u CONRAD ALEXANDRE GERARD AND AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE It is to the late Benjamin Franklin Stevens, noted bibliographer, native of Vermont, who lived and worked in London and Paris from i860 to the time of his death in 1902, that America is indebted for the inauguration of a system which is now placing the leading documents relative to American history at the disposal of students in this country. This was all the more necessary since early historians had taken only a partial view of the subject, and their works, designed to be considered in themselves author- itative, give the reader no clue that permits verifica- tion. In his Conclusion, written as preface to the XXVth. and Index volume of his famous Facsimiles, B. F. Stevens speaking of the opposition which he encount- ered when the matter came before Congress, writes: (p. xvi, 1. 10-16) "The Chairman of the sub-committee briefly repeated the historian's ^ arguments to the effect that the history of the United States had been carefully written ; that it was a pity to give the rising generation references to the chapter and verse of original authori- ties, as the simple fact of such references implied a pas- sible absence of accuracy in the quotations or conclu- sions, and that the Government need not incur expense by adopting the plan. . . ." The project of the Facsimiles was however too widely popular among American scholars to be thus ^ An earlier allusion, p. ix. 1. 10-12, indicates clearly that this historian was none other than George Bancroft. easily set aside. 200 copies, each reproducing 2,107 documents relating to the American Revolution, were given to the public, and are now available in all the great historical libraries of the United States. One unbound copy, particularly valuable to students, is retained in the Division of Manuscripts of the Library of Congress. These Facsimiles are however only part of the treasure made available to students of Colonial and United States history, through the efforts of this great, but almost unknown American. The Division of Manuscripts of the Library of Con- gress possesses in addition to the above: 1. The Stevens's French Alliance Transcripts, cov- ering the correspondence (1778- 1782) between Ver- gennes and the French Ministers, Gerard, La Luzerne, and Marbois 5,688 folio pages. 2. The Stevens's Peace Transcripts, (i 782-1784) 5,280 folio pages; and, most stupendous of all. 3. The Stevens s Catalogue Index, of Manuscripts in the Archives of England, France, Holland, and Spain, in which 163,000 documents relating to America for the period, 1 763-1 783, are summarized, located, and given their proper dates. The whole is contained in 180 folio, manuscript volumes. It is a self-evident fact that the part played by Catholics as Catholics, in the drama of the American Revolution, has been everywhere consistently ignored by historians. The remedy to this defect lies in a study of the documents themselves. It has been with a desire to give the Catholic Church its true place in the story of American Independence, that the present studies have been undertaken. The Gerard Corres- pondence upon which they have been made, covers the a^> And, further, they warn members not "to m.arry with Infidels, Papists and other Idolaters ". It was thus a very holy fear that inspired hatred in the commDn mind against the dreaded symbol of Rome. This feeling was kept glow- ing by such propaganda as, for instance, the annual celebra- tion of the so-called " Popish Plots ". As regards France, the general feeling of contempt that Imperial Britain had fostered in her subjects for what she was pleased to consider " the light and frivolous French ", was shared by the colonists in the New World. To thisi feeling had been added, during the period of the French and Indian wars, a very bitter personal hatred for the " Red Man's friend," who menaced the settler on every frontier. With the passing of France from American competition by the treaty of 1763, this hatred was allayed, though it per- sisted in the popular mind and became the strongest ally of the British King, and of his Tory subjects across the seas. It had been in the hope of fanning this feeling into flame that the British Government had decided during the autumn of 1777, after the defeat of their forces at Saratoga, to send Commissioners to America, for the purpose of healing the breach between the colonists and the mother country, before the dreaded Alliance between France and AmsricaJ could be effected. When Gerard reached Philadelphia in July of 1778, the conflict between the Patriot and Tory elements in the country was at its hight. The offensive advances of the British Commissioners, the inevitable destruction caused by the occupation and subsequent evacuation of Philadelphia by the British troops, had produced such revulsion against England in the minds of those who had espoused the prin- ciples of independence, that the presence in their midst of a representative of His Most Christian Majesty, the Catholic King of France, was hailed with heart-felt approval by even the staunchest Protestant delegate to Congress, and by the people generally. With feelings of unspeakable gratitude they crowded round to greet the distinguished diplomat, the first to set foot on American soil. His presence here lifted at one stroke the budding nation to a level with its most illustrious rivals across the seas. It was indeed a proud moment for the young Republic. Henry Marchant, dele- gate from Rhode Island, voiced the general sentiment when he wrote to the Governor of his State r " I had the honor 2 See Maryland Historical Magazine, December, 1920. 8 of being present the last Sabbath at the most interesting in- terview tliat ever tock place in America, or perhaps in the world, between Monsieur Gerard, the Plenipotentiary of France, and the President of Congress, on the part of the sovereign, independent United States of America." In his fourth report to the Comte de Vergennes, dated Philadelphia, July 19, 1778, Gerard writes: The members of Congress, the Generals of the Army, and the principal citizens flock to see me, although I have not yet presented my credentials, and have only called upon the Presi- dent of Congress. The object of all these kind attentions is to impress me with the deep feeling which prevails, in regard to the generosity of the King, and the attachment to the Alliance. The language universally adopted shows an en- thusiasm for these objects, almost equal to that for liberty itself. Yesterday Congress gave me a great dinner for which the English Commissioners defrayed the principal expenses, through the turtles and wine which they had sent to the principal members of Congress. I profited by this dinner to converse very particularly with a great number of the mem- bers of the Government, as well as with other distinguished citizens. They flocked round me to congratulate themselves for having had the happiness to obtain the confidence and protection of the King. Several of them said that in the most critical moments they had nothing upon which they could count, except the virtue which His Majesty had manifested and upon the enlightenment of his ministers; that they had always confidently believed that hard conditions would not be prescribed to them, whose solidity is never great ; but neither had they expected so much nobleness and interest ; that the sending of a fleet, to which his Majesty was not bound, had convinced fully, even the least confident minds, of the purity of the views of France ; that it required a conduct equally decided and noble to stifle the prejudices in which all Ameri- cans had been raised, and which the greatest efforts of the English, and particularly their last Commissioners, had con- stantly tended to nourish. . . . As we proceeded up the Delaware River, on our way hither, the inhabitants of the shores of the Delaware did truly give the greatest marks of joy when they knew that we were French. The Officers and the common people crowded round and said to me : " You have come to our aid ; we will go, when you wish it, to yours." I gather together these different features, because I believe that in order to judge well the dispositions of the country, it is equally or even more important to observe the sentiments of the people than those of the members of the Government. The warmth of the feeling, aided by the banquet of yesterday, seemed to m^ sufficiently characteristic of the principal dis- courses, to render them worthy of being transmitted to you. I hope to obtain more direct evidence regarding the dis- position of Congress. I shall devote myself to this with all the more zeal, as you will have noticed, Mgr., in a refutation, other- wise very well written, of a letter of the English Commis- sioners, an inaccuracy for which I expostulated with Air. Morris, deputy from New York, author of the letter, a young man of twenty-six, much looked up to because of his talents. But as the piece was anonymous it did not seem worth while to request that it be corrected. I am, with the most profound respect, Monseigneur, Your very humble and very obedient servant, Gerard. The Fifth report, written on the same day as the fore- going, takes up the question of the British Commissioners. Gerard writes: The President of Congress came yesterday to see me before going to the Assembly, to inform me that he had received another letter from the English Commissioners. . . . Congress, having taken the letter into consideration, felt that to enter into the question of State which the Commission raised, would be to gratify them by starting some sort of discussion which would provide them the means of exerting influence in all kinds lO of ways, and which would make doubts arise among them- selves regarding their own dispositions and the outcome of events. Congress would, moreover, have manifested the same doubt if it had hesitated regarding the validity of the title of its own authority, and it would have also compromised the preponderating credit with which it has exercised that author- ity since America has had the King for ally, or, as it is gener- ally expressed here, for protector. These powerful considerations were adopted unanimously; the debate was only as to the manner of reply. Certain mem- bers wished to return insult by insult, but the majority had only the public good in mind ; the resolution of Congress was that, as the Commissioners had not satisfied the preliminary conditions of the declaration. Congress could not treat with them except in a manner conformable with existing treaties, and only when the Independence of the United States should be recognized, and the British fleets and armies should have been withdrawn ; that consequently Congress had no reply to make to the letter of the Commissioners, and had even determined not to write to them, but to allow their resolution to reach them through the pages of the Philadelphia Gazette. You see, Monseigneur, in this proceeding, the confidence of Congress in its own credit. They are convinced that their conduct will be received with acclamation. It covers with ridicule this brilliant Commission and its authors. This note of pride and contempt flatters infinitely this people, itself so long held in contempt by the English. I have applauded their resolution with all my force. It seems to me that it will help break up all negotiations and contribute to the complete separa- tion of the two nations. It is hoped that the publication of the letters by which the Commissioners have tried to corrupt certain individuals will have the eflfect of still further stirring up the people. I am, etc. Gerard. II The sixth report, runs as follows : Philadelphia, July 25, 1778. monseigneur, Every day I receive new evidence that the Whigs in the Provinces as well as in the city here feel that the American Government owes its present consistency to the friendship and the generosity of the King. The equality and disinterestedness of the terms of the treaty have enlightened minds which were before filled with prejudice and which dreaded almost more than they hoped from the Alliance. The English naturally do all in their power to keep up the ancient hatred against the name of France. Their proceedings in America have been constantly directed toward making our motives suspected. . . . They affirm that Canada was ceded to the King as the price of his complacency, and that he entered into treaty with America only to prolong the war in order to obtain favorable concessions from England. The leaders, Monseigneur, seem never to have given way to such a gross illusion, but suspicious minds, habituated to the greedy and unjust policy of the English, hold these opinions. Many distinguished personages here speak freely to me regard- ing it. The appearance of the fleet of the King seems to have united all minds and hearts in the same sentiments. This is the fruit of His Majesty's wisdom, who judged that a sincere union between two nations which up to that moment had been divided, could not be accomplished except by means worthy of its grandeur of soul, and that such well-advised bonds would be as durable as any human thing could be. . . . Several lead- ing personages have assured me that there is no division in Congress relative to the great objects that interest France, or compromise the safety of the United States, A faction did exist before the arrival of our treaties which was capable of becoming all the more dangerous, since treason could not be imputed to it. It was chiefly composed of clever and ambitious men, whose influence was slight. Their method was to main- tain themselves in a sort of balance, in order to render them- selves necessary when the time came to capitulate with the 12 English, because there were then very few men who had any idea it would be possible to end the quarrel without some kind of capitulation. A Scotch minister of the name of Wither- spoon, the only member of the clergy in Congress, was the soul of the party. He combined in a high degree two apparently opposite qualities; extreme impetuosity of character with the greatest flexibility of mind. Mr. Samuel Adams was of this party, the same who shone so brightly at the beginning of the Revolution. Since every one now believes that the issue of this quarrel will be honorable and solid, confidence has been restored. Various other matters, such as his official reception by Congress, the disposition of the French fleet, etc., are the subjects of the next reports of the French Minister. Oni August 12, in his twelfth report, he writes to Vergennes: The object of this letter is to trace for you a picture of the stability and of the internal condition of Congress, as well as the particular disposition of the several states relative to the authority and constitution of that body. The result of all my investigations tend to confirm the idea which I had the honor of communicating to you, relative to the credit of Congress. It has been able to conciliate the most entire confidence, as well on the part of the governments of the different states as of the citizens. Everything that comes from it is received with a sort of veneration. It essentially owes this to the attention it has paid never to pronounce upon important subjects until the minds of the people have been prepared, and after being as- sured of their sentiments. It owes this also to the unanimity with which important subjects are treated, and to the extreme regard which is paid to the several Governments. Congress respects with the greatest care the rights of sovereignty of the States, so that the resolutions of the several legislative bodies which are sometimes contrary to the measures taken by Con- gress do not lessen its consideration. An example is to be seen in the very important question of the Tories. Congress recommended gentle and legal measures. Certain states, as 13 Virginia and the Carolinas, have, on the contrary, exercised the most arbitrary and severe measures. I shall speak again on this subject and content myself here with remarking that the heads of the governments, having no distrust or suspicion in regard to the Congress, and wishing to extend its influence, are interested in maintaining its consideration, of which they profit in their turn. This policy is all the more useful, since the greater number of all the more accredited leaders, and the more intelligent, who directed events in the beginning, have accepted the first places in their own states, especially in the South. The really laborious and dull life of the members of Congress ; their remoteness from their personal affairs ; the voluptuous existence to which the great proprietors of the South have been accustomed, their monarchical turn of mind, being used to command over slaves; all this has led them to found their Colonies upon other principles than those that maintain in the North. The personal humor of these chiefs has not, however, up to the present, influenced the dispositions of the people, who are much more attentive than those of the North to maintain the rotation of delegates to Congress. Since I have been here, three deputies, one from Maryland, one from Georgia, and one from Carolina, have been relieved of their offices without notice and without anyone having any cause of dissatisfaction to allege. Such changes have been frequent for some time past. It is evident, Monseigneur, that so many individuals, ad- mitted successively to Congress, does not permit one to expect as many men of merit and of preponderating influence as in the early days of its institution. From this point of view it is not so well composed, although one finds there men of dis- tinguished ability ; but I am not sure, whether for general results its present condition is not preferable. It contributes to maintain that confidence which the least jealousy or the least distrust would quickly dispel. Moreover, it forms a greater number of subjects imbued with the principles of the constitution and of the American Republic. Such principles do not so easily enter minds having other habits of thought, and where often ancient prejudicies remain blended with 14 maxims of the day. Another great advantage is, that Congress, remaining dependent upon the people, retains better the gen- eral spirit, and so is less likely to abuse its powers. An equivocal word, uttered in debate, suffices for the immediate recall of the member, and as this danger is multiplied by little intrigues of personal jealousy, from which even the most ac- credited persons are not always free when absence from their province has been prolonged, it seems that thus the most effec- tive possible check is put upon the ambition of the body. .'. . I have already had the honor, Monseigneur, to call your attention to another sort of division that exists in Con- gress ; it is in reference to the influence of that body upon the choice of its members. The germ of this discussion does not reside in the different states ; it resides rather in the ambitious views of certain individuals. One can notice, as a sort of contrast, that it is largely members from the North, used always to an almost popular form of government who form this party. . . . Another object which bitterly divides Congress is the rivalry of the two Generals, Washington and Gates. . . . The division is almost between the states of the North and those of the South. The latter is for Washington, who is from Virginia. This General, whose conduct seems to have merited the esteem which Europe accords to it, and who joins virtue to talents, has been fiercely attacked by all the arms which envy can furnish ; the scission became dangerous ; the evacuation of Philadelphia and the Battle of Monmouth de- cided the question and the partisans of Gates are reduced to silence. ... I cannot dispense with telling you, Monseigneur, that I have seen with sorrow that certain French officers of merit entered into this quarrel against Washington ; I believed it my duty to show my high disapproval of their permitting themselves to enter into any sort of cabal. This is not the only object of division and estrangement between the states of the South and the North. They form two distinct parties which count at present very few turn- coats. The division is attributed to moral and philosophical causes, but since it can be utilized for political ends, I regard the matter still as an object of research. ... As to the facts 15 which I have presented to you, they rest upon authorities which, it seems to me, merit your confidence. . . . I am, with the most profound respect, Monseigneur, Yours etc. Gerard. The thirteenth report, written on the same day as the foregoing, shows the reverse of the picture. Gerard writes : Up to the present, I have painted the Congress en beau, because I have considered it in relation to its attachment to Independ- ence and the Alliance — the most important point of view for us. But it is time for you to know it from its weak side, in order to appreciate it in' its independence. . . . Most of the members who sit in Congress owe their place only to their zeal in the American cause, without any regard to the talents neces- sary to carry on the immense task with which Congress is charged. This body holds in its hands all the branches of the entire general administration, of many parts of which not a single person understands the details. As soon as any per- son distinguishes himself by his knowledge, personal jealousy, and the maxim not to tolerate any personal ascendency, cause his discharge. A merchant presided over the Committee of Commerce ; he was removed and made head of Foreign Affairs ; then they obliged him to quit this place because they suspected he was able to profit in his business by the secret advice he re- ceived. There are many Generals and Colonels in Congress; none of them is employed on the Committee of War. It fol- lows from this, Monseigneur, that the administration is very far behindhand in all points where a fixed system and careful regulation of details are necessary. Arrangements relative to the Constitution, to the recruiting, equipment, and service of the Continental troops remain in suspense, as well as many other objects. Finances especially suffer, as I shall try to ex- plain as soon as sufficiently informed upon this subject. In the mean time it will suffice to observe that Congress has made itself universal merchant and contractor. You can see, Mon- seigneur, that the lack of order in so important a detail in- i6 volves much loss and inconvenience, especially when it is con- sidered that by this means the Congress places itself in com- petition with private merchants whom it cannot compel to furnish the needed articles. I am sorry to be obliged to add, Monseigneur, that personal disinterestedness and pecuniary probity have not rendered illustrious the birth of the American Republic. . . . The spirit of mercantile cupidity forms per- haps one of the distinctive characters of the Americans and especially of the people of the North. This character will doubtless have an essential influence on the destiny of the country. . . . This lack of order and unity in details has existed from the beginning of the Revolution, and has more than once exposed the salvation of the budding Republic. If the English had shown themselves, as we have known them only too frequently elsewhere, active, confident, courageous, they would have met with but little resistence. The closer one observes this contrast, the more one is forced to see the finger of God in the event, and without the part equally wise and generous, which the King has taken, and precisely at the decisive moment, everything points to the belief that the use of the means would not have responded to the desire for the maintenance of independence, while it is to be feared that the spirit of security, to which all have now abandoned themselves, will greatly aggravate the situ- ation. I shall try to impress upon Congress the necessity of order and of precaution, without destroying a confidence and a presumption which in themselves may be of great value. . . . The New York papers have reported that when I set foot on American soil, Mr, Deane presented me with a piece of turf as a symbol of the American tradition ; that I received it and kissed it, while making great signs of the cross. Many com- mentaries are added to this farce, with the idea of inspiring distrust in the minds of the people. . . . Here is matter indeed for the champions of the periodical press ! I am, with profound respect, Your etc. Gerard, Before taking up anew the discussions occasioned in 17 Congress by the proceedings of " His Majesty's Commis- sioners for Restoring Peace," let us pause for a moment to regard the matter from the viewpoint of the Commissioners themselves. Interesting and very full accounts have been preserved in the private as well as the public correspondence of the Earl of Carlisle and William Eden, which may be consulted in Stevens's Facsimiles, Numbers loi, 372, 494 etc. As has already been stated, the idea of sending over Com- missioners to treat with the Colonists arose out of the failure of the military campaign of 1777, which ended with the surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga. Fear of the in- tervention of France in support of the insurrection was an added stimulus. The Government, however, was slow to act and valuable time was allowed to pass, so that it was well into March, 1778, before arrangements had been com- pleted, and the necessary powers ratified by Parliament. Already Simeon Deane had been able to slip away from France without being stopped, bearing the precious treaties of commerce and amity that had been signed February 6, by France on the one hand, and by the American Com- missioners, Franklin, Deane, and Lee on the other. Favored by a particularly short passage for those days, this provi- dential assurance of help reached America and was spread by the Patriot newspapers over the country, fully a month befoe the landing of the English Commissioners. From the beginning, everything went wrong for the would-be peace-makers. Their destination was to have been New York. Seventy leagues from shore, however, they met with an English brig, whose captain informed them that Howe and Clinton were both in Philadelphia. As these two Generals were to form part of the Commission, the ship's course was changed, and they entered Delaware Bay, casting anchor off New Castle, June 6. From this place they sent a messenger to British Headquarters, announcing their i8 arrival. The news brought back was well calculated to fill His Majesty's Commissioners with dismay. Philadelphia was to be evacuated! The order had been issued by the Ministry some time previous to the date of their setting sail from England, yet no word had been vouchsafed to them regarding so important a matter. The fact itself was far less bitter than the affront so deliberately offered to their dignity. They felt themselves duped by their own Government, " in a way," to use the Earl of Carlisle's own words, " to render the Commission both ineffectual and ridiculous ". Notwithstanding the embarrassment of their position, they adapted themselves to it as best they couid, and continued on their way to Philadelphia, where they spent the few days of grace remaining to them in launching their work of pro- paganda, and in attempting to enter into negotiations with the different members of Congress. Just before the evacua- tion of the city, the Commissioners proceeded to New York and there took up residence for the remainder" of their stay. One of the chief objects of their instructions related to the Convention of Saratoga. This Convention had been drawn up by General Gates and solemnly agreed to by General Burgoyne, October 15, 1777. By its terms the entire British Army with its military stores was to be turned over to the victors and the promise was made binding that the surrendered officers and soldiers should not serve against America during the remainder of the v/ar. On the other side it was stipulated that under these conditions the Army should be free to return to Europe. Congress had soon after ratified this Convention, and ordered that an inventory be made of the military stores to to be surrendered, and the names and personal description taken down of each officer and soldier. This information was refused by Burgoyne, who complained that the conven- tion had been broken in regard to him. Congress retaliated 19 by accusing that General of having willfully destroyed hig equipment. After much discussion, the following resolu- tion was passed, January 8, 1778. Resolved, therefore, that the embarcation of General Bur- goyne and the troops under his command be suspended until a distinct and explicit ratification of the Convention of Saratoga shall be properly notified by the Court of Great Britain to Congress. Let us now turn to the Reports of Gerard. On August 12, in his fifteenth report he writes: The English Commissioners have addressed a new dispatch to the President of Congress, dated the 7th of this month. . . . It consists of a species of declaration signed by the Commis- sioners, contained in a letter from their Secretary. The declaration, after a great display of the fidelity with which nations execute cartels and conventions adopted for diminish- ing the horrors of war, cries out against the infraction of these laws by men who give themselves out to be the representatives of a nation. The Commissioners then ratify by their authority the Convention of Saratoga, and demand its immediate execu- tion. Mr. Laurens communicated to me these documents the moment they arrived, but could not leave them with me until he had laid them before Congress. He felt the uselessness of the step of the Commissioners and the humiliation it was intended to convey, and his proposition was to order that the documents be laid on the table — ordinary formula for refusing to reply. It seemed to me, Monseigneur, that it was my duty to try to bring the Congress to carry their resolution farther in a matter that afifects us so nearly, and thus cut short every future move of the Commission in this matter as in all others ; this, all the more, because the Court of England in all prob- ability is not disposed to accord a ratification of the embarrass- ing convention. ... I proposed therefore that they declare dis- tinctly to the Commissioners that Congress considered their Commission as finished, and that it could not treat with it ex- 20 cept in conformity with the resolutions already signified. Mr. Laurens seemed to approve of this manner of viewing the case, and told me he would propose to forward this declaration by Mr. Thompson, Secretary of Congress, to Dr. Ferguson, Sec- retary to the Commission. ... I shall not report the resolutions of Congress relative to the troops of Burgoyne, because I am assured the English papers are full of them; I shall note simply that Congress seized very adroitly the complaint of that officer that the capitulation had been broken in regard to him, to require that it be ratified by the English Government. Arrangements made to take the troops to Boston roused very strong suspicions that their destination was not Europe (as had been stipulated), but New York. I shall do all that is in my power, according to circumstances, in order that they remain where they are. I am, with profound respect, Your etc. Gerard. The sixteenth report reads: Philadelphia, August i6, 1778. . . . Dr. Ferguson's letter and the declaration of the Com- missioners have been reported to Congress. Certain scruples were raised in regard to the part the President proposed to take, conformable to our interview. That Senator and several others have had long conversations with me, in order to inform themselves, as they expressed it, regarding the principles and the forms. The substance of the doctrine that I wished to indicate, is as follows: that Congress should hold strictly to the resolution of January 8, and suspend the execution of the Convention until Great Britain should distinctly ratify it ; . . . that, in any transaction between independent nations, the first thing should be to examine the powers of him in whose name one treats, as well as the nature and the form of the power of the representatives who negotiate and conclude ; that in England it is the King, alone, by his prerogative and by the constitution, who is authorized to negotiate; that he has not given full powers to the acting Commissioners, except in virtue of an act 21 of Parliament, and upon principles of dependence and under the condition of ratification which is not cognizable to it in matters either political or military. My conclusion was that it covered everything to declare that the offers of the Commission did not fulfil the conditions fixed by the resolution of January 8, that therefore it was necessary to await the action of the Court of London. If the Court signified the condition on which it would ratify, it would be a great step in advance for the States, and even a species of tacit recognition of their Independence; that if the ratification was accorded, then it would be necessary to declare that Congress would execute it on its part; that in order to execute it effectually, Congress would take the agreement in one hand and its grievances in the other, and proceed to the examination of the case according to the rules of the strictest equity; that then, provided that the English had destroyed their arms, and spoiled their military stores. Congress would declare that it would execute the fun- damental clause, and one inherent in all conventions of the rights of peoples, by retaining prisoners such troops as had violated their engagements. The President assured me he had his proofs ready. My manner of reasoning, Monseigneur, was unanimously approved. . . . They moreover testified to me on this occasion, in the strongest possible way, that should a direct or even an indirect recognition of their independence arrive, they would not make peace, even the most honorable for themselves, with- out using every effort to secure an honorable and sure peace to their generous ally. . . . Elizabeth S. Kite. LIBRftRY OF CONGRESS 011 801 114 V