r V ;^^:^ HE WAR WITH MEXICO. SPEECH HON. T. J. TURNER, OF ILLINOIS, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 6, 1848. The House beins in Committee of the Wliole on the state of the Union, on the Resolution to print ten thousand jxtra copies of the Coirespondeace bi^ween tlie War De- partment and Generals Scott ancfTaylor, and between Mr. Tiist and the Department of State- Mr. TURNER said: It is true, as the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Stephens] has just remarked, " our country is in a peculiar condition," but this peculiarity does not consist in the fact of there being two parties in the country striving for the ascendency, with the view of elevating their respective favorites to the Presi- dency. The same thing has occurred every four years since the election of our first President; but it consists in the (act, that for the first time in our history, we have found ourselves with a conquered nation upon our hands. It is true that Mexico is, in the broadest sense of the term, conquered. Her armies are defeated and dispersed, her ports are in the possession of our navy, her cities and castles are garrisoned with our troops, her revenues are at our control, and our fltTg is floating from the spires of her capital, — and these all proclaim the consummation of our conquest; and whether right or wrong, the great fact exists, afid will forever mark a period in our history, to which coming generations will turn with pride and exultation, or with shame and confusion. Mr. Chairman, let us examine for a moment what kind of record the Whig party has made of these important events — events which will con- tinue to have a mighty influence for weal or for woe upon the future destiny of this country. Whether the ahnexaiion of Texas was the mediate or im- mediate cause of war, it is not my purpose to in- quire; yet all must admit it was that event that turned public attention to our aflTairs with Mexico. In 1843-'44, when the subject of reannexing Texas was before Congress and the country, the Whig party took ground against that measure, and pro- claimed from this Hall, from the other end of the Cajiitol, and from almost every Whig printing press in the country, that by amiexing Texas we robbed Mexico; that the act would not only be just cause for war on the part of Mexico, but that we adopted a war then existing between that coun- try and Texas. How much the speeches made upon that occasion by the Whigs did to inspire the Mexican people with confidence in their cause, it is not for me to inquire; but certain it is, that fnated^at the Congressional Globe Ollice. from similar speeches they borrowed the idea of the Nueces being the western boundary of Texas. Now, granting that the Whig party honestly en- tertained the views they expressed, it follows, as a matter of course, that tlie war was occasioned and commenced by the annexation of Texas, and con- sequently by the act of Congress — that measure being consummated by Congress, and not by the President; and, least of all, by the present Chief Magistrate, who found the "Lone Star" shining brightly in our great constellation when he took hia seat as President. Time passed, and in May, 1846, the President announced to Congress that a collision of arms had occurred, and called upon that body for men and money to avenge the wrongs sustained. Then spoke the human heart of the country. Stirred by the honest impulses of nature and of patriotism, even the Whigs forgot for a moment their party calculations, and ranged themselves on the side of humanity and the country. Under these holy in- fluences, they cast, with singular unanimity, a vote that will shine as a bright star over the desert of Federalism. I know Henry Clay said at Lex- ington that you had voted a lie upon that occasion. Believe him not. It is the only time you voted the truth upon that subject. It was then that war was declared upon our part. It was then, under the solemnities of an oath, you voted with the Democratic party that war existed by the act of Mexico. But now your tune is changed. The war is popular, and as there is another President to be elected, the issues must be changed. Mr. Polk's administration has risen to such colossal strength, that the whole artillery of Federalism must be brought to bear upon him and those who have stood by him and the country in its hour of trial; and therefore the same party and the same men who last year voted that the war existed by the act of Mexico, this year, under the same so- lemnities of an oath, voted that the war was un- necessarily and unconstitutionally brought on by the President of the United States. Here, then, we had three distinct and contradictory proposi- tions put forth and maintained by the Whig party, two of which must be false. But, Mr. Chairman, what was the army of 1846, for which the Whig party voted, raised for? Not to protect the fron- tier of Texas, but to wage war upon Mexico, and from that moment your Generals, Taylor and Scott, have either dictated or sanctioned every ito- c ^■ portant movement of the army, as will appear from the correspondence which you called out and now refuse to publish to the country. Sir, we are either at war or we are not at war with Mexico. If Congres? has not declared war, then are we not at war, for there is no other power given in the Constitution to declare war; and if Congress has not declared it, then indeed is the blood of the thousands slain in Mexico upon the heads of the President ar)d his coadjutors — Gen- erals Taylor and Scott, and the officers and men of the army; ay, sir, and upon yours too, for you voted to send them there, and furnished them with arms, ammunition, and money to carry on the war. I was struck with the poetical flight of the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Stephens,] who a few days since described, with so much force and beauty, the scene in Genera! Taylor's camp, on the night preceding the glorious battle of Buena Vista. Sitting around the council-fires, he imagined the Genius that presided over the birth of Wash- ington to be hovering around, to guide and protect that gallant little band. Did the gentleman reflect at that moment that he had solemnly voted that General Taylor and his brave army were prose- cuting an unjust and unconstitutional war? Sir, I have mistaken the character of theGeniusof Wash- ington, if it would descend from the skies to pre- side oyer the conclave of a band of robbers and assassins, who, for the paltry pay they were draw- ing from the Government, would, at the mere beck and call of James K. Polk, invade a sister repub- lic, and murder its inhabitants by their own fire- sides and altars! You charge it upon the Presi- dent: I charge it upon all alike who have aided in the matter, if the war is, as you say, unholy, un- just, unconstitutional, and unnecessary. But, sir, r do not believe it is either. You declared that defeat, disaster, and disgrace would follow in the train of our army. How has that prophecy been fulfilled.? Victory has followed victory, in such rapid succession, that the visions of romance have been more than realized, and nothing short of the approving favor of Jehovah could ka've led to such results. But, sir, while our country, as I before remarked , is in a peculiar condition, there are some circum- stances attending this war that are not so peculiar. In the war of the Revolution, when the patriots of that age were pouring out iheir life-blood to estab- i lish the independence of the country, there was a j large party among them who were constantly pre- j dieting defeat and disaster— who denounced the I war as unholy and wicked — whose hearts and sym- pathies were with the enemy, and whose prayers commenced with "God save the King!" and con- cluded with an anathema against Washington and the republican army. Those men were called To- ries. In the war of 1812, which was forced upon us by the aggressions of Great Britain, there was a party in the United States which resolved that "it was unbecoming a Christian people to rejoice ' over the success of our arms and the defeat of the 'enemy." They also resolved that that war " v/as 1 •founded in falsehood, declared without neces.sity, • and its real object was extent of territory by un- 'just conquests, and to aid the late tyrant of Eu- ' rope in his views of aggrandizement." The pul- pit and the press, wherever in the hands of that I yif\rty, teemed with unmeasured abuse of the Presi- 1 dent and the party who sustained' the war. They declared that the blood of all the slain would be upon the heads of Madison and those who con- tributed, either by their influence, their money, or their lives, to carry on the war. Their politicians declared that the treasury was bankrupt, and that the country would not raise the raeans to prose- cute the war. They held meetings to denounce the war and its authors, and lit up the ever-memo- rable blue lights along the Atlantic coast. That party and those men were called Federalists. Now that we are engaged in a war with Mexico, we find airiong us a large party who have resolved that this war was "unnecessarily and unconstitu- tionally brought on by the President;" that its real object was extent of territory by unjust con- quest; and who declare that "the Mexicans are in the right and we in the wrong;" that all our actions have been guided and governed by the devil; that "no duty can be more binding than to refuse the means to prosecute the war;" that "the war was begun in a perfidious and rascally attempt at President-making;'^ that we had unrighteously invaded Mexico, and that she was fighting for her altars, her firesides, and her religion. In short, from the pulpit, the press, the stump, and from the halls of Congress, the voice of sympathy for Mexico, and denunciation upon the President and those who sustain the war, is heard from one end of this Re- public to the other. This party and these men are called Whigs. I shall not stop to inquire whether there is any identity or connection between the parties I have described; nor whether the univer- sal sympathy of the Whig party with Mexico, and their condemnation of the war and its authors, have aided or comforted the enemy. I state the facts, and will leave the country to draw its own conclusions from them. But, Mr. Chairman, the opposition to the pres- ent war is to be found far back of the annexation of Texas. It had its origin in the old Federal no- tion of confining the limits of this Republic to the original thirteen States. Failing to establish their favorite system of government", they thought to enslave the people by the power of incorporations. The extension of our territory was unfavorable to that scheme, and hence the desperate opposition to the purchase of Louisiana, repeated at the pur- chase of Florida and the annexation of Texas, and again to be repeated upon the acquisition of Cali- fornia and New Mexico. The constitutional power of this Government to annex foreign territory, either by treaty or con- quest, has been denied by the leaders of the Federal party ever since the propositions for the purchase of Louisiana were submitted to Congress. I there- fore propose to examine for a few moments the provisions of the Constitution on that subject. Article fourth, section third, of the Constitution reads thus: '• Now Slate.=: may be admitted by the Congrosa into this Union ; but no new State stiall be formed or erected witliin the jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more Stales, or parts of States, witliout tlie consent of the Legislatures ot' tlie States con- cenied, as \vell as of the Congress." Here, then, we have the power to admit new- States clearly granted to Congress, with a restrict- ' ive clause in regard to two classes of ca.ses. The first is, that under no circumstances shall a new State be erected within the jurisdiction of any other State. The second restriction is, that two or more States or parts of States shall not be admitted into the Union as a new State without the consent of the Legislatures of the respective States out of which the new one is formed. Tiie wisdom of these restrictions became appa- rent at an early period, when Vermont apjilied for admission into the Union. But it is objected, that this section of the Constitution contemplated only the organization of new States out of the territory northwest of the Ohio, which had previously been ceded by Virginia in 1784. But, that the framers of the Constitution had not that territory in view, is proved by the fact, that by the very terms of the cession, it was provided that the territory should be divided and formed into new States. I will here read an extract from the articles of cession of March, 1784 : "Provided, That the territory so cetlod shall he laid out and fortii(!(t into States contiiinin? a suituhle extent of ter- ritory not less than one hundred nor more than one hun- dred and fifty miles square, or as near thereto as circuni- sttinces will admit; and that the States so formed shall be distinct republican States, and ad:nltted mi^mbers of the Fi-'doral Union — having; the same rights of sovereignty, free- dom, and independence, as the other States." But we are not left to mere conjecture as to whether they had reference only to our domestic territory when they framed the third article; for the sixth article of that instrument provides as fol- lows: "All dfihts contracted and engagements entered into be- fore the adoption of this Constitution shall be as valid against the Unitftd States under this Constitution as under the Cuii- foderation." Under the Confederation, a solemn "engage- ment" had been entered into with Virginia, that all the territory ceded by her should be formed into States and admitted into the Union; and that embraced all the domestic territory we had when the Constitution, was adopted. What, then, did the framers of the Constitution have in view when they provided that "new States may be admitted by the consent of Congress into this Union?" It was clearly the purchase, the voluntary cession, the discovery or conquest, of foreign territory; and it is not surprising that the men who conceived the sublime idea of a republican government, deriving all its powers from the consent of the governed — men who conceived and put in motion a system at war with the spirit of all previously-established governments, but iti perfect harmony with the great truths of philosophy and Christianity — a system alike admirable for the simplicity of its operations, and the sublime results of its achiev- ments — a system that has not only built up State after State upon this continent, but has penetrated the heart of Europe, and inspired the people of France, of Italy, of Austria, and the Germanic | States, to throw off the yoke of tyranny, and to I demand the rights of freemen — a system that is I destined to destroy thrones and kingcraft, and j substitute republican governments throughout the i civilized world, — I say it is not surprising that those men should contemplate the extension of j our empire beyond the territories of the orisinal thirteen States. It is not surprising that they f )re- saw and provided for the purchase of territory such as Louisiana and Florida It is not surprising that they foresaw and provided for a case like Texas, where a brave little Republic, emulating our vir- tues and our heroism, should ask to throw her- self into the arms of her patron and her mother; and least of all is it surprising that they should foresee and provide for the extension of our bor- ders by conquest — the very tetiure by which, with the exception of the delegates from Pennsylvania, they held their own property and homes. Mr. Chairman, it may be answered that the In- dian tribes that our fathers drove out, and whose lands we now occupy, were savages, and unfit for freedom and civilization. Well, sir, if that is a reason why their country should be taken from them, I have the highest Whig authority for say- ing that " the people of New Mexico and Cali- fornia are in a more savage and degraded state than any of the Indian tribes: that the Chero- kees, the Choctaws, the Pawnees, the Blackfeet, the Snake, or the Flathead Indians, are much to be preferred to the people of New Mexico." This is the opinion of an influential "Whig. For my own part, I am inclined to think the picture is over- drawn; that the people of those provinces are not so digraded. But 1 contend that the same argu- ments now used against the acquisition of New Mexico and California, could have been used with equal force against the conquest and purchase of all the territories we have derived from the Indians. The land of New England, which has been called the cradle of liberty, was it not conquered from the Indian tribes? So with a large portion of the South. Penn, indeed, purchased the large State of Pennsylvania from the Indians, and since then large tracts of territory have been frequently pur- chased of them; but in the end, they have been driven out at the point of the bayonet. It is now said, " If we get any territory from Mexico, either by treaty or otherwise, it will be wrung from her against the consent of her people;" and it is prob- ably true that the Mexican people would prefer keep their territory; but is it not equally trueTI the Indian tril)es would have preferred to keep their territory? With what reluctance were they made to leave nortliern Pennsylvania, and Ohio, and Indiana, and Kentucky, and the South! I witnessed myself the removal of the Pottawato- mies, the Winnebagoes, and the Sioux, and how- ever it may wound the pride of Mexico to yield to US California and New Mexico, it will not wring their hearts as it'did the hearts of those savages when they turned their eyes for the last time upon their council-fires and the graves of their fathers. But the great law of necessity was upon them, as it is now upon Mexico. And who that is not governed by a sickly sentimentality, will for a mo- ment question the wisdom and the goodness that have directed and controlled those great events, which have changed this country from the haunts of savages to the homes of the most enlightened freemen upon earth? And I regard it as no less our right than our duty, to go on extending liberty and law over the provinces now occupied by those who are unable or unwilling to govern themselves. And, Mr. Chairman, I hold, that asidefrom the express grant of power to admit new States, the right of conquest is incident to, and inseparable from, the power to make war. No nation goes to 1 war with another without some real or imaginary cause: it is either to resent an injury, or to recover or protect a right. It is difficult to conceive of a I case where the nation levying war could recover prob- - keep H precisely the rights which had been invaded. To illustrate more clearly: It would liave been diffi- cult, ndy impossible, for the American people, in case France had finally refused to pay the twenty millions of francs which were due our country, and which, for a time, threatened the peace of the two countries, — I say it would have been impossi- ble for our navy to have entered a French port and taken from thence twenty millions of francs, and have returned to their own country. If war had ensued on that occasion, we would have been com- pelled to the conquest of her merchant ships upon the ocean, and having commenced war to recover the right, necessity alone and the laws of war would have compelled us to have prosecuted that war. Not stopping with twenty millions of francs, but twenty times twenty millions, if needs be, would have been taken, until France should have acknowledged the superiority of our arms, and made a peace on honorable terms. So with Mex- ico; she would not restore to us demands due our citizens for roijberies she had committed upon them, and she could not specifically rcstqjp the livesof our citizens which she had wantonly taken; and refusing, as she did, to make reparation for the gross injuries we had received from her, she literally drove us into war. Now, as I before said, the specific things cannot be restored or conquered ; and, therefore, we must seize upon the ]iroperty and territory of Mexico, and compel hertodo usjustice. And I must confess that to my mind conquest, in some shape or other, is the only remedial clause in the laws of war. It is by that right alone that we can take and secure indemnity for the losses and inju- ries we have sustained, and without that riglit war is nothing more than national revenge. We have applied that remedy. We have conquered, and now hold absolutely under our control large prov- inces of Mexican territory; and the question no 'lon-ger is, how much we shall take from Mexico, but how much shall we give hack to her, provided she will make peace. The territory and property which we have taken from Mexico, is absolutely ours, subject to our jurisdiction and control; pos- session and sovereignty are alike in our hands, and that extended over more country, probably, than we are willing permanently to annex. But so long as Mexico shall refuse peace, no one will^ question our ri^ht to hold on to our conquests; and it is for the United States, and not Mexico, to determine what portion shall be restored to that country. But, Mr. Chairman, aside from those general principles, what is the relation which now exists between Mexico and the United States? Is it not very similar to that of debtor and creditor ? Mex- ico, with an eflVontery unparalleled in the inter- course of nations, has stubbornly refused to carry out her treaty stipulations with us, and growing more insolent and haughty as our patience and for- bearance were further extended towards her, she literally compelled us to take up arms and fall back upon the last resort of nations. The consequence is, she is conquered; but she has exhausted her means by internal broils and in the prosecution of the war; she is therefore wholly unable to satisfy our demands in any other way than by parting with a portion of her territory. Now, how would it be in the case of two individuals similarly situ- ated? Would not the debtor's property be sold to satisfy not only the original debt, but the cofit of prosecution ? And the same sentimentality that weeps over our taking Mexican territory, would weep over the sale of an individual's property who had obstinately lefused the payment of a just debt until the creditor was compelled to collect his de- mands by law. Again, Mr. Chairman, I would inquire, what evil has resulted from the incorporation of the ex- tensive territories already annexed? And it does appear to me that the system has been in practice long enough to have brought forth some of the bitter fruits that it was said to contain, and yet I have failed to see the apfiroach either of evil or danger; and unless the spread of Democratic prin- ciples be regarded as such, I am disposed to be- lieve it will be difficult for the Whigs themselves to point out where the evil is; and I am led the more strongly to this belief from the fact, that no Whig on this floor has venturt d to assert that the country has been injured by former annexations. Will it be contended that no advantages have re- sulted from annexation? Do the commerce of the Mississippi, with its thousand tributaries, and the wealth and resources of Louisiana, Mississippi, Mis- souri, Arkansas, Florida, and Texas, add no thing to the general stock of national wealth and power? Have theachievementsof thebraveofficers and .sol- diers from those States added no thing to our military renown? Do the learning and ability of the Sen- ators and Representatives in Congress from those States add nothing to the character of our National Legislature? And who, sir, would be willing to see the territory embraced within those States^ to- gether with the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mex- ico, in the hands of Spain or of France? And yet the same objections that are urged against further acquisition existed with equal force against the ac- quisition of any of the territory alluded to. If the navigation of the Mississippi to the Gulf was ne- cessary for an outlet to the trade of the upper country, so is the bay of San Francisco necessary for an inlet to the trade of the east. -And who is prepared to say, if that country should be incor- porated into this Union, there would not in a few years spring up cities and towns along the coast equal to New Orleans, and those which dot the margins of the Mississippi? Why, sir, if those gentlemen who foresee such danger from the ex- tension of our territory westward' would take the trouble to travel into that country, and see the pro- gress of civilization in those regions, where, but a few years since, the smoke of the wigwam and the vvhoop of the Indian were the only evidences that humanity had its alinde there, and see the cities and villages alive with commerce and manufac- tures, the farms, the dwellings, the orchards, the schoolhouses, the churches, and the people, they would lose all their sickly fears of dancer from that quarter. Sir, it is not from spreading out our population over the great fields of the West that this Republic has anything to fear. If time would permit, I should like to trace to their source one or two subjects, which, to my mind, are the only questions fraught with danger to this Union — questions of the most absorbing interest, wbicli may lead to a rupture between tlie North and the South. It would be found that those questions did not originate in the new States of the West. But where, except to the West, would the country look for s<-\fety,ir, by abliiid fcinalicism of the abo- litionisis of the North and the ultra slave party of the South, they should sink all other considera- tions in the all-absorbing idea of slavery or no slavery upon this continent? You would then see that the conservative power of this nation exists precisely where your fears and your prejudices conjure up doubts and dangers. Who can estiinate the advantages which have resulted to our Republic from the purchase of Lou- isiana, which opened to us the rich valley of the Mississippi? or of Florida and Texas, which gave us the control of the Gulf, and territory sufficient to support an empire? Or who will attempt to calculate the value of New Mexico and California, with bays and harbors destined to be filled with the commerce of the Pacific? And yet there has ever been a party in this country who have pre- dicted ruin and disaster at every acquisition we have made. The gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Root] even informed us that the Anglo-Saxon was a race of land robbers, and that we were illustrating their character in an eminent degree. Whether he allu- ded to his own ancestors or to the ancestors of the rest of this body, I will not stop to inquire. I know not what the Anglo-Saxon race may do, but it requires no spirit of prophecy to foresee that this Republic is destined to extend its borders from ocean to ocean, until the surrounding nations shall either follow the example of Texas or learn of us virtue and republicanism sufficient to govern them- selves. And when we contrast the progress of the Northern colonies with those of the Southern, we can clearly see that v/hile we have filled the highest destiny of man upon earth, in all that regards sci- ence, literature, arts, and government, the Spanish colonies have dragged out a sickly existence, with- out making one progressive ste|i; and but for an event like the present war, would have continued forever in a lethargic state. Sir, extension and expansion are preenninently democratic, but the anti-war Whigs prefer the government of corporations. The great West has found an outlet for our people, and thus has frus- trated their designs. But circumscribe our limits, give corporations the controlling influence, and white shivery will be substituted for black. Of this we have evidences in England and in Massa- chusetts; for wherever corporations rule, the great mass of the people are enslaved. The annexation of all the territory contemplated either by the terms of the treaty or by those who would have indemnity for the past and security for the future, is no more than justice demands and national honor requires; and this, Mr. Chairman, leads me to the last point I wish to discuss upon this occasion, and that is, the charge made against Mr. Polk, that he had, from the first, contempla- ted the absorption of the whole of Mexico. This charge has been gravelyput forth, and scarcely a speech has been made on the other side of the House or on the Whig side of the Senate that did not atteiupt to prove that such was the rapacity and ambition of the President that nothing short of the whole of Mexico would satisfy him; and when the President, like Washington and Adams on similar occasions, for wise and good reasons, refused to furnish to this House his private instructions to Mr. Slidell, the clamor was loud and high that those instructions contained the evidence of his guilt, and therefore he dare notfurni.sh them to the House; and they finally rested their case upon that as the only evidence they had of his ambitious in- tentions. Well, Mr. Chairman, those instructions have since been published, and any person who will take the trouble to read them will learn two important facts: the first is, that Mr. Polk acted wisely in view of the great changes which had occurred in the position of the two countries, to withhold from publication those instructions. The second is, that Mr. Polk never contemplated the absorption of the whole of Mexico, nor any part of it, unless Mexico wished to sell us some of her northern provinces. It has been charged, as I before remarked, that evidence of the President's ambitious designs upon Mexico would be disclosed when his instructions to Mr. Slidell should be published; and to show with what earnestness and bitterness that charge was made, I propose to read an extract from a speech made upon this floor a few days since by the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Stephens.] j Sjieaking of the refusal of the President to furnish 1 this House with his instructions to Mr. Slidell, he j says: "I sliall not iiiont tliR quo^lion of tiis power to withhold those iiislriKtioiis rroiti tlii.s House and the people. ] know we have no power to compel their production. BiU I siib- niit it to this House and the people, whether it is not [he exercise of Executive power hordering on "royal preroya- ■ live," as the eloquent gentleman from Missrssi|ipi [Mr. I ToMPKiNi] said the other day, to withliolil from liiem and I their representatives information so imporlaiit in r( hilion to I the ori'.'in and eanse of this war ' 1 -nhniit to them, :ilst I vvhctlier l!i.' r.-i-n,, ;i- il'ii. d for h Mlili. Idiii;.' them i j tiling' hut 11 f.y.t.in II 111. V .nniiMir,! iiothiris hnl was Ikjmui.iI.Ii'. |ii~i, Iiuiii>i. .uhI ri;;lii. as they should could tlitjr pnldii mUoii nijiire our inlircst or cause j Mexico, or any l-iody (Isi;.' It would rather have the con- trary eflecl.hy pkicim.' us in the right and them in the wrong before the cjvilized world. Tlie secret of this matter, I ai>- prehend, is the fear of personal exposure. And he has a much letter -protection, I doubt not, than the prcceileiit uliich he quotes affords hi,n, in that clause of the Constitulion which provides that no jiosori 'shall lie compelled in ami criminal j case to he a icitness against himself.' I had \in little hope, I when the resolutioi'i passed ral'linu for those ih-tmitinns i that we should get Ihem. I brlirved then, as 1 d.i imw . that I they contained secrets connected with the origin of tl.is war ; that he dare not puhlish— not from any fi ar (dWfixicn— that I is idle, absurd, and preposterous— Mexico is pro>trale.sl;e is i at our mer(y-l)til from a fear of tlie Ameiiean prople. I j had quite as little hope, also, of getting the fads in rcl ition to the return of Santa Aima. I had no idea'tliat a man who h.ad so repeatedly oiitra!;<'d and insulted the intilli^ene(> of this country and tliis aire l)y the misstatement and distortion of facts well known, would make a lull disc Insure of all the circumstances attending a secret trausaition so litlh to his credit as this intrigue with Santa Aima Who, sir. in this 1 House believes the President in his message upon this sub- : ject?" What is the qtiestion at issue that has called down upon the head of the President siith unmeas- j ured abuse? Simply his refusal to furnish to this House what he soys would be incomp.'ion ? The fact is but ton \v('ll known to the world, that the Mexican Gov- ernment are not now in a condition to satisly these claims by the piiyment of iiioiwy. Unless llic debt should be as- siimed hy the Government of the United Slates, tlie elaini- Riits cannot receive what is justly their due. Fortunately, the joint resolutions of Congress, approved March 1, 1845, for annexing Texas to the United States, presents the niL'ans of satisfving these elaims in perfect consisfncy with the interest, as well as the honor, of both repulilics. It lias re- served to tliis Government the adjustmentof all (lUfstioii;; of boundary that may arise with other Governments. This question of boundary may, therefore, be adjusted in such a manner between the two republics as to cast the burden of the debt due to American claimants on their own Govern- ment, whilst it will do no injury to Mexico." He then authorizes Mr. Slidell, in case Mexico wishes to part wilh a portion of her territory, to give five millions of dollars, in addition to the assumption of the debt, for a boundary " from the « mouth of the Rio Grande up the principal stream 'to the point where it touches the line, of New ' Mexico; thence west of the river, along the ex- * terior line of that province, and so as to include « the whole within the United States, until it again ' intersects the river; thence up the principal stream ' of the same to its source, and thence due north ' until it intersects the forty-second degree of north 'latitude." He is then authorized to pay them, in addition to the assumption of our claims, twenty- five millions of dollars for a boundary that will include Monterey, on the Pacific, or twenty mil- lions for a boundary to include the bay of San Fran- cisco. And then, as if to impress more strongly upon the mind of Mr. Slidell the peaceable charac- ter of his mission, he says: "Your mission is one oC the most delicate and important which has ever been coniided to a citizen of the United States. The people to whom you will be sent are prover- bially jealous, and they have been irritated against the United Slates by recent events and the intrigues of foreign Powers. To conciliate their good will is indispensable to your sue- eesa. I need not warn you against wounding their national vanity. You may probably h.Tvu to endure their unjust reproaches wilh equaniniily. It would be difficult to raise a point of honor between the United Stales and so feeble and distracted a Power as Mexico. This reflection will teach you to bear and forbear much, for the sake of accom- plishing the great objects of your mission. IVe are sincerely demons to he on ^ood tcrins with Mexico, and the President reposes implieit confidence in your patriotism, sagacitj', and ability to restore the aneienl relations of friendship between the iwo republics." Now, Mr. Chairman, you will perceive that the President was willing almost to compromise the honor of the country to restore a state of peace and^ amity. He proposes to accept as it were a barley- corn, a mere quit-rent, if Mexico will enter again into the bonds of friendship and peace. He pro- poses, if they wish to sell a portion of their terri- tory, to jnty them the highest price therefor; but especially charges Mr. Slidell that the great object of his mission was the restoration of peace and amity between the two countries. The mission failed to attain its object, war ensued, and the whole country is now conquered, and we have a right to dictate the terms of peace. And a?ain the President has shown his anxious desire that Mexico should retain her nationality, by siil^mit- ting a treaty, illegally made, to the Senate for its ratification. By that treaty, I under.-stanil, we are to have New Mexico and Upper California; and, sir, when the revilers of Mr. Polk and his admin- istration shall have been forgotten; when the de- scendants of those who have opposed the war, and comforted the enemy by declaring that they were fighting for their homes, their firesides, their altars, and their religion, against an ambitious tyrant, who was waging against them an unjust war; when they shall deny that their fathers were the authors of the speeches that nerved the arms of the enemy and cast a gloom over the hofies of their own country, — the name of James K. Polk, connected with the great achievements of his ad- ministration, will be cherished in the hearts of one hundred millions of freemen, who will be sjiread over the face of this republic, enjoying the bless- ings of a free and happy people, and his adminis- tration will be turned to as one of the brightest pages in our country's history. W46 o 4. - *3 O, o V ^■: '^,.^%;:^ u^S' '^^^