v/ho would throw unnecessary obstacles ini the way for the sake of agitation, is unwor- thy the esteem and confidence of patriots. Sir, the entire South is ready and anxious to settle it upon any terms which will save her. honor and the glory of the Union; and she has given the most conclusive evidence of the sincerity of her purpose. Daring the. last session a large majority of her repre- sentatives in both Houses of Congress voted for the Senate "compromise bill;" and al- most without a dissenting voice they sup- ported the "Missouri compromise." The South is still animated by a spirit of conces- sion; she is still prepared to yield much for the sake of the Union. But when the; temper of conciliation has departed from i the North; when we are denied the poor privilege to co?npromise, and when it is dis- tinctly announced by those who have the numerical strength to oppress us, under the ■ forms of unjust legislation, that we shall be ■ excluded from the common territories of the Union, let it not be expected that the South 11 will co-operate in an indirect mode to effect her own degradation. When compromises are denied her, she will stand firmly upon her constitutional rights. Bat, sir, the passage of the hill for the immediate admission jf California and the prospective admission of New Mexico will not settle the question of slavery. It might as to that portion of territory designated in the bills as California, but not as the bal- ance called New Mexico; for, in reference to the latter, it is prospective in its opera- tion. It only grants the consent of Con- gress for it to "become one of ihe Slates of this Union" "so soon as it shall contain the requisite number of inhabitants, and they shall establish for themselves a constitution and republican form of government." But what is to be its condition in the interim be- tween that time and the present ] Will it not be a territory] Will it not be subject to the legislative supe?'vi3ion of Congress as other territories are] Would not the Wilmot provisoists insist on the extension of the ordinance of 17S7 over it so long a- it remained in that condition] Surely they would; and at the very next session of Coii- giess we should have two senaiors on this floor from the proposed State of California to aid them in their nefarious designs. Yet with this fact staring them in the face, south- ern men are asked to support this bill for the purpose of settling the Proviso question. But the Wilmot Proviso is not the only question of controversy between the North and the South. Several of the legislatures of the northern States have passed laws to prevent or oppose tlie recapture of fugitive slaves, and in none of them is it dene with- out annoyance and difficulty. Will the pas- sage of that remove this source f)f irritation and conflict] A portion of the people of the North insist that Congress should inter- dict the slave-trade between the States. — Will that bill quiet their demands] Con- gress is ever and anon besieged with peti- tions to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. Will that bill silence these clamois] No, sir; you might as soon ex- pect to heal a man who is covered with "wounds, and bruises, and putrifying sores," by extirpating one ulcer. The spirit of abolition is like the fabled hydra; you may cut offone of his heads, but the loathsomesli- my serpent still exists, and is eternally his- ing and throwing out his thousand foiked tongues to insult and annoy us. Sir, the account between the North and South ia long and heavy. We have reached that point when the harmony of the Union and the safety of the South require a "settle- ment in full." All the heads of the hydra must be cut ofl", and the wounds seared with a red hot iron, else he will yet live, and infuse his deadly poison into every vein and artery of the body politic. No mere legis- lative expedient will settle the questicm of slavery. It can only be done by all parlies, in the spirit of patriotism, taking their stand firmly on the constitution. Let the North do nothing which it forbids, in word or spirit; and let the South as one man, re- solve to submit to nothing that violates its sacred guaranties. This will give quiet to the country, and bind the Union in bonds of adamant. The South is sought to be placed in the attitude of factious opposition to the organ- ization of these newly-acquired territories, on the ground that their climate, soil, and productions are unsuited to the employment of slave labor. I shall not consider at length the geographical position and fea- tures of our Pacific possessions. It is cer- tainly true that much the larger portion of them is unfit for the cultivation of rice, cot- ton, sugar, and tobacco. Its surface is mar- red by immense ranges of mountains and trackless deserts, unfit for the haliitation of man. But who will deny that slave labor can be profitably employed in working the gold mines of California] It is cheaper, because it costs the owner nothing but the food and clothing of his operatives; and the negro far excels the white man in capacity to endure exposure to a scorching sun, drenching rains, and the hardships peculi- arly incident to the business of mining. Besides, there is a considerable portion of these territories — enough for the formation of three States of average dimensions — which lies south of the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min., known as the line of the Missouri compromise. The other States of this Un- ion which lie south of that line are slave States. They are Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina, which lie immediately adjacent to that line. Do they not profita- 12 bjy employ slave labor? Further south are Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina. In all these States cotton constitutes the staple product of agriculture, and in several of them rice and stigrqr are most advantageously cultiva- ted. The southern parts of California and New Mexico lie in the same easteri: and wes- tern belt of latitude. Why, then, will they not yield the same agricultural products, and consequently afford profitable employ- ment for slave labor] Sir, it is all a mis- take. A large portion of our Pacific ter- ritories is suited to slavery; and Twill add, that no kind of labor wilfdevelop so rapid- ly its immense resources, and prepare it for the abode of enterprise and elevated civilization. Let not the South lose sight of these facts. Let her not be decoyed from vigilance over her rights, or charmed into insensibility to legislative aggression, by the siren song that these territories are not adapted to slavery. They are adapted to it; and if the South will be united in de- manding justice at the hands of Congress ; if she will be immovable in insisting that the door of unrestricted emigration from all quarters of the Union shall he thrown wide open: if she will maintain, at all hazards, the dt)ctnne of nun-interference by Con- gress, there can be no question that slave- ry will find its way to New Mexico and California; and that she will yet reap her share of the fruits of the common blood and treasure which were expended in their acquisition. But, sir. why this incessant clamor on the part of the North against slavery] Js it some gr^at moral plague spot which threat- ens to infuse mortal disease throughout the body politic? Are those so contaminated among whom it is found that they are un- worthy to be the associates of those pure and immaculate philanthrophists who weep crocodile tears over the fate of the poor enslaved African? Is it an institution so recent in its origin as to shock the benitrn spirit of the nineteenth century] Sir, sfa- very has existed in almost every age and country of the world: and some of the most eminently pious of whom sacred history keeps the record, have sustained the rela- tion of master under the direct congnizance and approbation of Heaven. It had its origin in Divine decree, and was ordained by the prophetic curse pronounced by Noah upon his son Ham, when he said, "Cursed be Canaan; a sevant of servants shall he be to his brethren." This leads the mind to the contemplation of the character ot Abra- ham. He was a most extensive slaveholder. He held slaves by gift and by purchase. He owned three hundred and eighteen that were born in his house. In the modern parlance of the abolitionists he might em- phatically be termed a "slave breeder." Vet Abraham was called in "Holy Writ" "thefii-ridof God" and "the father of the faithful." Sarah, the wife of Abraham, was also a slave-owner; and the anecdote which is re- corded of her servant Hagar is full of in- struction. When her mistress dealt hardly with her, she fled from her face, "And the angel of the Lord foui.d her by a fountain of water in the wilderness. * * * And he said, Hagar, Sarah's maid, whence comest thou? and whither wilt thou go? And she said, I flee from the face of my mistress Sarah. And the angel of the Lord said unto her, return to thy misrress and submit thysilf under her T.andr What a pity that some pious abolitionist had not been present to admonish the angel of the Lord of the impropriety of sending her back! Now, slaveholder as she was, Sarah is regarded by the ablest commentators as the type of the Virgin Mary, who was the mother of the Saviour of mankind, Isaac was a slaveholder; for it is written of him that he had possession of a "great store of servants." Jacob also was a slave- holder; for it is said of him that he "increas- ed exceedingly and had much cattle and maid servants and men servants." I mi^ht enumerate a long catalogue of the ancient pious, who were the owners of slaves. But I hasten on. Now if slavery is so great a moral evil, so repugnant to the laws of God, so abhor- rent to the feelings of our common human- ity, why was it that these favorite followers and worshippers of the Most High tolerat- ed it, and were tolerated in its enjoyment by Heaven? Why was it not prohibited by the Almighty, when he gave laws to his people? There were many occasions when it would have been most appropriate, if He 13 had designed to manifest towards it his hiel and holy displeasure. Row easy to hat, done so, when He delivered the ten cum mandments? That was an occasion ofawfu grandeur and unutterable solemnity. Th. summit of the burning mount was envelop ed in cloud, and the earth trembled unde, the footsteps of Jehovah, in atte.stati.m w his ineffable glory and p(,wer. The cod, which he there promulgated was designed to embrace the great fundamental princi- ples of all proper government, moral and civil. It was to be binding through all rime upon all men and all nations, and to estab lish the unerring standard of r'ght and wrong. Why did not the Great Lawgive< ot the universe, on this impressive occa- sion, either forbid slavery or indicate his disapprobation cif it? But. so far from this he recognises its existence, and laid his in- junction upon man in reference to it. The last of the decalogue, says: "Thou shah not covet thy neighlmr's house, thou shah not covet thy neighbor's wife m>r /n'l mny, ..^co r l ^...^.«. his ass. nor anything that is thy neighbor's "I m.nv! -• '^othy, he writes, "let as Here servants'are .Lognised L"ru°b e:t7;f tZir^r r.^ :i"?,'.^ V^?. ^'^ -"- 'nstruct him in his duties, in all the exist- ng relations of society. Hence, we find he New lestament abounding in passa-^es h.ch not only recognise, ho c^xistence.bu he legality of slavery. Who was better "formed as to the principles which should lePaul? Who more fea.less in denoinc Mg vice and error, wherever found, whether -the walks of obscurity or the favored i„: cumbents of kingly thrones? Yet he no- where condemned slavery, or uttered bitter maledictions against the slaveholder. Bur on the contrary, he laid down rules for the '■egulation of the duties of masters and se vants. In writing to ,he Colossians. he said 'servants obey in all things your masters according to the flesh; nof wifh eye-ser fee' as men p easers, but in singleness' of hear!.' tearing Uod." I„ his letter to the Ephe- tTem'th. ■"'''' "^^^^^"^«he obedient to them that are your masters, according ,0 the flesh, with fear and trembling, in the single riess of your heart as unto Christ." In his TT •^ 5 ""^ '" '■"J ueignoor s. Here servants are recognised as subjects of ownership, and placed, as property, in the same category with the ox and the ass. Nor was slavery discountenanced by Chnst, under the new dispensation. He mingled freely and extensively among men —was at public festivals, and was the in- structor of all ranks and classes of men; and on no occasion did vice escape him unre- bukej;ht to carry our slaves there which the New Eng land man has to carry his spindles or his looms. In this po>ili:, K-