aass_il2)il\ Book— ' ': A BOOK FOE EVERY AMERICAN. THE AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK CONTAINING THE DECLAKATION OF INDEPENDENCE, WITH THB LIVES OF THE SIGNERS; THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES; THE INAUGURAL ADDRESSES AND FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGES OF ALL THE PRESIDENTS, FROM WASHINGTON TO PIERCE; THE FAREWELL ADDRESSES OF GEORGE WASHINGTON AND ANDREW JACKSON; WITH A PORTRAIT AND LIFE OF ,, , .TO tut; pbwnt tivtb. NEW YORK: lEAYITT & ALLEN, 27 DEY-STREET. 1855. Entered accordin , to Act oi Congress, in the year 1858, By LEAVITT & ALLEN, In the Clerk's Office of ihe District Court of Massachusetta. BTEBEOTYPED BY GEO. A. CURTIS, M. BMOLAMD TYPE AND STEREOTYPE FOUMDBT, BOBTOH. ^^^ ^^' CONTENTS FAOB Declaration of Independence . 7 Lives oP the Signers 12 Samuel Adams . 12 Thomas M'Kean 76 Josiah Bartlett . 16 Arthur Middletoa 78 Carter Braxton . 18 Lewis Morris 80 Charles Carroll . 19 Robert Morris 81 Samuel Chase 28 John Morton 83 Abraham Clark . 31 Thomas Nelson, Jr. . 84 George Clymer William Ellery . William Floyd . 33 William Paca 86 35 Robert Treat Pame . 87 36 John Penn . 89 Benjamin Franklin 37 George Read 89 Elbridge Gerry . 43 Caesar Rodney . 90 Button Gwinnett . 46 George Ross 92 Lyman Hall 48 Benjamin Rush . 93 John Hancock 49 Edward Rutledge 96 Benjamin Harrison 52 Roger Sherman . 97 John Hart . 54 James Smith 99 Joseph Hewes 55 Richard Stockton . 100 Thomas Heyward 59 Thomas Stone . 101 William Hooper . 60 George Taylor Matthew Thornton 102 Stephen Hopkins 61 . 103 Francis Hopkinson 63 George Walton . . 104 Samuel Huntington 64 William Whipple William Williams . 106 Francis Lightfoot Lee 66 . 107 Richard Henry Lee 67 James Wilson . 108 Francis Lewis 70 John Witherspoon . 110 Philip Livingston 73 Oliver Wolcott . Thomas Lynch . 74 George Wythe . ! 112 Constitution of the United States 114 Amendments to the Constitutior t . . 127 Washington's Inaugural Address . . ;30 Washington's First Annual Address 134 Washington's Farewell Address . 137 Adams's Inaugural Address . , 154 Adams's First Annual Address . 160 Jefferson's Inaugural Address . 16G Jefferson's First Annual Message .... 171 Madison's Inaugural Address • • 180 Madison's First Annual Message .... 183 Monroe's Inaugural Address . • n 189 Monroe's First Annual M 1# essa^e • 198 Vi CONTENTS. PAOB J. Q. Adams's Inaugural Address 210 J. Q. Adams's First Annual Message 218 Jackson's Inaugural Address 243 Jackson's First Annual Message 246 Jackson's Farewell Address 275 Van Buren's Inaugural Address 296 Van Buren's First Annual Message 307 Harrison's Inaugural Address 839 Tyler's Address to the People of the United States ... 361 Tyler's First Annual Message 367 Polk's Inaugural Address 389 Polk's Mexican War Message 401 Taylor's Inaugural Address 409 Taylor's First Annual Message 413 President Fillmore's Message ....... 433 Fillmore's First Annual Message ...••.. 434 Pierce's Inaugural Address ....... 457 Sketches or the LrvEs or the Pbesidents. George Washington John Adams Thomas Jefferson James Madison James Monroe John Quincy Adams . Andrew Jackson . Martin Van *uren William Henry Harrison John Tyler . James Knox Polk Zachary Taylor . Millard Fillmore . Franklin Pierce . . • • • 467 478 478 480 481 482 483 484 485 487 489 490 492 499 THE AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. When, in the course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume, among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, de- riving their just powers from the consent of the governed , and that, whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to institute new government, lay- ing its foundations on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments, long established, should not be changed for light and transient causes; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right them- selves by abolishing the forms to which they are accus- tomed. But, when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government, and to 8 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. provide new guards for their future security. Such ha? been the patient sufferance of the colonies, and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former systems of government. The history of the pres- ent king of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the establish- ment of an absolute tyranny over these states. To prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world : He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good. He has forbidden his governors to pass laws of imme- diate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operations till his assent should be obtained ; and, when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them. He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would re- linquish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. He has called together legislative bodies at places un- usual, uncomfortable, and distant from the repository of their public records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures. He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights of the people. He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected ; whereby the legislative powers, incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at large for their exercise ; the state remaining, in the mean time, exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within. He has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ; for that purpose obstructing the laws of naturali- zation of foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration thither, and raising the conditions of new appropriations of lands. He has obstructed the admmistration of justice, by re- fusing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries. DECLARATION OK INDEPENDENCE. 9 He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither swarms of officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance. He has kept among us, in time of peace, standing ar- mies, without the consent of our legislatures. He has affected to render the military independent of, and superior to, the civil power. He has combined, with others, to subject us to a juris- diction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legislation. For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment for any murders which they should commit on the inhab- itants of these states : For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : For imposing taxes on us without our consent : For depriving us, in many caises, of the benefit of trial by jury : For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pre- tended offences : For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neighboring province, establishing therein an arbitrary government, and enlarging its boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these colonies : For taking away our charters, abolishing our most val- uable laws, and altering, fundamentally, the forms of our governments : For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever. He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out of his protection, and waging Avar against us. He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cru- elty and perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally ur.worthy the head of a civilized nation. 10 AMERICAN'S OWN :>00K. He has constrained our fellow -citizens, taken captive on the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become the exec utioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall themselves by their hands. He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers the merciless Indian savages, whose kno\^n rule of war- fare is an undistinguished destruction of a'll ages, sexes, and conditions. In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned for redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated pe- titions have been answered only by repeated injury. A prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have we been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of the attempts, by their legislature, to extend an unwarrant- able jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanim- ity, and we have conjured them, by the ties of our com- mon kindred, to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all po- litical connection between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved ; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conc'.ade peace, contract alliances, establish com- DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 11 merce, and to do all other acts and things which indepen- dent States may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to eacn other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor. The foregoing declaration was, by order of Congress, engrossed, and signed by the following members : JOHN HANCOCK. New Hampshire. JOSIAH BARTLETT, WILLIAM WHIPPLE, MATTHEW THORNTON. Massachusetts Bay. SAMUEL ADAMS, JOHN ADAMS, ROBERT TREAT PAINE, ELBRIDGE GERRY. Rhode Island. STEPHEN HOPKINS, WILLIAM ELLERY. Connecticut. ROGER SHERMAN, SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, WILLIAM WILLIAMS, OLIVER WOLCOTT. New York. \YILLIAM FLOYD, PHILIP LIVINGSTON, FRANCIS LEWIS, LEWIS MORRIS. New Jersey. RICHARD STOCKTON, JOHN WITHERSPOON, FRANCIS HOPKINSON, JOHN HART, ABRAHAM CLARK. Pennsylvania. . ROBERT MORRIS, BENJAMIN RUSH, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, JOHN MORTON, GEORGE CLYMER JAMES SMITH, GEORGE TAYLOR, JAMES WILSON, GEORGE ROSS. Delaware. CiESAR RODNEY, GEORGE READ, THOMAS M'KEAN. Maryland. SAMUEL CHASE, WILLIAM PACA, THOMAS STONE, CHARLES CARROLL, of Carrolton. Virginia. GEORGE WYTHE, RICHARD HENRY LEE, THOMAS JEFFERSON, BENJAMIN HARRISON, THOMAS NELSON, Jr. FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT LEE CARTER BRAXTON. North Carolina. WILLIAM HOOPER, JOSEPH HEWES, JOHN PENN. South Carolina. EDWARD RUTLEDGE, THOMAS HEYWARD, Jr. THOMAS LYNCH, Jr. ARTHUR MIDDLETON. Georgia. BUTTON GWINNETT, LYMAN HALL, GEORGE WALTON. LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. SAMUEL ADAMS. The memories of few men will perhaps be cherished, by their posterity, with a more jealous and grateful admi- ration than those of the patriotic individuals, who first signed the political independence of our country. They hazarded by the deed not only their lands and possessions, but their personal freedom and their lives ; and when it is considered that most of them were in the vigor of ex- istence, gifted with considerable fortunes, and with all the offices and emoluments at the disposal of royalty wit?iin their reach, the sacrifice which they risked appears mag- nified, and their disinterested patriotism more worthy of remembrance. Although many of them can rest their sole claim to lasting distinction upon the one great act with which they were adventitiously connected, still their lives present a valuable transcript of the times in which they lived, and afford examples of inflexible honesty, he- roic decision, and noble energy of mind, quite as interest- ing as any records of the eccentricities of genius, or the grasping efforts of ambition. Not one of the least ardent and uncompromising as- serters of the rights and liberties of his country, was the subject of our present sketch — Samuel Adams. This gentleman, descended from a respectable family, which emigrated to America with the first settlers of the land, was born at Quincy, in Massachusetts, September 22d, 1722. In 1736, he became a member of Harvard Col- lege, and took his degree of Master in 1743. On this latter occasion, he proposed the following question, in which he maintained the affirmative : " Whether it be lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the common- wealth cannot be otherwise preserved ? " On quitting the university, he commenced the study of LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 13 the law ; but soon afterwards, at the request of his mother, became a clerk in the counting-house of Thomas Gush- ing, at that time an eminent merchant. The genius of Adams was not suited to commercial pursuits. His de- votion to politics, and his interest in the welfare of his country, diverted his attention from his own business con- cerns ; and he retired from his mercantile connexions poorer by far than when he entered into them. In 1763, when a committee was appointed by the people of Boston to remonstrate against the taxation of the colonies by the British ministry, the instructions of that committee were drawn by Mr. Adams, and gave a powerful proof of his ability and zeal. He soon became an influential leader in the popular assemblies, and was bold in denouncing the oppressive acts of the mother country. In 1765, he was chosen a representative to the General Court of the State, from the town of Boston. Here he soon made himself conspicuous, and became clerk of the legislative body. About this time he was the author of several spirited essays, and plans of resistance to the ex- actions of the British ministry. He suggested the first Congress at New York, which was a step to the estab- lishment of a Continental Congress, ten years after. In 1770, two regiments of troops were quartered in the town of Boston, apparently to superintend the conduct of the inhabitants. This measure roused the public indig- nation to the utmost, and soon gave occasion to a quarrel between a party of soldiers and citizens, in which eleven of the latter were killed or wounded, by a guard, under the command of Captain Preston. This rencontre, which is well known under the name of the " Boston Massacre," and will long remain memorable as the first instance of bloodshed between the British and Americans, did not tend to allay the excitement caused by the presence of the troops. On the following morning a meeting of the citizens was called, and Samuel Adams first rose to ad- dress the assembly. His style of eloquence was bold and impressive, and few could exercise a more absolute control over the passions of a multitude. A committee, of which he was one, was chosen to wait upon Governor Hutchinson, with a request that the troops might be in- 2 14 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. stantly removed. The Governor replied, that the troops were not under his command : but Adams, with his usual intrepidity, would brook no pr^evarication or excuse, and declared that if he permitted them to remain, it would be at his peril. The Governor, alarmed at the personal dan- ger which threatened him, finally consented to the de- mand, and further hostilities were, for a time, suspended. The injudicious management of his private aflfairs ren- dered Mr. Adams poor. When this was known in Eng land, it was proposed to bribe him, by the gift of some lu- crative office. A suggestion of the kind being made to Governor Hutchinson, he replied, that " such was the ob- stinacy and inflexible disposition of the man, that he could never be conciliated by any office or gift whatever." A higher compliment could not have been paid him. The offer however was made, it is said, and rejected. About the year 1773, Governor Gage renewed the exper- iment. Colonel Fenton waited upon Mr. Adams, with the assurance of Governor Gage, that any benefit he might ask would be conferred on him, on condition that he would forsake the popular faction ; while, at the same time, significant threats were thrown out, of the conse- quences which might ensue, if he persisted in his opposi- tion to the measures of the ministry. The reply of the undaunted patriot was characteristic : " Go, tell Governor Gage," said he, " that my peace has long since been made with the King of kings ; and that it is the advice of Sam- uel Adams to him, no longer to insult the feelings of an already exasperated people." Under the irritation produced by this answer. Governor Gage issued a proclamation, which comprehended the following language : " I do hereby, in his majesty's name, offer and promise his most gracious pardon to all persons, who shall forthwith lay down their arms, and return to the duties of peaceable subjects : excepting only from the benefits of such pardon, Samuel Adams and John Han- cock, whose offences are of too flagitious a nature to ad- mit of any other consideration but that of condign punish- ment." Mr. Adams was a member of the first Contmental Con- gress, which assembled in Philadelphia, in 3774; and he LIVES UV THE SIGNERS. 15 remained an active member of that body until the year 1781. During this period, he was one of the warmest advocates for the declaration of American independence. After that declaration had been irrevocably adopted, and when the subsequent gloom which overspread the land had depressed the spirits of the most ardent advocates of liberty, the firmness and enthusiasm of Mr. Adams were unchanged. His example contributed in a high degree to inspire his countrymen with a confidence of their final success. The following encomium upon him is from a work upon the American rebellion, by Mr. Galloway, pub- lished in England, in 1780 : " He eats little, drinks little, sleeps little, thinks much, and is most indefatigable in the pursuit of his object. It was this man, who, by his su- perior application, managed at once the factions in Con- gTess at Philadelphia, and the factions of New England." In 1781, Mr. Adams retired from Congress : but having already been a member of the Convention which formed the Constitution of his native State, he was placed in the {Senate, and for several years presided over that body. In 1789, he was elected Lieutenant Governor, in which office he continued till 1794 ; when, upon the death of Hancock, he was chosen Governor, and was annually re- elected till 1797, when he retired from public life. He died October 2d, 1803, at the advanced age of eighty-two. In his person, Mr. Adams was only of the middle size, but his countenance indicated great decision of purpose and an energetic mind. He was a sincere and practical Christian ; and the last production of his pen was in favor of Christian truth. His writings were voluminous, but as they chiefly related to the temporary politics of the day, few of them remain. He always manifested a sin- gular indifference to pecuniary considerations. He was poor while he lived ; and, it has been said, that had not the death of an only son relieved the poverty of his latter days, Samuel Adams would have had to claim a burial from private charity, or at the public expense. 16 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. JOSIAH BARTLETT. JosiAH Bartlett, Governor of New Hampshire, and the first from that State who signed the Declaration of Independence, was born in Amesbury, Massachusetts, in 1729. Without the advantages of a collegiate education, but possessing a competent knowledge of the Greek and Latin languages, he commenced the study of medicine at the age of sixteen. After devoting himself for five years to the acquisition of the necessary knowledge and expe- rience, he commenced the practice of his profession at Kingston, in the year 1750. Here he soon obtained very considerable reputation, and introduced many efficacious changes in the treatment of several diseases. In the year 1765, Doctor Bartlett was elected to the Legislature of the province of New Hampshire, from the town of Kingston. In his legislative capacity, he was a determined opposer of the mercenary views of the royal Governor, John Wentworth, who, desiring to conciliate him to his interest, appointed him justice of the peace This, though a trivial distinction, was a token of the Governor's respect for his talents and influence. Doctor Bartlett accepted the appointment, but continued firm in his opposition. His attachment to the patriotic side, and the spirit with Avhich he resisted the royal exactions, soon afterwards produced his dismissal from the commission of justice of the peace, as also from a command which he held in the militia. In 1774, a Convention was convoked at Exeter, for the purpose of choosing deputies to the Continental Congress, which was to meet at Philadelphia. In this Convention, Doctor Bartlett, and John Pickering, a lawyer of Ports- mouth, were appointed delegates to Congress ; but the former, having a little previously lost his house by fire, was obliged to decline the honor. The latter gentleman wishing likewise to be excused, others were chosen in their stead. From this time the political difficulties in New Hampshire increased. At length Governor Went- worth found it expedient to retire on board a man-of-war then lying in the harboi of Portsmouth ; and soon after '.£sued his proclamation adjourning the State Assembly LIVES OF TAE SIGNERS. 17 jU the following April. This act, however, was disre- garded, and soon terminated the royal government in New Hampshire, after it had existed there for a period of ninety years. In September, 177/>, Doctor Bartlett, who had been elected to the Continental Congress, took his seat in that body. Here having largely participated in an unwearied devotion to business, his health was considerably impaired : but in a second election, the ensuing year, he was again chosen a delegate to the same body. He was present on the memorable occasion of taking the vote on the ques- tion of a declaration of independence. On putting the question, it was agreed to begin with the northernmost colony. Doctor Bartlett, therefore, had the honor of be- ing the first to vote for, and the first, after the President, to sign the Declaration of Independence. In August, 1778, a new election taking place, Doctor Bartlett was again chosen a delegate to Congress. He continued at Philadelphia, however, but a small part of the session ; and his domestic concerns requiring his at- tention, he resided the remaining part of his life in New Hampshire. In 1779, he was appointed Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. In 1782, he became an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, and in 1788, was advanced to the head of the bench. Doctor Bartlett was a member of the Convention which adopted the present Constitution of the State ; and by his zeal greatly aided its ratification. In 1789, he was elected a Senator to Congress ; but his age and infirmities induced him to de- cline the honor. In 1793 he was elected first Governor of .the State, which office he filled with his usual fidelity and good sense, until the infirm state of his health obliged him to resign, and retire wholly from public life. He did not remain long, however, to enjoy the repose which he coveted; but died on the 19th of May, 1795, in the sixty- sixth year of his age. The patriotism of this eminent man was of a pure and highly disinterested nature. He rose to distinction un- aided by family influence or party connexions ; and main- tained through life a reputation for strict integrity, great penetration of mind, and considerable abilitie.s. 2* 2 18 AMERICAN'S OWM» BOOK. CARTER BRAXTON. Carter Braxton was born in Newington, Virginia, on the 10th of September, 1736. His father was a wealthy pla-nter, and his mother the daughter of Robert Carter, who was for some time a member, and the President of the King's council. Carter Braxton was liberally educated at the college of William and Mary ; and on his father's death, he became possessed of a considerable fortune, consisting principally of land and slaves. At the early age of nineteen, he re- ceived a large accession to his estate by marriage. But having the misfortune to lose his wife, he soon after em- barked for England, with the view of improving himself b.y travel. He returned to America in 1760; and the o] lowing year was married to a daughter of Richard Cor- bin, of Lannerville, by whom he had sixteen children. Mr. Braxton did not study any profession, but J)ecame a gentleman planter, and lived in a style of hospitality and splendor, which was not incommensurate with his means. Upon his return from Europe, he was called to a seat in the House of Burgesses, where he was characterized for. his patriotic zeal and firmness, in all the duties which he was called upon to discharge. In 1775, Mr. Braxton was elected a delegate to Con- gress. In that body he soon after took his seat, and was present on the occasion of signing the Declaration of Independence. In June, 1776, the Convention of Vir- ginia reduced the number of their delegates in Congress, and, in consequence, he was omitted. Mr. Braxton \uas a member of the first General Assembly, under the repub- lican Constitution, which met at Williamsburg. Here he had the honor of receiving, in connexion with Thomas Jefferson, an expression of the public thanks for the " dil- igence, ability, and integrity, with which they executed the important trust reposed in them, as delegates in the general Congress." In 1786, he became a member of the Council of State, which office he held until the 30th of March, 1791. After an interval of a few years, during which he occu- LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 19 pied a seat in the House of Delegates, he was re-elected into the Executive Council. He died on the 10th of Oc- tober, 1797, by means of an attack of paralysis. Mr. Braxton was a gentleman of a polished mind, of considerable conversational powers, and respectable tal ents. His latter days were unfortunately clouded by pe- cuniary embarrassments, caused by the miscarriage of his commercial speculations, and by several vexatious lawsuits. Of his numerous family, but one daughter, it is believed, survives. CHARLES CARROLL. Charles Carroll was a descendant of Daniel Carroll, an Irish gentleman, who emigrated from England to America about the year 1689. He settled in the province of Maryland, where, a few years after, he received the appointment of Judge, and Register of the land office, and became agent for Lord Baltimore. Charles Carroll, the father of the subject of the present sketch, was born in 1702. His son, Charles Carroll, sur- named of Carrollton, was born September 8, 1737, O. S., at Annapolis, in the province of Maryland. At the age of eight years, he was sent to France for the purpose of obtaining an education. He was placed at a college of English Jesuits, at St. Omer's, where he re- mained for six years. Afterwards he staid some time at Rheims, whence he was removed to the college of Louis le Grand. On leaving college, he entered upon the study of the civil law, at Bourges ; from which place he re- turned to Paris, where he remained till 1757, in which year he removed to London, and commenced the study of law. He returned to America in 1764, an accomplished scholar, and an accomplished man. Although he had lived abroad, and might naturally be supposed to have im- bibed a predilection for the monarchical institutions of Eu- rope, he entered with great spirit into the controversy between the colonies and Great Britain, which, about the time of his arrival, was beginning to assume a most seri- ous aspect. A few years following the repeal of the Stamp Act, the 20 AMEEICAN'S OWN BOOK. violent excitement occasionea by that measure, in a de- gree subsided throughout all the colonies. In this calmer state of things the people of Maryland participated. But about the year 1771, great commotion was excittd in that province, in consequence of the arbitrary conduct of Gov- ernor Eden and his council, touching the fees of the civil officers of the Colonial Government. The controversy which grew out of this, became ex- ceedingly spirited. It involved the great principles of the revolution. Several writers of distinguished charac- ter enlisted themselves on difTerent sides of the question. Among these writers, no one Avas more conspicuous than Mr. Carroll. The natural consequence of his firmness in defence of the rights of the people was, that great confi- dence was reposed in him on their part, and he was looked up to as one who was eminently qualified to lead in the great struggle which was approaching between the colonies and the parent country. An anecdote is related of Mr. Carroll, which will illus- trate his influence with the people of Maryland. By a resolution of the delegates of Maryland, on the 22d day of June, 1774, the importation of tea was prohibited. Sometime after, however, a vessel arrived at Annapolis, having a quantity of this article on board. This becom- ing known, the people assembled in great multitudes, to take effectual measures to prevent its being landed. At length the excitement became so high, that the personal safety of the captain of the vessel became endangered. In this state of things, the friends of the captain made ap- plication to Mr. Carroll, to interpose his influence with the people in his behalf. The public indignation wa? too great to be easily allayed. This Mr. Carroll per- ceived, and advised the captain and his friends, as the only probable means of safety to himself, to set fire to the vessel, and burn it to the water's edge. This alternative was indeed severe ; but, as it was obviously a measure of necessity, the vessel was drawn out, her sails were set, her colors unfurled, in which attitude the fire was applied to her, and, in the presence of an immense concourse of people, she was consumed. This atonement was deemed satisfactory, and the captain was no farther molested. LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 21 In the early part of 1776, Mr. Carroll, whose distin- guished exertions in Maryland had become extensively known, was appointed by Congress, in connexion with Dr. Franklin and Samuel Chase, on a commission to pro- ceed to Canada, to persuade the people of that province to relinquish their allegiance to the crown of England, and unite with the Americans in their struggle for inde pendence. In the discharge of their duties, the commissioners met with unexpected difficulties. The defeat and death of Montgomery, together with the compulsion which the American troops found it necessary to exercise, in ob- taining the means of support in that province, conspired to diminish the ardor of the Canadians in favor of a union with the colonies, and even, at length, to render them hos- tile to the measure. To conciliate their affections, and to bring to a favorable result the object of their mission, the commissioners employed their utmost ingenuity and influ- ence. They issued their proclamations, in which they assured the people of the disposition of Congress to rem- edy the temporary evils, which the inhabitants suffered in consequence of the presence of the American troops, so soon as it should be in their power to provide specie, and clothing, and provisions. A strong tide, however, was now setting against the American colonies, the strength of which was much increased by the Roman Catholic priests, who, as a body, had always been opposed to any connexion with the United Colonies. Despairing of accomplishing the wishes of Congress, the commis- sioners at length abandoned the object, and returned to Philadelphia. The great subject of independence was, at this time, undergoing a discussion in the hall of Congress. The Maryland delegation, in that body, had been instructed by their Convention to refuse their assent to a declaration of independence. On returning to Maryland, Mr. Carroll resumed his seat in the Convention, and, with the advo- cates of a declaration of independence, urged the with- drawal of the above instructions, and the granting of pow- er to their delegates to unite in such a declaration. The friends of the measure had at length the happiness, on 22 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. the 28th of June, of procuring a new set of instructions, which secured the vote of the important province of Mary- land in favor of the independence of America. On the same day on which the great question was de- cided in Congress, in favor of a declaration of indepen- dence, Mr. Carroll was elected a delegate to that body from Maryland, and accordingly took his seat on the eighteenth of the same month. Although not a member of Congress at the time the question of a declaration of independence was settled, Mr. Car 'oil had the honor of greatly contributing to a mea- sure so auspicious to the interests of his country, by assist- ing in procuring the withdrawal of the prohibiting in- structions, and the adoption of a new set, by which the Maryland delegates found themselves authorized to vote for independence. He had the honor, also, of affixing his signature to the Declaration on the second of August, at which time the members generally signed an engrossed copy, which had been prepared for that purpose. A signature to the Declaration was an important step for every individual member of Congress. It exposed the signers of it to the confiscation of their estates, and the loss of life, should the British arms prove victorious. Few men had more at stake in respect to property than Mr. Carroll, he being considered the richest individual in the colonies But wealth was of secondary value in his estimation, in comparison with the rights and liber- ties of his country. t\Tien asked whether he would an- nex his name, he replied, " most willingly," and seizing a pen, instantly subscribed " to this record of glory." " There go a few millions," said some one who watched the pen as it traced the name of " Charles Carroll, of Car- rollton," on the parchment. Millions would indeed have gone, for his fortune was princely, had not success crowned the American arms, in the long-fought con- test. Mr. Carroll was continued a member of Congress until 1778, at which time he resigned his seat in that body, and devoted himself more particularly to the interest of his native State. He had served in her Convention in 1776, in the latter part of which year he had assisted in draft- LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 23 ing her Constitution. Soon after, the new Constitution went into operation, and Mr. Carroll was chosen a mem- ber of the Senate of Maryland. In 1781 he was re-elected to the same station, and in 1788, on the adoption of the Federal Constitution, was chosen to the Senate of the United States. In 1791, Mr. Carroll relinquished his seat in the Na tional Senate, and was again called to the Senate of his native State. This office he continued to hold until 1804, at which time the democratic party was successful in electing their candidate, to the exclusion of this long tried and faithful patriot. At this time, Mr. Carroll took leave of public life, and sought in retirement the quiet enjoy- ment of his family circle. Since the date of his retirement from public office, few incidents have occurred in the life of this worthy man which demand particular notice. Like a peaceful stream, his days glided along, and continued to be lengthened out, till the generation of illustrious men, with whom he acted on the memorable fourth of July, 1776, had all descended to the tomb. He died in 1832. " These last thirty years of his life," says a recent writer, " have passed away in serenity and happiness, almost unparalleled in the history of man. He has en- joyed, as it were, an Indian summer of existence, a tran- quil and lovely period, when the leaves of the forest are richly variegated, but not yet seared ; when the parent bird and the spring nestling are of the same flock, and move on equal wing ; when the day of increase and the day of the necessity of provisions are gone ; when the fruits of the earth are abundant, and the lakes of the woods are smooth and joyous, as if reflecting the bowers of Eden. Such an Indian summer has this patriot enjoyed : his life has been thrice, yea, four times blessed ; blessed in his birth and education, in his health, in his basket, and in his store ; blessed in his numerous and honorable progeny, v/hich extend to several generations ; blessed in the pro- tracted measure of his days, in which have been crowded the events of many centuries ; and blessed in the won- derful prosperity of his country, whose population has since his birth increased from nine hundred thousand 24 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. souls 10 more than twelve millions, enjoy mg the bless- ings of freemen. It is, perhaps, from the fact, that the world think it quite enough for one mortal that he should be virtuous, prosperous, and enjoy a green old age, that an analysis of his intellectual powers, or a description of his rare attainments, has seldom been attempted ; but tal- ents and attainments he had, that made him one of the most successful of the business men of the momentous period in which he lived — a period when that which the head conceived the hands were ready to execute. There were too few at that time, and those too zealous, to make the proper division of labor. The senator armed for the field, and the soldier met with the Conscript Fathers. " Mr. Carroll was an orator. His eloquence was of the smooth, gentle, satisfactory kind, delighting all, and convincing many. It is not pretended that, like John Adams, he came down upon his hearers, as with the thun- der-blast from Sinai, raising the tables of independence on high, and threatening in his wrath to break them if they were not received by the people ; nor that, like Dickin- son, he exhausted rhetoric and metaphysics to gain his end, and was forever striving to be heard ; but Carroll came to his subject well informed, thoroughly imbued with its spirit, and with happy conceptions and graceful delivery, and with chaste and delicate language, he, with- out violence, conquered the understandings, and led cap- tive the senses of his hearers. All was natural, yet sweet and polished as education could make it. He never seemed fatigued with his labors, nor faint with his exer- tions. His blood and judgment were so well commingled, that his highest efforts were as easy and natural as if he had been engaged in the course of ordinary duties. This happy faculty still continues with the patriarch, for his conversation has now that elegant vivacity and delicacy that characterized the sage Nestor of elder times, whose words fell like vernal snows, as he spake to the people. " His serenity, and in no small degree, perhaps, his longevity, may be owing to the permanency of his prin- ciples. In early life he founded his political creed on the rights of man, and reposing his faith in the religion of his fathers, he has felt none of those vacillations and LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 25 changes so common in times of political or religious agi- tations. It were good for the nation that he should long continue among us, for in his presence all party feuds are hushed ; and the demagogue, accustomed to vociferate elsewhere, in his vanity to be heard, talks not above his breath when the aged patriot is near. In a republic where titles are not known, we ought to make a peerage of talents, virtues, patriotism, and age, that every youth may learn to admire, respect, and imitate the wise and good. With all our wishes for his stay here on earth, the patriarch must soon be gathered to his fathers, and his name given to the historian and the poet. The bard shall then strike his harp and sing, ' in strains not light nor melancholy,' but with admiration, touched with reli- gious hope, — " Full of years and honors' through the gate Of painless slumber he retired. And as a river pure Meets in its course a subterraneous void, Then dips his silver head, again to rise, And rising glides through fields and meadows new So hath Oileus in those happy climes, Where joys ne'er fade, nor the soul's powers decay But youth and spring eternal bloom." The name of Carroll is the only one on the Declaration to which the residerice of the signer is appended. The reason why it was done in this case, is understood to be as follows : — The patriots who signed that document, did it, almost literally, with ropes about their necks, it being generally supposed that they would, if unsuccessful, be hung as rebels. When Carroll had signed his name, some one at his elbow remarked, " You '11 get clear — there are several of that name — they will not know which to take." " Not so," replied he, and immediately added, '' of Carrolhon." In 1827, the Editor of the Philadelphia National Ga- zette published a biography of Mr. Carroll, which ap- peared in the American Quarterly Review. He records the following fact : — In 1825, one of Mr. Carroll's grand-daughters was married to the Marquis of Wellesloy, then Viceroy of 3 26 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK, Ireland ; and it is a singular circumstance that one hun- dred and forty years after the first emigration of her ancestors to America, this lady should become vice-queen of the country from which they fled, at the summit of a system which a more immediate ancestor had risked everything to destroy ; or, in the energetic and poetical language of Bishop England, " that in the land from which the father's father fled in fear, his daughter's daughter now reigns as queen." From the same publication, it appears that Mr. Carroll, some years before our revolutionary war, wrote to a member of the British Parliament as follows : — " Your thousands of soldiers may come, but they will be masters of the spot only on which they encamp. They will find naught but enemies before and around them. If we are beaten on the plains, we will retreat to the mountains and defy them. Our resources will increase with our difliculties. Necessity will force us to exertion : until tired of combating in vain against a spirit which victory cannot subdue, your armies Avill evacuate our soil, and your country retire, an immense loser, from the con- test. No, sir — we have made up our minds to abide the issue of the approaching struggle ; and though much blood may be spilled; we have no doubt of our ultimate success." His whole career, says Mr. Walsh, public and private, suited the dignity of his distinctive appellation — the Sur- viving Signer. He was always a model of regularity in conduct and sedateness in judgment. In natural saga- city, in refinement of tastes and pleasure \, in unaffected habitual courtesy, in vigilant observation, vivacity of spirit and tone, susceptibility of domestic and social hap- piness in the best forms, he had but few equals during the greater part of his bright and long existence. The mind of Mr. Carroll was highly cultivated ; he fully im- proved the advantages of an excellent classical education and extensive foreign travel ; he read much of ancient and modern literature, anal gave the keenest attention to con- temporary events and characters. His patriotism never lost its earnestness and elevation. It was our good for- tune, in our youth, to pass months at a time under his LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 27 roof, and we never left his mansion without additional impressions of peculiar respect for the singular* felicity of temperament and perfection of self-discipline, from which it resulted that no one, neither kindred, domestic nor guest, could feel his presence and society as in the least oppressive or irksome — exact and systematic, opulent and honored, enlightened and heedful though he was. The announcement of the death of Charles Carroll, was made as follows in one of the Baltimore papers of the date : " It becomes our painful duty to announce to our read- ers the demise of the last surviving signer of the Decla- ration of Independence. Charles Carroll of Carrollton is no more ! He expired at 4 o'clock yesterday morning. Thus, one after another, the luminaries of the Revolution are leaving this stage of action, and soon the whole of the bright galaxy, which in those dark days adorned the land, must be numbered with the silent dead, and live only in the g-rateful recollection of those for whom they have pur- chased liberty, independence, prosperity and happiness. Here and there a solitary star remains, to attract the eye and warm the hearts of those who love and admire them for their virtues and their services. Mr. Carroll had reached a good old age ; and had the happiness to see this young republic, Avhich he had performed so promi- nent a part in aiding to establish, emerge from obscurity and take a station among the most powerful of the nations of the earth. He had lived to see her pass triumphantly through a second war with the mistress of the seas, as England has been long denominated, in which the proud lion was a second time compelled to cower beneath the power of the eagle ; to see her banner waving over every sea, and her prowess acknowledged and feared in every land. He has lived to Avitness the anomaly in the rec- ords of the world, of a powerful people almost entirely clear of debt, and without any dangerous or distracting controversy subsisting with any foreign power, which can be thought likely to require the expenditure of money for the maintenance of her rights. He saw the people for whom he had toiled, and pledged his life, his fortune, and his sacred honor, united, prosperous and happy, and lived 28 AMEEICAN'S O^VN BOOK. to see a worthy fellow-citizen elected a second tiir e to the Chief Magistracy of the nation by an almost unanimous voice, embracing a large portion of every section of the Union ; thus evincing that there is no reason to appre- hend any danger of a severance of this happy Union. In casting a retrospective glance over th^ path he had trod- den in the course of his eventful life, how it warmed and animated his heart ! It was a subject upon which he al- ways delighted to dwell ; and whenever it was touched upon, it caused him almost to forget his age, and to put on the vigor and fire of youth. " In his own immediate neighborhood, in the place of a small and obscure village, he lived to see a large and populous city spring up, and assume a station the third only in the Union in point of extent, wealth, and com- mercial enterprise, and inhabited by a virtuous and gal- lant people, partaking of his feelings, and following his bright and glorious example. What more could a mor- tal desire to witness? The cup of happiness with, him was full to overflowing. He has fought a good fight, and his triumph has been complete. He has now run his race, and his remains repose in silence, and his grateful countrymen are showering their benedictions upon him. Peace to his ashes ! May his brilliant example long serve to animate the hearts and nerve the arms of his countrymen." SAMUEL CHASE. Samuel Chase was born in Somerset county, Mary- land, in 1741. He was educated by his father, a distin- guished clergyman, who had emigrated to America, and whose attainments in classical literature were of a very superior order. Under such instruction, the son soon outstripped most of his compeers, and at the age of eigh- teen was sent to Annapolis to commence the study of the law. He was admitted to the bar in that town at the age of twenty, and soon after connected himself in marriage with a lady, by whom he had two sons and two daughters. The political career of Mr Cha»3 may be dated from LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 29 the year 1774, vhen he was sent to the Congress of Phil- adelphia, as a delegate from his native State. This sta- tion he continued to occupy for several j^ears. In 1776, he was appointed, in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin and Charles Carroll, to proceed to Canada, for the pur- pose of inducing the inhabitants to cancel their allegiance to Great Britain, and join the American Confederacy. Although the expedition proved unsuccessful, the zeal and ability of the commissioners w^ere never, for a mo- ment, brought into question. On his return to Philadelphia, Mr. Chase found the question of independence in agitation, in Congress. The situation of the Maryland delegation, at this juncture, was embarrassing. They had been expressly prohibited, by their constituents, from voting in favor of a declara- tion of independence ; and as they had accepted their ap- pointments under this restriction, they did not feel at lib- erty to give their active support to such a measure. It was not compatible with the spirit of Mr. Chase quietly to endure such a situation. He left Congress and pro- ceeded to Maryland. He traversed the province, and, assisted by his colleagues, awakened the people to a sense of patriotism and liberty, and persuaded them to send ad- dresses to the Convention, then sitting at Annapolis, in favor of independence. Such an expression of popular feeling the Convention could not resist, and at length gave an unanimous vote for the measure of independence. With this vote Mr. Chase hastened to Philadelphia, where he arrived in time to take his seat on Monday morning, having rode, on the two previous days, one hun- dred and fifty miles. On the day of his arrival, the res- olution to issue a declaration of independence came be- fore the house, and he had the privilege of uniting with a majority in favor of it. Mr. Chase continued a bold, elo- quent and efficient member of Congress throughout the war, when he returned to the practice of his profession. In 1783, Mr. Chase visited England, on behalf of the State of Maryland, for the purpose of reclaiming a large amount of property, \vhich, while a colony, she had entrusted to the Bank of England. He continued in England about a year, during which time he became ac- 30 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. qua nted with many of the most distinguished men of that country, among whom were Burke, Pitt, and Fox. While in England he was marr.ed to his second wife, the daughter of Dr. Samuel Giles, of Kentbury, with whom, in 1784, he returned to America. In the year 1786, at the invitation of his friend, Colonel Howard, who had generously presented him with a portion of land hi Baltimore, he removed to that city. On this occasion the corporation of Annapolis tendered to Mr. Chase the expressions of their respect in a flattering address, to which he made a suitable reply. In 1791, he accepted the appointment of Chief Justice of the General Court of Maryland. In the year 1794, a circumstance took place in Balti- more, in which Judge Chase evinced considerable firm- ness and energy of character. Two men had been tarred and feathered in the public streets, on an occasion of some popular excitement. The investigation of the case was undertaken by him, in the issue of which he caused two respectable and influential individuals to be arrested as ringleaders. On being arraigned before the court they refused to give bail. Upon this the Judge informed them that they must go to jail. Accordingly, he directed the sheriff to take one of the prisoners to jail. This the sheriff declared he could not do as he apprehended re- sistance. " Summon the posse comitatus, then," ex- claimed the Judge. " Sir," said the sheriff, " no one will serve." " Summon me, then," said Judge Chase, in a tone of lofty indignation ; " Twill be the posse comitatus, and I will take him to jail." In 1796, Judge Chase was appointed by Washington an associate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, a station which he occupied for fifteen years, and which he supported with great dignity and ability. It was his ill fortune, however, to have his latter days em- bittered by an impeachment by the House of Representa- tives, at Washington. This impeachment originated in political animosities, from the offence which his conduct in the Circuit Court had given to the democratic party. The articles of impeachment originally reported were six in number, to which tw(D others were afterwards added- LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 31 On five of the charges a majority of the Senate acquitted him. On the others a majority was against him ; but as a vote of two-thirds is necessary to conviction, he was acquitted of the whole. This celebrated trial commenced on the second of January, and ended on the fifth of March, 1805. Judge Chase continued to exercise his judicial func- tions till 1811, when his health failed him, and he expired on the nineteenth of June in that year. In his dying hour he appeared calm and resigned. He was a firm believer in Christianity, and partook of the sacrament but a short time before his death, declaring himself to be in peace w^ith all mankind. In his will he directed that no mourning should be worn for him, and requested that only his name, with the dates of his birth and death, should be inscribed upon his tomb. He was a sincere patriot, and, though of an irascible temperament, was a man of high intellect and undaunted courage. ABRAHAM CLARK. The quiet and unobtrusive course of life which Mr. Clark pursued, furnishes few materials for biography.' He was born in Elizabethtown, New Jersey, on the 15th of February, 1726. He was an only child, and his early education, although confined to English branches of study, was respectable. For the mathematics and the civil law, he discovered an early predilection. He was bred a farmer, but not being of a robust constitution, he turned his attention to surveying, conveyancing, and im- parting legal advice. As he performed the latter service gratuitously, he was called " the poor man's counsellor." Mr. Clark's habits of life and generosity of character soon rendered him popular, and on the commencement of the troubles with the mother country, he was chosen one of the New Jersey delegation to the Continental Congress. Ut this body he was a member for a considerable period, and was conspicuous for his sound patriotism and his unwavering decision. A few days after he took his seat lor the first time, as p member of Congress, he was called 32 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. upon to vote for, or against, the proclamation of indepen- dence. But he was at no loss on which side to throw his influence, and readily signed the Declaration, which placed in peril his fortune and individual safety. Mr. Clark frequently after this time represented New Jersey in the national councils ; and was also often a member of the State Legislature. He was elected a rep- resentative in the second Congress, under the Federal Constitution ; an appointment which he held until a short time previous to his death. Two or three of the sons of Mr. Clark were oJEficers in the army during the revolu- tionary struggle. Unfortunately, they were captured by the enemy. During a part of their captivity, their suffer- ings were extreme, being confined in the notorious prison- ship, Jersey. Painful as was the condition of his sons, Mr. Clark scrupulously avoided calling the attention of Congress to the subject, excepting in a single instance. One of his sons, a captain of artillery, had been cast into a dungeon, where he received no other food than that which was conveyed to him by his fellow-prisoners through a key-hole. On a representation of these facts to Congress, that body immediately directed a course of retaliation on a British officer. This had the desired effect, and Captain Clark's condition was improved. On the adjournment of Congress, in June, 1794, Mr. Clark retired from public life. He did not live long, however, to enjoy the limited comforts he possessed. In the autumn of the same year, a stroke of the sun put an end to his existence, after it had been lengthened out to sixty-nine years. The church at Rahway contains his mortal remains, and a marble slab marks the spot where they are deposited. It bears the following inscription : Firm and decided as a patriot. Zealous and faithful as a friend to the public, he loved his country, and adhered to her cause arkest hour of her s against oppression. VES oF THE SIGNERS. 33 GEORGE CLYMER. George Clymer was born in the city of Philadelphia, in 1739. His father emigrated from Bristol, in England, and became connected by marriage with a lady of Phila- delphia. Young Clymer was left an orphan at the age of seven years, and after the completion of his studies he entered the counting-house of his maternal uncle. At a subsequent period, he established himself in business, in connection with Mr. Robert Ritchie, and afterwards with a father and son of the name of Meredith, a daughter of the former of whom he married. Although engaged in mercantile pursuits for many years, Mr. Clymer was never warmly attached to them, but devoted a great part of his time to literature and the study of the fine arts. He became also well versed in the principles of law, history, and politics, and imbibed an early detestation of arbitrary rule and oppression. When all hopes of conciliation with the parent country had failed, he was one of the foremost to adopt measures ne- cessary for a successful opposition. He accepted a cap- tain's commission in a company of volunteers, raised for the defence of the province, and vigorously opposed, in 1773, the sale of tea, which tended indirectly to levy a tax upon the Americans, without their consent. He was appointed chairman of a committee to wait upon the consignees of the oifensive article, and request them not to sell it. The consequence was, that not a single pound of tea was offered for sale in Philadelphia. In 1775, Mr. Clymer was chosen a member of the council of safety, and one of the first continental treasur- ers. On the 20th of July, of the following year, he was elected a member of the Continental Congress. Though not present when the vote was taken in relation to a dec- laration of independence, he had the honor of affixing his signature to that instrument in the following month. In December, Congress, finding it necessary to adjourn to Baltimore, in consequence of the advance of the British army towards Philadelphia, left Mr. Clymer, Robert Mor- ris, and George Walton, a committee to transact such 3 34 AMEKICAN'S OWN BOOK. business as remained unfinished, in that city. In 1777, Mr. Clymer was again a member of Congress ; and his labors during that session being extremely arduous, he was obliged to retire for a season, to repair his health. In the autumn of the sime year, his family, which then resided in the county of Chester, suffered severely from an attack of the British ; escaping only, with the sacrifice of considerable property. Mr. Clymer w^as then in Phil- adelphia. On the a rival of the enemy in that place, they sought out his place of residence, and were only diverted from razing it to the ground, by learning that it did not belong to him. During the same year, he was sent, in conjunction with others, to Pittsburg, to enlist warriors from the Shawnese and Delaware tribes of In- dians, on the side of the United States. While residing at Pittsburg, he narrowly escaped death from the tomahawk, by accidentally turning :rom a road, where he afterwards learned a party of hostile savages lay encamped. On the occasion of the establishment of a bank by Robert Morris and other patriotic citizens of Philadelphia, for the purpose of relieving the army, Mr. Clymer, who gave his active support to the measure, was chosen direc- tor of the institution. He was again elected to Con- gress in 1780, and for two years was a laborious member of that body. In 1782, he removed with his family to Princeton, (N. J.,) but in 1784, he was summoned by the citizens of his native State, to take a part m their Gen- eral Assembly. He afterwards represented Pennsylvania in Congress for two years ; when, declining a re-election, he closed his long and able legislative career. In 1791, Congress passed a bill imposing a duty on spirits distilled in the United States. To the southern and western part of the country, this measure proved very offensive. Mr. Clj^mer was placed at the head of the excise department in the State of Philadelphia ; but he was soon induced to resign the disagreeable office. In 1796, he was appointed, with Colonel Hawkins and Colonel Pickens, to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokee and Creek Indians, in Georgia. He sailed for Savanndh, accompanied by his wife. The voyage proved extremely unpleasan, and perilois; but having completed the busi- LHES OF THE SIGNERS. 35 ness of the mission, they returned to Philadelphia. Mr. Clymer was afterwards called to preside over the Phila- delphia Bank, and the Academy of Fine Arts. He held these offices till the period of his death, which took place on the 23d of January, 1818, in the seventy- fourth year of his age. He was of a studious and contemplative cast of mind, and eager to promote every scheme for the im- provement of his country. His intellect was strong and cultivated, his character amiable and pure, and his in- tegrity inviolable. He was singularly punctual in the discharge of his duties, and was a man of extensive in- formation and the smallest pretensions. WILLIAM ELLERY. William Ellery was born in Newport, Rhode Island, December 22d, 1727. He w^as graduated at Harvard College, in his twentieth year, and entered upon the practice of the law, at Newport, after the usual prepara- tory course. He acquired a competent fortune from his profession, and received the esteem and confidence of his fellow-citizens. Mr. Ellery was elected a delegate to the Congress of 1776, and took his seat in that body on the 17th of May. Here he soon became an efficient and influential member, and during the session signed the Declaration of Inde- pendence. Of this transaction he frequently spoke. He relates having placed himself beside secretary Thom|!^son, that he might observe how the members looked^ as they put their names to their death-ivarrant. He tasked his powers of penetration, but could discover no symptom of fear among them, though all seemed impressed with the solemnity of the occasion. In 1777, Mr. Ellery was ap- pointed one of the marine committee of Congress, and is supposed to have first recommended the plan of prepar- ing fireships, and sending them out from the State of Rhode Island. He shared considerably in the common loss of property, which was sustained by the inhabitants of Newport, on the occasion of the British taking pos- session of that town. 36 AMEKIC^N'S OWN BOOK. Mr. Ellery continued a member of Congress until the year 1785, when he retired to his native State. He was successively a commissioner of the continental loan ofhce, a Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Rhode Island, and collector of the customs for the town of Newport. He retained the latter office till the day of his death, which occurred on the 15th of February, 1820, at the advanced age of ninety years. The springs of existence seemed to have worn out by gradual and imperceptible degrees. On the day of his death, he had risen, as usual, and rested in his chair, employed in reading " Cicero de Officiis." While thus engaged, his family physician called to see him. On feeling his pulse, he found that it had ceased to beat. A draught of wine and water quick- ened it into motion, however, once more, and being placed and supported on the bed, he continued reading, until his bodily functions no longer afforded a tenement for the immortal spirit, and discontinued their operations. Mr. Ellery was a man of much humility of spirit, and manifested an uncommon disregard of the applause of men. He looked upon the world and its convulsions with religious serenity, and in times of trouble and alarm consoled himself and others with the pious reflection of the Psalmist, " The Lord reigneth." WILLIAM FLOYD. William Floyd was born on Long Island, December 17th, 1734. His father died while he was yet young, and left him heir to a large estate. His education ^vas somewhat limited, but his native powers being respecta- ble, he improved himself by his intercourse with the opulent and intelligent families of his neighborhood. At an early period of the controversy between the col- onies and mother country, Mr. Floyd w^armly interested himself in the cause of the former. His devotion to the popular side led to his appointment as a delegate from New York to the first Continental Congress. In the measures adopted by that body he most heartily concur- red. He was re-elected a delegate the following year, LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 37 and continued a member of Congress until after the De- claration of Independence. On that occasion, he affixed his signature to the instrument, which gave such a mo- mentous direction to the fate of a growing nation. He likewise served on numerous important committees, and rendered essential service to the patriotic cause. Mr. Floyd suffered severely from the destructive effects of the war upon his property, and for nearly seven years, his family were refugees from their habitation, nor did he derive any benefit from his landed estate. In 1777, General Floyd (he received this appellation from his having commanded the militia on Long Island) was ap- pointed a Senator of the State of New York. In 1778, he was again chosen to represent his native State in the Continental Congress. From this time, until the expira- tion of the first Congress, under the Federal Constitution, General Floyd was either a member of the National As- sembly, or of the Senate of New York. In 1784, he purchased an uninhabited tract of land on the Mohawk river. To the improvement of this tract, he devoted the leisure of several successive summers ; and hither he re- moved his residence, in 1803. He continued to enjoy unusual health, until a few days previous to his decease, when a general debility fell" upon him, and he died August 4th, 1821, at the age of eighty-seven years. Gen. Floyd was uniform and independent in his conduct ; and if public estimation be a just criterion of his merii, he was excelled by few, since, for more than fifty years, he was honored with offices of trust and responsibility, by his fellow-citizens. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. Benjamin Franklin, the statesman and philosopher, was born in Boston, on the 17th of January, 1706. His father emigrated from England, and had recourse for a livelihood to the business of a chandler and soap-boiler. His mother was a native of Boston and belonged to a respectable family of the name of Folger. Young Franklin was placed at a grammar school, at 4 * 38 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. an early age out, at the expiration of a year, was taken home to assist his father in his business. In this occu- pation he continued two years, when he became heartily tired of cutting wicks for candles, filling moulds, and run- ning errands. He resolved to embark on ?. seafaring life ; but his parents objected, having already lost a son at sea. Having a passionate fondness for books, he was finally apprenticed as a printer to his brother, who at that time published a newspaper in Boston. It was while he was in this situation, that he began to try his powers of literary composition. Street ballads and articles in a newspaper were his first efforts. Many of his essays, which were inserted anonymously, were highly com- mended by people of taste. Dissatisfied with the manner in which he was treated by his relative, he, at the age of seventeen, privately quitted him, and went to Philadel- phia. The du.Y following his arrival, he wandered through the streets of that city with an appearance little short of a beggar. His pockets were distended by his clothes, which were crowded into them ; and, provided with a roll of bread under each each arm, he proceeded through the principal streets of the city. His ludicrous appearance attracted the notice of several of the citizens, and, among others, of Miss Reed, the lady whom he after- wards married. He soon obtained employment as a printer, and was exemplary in the discharge of his duties. Deluded by a promise of patronage from the governor, Sir William Keith, Franklin visited England to procure the necessary materials for establishing a printing-office in Philadelphia. He was accompanied by his friend Ralph, one of his literary associates. On their arrival in London, Franklin found that he had been deceived ; and he was obliged to work as a journeyman for eighteen months. In the British metropolis, the morals of neither of our adventurers were improved. Ralph conducted as if he had forgotten that he had a wife and child across the Atlantic; and Franklin was equally unmindful of his pledges to Miss Reed. About this period he published " A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." In 1726, Franklin returned to Philadelphia ; not long LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 39 after which, he entered into business as a printer and stationer, and, in 1728, established a newspaper. In 1730, he married the lady to whom he was engaged pre- vious to his leaving America. In 1732, he began to pub- lish " Poor Richard's Almanac," a work which was con- tinued for twenty-five years, and which, besides answer- ing the purposes of a calendar, contained many excellent prudential maxims, which rendered it very useful and popular. Ten thousand copies of this almanac were pub- lished every year in America, and the maxims contained in it were often translated into the languages of Europe. The political career of Franklin commenced in 1736, when he was appointed clerk to the General Assembly of Pennsylvania. His next office was the valuable one of postmaster ; and he was subsequently chosen as a rep- resentative. He assisted in the establishment of the American Philosophica Society, and of a college, which now exists under the tit.e of the University of Pennsyl- vania. Chiefly by his exertions, a public library, a fire-preventing company, an insurance company, and a voluntary association for defence, were established at Philadelphia. He was chosen a member of the Provin- cial Assembly, to which body he was annually re-elected for ten years. Philosophy now began to attract his attention, and, in 1749, he made those inquiries into the nature of electricity, the results of which placed him high among the men of science of the age. The experi- ment of the kite is well known. He had conceived the idea of explaining the phenomena of lightning upon elec- trical principles. While waiting for the erection of a spire for the trial of his theory, it occurred to him that he might have more ready access to the regions of the clouds by means of a common kite. He accordingly prepared one for the purpose, affixing to the upright stick an iron point. The string was, as usual, of hemp, except the lower end, which was silk, and where the hempen part terminated, a key was fastened. With this simple ap- paratus, on the appearance of a thunder-cloud, he went into the fields, accompanied by his son, to whom alone he communicaisd his intentions, dreading probably the ridicule which frequently attends unsuccessful attempts 40 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. in experimental philosophy. For some time no sign of electricity presented itself; he was beginning to despair of success, when he suddenly observed the loose fibres of the string to start forward in an erect position. He now presented his knuckle to the key, and received a strong spark. On this depended the fate of his theory : repeated sparks were drawn from the key, a phial was charged, a shock given, and all the experiments made which are usually performed with electricity. This great discovery he applied to the securing of buildings from the effects of lightning. In 1753, Dr. Franklin was appointed deputy postmas- ter-general of British America. In this station, he ren- dered important services to General Braddock, in his expedition against Fort Du Quense, and marched at the head of a company of volunteers to the protection of the frontier. He visited England, in 1757, as agent for the State of Philadelphia; and was also entrusted by the other colonies with important business. While in Lon- don, he wrote a pamphlet, pointing out the advantages of a conquest of Canada by the English ; and his arguments are believed to have conduced considerably to that event. About this period, his talents as a philosopher were duly appreciated in various parts of Europe. He was admit- ted a fellow of the Royal Society of London, and the de- gree of Doctor of Laws was conferred upon him at St. Andrews, Edinburgh, and at Oxford. In 1762, he returned to America, and in 1764 was again appointed the agent of Philadelphia, to manage her con- cerns in England, in which country he arrived in the month of December. About this period the stamp act was exciting violent commotions in America. To this measure. Doctor Franklin was strongly opposed, and he presented a petition against it, which, at his suggestion, had been drawn up by the Pennsylvania Assembly. Among others, he was summoned before the House of Commons, where he underwent a long examination. His answers were fearless and decisive, and to his represen- tations the repeal of the act was, no doubt, in a great measure, attributable. In the years 1766-67, he made an excursion to Holland, Germany, and France, where LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 41 he met with a most flattering- reception. He was chosen a member of the French Academy of Sciences, and re- ceived diplomas from many other learned societies. Certain letters had been written by Governor Hutchin son, addressed to his friends in England, which reflected m the severest manner upon the people of America. These letters had fallen iiito the hands of Doctor Frank- lin, and by him had been transmitted to America, where they were at length inserted in the public journals. For a time, no one in England knew through what channel the letters had been conveyed to America. In 1773, Franklin publicly avowed himself to be the person who obtained the letters and transmitted them to America. This produced a violent clamor against him, and upon his attending before the privy council, in the following January, to present a petition from the colony of Massa- chusetts, for the dismissal of Governor Hutchinson, a most abusive invective was pronounced against him by Mr. Weddeburne, afterwards Lord Loughborough. Among other epithets, the honorable member called Franklin a coward, a murderer, and a thief. During the whole of this insulting harangue, Franklin sat with a composed and unaverted aspect, " as if his countenance had been made of wood." Throughout this personal and public outrage, the whole assembly seemed greatly amused at Doctor Franklin's expense. The president even laughed aloud. There was a single person present, however, Lord North, who, to his honor be it recorded, expressed great disap- probation of the indecent conduct of the assembly. The intended insult, however, was entirely lost. The cool- ness and dignity of Franklin soon discomposed his ene- mies, who were compelled to feel the superiority of his character. Their animosity caused him to be removed from the office of postmaster-general, interrupted the payment of his salary as agent for the colonies, and finally instituted agamst him a suit in chancery concern- ing the letters of Hutchinson. Despairing of restoring harmony between the colonies and mother country, Doctcr Franklin embarked for Amer- ica, where he arrived in 1776. He was received with every mark of esteem a: d admiration. He was imme 4# 42 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. diately elected a delegate to the General Congress, and signed the Declaration of Independence. In 1776, he was deputed with others to proceed to Canada, to per- suade the people of that province to throw off the British yoke ; but the inhabitants of Canada had been so much disgusted with the zeal of the people of New England, who had burnt some of their chapels, that they refused to listen to the proposals made to them by,. Franklin and his associates. In 1778, he was despatched by Congress, as ambassador to France. The treaty of alliance with the French government, and the treaties of peace, in 1782 and 1783, as well as treaties with Sweden and Prussia, were signed by him. On his reaching Philadelphia, in September, 1785, his arrival was hailed by applauding thousands of his countrymen, who conducted him in triumph to his residence. This was a period of which he always spoke Avith peculiar pleasure. In 1788, he withdrew'from public life, and on the 17th of April, 1790, he expired in the city of Philadelphia, in the eighty- fourth year of his age. Congress directed a general mourning for him throughout the United States ; and the National Assembly of France decreed that each member should wear mourning for three days. Doctor Franklin lies buried in the north-west corner of Christ Church yard, in Philadelphia. In his will he directed that no monumental ornaments should mark his grave. A small marble slab points out the spot where he lies. Doctor Franklin had two children, a son and a daugh- ter. The son, under the British government, was ap- pointed governor of New Jersey. On the breaking out of the revolution he took up his residence in England, where he spent the remainder of his days. The daughter was lespectably married in Philadelphia, to Mr. William Bache, whose descendants still reside in that city. In stature. Dr. Franklin was above the middle size He possessed a sound constitution, and his countenance indicated a placid state of mind, great depth of thought, and an inflexible resolution. In youth he took a sceptical turn with regard to religion, but his strength of mind led liim to fortify himself against vice by such moral princi- ples as directed him to the most valuable ends, by honor- LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 43 able means. According to the testimony of his most intimate friend, Dr. William Smith, he became, in ma- turer years, a believer in divine revelation. The follow- ing epitaph on himself was written by Doctor Franklin many years previously to his death : — The body of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, Printer, like the cover of an old book, its contents torn out, and stript of its lettering and gilding, lies here, food for worms. Yet the work itself shall not be lost ; for it will (as he believed) appear once more in a new and more beautiful edition, corrected and amended by the Author. ELBRIDGE GERRY. Elbridge Gerry was born at Marblehead, in the State of Massachusetts, July 17th, 1744. He became a mem- ber of Harvard college before his fourteenth year, and on leaving the university, engaged in commercial pursuits at Marblehead, under the direction of his father. His inclination would have led him to the study of medicine ; but great success attended his mercantile enterprise, and, in a few years, he found himself in the enjoyment of a competent fortune. In May, 1772, Mr.,. Gerry was chosen a representative to the General Court of Massachusetts, to which office he was re-elected the following year. During this year he was appointed one of the committee of correspondence and inquiry. In June, the celebrated letters of Governor Hutchinson to persons in England were laid before the House by Mr. Adams. In the debates on this disclosure Mr. Gerry highly distinguished himself. He was also particularly active in the scenes of 1774. He was a member of the Provincial Congress which met at Con- cord, and powerfully contributed to the measures of op- position which led to the Revolution. In 1775, the new 44 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. Provincial Congress, of which he was one, assembled at Cambridge. In this body he evinced a degree of patri- otic' intrepidity which was surpassed by none. A committee of Congress, among whom were Mr. Gerry, Colonel Orne, and Colonel Hancock, had been in session in the village of Menotomy, then part of the township of Cambridge. The latter gentleman, after the close of the session, had gone to Lexington. Mr. Gerry and Mr. Orne remained at the village ; the other mem- bers of the committee had dispersed. Some officers of the royal army had passed through the villages just be- fore dusk, and the circumstance so far attracted the atten- tion of Mr. Gerry, that he despatched an express to Col. Hancock, who, with Samuel Adams, was at Lexington. Mr. Gerry and Col. Orne retired to rest, without taking the least precaution against personal exposure, and they remained quietly in their beds, until the British advance were within view of the dwelling house. It was a beau- tiful night, and the polished arms of the soldiers glittered in the moon-beams as they moved on in silence. The front passed on. When the centre were opposite the house occupied by the committee, an officer and file of men were detached by signal, and marched towards it. The inmates for whom they were in search found means to escape, half-dressed, into an adjoining cornfield, where they remained concealed until the troops were withdrawn. Every part of the house was searched " for the members of the rebel Congress ;" even the beds in which they had lain were examined. But their property, and, among other things, a valuable watch of Mr. Gerry's, which was under his pillow, were undisturbed. On the 17th day of June, the memorable battle of Bun- ker Hill was fought. The Provincial Congress was at that time in session at Watertown. Before the battle. Dr. Joseph Warren, President of the Congress, who was the companion and room-mate of Mr. Gerry, communicated to him his intention of mingling in the approaching con- test. The night preceding the Doctor's departure to the scene of battle, he is said to have lodged in the same bed with Mr. Gerry. In the morning, in reply to the admo- nitions of his friend, he uttered the well-known words, LIVES Ot THE SIGNERS. 45 " Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori."=^ The sweet- ness and the glory, he but too truly experienced, and died one of the earliest victims to the cause of his country's freedom. In 1775, Mr. Gerry proposed a law in the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, to encourage the fitting out of armed vessels, and to provide for the adjudication of prizes. This important measure was passed, and under its sanction several of the enemy's vessels, with valuable cargoes, were captured. In 1776, Mr. Gerry was chosen a delegate to the Continental Congress, in which body he shortly after took his seat. His services in this ca- pacity were numerous and important. Having matried in New York, he returned to his native State, and fixed his residence at Cambridge, a few miles from Boston. In 1787, Mr. Gerry was chosen a delegate to the Con- vention which assembled at Philadelphia, to revise the articles of confederation. To him there appeared strong objections to the Federal Constitution, and he declined affixing his signature to the instrument. But when that Constitution had gone into effect, and he was chosen a representative to Congress, he cheerfully united in its support, since it had received the sanction of the country. In 1797, Mr. Gerry was appointed to accompany Gen- eral Pinckney and Mr. Marshall on a special mission to France. On their arrival in Paris, the tools of the gov- ernment made the extraordinary demand of a large sum of money, as the condition of any negotiation. This being refused, the ridiculous attempt Avas made by the Directory, to excite their fears for themselves and their country. In the spring of 1798, two of the envoys, Messrs. Pinckney and Marshall, were ordered to quit the territories of France, while Mr. Gerry was invited to remain, and resume the negotiation which had been sus- pended. He accepted the invitation to remain, but reso- lutely refused to resume the negotiation. His object in remaining was to prevent an immediate rupture with France, which, it was feared, would result from his de- parture. His continuance seems to have eventuated in * It is sweet and glorious to die fci one's country. 46 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. the good of his country. "■ He finally saved the peace of the nation," said the late President Adams, " for he alone discovered and furnished the evidence that X, Y, and Z, were employed by Talleyrand ; and he alone brought home the direct, formal, and official assurances, upon which the subsequent commission proceeded, and peace was made." Mr. Gerry returned to America in 1798, and in 1805 was elected by the republican party. Governor of Massa- chusetts. In the following year he retired, but in 1810 was again chosen chief magistrate of that commonwealth, which office he held for two succeeding years. In 1812 he was elected Vice President of the United States, into which office he was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1813. While attending to his duties at Washington, he was suddenly summoned from the scene of his earthly labors. A beautiful monument, erected at the national expense, bears the following inscription : — THE TOMB OF ELBRIDGE GERRY, Vice President of the United States, who died suddenly, in this city, on his way to the Capitol, as President of the Senate, November 23d, 1814, Asred 70. BUTTON GWINNETT. Button Gwinnett was born in England, about the year 1732, and on coming of age became a merchant in the city of Bristol. Some time after his marriage in his native country, he removed to Charleston, South Carolina, and having continued there two years, he purchased a large tract of land in Georgia, Avhere he became exten- sively engaged in agricultural pursuits. Mr. Gwinnett had long taken a deep interest in the welfare of the colonies ; but he despaired of a successful resistance to Great Britain. His sentiments on this point, however, underwent a great change, and he became a warm advocate for opposing the unjust exactions of the mother country In 1776, he was elected a representa- a^'ES OF THE SIGNERS. i7 live of the province of Georgia, in Congress. He accord- ingly repaired to Philadelphia, and took his seat in the national council, to which he was re-elected the ensuing year. He was afterwards a member of the Convention held at Savannah, to frame a Constitution for the State, and is said to have furnished the outlines of the Consti- tution which was finally adopted. On the death of the President of the Provincial Council, Mr. Gwinnett was elected to the vacant station. In this situation he seems to have indulged in an unbecoming hostility towards an old political rival. Colonel M'Intosh : adopting several expedients to mortify his adversary, and never divesting himself of his embittered hatred towards him. In an ex- pedition which he had projected against East Florida, Mr. Gwinnett designed to command the continental troops and militia of Georgia himself, thereby excluding Colonel M'Intosh from the command even of his own brigade. Just at this period it became necessary to convene the Legislature. In consequence of his official duties, Mr. Gwinnett was prevented from proceeding on the expedi- tion. He therefore appointed to the command a subordi- nate officer of M'Intosh's brigade. The expedition failed entirely, and contributed to defeat the election of Mr. Gwinnett as Governor of the State. This failure blasted his hopes, and brought his political career to a close. M'Intosh was foolish enough to exult in the mortification of his adversary. The consequence was, that Mr. Gwin- nett presented him a challenge, They fought at the dis- tance of only tAvelve feet. Both were severely wounded. The wound of Mr. Gwinnett proved fatal. He expired on the 27th of May, 1777, in the forty-fifth year of his age, — a melancholy instance of the misery produced by harboring in the heart the absorbing passion of rancorous envy. In person Mr. Gwinnett was tall, and of d noble ap- pearance. In his temper he was irritable ; but in his manners courteous, graceful and polite. 48 AMEEICAN'S OWN BO S. LYMAN HALL. Lyman Hall was born in Connecticut, about the year 173L After receiving a collegiate education, and acq^iir- ing a competent knowledge of medicine, he removed to Georgia, where he established himself in his profession, in Sunbury, in the district of Medway. On the com- mencement of the struggle with Great Britain, he accept- ed of a situation in the parish of St. John, which was a frontier settlement, and exposed to incursions of the Creek Indians, and of the royalists of Florida. The parish of St. John, at an early period, entered with spirit into the opposition to the mother country, while the rest of Geor- gia, generally, maintained diiferent sentiments. So widely opposite were the feelings of this patriotic parish to those of the other inhabitants of the province, that an almost total alienation took place between them. In 1774, the liberal party held a general meeting, at Savannah, where Dr. Hall appeared as a representative of the parish of St. John. The measures adopted, how- ever, fell far short of his wishes, and those of his constit- uents. At a subsequent meeting, it Vv^as agreed to petition the king for a redress of grievances. The parish of St. John, dissatisfied with the half-way measures of the Savannah Convention, endeavored to negotiate an alliance with the committee of correspond- ence in Charleston, South Carolina. But this being- impracticable, the inhabitants of St. John resolved to cut off all commercial intercourse with Savannah and the surrounding parishes. Having taken this independent stand, they then made an unanimous choice of Dr. Hall as their representative to Congress. In the following May, Dr. Hall appeared in the hall of Congress, and by that body was unanimously admitted to a seat : but as he did not represent the whole of Georgia, it was resolved to reserve the question as to his right to vote for further deliberation. Fortunately, however, on the 15th of July, Georgia acceded to the general confederacy, and proceed- ed to the appointment of five delegates to Congress, three of whom attended at the adjourned meeting of that body in 1775. LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 49 Among these delegates, Dr. Hall was one. He was annually re-elected until 1780, when he retired from the national legislature. On the possession of Georgia by the British, his property was confiscated, and he obliged to leave the State. He returned in 1782, and the follow- ing year was elected to the chief magistracy of Georgia. After holding this office for some time, he retired from Dublic life, and died at his residence in Burke county, ibout the sixtieth year of his age. JOHN HANCOCK. John Hancock was born in Quincy, Massachusetts, in the year 1737. Both his father and grandfather were clergymen. Having lost the former relative while yet a child, he was adopted by a paternal uncle, Thomas Han- cock, " the most opulent merchant in Boston, and the most enterprising man in New England." A professorship had been founded in Harvard College by his liberality, and to the library of that institution he was a principal benefactor. Under the patronage of his uncle, the nephew received a liberal education in the above university, where he was graduated in 1754. On leaving college he was employed as a clerk in the counting-house of his uncle, where he continued till 1760, when he visited England for the pur- pose of extending his information and correspondence. He returned to America in 1764 ; shortly after which, his uncle died, leaving him the direction of his enormous business, and a fortune the largest in the province. Han- cock became neither haughty nor profligate by this sud- den accession of wealth. He was kind and liberal to the numerous persons dependent upon him for employment ; and maintained a character for integrity and ability in the management of his vast and complicated concerns. His princely estate, added to his honorable and generous char- acter, soon gave him influence, and ever rendered him popular. In 1766, he was chosen a member of the Legislature of Massachusetts, and thus became intimately associated with James Otis, Samuel Adams, and other distinguished 5 4 50 AMEEICAN'S OWN BOOK. patriots. In this assembly his genius rapidly vievekped itself, and he became conspicuous for the purity of his principles, and the excellence of his abilities. The arrival of a vessel belonging to Mr. Hancock, in 1768, which was said to be loaded contrary to the reve- nue laws, produced a violent ebullition of popular feeling. This vessel was seized by the custom-house officers, and placed under the guns of the Romney, at that time in the harbor,, for security. This seizure greatly exasperated the people, and, in their excitement, they assaulted the revenue officers, and compelled them to seek safety on board the armed vessel, or in the neighboring castle. The boat of the collector was destroyed, and several of the houses of his partisans were razed to the ground. Mr. Hancock, although in no wise concerned in the transaction, received from it a considerable accession of popularity. A few days after the affray, which is usually termed " the Boston Massacre," and to which we have briefly adverted in the sketch of Samuel Adams, Mr. Hancock was appointed to deliver an address in commemoration of the event. After speaking of his attachment to a just government, and his detestation of tyranny, he proceeded to describe the profligacy and abandoned life of the troops quartered amongst them. Not satisfied with their o\vn shameful debauchery, they strove to vitiate the morals of the citizens, and " thereby render them worthy of destruc- tion." He spoke in terms of unmeasured indignation of the massacre of the inhabitants ; and in appalling lan- guage forewarned the perpetrators of the deed, of the vengeance which would overtake tiem hereafter, '.' if the laboring earth did not expand her jaws ; if the air they breathed were not commissioned to be the immediate minister of death." He proceeded in the following spir- ited strain : — " But I gladly quit this theme of death. I would not dwell too long upon the horrid effects which have already followed from quartering regular troops in this town ; let our misfortunes instruct posterity to guard against these evils. Standing armies are sometimes, (I would by no means say generally, much less universally,) composed LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 61 of persons who have rendered themselves unfit to live in civil society ; who are equally indifferent to the glory of a George, or a Louis ; who, for the addition of one penny a day to their wages, would desert from the Christian cross, and fight under the crescent of the Turkish Sultan ; from such men as these what has not a State to fear ? With such as these, usurping Caesar passed the Rubicon ; with such as these he humbled mighty Rome, and forced the mistress of the world to own a master in a traitor. These are the men whom sceptred robbers now employ to frustrate the designs of God, and render vain the boun- ties which his gracious hand pours indiscriminately upon his creatures." The intrepid style of this address removed all doubts as to the devoted patriotism of Mr. Hancock. His man- ners and habits had spread an opinion unfavorable to his republican principles. His mansion rivalled the magnifi- cence of an European palace. Gold and silver embroi- dery adorned his garments ; and his carriage, horses, and servants in livery, emulated the splendor of the English nobility. But the sentiments expressed by him in the above address were so public, and explicit, as to cause a complete renovation of his popularity. From this time, he became odious to the governor and his adherents. Efforts were made to get possession of his person, and he, with Samuel Adams, was excluded from the general par- don offered by Governor Gage, to all who would manifest a proper penitence for their opposition to the royal au- thority. In 1774, Hancock was unanimously elected to the presidential chair of the Provincial Congress of Massa- chusetts. The following year the honor of the presi- dency of the Continental Congress was conferred upon him. His recent proscription by Governor Gage, no doubt, contributed to his popularity in that body. In this station Hancock continued till October, 1777 ; when his infirm health induced him to resign his office. He was afterwards a member of the Convention appointed to frame a Constitution for Massachusetts, and in 1780 was chosen first governor of the Commonwealth, to which station he was annually elected, until the year 1785, 52 AMERICAN'S OWN BuOK. when he resigned. After an interval of two years, he was re-elected to the same office. He continued in it till the time of his death, Avhich took place the 8th of October, 1793, in the fifty-fifth year of his age. Mr. Hancock was a firm and energetic patriot, and though possessed of immense wealth, devoted himself to the laborious service of his country. It has been re- marked, that by the force with which he inscribed his name on the parchment which bears the declaration of independence, he seems to have determined that his name should never be erased. His liberality was great, and hundreds of families, in times of distress, were daily fed from his munificence. He has been accused by his ene- mies of a passion for popularity, but whatever may have been the truth of the charge, a fondness for being beloved can be hardly reckoned among the bad traits of a man's character. A noble instance of his contempt of wealth, in comparison with public expediency, is recorded. At the time the American army was besieging Boston to expel the British, who held possession of the town, the entire destruction of the city was proposed by the Amer- ican officers. By the execution of such a plan, thg whole fortune of Mr. Hancock would have been sacrificed. Yet he readily acceded to the measure, declaring his willing- ness to surrender his all, whenever the liberties of his country should require it. BENJAMIN HARRISON. Benjamin Harrison was born in Berkley, Virginia. He was the descendant of a family distinguished in the history of the State, and was a student in the College of William and Mary at the time of his father's death. In consequence of a misunderstanding with an officer of that institution, he left it before the regular period of gradua- tion, and returned home. The management of his father's estate now devolved upon him, and he displayed an unusual degree of pru- dence and ability in the discharge of his trust. He was summoned at an early date, even before he had attained LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 53 the age required by law, to sustain the reputation acquir- ed by his ancestors, in state affairs. He was chosen a member of the Legislature about the year 1764, a station which he may be said to have held through life, since he was always elected to a seat, whenever his other political avocations admitted of his occupying it. His fortune being ample, and his influence as a political leader very considerable, the royal government proposed to create him a member of the executive council of Virginia. Mr. Harrison was not to be seduced, however, by the attrac- tions of rank and power. Though young, he was ar- dently devoted to the cause of the people, and remained steadfast in his opposition to royal oppression. Mr. Harrison was a member of the Congress of 1774, ^and from that period, during nearly every session, repre- sented his native State in that assembly. In this situa- tion he was characterized for great firmness, good sense, and a peculiar sagacity in difficult and critical junctures. He was likewise extremely popular as chairman of the committee of the whole House. An anecdote is related of him on the occasion of the Declaration of Indepen- dence. While signing the instrument, he noticed Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, standing beside him. Mr. Har- rison himself was quite corpulent ; Mr. Gerry was slen- der and spare. As the former raised his hand, having inscribed his name on the roll, he turned to Mr. Gerry, and facetiously observed, that whon the time of hanging should come, he should have the ac^yantage over him. " It will be over with me, " said he, " in a minute ; but you will be kicking in the air half an hour after I am gone." Towards the close of 1777, Mr. Harrison resigned his seat in Co-ngress, and returned to Virginia. In 1782, he was chosen Governor of the State, to which office he was twice re-elected, when he became ineligible by the pro- visions of the Constitution. In 1788, when the new Con- stitution of the United States was submitted to Virginia, he was returned a member of her Convention. In 1790, he was again proposed as a candidate for the executive chair; but declined in favour of his friend, Beverly Ean- dolph. In the spring of 1791, Mr. Harrison was attacked 6*' 54 AMERICAN'S OWIJ BOOK. by a severe fit of the gout, a recurrence of which malady shortly after put a period to his life. Mr. Harrison became connected by marriage with Miss Bassett, a niece to the sister of Mrs. Washington. He had many children, and several of his sons became men of distinction. His third son, William Henry Harrison, has honourably served his country, in various official ca- pacities, and died April 4, 1841, one month after his inau- guration as President of the United States. JOHN HART. John Hart was the son of Edward Hart, of Hopewell, in the county of Hunterdon, in New Jersey. He inher- ited from his father a considerable estate, and having married, devoted himself to agricultural pursuits, and be- came a worthy and respectable farmer. The reputation which he acquired for integrity, dis- crimination, and enlightened prudence, soon brought him into notice, and he was often chosen a member of the Colo- nial Assembly. Although one of the most gentle and unobtrusive of men, he could not suppress his abhorrence of the aggressions of the British ministry. He maintain- ed a fearless and uniform opinion with regard to the rights of the colonies, and did not hesitatr to express it when occasion invited him. On the meeting of the Con- gress of 1774, Mr. Hart appeared and took his seat ; hav- ing been elected by a conference of committees from sev- eral parts of the colony. During several succeeding ses- sions, he continued to represent the people of New Jer- sey in the same assembly. When the question of a dec- laration of independence was brought forward, he wa? at his post, and voted for the measure with unusual zeal. In 1776, New Jersey became the theatre of war, and Mr. Hart sustained severe losses, by the destruction of his property. His children were compelled to flee, his farm was pillaged, and great exertions were made to se- cure him as a prisoner. For some time he was hunted with untiring perseverance. He was reduced to the most distressing shifts to elude his enemies ; being often severely pressed by hunger, and destitute of a place of LIVES OP THE SIGNERS. 55 repose for the night. In one instance, he was obliged to conceal himself in the usual resting-place of a large dog, who was his companion for the time. The battles of Trenton and Princeton led to the evac- -uation of New Jersey by the British. On this event, Mr. Hart again collected his family around him, and be- gan to repair the desolation of his farm. His constitu- tion, however, had sustained a shock, which was irrepar- able. His 'health gradually failed him ; and though he lived to see the prospects of his country brighten, he died before the conflict was so gloriously terminated. He ex- pired in the year 1780. The best praise that can be awarded to Mr. Hart, is, that he was beloved by all who knew him. He was very liberal to the Baptist church of Hopewell, to which community he belonged; and his memory was hallowed by the esteem and regret of a large circle of friends. JOSEPH HEWES. Joseph Hewes was born near Kingston, in New Jer- sey, in the year 1730. His parents were quakers, who removed from Connecticut, on account of the existing prejudices against them among the puritans, and of the hostilities of the Indians, At a suitable age, Joseph Hewes became a member of Princeton College ; and after having graduated in due course, he was placed in the counting-house of a gentle- man at Philadelphia, to be educated as a merchant. On leaving this situation, he entered into business for him- self, and was highly successful in his commercial trans- actions. At the age of thirty he removed to North Car- olina, and settled in the village of Edenton. Prosperity continued to attend him here, and he soon acquired a. handsome fortune. By his probity and liberal dealings, he also gained the esteem of the people among whom he lived, and was called to represent them in the Colonial Legislature of the province. This distinction was con- ferred upon him for several successive years, during which he increased in popularity with his constituents. In 1774, Mr. Hewes was chosen one of the three dele- 66 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. gates from North Carolina to the Continental Congress. No members of that body brought with them credentials of a bolder stamp than the delegates from North Carolina. They were invested with such powers as might " make any acts done by them, or consent given in behalf of this province, obligatory in honor upon any inhabitant thereof, who is not an alien to his country's good, and an apostate to the liberties of America." On the meeting of this Con- gress, Mr. Hewes was nominated one of the committee appointed to " state the rights of the colonies in general, the several instances in which those rights had been vio- lated or infringed, and the means most proper to be pur- sued for obtaining a restoration of them." He also assisted in preparing their celebrated report, which was drawn up as follows : " 1. That they are entitled to life, liberty, and property ; and they have never ceded to any sovereign power what- ever a right to dispose of either, without their consent. " 2. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were, at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immuni- ties of free and natural born subjects, within the realm of England. " 3. That by such emigration they by no means for- feited, surrendered, or lost, any of those rights : but that they were, and their descendants now are, entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy. " 4. That the foundation of English liberty, and of free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council ; and as the English colonists are not represented, and, from their local and other circumstances, cannot properly be represented, in tbe British Parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legisla- tion in their several Provincial Legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be pursued in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the nega- tive of their sovereign, in such manner as has been here- tofore used and accustomed; but if, fiom the necessity of the case and a reofard to the mutual interests of both LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 67 countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British Parliament as are bonajide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the pur- pose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefit of its respective members ; excluding every idea of taxa- tion, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America, without their consent. " 5. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and, more especially, to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law. "6. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes as existed at the time of their coloniza- tion, and which they have, by experience, respectively found applicable to their several local and other circum- stances. " 7. That these his majesty's colonies are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. "8. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the king; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and com- mitments for the same, are illegal. " 9. That the keeping a standing army in these colo- nies in times of peace, without consent of the Legisla- ture of that colony in Avhich such army is kept, is against the law. " 10. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English Constitution, that the constituent branches of the Legislature be independ- ent of each other ; and therefore the exercise of legisla- tive power in several colonies by a council appointed dur- ing pleasure by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation. " All and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in be- half of themselves and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indisputable rights and liberties, which cannot be .egally taken from them, altered or abridged, by any power whatever, without their con- 58 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. sent, by their representatives in their several Provincial Legislatures." To the above declaration of rights was added an enu- meration of the wrongs already sustained by the colonies ; after stating which, the report concluded as follows : " To these grievous acts and measures, Americans can- not submit ; but in hopes their fellow-subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have, for the present, only resolved to pursue the fol- lowing peaceable measures: 1. To enter into a non-im- portation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agree- ment, or association. 2. To prepare an address to the peo- ple of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America. And, 3. To prepare a loyal address to his majesty, agreeably to resolutions already entered into." Although engaged in extensive commercial transac- tions, Mr. Hewes, about this time, assisted in forming the plan of the non-importation association, and readily became a member of it. He was again elected to Congress by the people of North Carolina in 1775, and remained in Philadelphia until the adjournment of that assembly in July. He continued to represent the same State, almost without intermission, for four succeeding years, and gave very general satisfaction. The last time that he appeared in Congress was on the 29th of October, 1799. After this date, an indisposition, under which he had labored for some time, confined him to his chamber, and at length, on the 10th of November, terminated his life, in the fifti- eth year of his age. His funeral was numerously attended, and in testimony of their respect to his memory. Con- gress resolved to wear crape round the left arm for the space of one month. Mr. Hewes left a large fortune, but no children to inherit it. LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 69 THOMAS HEYWARD. Thomas Heyward was born in St. Luke's parish, in South Carolina, in the year 1746. His father was a planter of fortune, and young Heyward received the best education that the province could afford. Having finished his scholastic studies, he entered upon those of the law, and after the usual term of application, was sent to Eng- land to complete himself in his profession. He was en- rolled as a student in one of the Inns of Court, and devo- ted himself with great ardor to the acquirement of legal knowledge. On completing his studies in England, he commenced the tour of Europe, which occupied him several years. After enjoying the advantages of foreign travel, he returned to his native country, and devoted himself, with great zeal, for a man of fortune, to the labors of the law. In 1775, Mr. Heyward was elected to supply a vacancy in Congress ; and arrived at Philadelphia in season to join in the discussion of the great question of independence. In 177S, he was prompted by a sense of duty to accept of an appointment as Judge of the Criminal Court of the new government. Soon after his elevation to the bench, he was called upon to preside at the trial and condemna- tion of several persons charged with a treasonable corre- spondence with the enemy. The conviction of these indi- viduals was followed by their execution, which took place within view of the British army, to whom it rendered the Judge particularly obnoxious. In the spring ol 1780, the city of Charleston was taken possession of by General Clinton. Judge Heyward, at that time, had command of a battalion. On the reduc- tion of the place, he became a prisoner of war, and was transported, with some others, to St. Augustine. During his absence, he suffered greatly in respect to his property. His plantation was much injured, and his slaves were seized and carried away. He at length had leave to re- turn to Philadelphia. On his passage thither, he nar- rowly escaped a watery grave. By some accident he fell overboard; but, fortunately, he kept himself from sink- ing, by holding to the rudder of the ship, until assistance 60 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. could be rendered him. On his return to Carolina, he resumed his judicial duties ; in the exercise of which, he continued till 1798. He was a member of the Conven- tion for forming the State Constitution, in 1790 ; and was conspicuous for his sound judgment and unchanging pa- triotism. Having retired from the most arduous of his public labors and cares, he died in March, 1809, in the sixty- fourth year of his age. Mr. Hey ward was twice married, and was the father of several children. He was estimable for his amiable disposition, his virtuous princi- ples, and his extensive acquaintance with men and things. WILLIAM HOOPER. William Hooper was born in Boston, on the 17th of June, 1742. He entered Harvard University at the age of fifteen, and was graduated in 1760. His father, who was pastor of Trinity Church, in Boston, had destined his son for the ministerial profession ; but the latter having an inclination for the law, he was placed in the office of the celebrated James Otis, to pursue the study of his choice. On being qualified for the bar, young Hooper removed to North Carolina, and having married, finally established himself in the practice of his profession at Wilmington. He was soon placed, by his talents, among the foremost advocates of the province, and was chosen to represent the town of Wilmington in the General Assembly. He was elected to a seat in the same body the following year, and was always one of the boldest opposers of the tyran- nical encroachments of the British Government. In 1774, Mr. Hooper was chosen a delegate to the memorable Congress which met at Philadelphia. He took an im- portant share in the discussions of this assembly, and was remarkable for his fluent and animated elocution. He was a member of the same body the following year, and during the session, drew up, as chairman of difl^erent committees, several able addresses and reports. In 1776, the private affairs of Mr. Hooper requiring his attention in North Carolina, he did not, for some time, attend upon LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 61 the sitting of Congress. He returned, however, in sea- son to share in the honor and danger of signing the inn- perishable instrument which declared the Colonies of North America free and independent. Having been elec- ted to Congress a third time, Mr. Hooper was obliged to resign his seat in February, 1777, and return to the adjustment of his own embarrassed affairs. in 1786 he was appointed, by Congress, one of the judges of a Federal Court, formed for the purpose of set- tling a controversy which existed between the States of New York and Massachusetts, in regard to certain lands. In the following year, his health being considerably im- paired, he sought to *eslore it by private retirement. This, however, he did not live long to er.'oy. He died in October, 1790, at the age of forty-eight years, leaving a wife and three children. Mr. Hooper was distinguish- ed for his conversational powers, his good taste, and his devotion to his profession. As a politician, he was con- stant, judicious, and enthusiastic. He never gave way to despondency ; possessing an unshaken confidence tha Heaven would defend the riffht. STEPHEN HOPKINS. Stephen Hopkins was born near Providence, (R. I.,) in a place now called Scituate, on the 7th of March, 1707. He was of respectable parentage, being a descendant of Benedict Arnold, the first governor of Rhode Island. His early education was limited, but he is said to have excelled in penmanship, and in the practical branches of mathematics. For several years he followed the profession of a farm- er. He was afterwards chosen Town Clerk of Scituate, and a Representative to the General Assembly. He was subsequently appointed a Justice of the Peace, and a Jus- tice of one of the courts of Common Pleas. In 1733, he became Chief Justice of that court. In 1742, he removed to Providence, where he entered into commerce, and was extensively engaged in building and fitting out vessels. He was chosen a Representative from that town to the General Assembly, and became speaker of the House of 6 62 AMERIfJAN'S OWN BOOK. Representatives. In 1751, he was made Chief Justice of the Superior Court, and held that office till the year 1754, when he was appointed a Commissioner to the celebrated Albany Convention. The object of this Convention was the securing of the friendship of the five great Indian nations, in the approaching French war, and an union between the several colonies of America. In 1756, Mr. Hopkins was elected Chief Magistrate of the colony of Rhode Island. This office he continued to hold, almost without intermission, until 1767 ; discharg- ing its duties in an efficient and highly satisfactory man- ner. He resolutely espoused the cause of the colonies, and in a pamphlet entitled " The rights of Colonies Ex- amined," proved the injustice of the Stamp Act, and other measures of the British ministry. In 1774, Mr. Hopkins received the appointment of Delegate from Rhode Island to the Continental Congress. In this assembly he took his seat on the first day of the session, and became one of the most zealous advocates of the measures adopt- ed by that illustrious body of men. In the year 1775 and 1776, he again represented Rhode Island in Con- gress. In this latter year, he affixed his name to the Declaration of Independence. His signature was the only one upon the roll, which gave indications of a trem- bling hand ; but it was not the tremulousness of fear. Mr. Hopkins had for some time been afflicted with a par- alytic affection, which compelled him, when he wrote, to guide his right hand with his left. In 1778, Mr. Hopkins was a Delegate to Congress for the last time : but for several years afterwards, he was a member of the General Assembly of Rhode Island. He closed his useful and honorable life on the 13th of July, 1785, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. Mr. Hop- kins was enabled by the vigor of his understanding to surmount his early deficiencies, and rise to the most dis- tinguished offices in the gift of his fellow-citizens. He possessed considerable fondness for literature, and greatly excelled as a mathematician. He was an unshaken friend of his country, and an enemy to civil and religious in- tolerance, distinguished for his liberality, and for the cor- rect and honorable discharge of his various duties. LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 63 FRANCIS HOPKINSON. Francis Hopkinson was born in Philadelphia, in the year 1737. His father was an Englishman, who, a short time previous to his emigration to America, married a niece of the Bishop of Worcester. He was a man of a cultivated mind and considerable literary accomplish- ments ; and became intimate with Benjamin Franklin, by whom he was held in high estimation. Upon the death of Mr. Hopkinson, which occurred while he was in the prime of life, the care of his family devolved upon his widow, who was eminently qualified for the task. She was a woman of superior mind ; and discovering early indications of talent in her son, she resolved to make every sacrifice to furnish him with a good educa- tion. She placed him at the College of Philadelphia, and lived to see him graduate with reputation, and attain a high eminence at the bar. In 1766, Francis Hopkinson embarked for England, and received, upon the occasion, a public expression of respect and aftection from the Board of Trustees of the College of Philadelphia. After a residence of more than two years in the land of his forefathers, he returned to America. He soon after married Miss Borden, of Bor- dentown, in New Jersey, where he took up his residence, and was appointed collector of the customs and executive counsellor. These offices he did not long enjoy, having sacrificed them to his attachment to the liberties of his country. He enlisted himself warmly in the cause of the people, and in 1776 was appointed a delegate from New Jersey to the Continental Congress. He voted for the Declaration of Independence, and affixed his signature to the engrossed copy of that instrument. In 1779, he was appointed Judge of the Admiralty Court of Penn- sylvania, and for ten years continued to discharge with fidelity the duties of that office. Soon after the adoption of the Federal Constitution, Mr. Hopkinson received from Washington the appoint- ment of Judge of the United States for the district of Pennsylvania. In this station, he conscientiously avoid- ed mingling in party politics. His life was suddenly 64 AMEKICAN'S OWi? BOOK. terminated, while in the midst of his usefulness on the 8th of May, 1791. He died of an apoplectic fit, which, in two hours after the attack, put a period to his ex- istence. Mr. Hopkinson was endued with considerable powers of humor and satire, which he employed effectually in rousing the feelings of the people, during the war of the Revolution. He was the author of several fugitive pieces which were very popular in their day. His well-knowr ballad, called " The Battle of the Kegs," gives evidence of a rich and exhaustless fund of humor, and will proba- bly last the wear of centuries. He excelled in music, and had some knowledge of painting. His library was ex- tensive, and his stock of knowledge constantly accumu- lating. In stature, Mr. Hopkinson was below the com- mon size. His countenance was animated, his speech fluent ; and his motions were unusually rapid. Few men were kinder in their dispositions, or more benevolent in their lives. He left, at his decease, a widow and five chil- dren. The eldest of these, Joseph Hopkinson, occupies an eminent rank among the advocates of the American bar. SAMUEL HUNTINGTON. Samuel Huntington was born in Windham, Connec- ticut, on the 2d of July, 1732. Being the eldest son, his father required his assistance on the farm, and his oppor- tunities for study were accordingly brief and extremely rare. He possessed, however, a vigorous understanding, and supplied his deficiencies of instruction by an assidu- ous and a persevering devotion to the acquisition of knowledge. At the age of twenty-one years, he was probably equal, in point of literary attainments, to most of those who had received a collegiate education. Conceiving a fondness for legal pursuits, he abandoned his occupation of husbandry, and resolved to enter alone and unaided upon the Study of the law. He soon ob- tained a competent knowledge of the principles of the profession, to commence the practice of an attorney in his native town ; but in 1760, he removed to Norwich, where a wider field presented itself for the exercise of his talents. LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 65 Here he soon became distinguished for his ability, his integrity, and his strict attention to business. In 1764, Mr. Huntington represented the town of Norwich in the General Assembly ; and the following year was appointed to the office of King's Attorney. In 1774, he became an Associate Judge in the Superior Court, and soon after an assistant in the Council of Connecticut. His talents and patriotism recommending him to public confidence, he was elected in 1775 a delegate to the Con- tinental Congress. In the subsequent July, he voted in favor of the Declaration of Independence. Mr. Hunting- ton continued a member of Congress until the year 1781, when ill health induced him to resign. On the depart- ure of Mr. Jay as minister to Spain, he had been appoint- ed to the presidency of the Congress, and had served in that honorable station with distinguished ability and dig- nity. In testimony of their approbation of his conduct in the chair, and in the execution of public business, Con- gress, soon after his retirement, accorded to Mr. Hunting- ton the expression of their public thanks. On his return to his native State, he resumed his judicial functions, and in 1782 was re-elected to Congress. He did not attend, however, till the following year, when he resumed his seat. He continued a conspicuous member, until Novem- ber, at which time he finally retired from the national assembly. Soon after his return to Connecticut, he was placed at the head of the Superior Court, and the following year was chosen Lieutenant Governor of the State. In 1786, he succeeded Governor Griswold in the office of Chief Magistrate, and was annually re-elected to that station during the remainder of his life. His death took place on the 5th of January, 1796, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. Mr. Huntington was a sincere Christian, and few men possessed a greater share of mildness and equa- nimity of temper. He rose from the humble situation of a ploughboy by his own industry and perseverance, and without the advantage of family patronage or influence. He married in the thirtieth year of his age ; but having no children, he adopted a son ai:d daughter of his brother the Rev. Joseph Huntington. 6* 6 66 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. FRANCIS LIG.HTFOOT LEE. Francis Lightfoot Lee was born in Virginia, in 1734. He was the fourth son of Thomas Lee, who for several years held the office of President of the King's Council. Francis Lightfoot did not receive the advantage enjoy- ed by his elder brothers, of an education at the English universities. He was placed, however, under the care of an accomplished domestic tutor, of the name of Craig, and acquired an early fondness for literature. He became well versed in the most important branches of science, and probably obtained as good an education as the coun- try could then afford. The fortune bequeathed him by his father rendered the study of a profession unnecessary, and he accordingly surrendered himself for several years, to the enjoyment of literary ease and social intercourse. He possessed, however, an active mind, and warmly in- terested himself in the advancement of his country. In 1765, he was returned a member of the House of Bur- gesses from the county of Loudon, where his estate was situated. He was annually re-elected to this office until 1772, when, having married a lady of Richmond county, he removed thither, and was soon after chosen by the citizens of that place to the same station. In 1775, Mr. Lee was appointed by the Virginia Con- vention a delegate to the Continental Congress. He took his seat in this assembly ; and, though he seldom engaged in the public discussions, was surpassed by none in his zeal to forward the interests of the colonies. His brother, Richard Henry Lee, had the high honor of bringing for- ward the momentous question of independence, but no one was perhaps a warmer friend of the measure than Francis Lightfoot. Mr. Lee retired from Congress in 1779. He was fondly attached to the pleasures of home, and eagerly sought an opportunity, when his services were not essentially needed by his country, to resume the undisturbed quiet of his former life. He was not long permitted to enjoy his seclusion. He reluctantly obeyed the summons of his fellow-citizens to represent them once more in the Legis- lature of Virginia. His duties were most faithfully dis- Llvnb vt' THE SIGNERS. 67 charged while a member of this body : but he soon became weary of the bustle and vexations of public life, and relin- quished them for the pleasures of retirement. In the latter period of his life, he found an unfailing source of happiness to himself, in contributing largely to the enjoy- ment of others. His benevolence and the urbanity of his manners rendered him beloved by all. He was a practi- cal friend to the poor, and a companion to the young or the aged, the lighthearted or the broken in spirit. Having no children, he devoted his lime chiefly to reading, farm- ing, and company. His death was occasioned by a pleu- risy, which disease also terminated the life of his wife a few days after his own departure. He died in the con- soling belief of the Gospel, and in peace with all mankind and his own conscience. The brothers of Mr. Lee were all eminently distin- guished for their talents and for their services to their country. Philip Ludwell, a member of the King's Coun- cil; Thomas Ludwell, a member of the Virginia As- sembly ; Richard Henry, as the champion of American freedom ; William, as a sheriff' and alderman of London, and afterwards a Commissioner of the Continental Con- gress at the courts of Berlin and Vienna ; and Arthur, as a scholar, a politician, and diplomatist. RICHARD HENRY LEE. Richard Henry Lee, a brother of the foregoing, was born at Stratford, Westmoreland county, Virginia, on the 20th of January, 1732. He received his education in England, where his acquisitions were considerable in scientific and classical knowledge. He returned to his native country when in his nineteenth year, and devoted himself to the general study of history, politics, law, and polite literature, without engaging in any particular pro- fession. About the year 1757, he was chosen a delegate to the House of Burgesses, where a natural diffidence for some time prevented him from displaying the full extent of his powers and resources. This impediment, however, was gradually removed, aud he rapidly rose into notice as a 68 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. persuasive and eloqCient speaker. In 1764, he was ap- pointed to draught an address to the king, and a memo- rial to the House of Lords, which are among the best state papers of the period. Some years afterwards, he brought forward his celebrated plan for the formation of a committee of correspondence, whose object was " to watch the conduct of the British Parliament ; to spread more widely correct information on topics connected with the interests of the colonies, and to form a chosen union of the men of influence in each." This plan was origi- nated about the same time in Massachusetts, by Samuel Adams. The efforts of Mr. Lee in resisting the various encroach- ments of the British government were indefatigable, and in 1774 he attended the first General Congress at Phila- delphia, as a delegate from Virginia. He was a member of most of the important committees of this body, and labored with unceasing vigilance and energy. The me- morial of Congress to the people of British America, and the second address of Congress to the people of Great Britain, were both from his pen. The following year, he was again deputed to represent Virginia in the same assembly, and his exertions were equally zealous and successful. Among other responsible duties, he was ap- pointed, as chairman of a committee, to furnish General Washington, who had been summoned to the command of the American armies, v/ith his commission and in- structions. On the 7th of June, 1776, Mr. Lee introduced the measure, which declared, " That these united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States ; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown ; and that all political connexion between them and the State of Great Britian is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." This important motion he supported by a speech of the most brilliant eloquence. " Why then, Sir," said he, in conclusion, " why do we longer delay ? Why still deliberate? Let this happy day give birth to an American republic. Let her arise, not to devastate and to conquer, but to re-establish the reign of peace and of law. The eyes of Europe are fixed upon us ; she dc- LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 69 mands of us a living example of freedom, that may ex- hibit a contrast in the felicity of the citizen to the ever- increasing tyranny which desolates her polluted shores. She invites us to prepare an asylum, where the unhappy may find solace, and the persecuted repose. She invites us to cultivate a propitious soil, where that generous plant which first sprang up and grew in England, but is now withered by the poisonous blasts of Scottish tyranny, may revive and flourish, sheltering under its salubrious and interminable shade, all the unfortunate of the human race. If we are not this day wanting in our duty, the names of the American legislators of 1776 will be placed by posterity at the side of Theseus, Lycurgus, and Rom- ulus, of the three Williams of Nassau, and of all those whose memory has been, and ever will be, dear to virtu- ous men and good citizens." The debate on the above motion of Mr. Lee, was pro- tracted until the tenth of June, when Congress resolved : " That the consideration of the resolution respecting in- dependence, be postponed till the first Monday in July next ; and in the meanwhile, that no time may be lost, in case the Congress agree thereto, that a committee be appointed to prepare a declaration to the effect of the said resolution." As the mover of the original resolution for independ- ence, it would, according to parliamentary usage, have devolved upon Mr. Lee to have been appointed chairman of the committee selected to prepare a declaration, and, as chairman, to have furnished that important document. But on the day on which the resolution was taken, Mr. Lee was unexpectedly summoned to attend upon his family in Virginia, some of the members of which were dangerously ill ; and Mr. Jefferson was appointed chair- man in his place. Mr. Lee continued to hold a seat in Congress till June, 1777, when he solicited leave of absence, on account of the delicate state of his health. In August, of the next year, he was again elected to Congress, and continued in that body till 1780, when he declined a re-election, be- lieving that he would be more useful to his native Slate by holding a seat in her Assembly. In 1784, however, 70 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. he again accepied an appointment as representative .o Congress, of which body he was unanimously elected president. In this exalted station he presided with great ability ; and on his retirement, received the acknowledg- ments of Congress. Mr. Lee was opposed to the adoption of the Federal Constitution, without amendment. Its tendency, he be- lieved, was to consolidation. To guard against this, it was his wish that the respective States should impart to the Federal Head only so much power as was necessary for mutual safety and happiness. He was appointed a Senator from Virginia, under the new Constitution. About the year 1792, Mr. Lee was compelled, by his bodily debility and infirmities, to retire wholly from pub- lic business. Not long after, he had the pleasure of re- ceiving, from the Legislature of his native State, an unanimous vote of thanks for his public services, and of sympathy for the impaired condition of his health. He died on the 19th of June, 1794, at the age of sixty-three years. In private life, Mr. Lee was the delight of all who knew him. He had a numerous family of children, the offspring of two marriages, who were tenderly devoted to their father. As an orator, he exercised an uncommon sway over the minds of men. His gesture was grace- ful and highly finished, and his language perfectly cnaste. He reasoned well, and declaimed freely and splendidly ; and such was his promptitude, that he required no pre- paration for debate. He was well acquainted with class- ical literature, and possessed a rich store of political knowledge. Few men have passed through life in a more honorable and brilliant manner, or left behind them 3 more desirable reputation, than Richard Henry Lee. FRANCIS LEWIS. Francis Lewis was a native of LandaflT, in South Wales, where he was born in the year 1713. Being left an orphan at the age of four or five years, the care of him devolved upon a maiden aunt, who took singular pains to instruct him in the native language of his country. He LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 7 1 was atterwards sent to Scotland, where, in the family of a relation, he acquired a knowledge of the Gaelic. From this he was transferred to the school of Westminster, where he completed his education ; and enjoyed the rep- utation of being- a good classical scholar. Having determined on the pursuit of commerce, he entered the counting-room of a London merchant, and in a few years acquired a competent knowledge of his pro- fession. On attaining the age of twenty-one years, he converted the whole of his property into merchandise, and sailed for New York, where he arrived in the spring of 1735. Leaving a part of his goods to be disposed of by Mr. Edward Annesly, with whom he had formed a commercial connexion, he transported the remainder to Philadelphia. After a residence of two years in the lat- ter city, he returned to New York, and there became extensively engaged in navigation and foreign trade. He married the sister of his partner, by whom he had several children. Mr. Lewis acquired the character of an active and en- terprising merchant. In the course of his commercial transactions, he visited several of the sea-ports of Russia, the Orkney and Shetland Islands, and was twice ship- wrecked on the Irish coast. During the French or Canadian war, he was agent for supplying, the British troops, and was present, in 1756, at the surrender of Fort Oswego to the French general, de Montcalm. He exhibited great firmness and ability on the occasion ; and his services were held in such consid- eration by the British government, that at the close of the war he received a grant of five thousand acres of land. The conditions upon which the garrison at Fort Os- wego surrendered, were shamefully violated by de Mont- calm. He allowed the chief warrior of the Indians, who assisted in taking the fort, to select about thirty of the prisoners, and to do with them as he pleased. Of this, number, Mr. Lewis was one. Thus placed at the dispo- sal of savage power, a speedy death was one of the least evils to be expected. It has been asserted, however, that Mr. Lewis discovered that he was able to converse with the Indians, by reason of the similarity of the ancient Ian- 72 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. guage of Wales, which he understood, to their dialeci. His ability to communicate by words to the chief, so pleased the latter, that he treated him kindly, and on arriving at Montreal, requested the French governor to allow him to return to his family without ransom. The request, however, was not granted, and Mr. Lewis was sent as a prisoner to France, from which country, being some time after exchanged, he returned to America. Although Mr. Lewis was not a native of America, yet his attachment to the country was early and devoted. He vigorously opposed the oppressive measures of Great Britain, and esteemed liberty the choicest blessing that a nation can enjoy. His intellectual powers, and uniform nobility of sentiment, commanded the respect of the peo- ple ; and in 1775, he was unanimously elected a dele- gate to Congress. He remained a member of that body through the following year, 1776, and was among the number who signed the Declaration of Independence. For several subsequent years, he was appointed to repre- sent New York in the national assembly ; and performed various secret and important services, with great fidelity and prudence. In 1775, Mr. Lewis removed his family and effects to a country seat which he owned on Long Island. This proved an unfortunate step. In the autumn of the fol- lowing year, his house was plundered by a party of Brit- ish light-horse. His extensive library and valuable papers were wantonly destroyed. His wife fell into the power of the enemy, and was retained a prisoner for several months. During her captivity, she experienced the most atrocious treatment, being closely confined, and deprived of a bed and sufficient clothing. By the influence of Washington, she was at length released ; but her consti- tution had been so impaired by her sufferings, that in a year or two, she sank into the grave. The latter days of Mr. Lewis were spent in compara- tive poverty. He died on the 30th day of December, 1803, in the ninetieth year of his age. * It is almost needless to remark, that such an occurrence is, to say the best of it, extremely improbable. There exists no affinity between the ancient language of Wales and that of any of the Indian tribes known in North America. LIVES OF THE SIGNERS. 73 PHILIP LIVINGSTON. Philip Livingston was born at Albany, on the 15th of January, 1716. He was the fourth son of Gilbert Liv- ingston, and his ancestors were highly respectable, holding a distinguished rank in New York, and possessing a beautiful tract of land on the banks of the Hudson. This tract, since known a the Manor of Livingston, has be- longed to the family from that tim to the present. Philip Livingston received his education at Yale Col- lege, where he was graduated in 1737. He soon after engaged extensively in commerce in the city of New York, and was very successful in his transactions. In 1754, he was elected an alderman, and continued in the office for nine successive years. In 1759, he was re- turned a member to the General Assembly of the colony, where his talents and influence were most usefully em- ployed. His views were liberal and enlightened, and he did much to improve the commercial and agricultural facilities of the country. Previous to the revolution, it was usual for the respec- tive colonies to have an agent in England, to manage their individual concerns with the British government. This agent was appointed by the popular branch of the Assembly. In 1770, the agent of the colony of Noav York dying, the celebrated Edmund Burke was chosen in his stead, and received for the office a salary of five hundred pounds. Between this gentleman and a com- mittee of the Colonial Assembly, a correspondence was maintained ; and upon their representations the agent depended for a knowledge of the state of the colony. Of this committee, Mr. Livingston was a member. From his communications and those of his colleagues, Mr. Burke doubtless obtained that information of the state of the colonies, which he sometimes brought forward to the perfect surprise of the House of Commons, and upon which he often founded arguments, and proposed mea- sures, which were not to be resisted. Mr. Livingston regarded with patriotic indignation, the measures by which the British ministry thought to hum- ble the spirit of the colonies. His avowed sentiments, 74 AMEKIOAN'S 0W^ BOOK. GTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 143 affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them everything they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such fhere are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a gov- ernment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict between the parts, can be an adequate sub- stitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which alliances at all times have expe- rienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a con- stitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the off- spring of your own choice, uninfluenced and unawed ; adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation ; completely free in its principles ; in the distribution of its powers uniting security with energy, and containing within itself provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political system is the right of the people to make and to alter their con- stitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authen- tic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon 144 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. all. The very idoa of the power and the right of the people to establish government, presur>poses the duty of every individual to obey the establish'.d government. All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combi- nations and associations, under whatever plausible char- acter, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberations and action of the con- stituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extraordinary force ; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of party, often a small, but artful and enterprising minority of the community ; and according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public admin- istration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and mod- ified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above de scription may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious, and unprin- cipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of govern- ment ; destroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion, Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppo sition to its acknowledged authority, but also that you re sist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the constitution altera- tions which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown In all the changes to which you may be invited, remem- ber that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitu- tions of a country ; that facility in changes, upon the WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 145 credit jf mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to per- petual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remember especially, that for the efficient management of your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indis- pensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties m the state, with particular reference to the founding of them upon geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our na- ture, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dis- sension, which in different ages and countries has per- petrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries whic^i result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek secu- rity and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of the public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs (/ the spirit of party 13 10 146 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. are sufficient to make it the interest and duty cf a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils, and en- feeble the public administration. It agitates the commu- nity with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occa- sional riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the government itself, through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true ; and in governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From the natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose ; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres ; avoiding, in the exer- cise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is suffi- cient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The ne- cessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing into different deposi- tories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions of the other, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern ; some of them in our WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 147 country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way in which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any par- tial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to politi- cal prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness — these firmest props of the duties of men and citiz-ens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A vol- ume could not trace all their connection with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the se- curity for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instru- ments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a ne- cessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifl^erence upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, m- stitutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In pro- portion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essent.al that public opinion should be enlightened. 148 AMERICAN'S OWN -BOOK. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it, is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of ex- pense by cultivating peace, but remembering, also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon pos- terity the burdens which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your repre- sentatives ; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less incon- venient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always a choice of difficulties,) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acqui- escence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any lime dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations ; cultivate peace and harmony w^ith all. Religion and mo- rality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It wnll be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel exam- ple of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt but that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be that Providence has connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its vir- tue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! it is rendered impossible by its vices ! In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essen- WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 149 tial than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachment for others, should be excluded; and that in the place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions ot dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The govern- ment sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject ; at other times it makes the animosity of the nation subser- vient to the projects of hostility, instigated by pride, am- bition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has been the victim. So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nations, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and the wars of the latter, without adequate inducements or justification. It leads, also, to concessions to the favor- ite nation of privileges denied to others, which are apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions, by unnecessarily parting with \yhat ought to have been re- tained, ind by exciting jealousy, ill will and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitions, corrupt, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves^ to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity ; loO AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. gild ".ng with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obli- gation to a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for piblic good, the bise or foolish com- pliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence, in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ! Such an attach- ment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy too, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, 2ause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence, she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, there- fore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitude of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friend- ships or enmities. Our detached and distant sitii^idon invites and enables WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 16 1 US to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoy- ance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor or caprice ? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be under- stood as capable of patronising infidelity to existing en- gagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable es- tablishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the stream of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to ena- ble the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and natural opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, abandoned or varied, as experience *nd circumstances shall dictate ; constantly k^^eninG: in 152 AMEKICAN'S OWN BOOK. view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be nc greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish — that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial ben- efit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreigi intrigue; to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assu- rance of my own conscience is, that I have at least be- lieved myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, unin- fluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aids of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our coun- try'', under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with modera- tion, De*«everance and firmness. WASHINGTON S FARt:VVELL ADDRESS. 153 The considerations wliich respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to de- tail. I will only observe, that according to my under- standing of the matter, that right, so far from being de- nied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred without anything more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on erery nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct, will best be referred to your own reflections and ex- perience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country, to settle and mature its yet recent in3 itutions, and to progress, without inter- ruption, to that degree of strength and constancy, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortune. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administra- tion, I am unconscious of intentional error ; I am, never- theless, too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the man- sions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so nat- ural to a man who view^s in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations ; I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free government ; the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. •54 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. ADAMS'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 4, 1797. When it was first perceived, in early times, that no .Diddle course for America remained, between unlimited submission to a foreign legislature, and a total independ- ence of its claims, men of reflection were less apprehen- sive of danger from the formidable power of fleets and armies they must determine to resist, than from those contests and dissensions which would certainly arise con- cerning the forms of government to be instituted over the whole and over the parts of this extensive country. Re- lying, however, on the purity of their intentions, the jus- tice of their cause, and the integrity and intelligence of the people, under an overruling Providence which had 60 signally protected the country from the first, the repre- sentatives of this nation, then consisting of little more than half its present number net only broke to pieces the chains which were forging, and the rod of iron that was lifted up, but frankly cut asunder the ties which had bound them, and launched into an ocean of uncertainty. The zeal and ardor of the people, during the revolu- tionary war, supplying the place of government, com- manded a degree of order, sufficient at least fo-r the tem- porary preservation of society. The confederation which was early felt to be necessary, was prepared from the models of the Batavian and Helvetic confederacies ; the only examples which remain, with any detail and precision in history, and certainly the only ones which ihe people at large had ever considered. But, reflecting on the striking diflference, in so many particulars, between this country and those, where a courier may go from the seat of government to the frontier in a single day, it was then certainly foreseen by some who assisted in Congress at the formation of it, that it could not be durable. Negligence of its regulations, inattention to its recom- mendations, if not disobedience to its authority, not onl\ in individuals, but in states, soon appeared with their mel ancholy consequences ; universal languor; jealousies ana rivalries of states ; decline of navigation and commerce ; ADAMS'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 155 discouragement of necessary manufactures ; universal fall in the value of lands and their produce ; contempt of public and private faith ; loss of consideration and credit with foreign nations; and, at length, in discontents, ani- mosities, combinations, partial conventions, and insurrec- tion, threatening some gr^at national calamity. In this dangerous crisis, the people of America were not abandoned by their usual good sense, presence of mind, resolution, or integrity. Measures were pursued to concert a plan to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the com- mon defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty. The pubiic disquisitions, discus- sions, and deliberations, issued in the present happy con- stitution of government. ' Employed in the service of my country abroad during the whole course of these transactions, I first saw the constitution of the United States in a foreign country. Irritated by no literary altercation, animated by no pub- lic debate, heated by no party animosity, I read it with great satisfaction, as a result of good heads, prompted by good hearts ; as an experiment better adapted to the ge- nius, character, situation, and relations of this nation and country, than any which had ever been proposed or sug- gested. In its general principles and great outlines, it was conformable to such a system of government as I had ever most esteemed, and some states, my own native state in particular, had contributed to establish. Claim- ing a right of suffrage, in common with my fellow-citi- zens, in the adoption or rejection of a constitution which was to rule me and my posterity, as well as them and theirs, I did not hesitate to express my approbation of it, on all occasions, in public and in private. It was not then, nor has been since, any objection to it, in my mind, that the executive and senate were not more permanent. Nor have I ever entertained a thought of promoting any alteration in it, but such as the people themselves, in the course of their experience, should see and feel to be necessary or expedient, and by their representatives in Congress and the state legislatures, according to the con- stitution itself, adopt and ordain. 166 AMJi:ElCAN'S OWN BOOK. Returning to the bosom of my country, after a painful separation from it for ten years, I had the honor to be elected to a station under the new order of things, and I have repeatedly laid myself under the most se/ious obli- gations to support the constitution. The operation of it has equalled the most sanguine expectations of its friends ; and, from an habitual attention to it, satisfaction in its administration, and aelight in its effects upon the peace, order, prosperity, and happiness of the nation, I have ac- quired an habitual attachment to it, and veneration for it. What other form of government, indeed, can so well deserve our esteem and love ? There may be little solidity in an ancient idea that congregations of men into cities and nations are the most pleasing objects in the sight of superior intelligences ; but this is very certain, that to a benevolent human mind, there can be no spectacle presented by any nation more pleasing, more noble, majestic, or august, than an assem- bly like that which has so often been seen in this and the other chamber of Congress, of a government, in which the executive authority, as well as that of all the branches of the legislature, are exercised by citizens selected, at regular periods, by their neighbors, to make and execute laws for the general good. Can anything essential, any- thing more than mere ornament and decoration, be added to this by robes and diamonds ? Can authority be more amiable and respectable, when it descends from accidents, or institutions established in remote antiquity, than when it springs fresh from the hearts and judgments of an hon- est and enlightened people ? For it is the people only that are represented ; it is their power and majesty that is reflected, and only for their good, in every legitimate government, under whatever form it may appear. Th2 existence of such a government as ours, for any length of time, is a full proof of a general dissemination of know- ledge and virtue throughout the whole body of the people. And what object or consideration more pleasing than this, can be presented to the human mind ? If national pride is ever justifiable, or excusable, it is when it springs, not from power or riches, grandeur or glory, but from convic- tion of national innocence, information and benevolence. ADAMS'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 157 In the midst of these pleasing ideas, we should be un- faithful to ourselves, if we should ever lose sight of the danger to our liberties, if anything partial or extraneous should infect the purity of our free, fair, virtuous, and in- dependent elections. If an election is to be determined by a majority of a single vote, and that can be procured by a party, through artifice or corruption, the government may be the choice of a party, for its own ends, not of the nation for the national good. If that solitary suffrage can be obtained by foreign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the government may not be the choice of the American peo- ple, but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we, the people, who govern our- selves. And candid men will acknowledge, that in such cases, choice would have little advantage to boast of, over lot or chance. Such is the amiable and interesting system of govern- ment (and such are some of the abuses to which it may be exposed) which the people of America have exhibited to the admiration and anxiety of the wise and virtuous of all nations for eight years, under the administration of a citizen who, by a long course of great actions, regulated by prudence, justice, temperance, and fortitude, conduct- ing a people, inspired with the same virtues, and animat- ed with the same ardent patriotism and love of liberty, to independence and peace, to increasing wealth and un- exampled prosperity, has merited the gratitude of his fellow-citizens, commanded the highest praises of foreign nations, and secured immortal glory with posterity. In that retirement which is his voluntary choice, may he long live to enjoy the delicious recollection of his ser- vices, the gratitude of mankind, the happy fruits of them to himself and the world, which are daily increasing, and that splendid prospect of the future fortunes of this coun- try which is opening from year to year. His name may be still a rampart, and 1^'=' knowledge that he lives, a bul- wark against all open or secret enemies of his country's peace. This example has been recommended to the im- itation of his successors by both houses of Congress, and 14 158 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. by the voice of the legislatures and the people throughout the nation. On this subject it might become me better to be silent, or to speak with diffidence ; but as something may be expected, the occasion, I hope, will be admitted as an apology, if I venture to say, that, If a preference, upon principle, of a free republican government, formed upon long and serious reflection, after a diligent and impartial inquiry after truth ; if an attach- ment to the constitution of the United States, and a conscientious determination to support it, until it shall be altered by the judgments and wishes of the people, ex- pressed in the mode prescribed in it ; if a respectful attention to the constitutions of the individual states, and a constant caution and delicacy towards the state govern- ments ; if an equal and impartial regard to the rights, interest, honor, and happiness of all the states in the Union, without preference or regard to a northern or southern, an eastern or western position, their various political opinions on unessential points, or their personal attachments ; if a love of virtuous men of all parties and denominations ; if a love of science and letters, and a wish to patronise every rational effort to encourage schools, colleges, universities, academies, and every institution for propagating knowledge, virtue, and religion, among all classes of the people, not only for their benign influence on the happiness of life in all its stages and classes, and of society in all its forms, but as the only means of pre- serving our constitution from its natural enemies, the spirit of sophistry, the spirit of party, the spirit of intrigue, the profligacy of corruption, and the pestilence of foreign influence, which is the angel of destruction to elective governments ; if a love of equal laws, of justice, and humanity in the interior administration ; if an inclination to improve agriculture, commerce, and manufactures for necessity, convenience, and defence ; if a spirit of equity and humanity towards the aboriginal nations of America, and a disposition to meliorate their condition by inclining them to be more friendly to us, and our citizens to be more friendly to them ; if an inflexible determination to maintain peace and inviolable faith with all nations, and ADAMS'S INAlKir.'iAI, ADORESS. 159 that system of neutrality and impartiality among the belligerent powers of Europe which has been adopted by this sfovernment, and so solemnly sanctioned by both houses of Congress, and applauded by the legislatures of the states and the public opinion, until it shall be otherwise ordained by Congress ; if a personal esteem for the French nation, formed in a residence of seven years, chiefly among them, and a sincere desire to preserve the friendship which has been so much for the honor and interest of both nations ; if, while the conscious honor and integrity of the people of America, and the internal sentiment of their own power and energies must be pre- served, an earnest endeavor to investigate every just cause, and remove every colorable pretence of complaint ; if an intention to pursue by amicable negociation a repar- ation for the injuries that have been committed on the commerce of our fellow-citizens by whatever nation ; and if success cannot be obtained, to lay the facts before the legislature that they may consider what further measures the honor and interest of the government and its constit- uents demand ; if a resolution to do justice, as far as may depend upon me, at all times and to all nations, and main- tain peace, friendship, and benevolence with all the world ; if an unshaken confidence in the honor, spirit, and re- sources of the American people, on which I have so often hazarded my all, and never been deceived ; if elevated ideas of the high destinies of this country and of my own duties towards it, founded on a knowledge of the moral principles and intellectual improvements of the people, deeply engraven on my mind in early life, and not ob- scured, but exalted by experience and age ; and, with humble reverence, I feel it to be my duty to add, if a veneration for the religion of a people who profess and call ttiemselves Christians, and a fixed resolution to con- sider a decent respect for Christianity among the best recommendations for the public service, can enable me, in any degree, to comply with your wishes, it shall be my strenuous endeavor, that this sagacious injunction of the two houses shall not be without effect. With this great example before me, with the sense and spirit the faith and honor, the duty and interest, of the 160 AMERICAN'S 0W2^ BOOK. same American people, pledged to support the constitution of the United States, I entertain no doubt of its continu- ance in all its energy, and my mind is prepared, without hesitation, to lay myself under the most solemn obligations to support it to the utmost of my power. And may that Being, who is supreme over all, the Pa- tron of order, the Fountain of justice, and the Protector, in all ages of the world, of virtuous liberty, continue his blessing upon this nation and its government, and give it all possible success and duration consistent with the ends of his Providence. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESS, November 23, 1797. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : I WAS for some time apprehensive that it would be ne- cessary, on account of the contagious sickness which afflicted the city of Philadelphia, to convene the national legislature at some other place. This measure it was desirable to avoid, because it would occasion much public inconvenience, and a considerable public expense, and add to the calamities of the inhabitants of this city, whose sufferings must have excited the sympathy of all their fellow-citizens ; therefore, after taking measures to ascer- tain the state and decline of the sickness, I postponed my determination, having hopes, now happily realized, that, without hazard to the lives of the members, Congress might assemble at this place, where it was by law next to meet. I submit, however, to your consideration, whether a power to postpone the meeting of Congress, without passing the time fixed by the constitution, upon such oc- casions, would not be a useful amendment to the law of one thousand seven hundred and ninety-four. Although I cannot yet congratulate you on the re-es- tablishment of peace in Europe, and the restoration of security to the persons and properties of our citizens from ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESS. 161 injustice and violence at sea; we have, nevertheless, abundant cause of gratitude to the Source of benevolence and influence, for interior tranquillity and personal secu- rity, for propitious seasons, prosperous agriculture, pro- ductive fisheries, and general improvements, and above all, for a rational spirit of civil and religious liberty, and a calm but steady determination to support our sovereign- ty, as well as our moral and religious principles, against all open and secret attacks. Our envoys extraordinary to the French republic em- barked, one in July, the other early in August, to join their colleague in Holland. I have received intelligence of the arrival of both of them in Holland, from whence they all proceeded on their journey to Paris, within a few days of the 19th of September. Whatever may be the result of this mission, I trust that nothing will have been omitted, on my part, to conduct the negotiation to a suc- cessful conclusion, on such equitable terms as may be compatible with the safety, honor, and interest of the United States. Nothing, in the mean time, will contribute so much to the preservation of peace, and the attainment of justice, as a manifestation of that energy and unanimity, of which, on many former occasions, the people of the United States have given such memorable proofs, and the exertion of those resources for national defence which a beneficent Providence has kindly placed within their power. It may be confidently asserted that nothing has occur- red, since the adjournment of Congress, which renders inexpedient those precautionary measures recommended by me to the consideration of the two houses, at the open- ing of your late extraordinary session. If that system was then prudent, it is more so now, as increasing depreda- tions strengthen the reasons for its adoption. Indeed, whatever may be the issue of the negotiation with France, or whether the war in Europe is, or is not, to continue, I hold it most certain, that permanent tran- quillity and order will not soon be obtained. The state of society has so long been disturbed, the sense of moral and religious obligations so much weakened, public faith and national honor have been so impaired, respect to trea- 14=^ 11 162 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. ties has been so diminished, and the law of nations has lost so much of its force ; while pride, ambition, avarice, and violence, have been so long unrestrained, there re- mains no reasonable ground on which to raise an expec- tation, that a commerce without protection or defence will not be plundered. The commerce of the United States is essential, if not to their existence, at least to their comfort, their growth, prosperity, and happiness. The genius, character, and habits of the people are highly commercial ; their cities have been formed and exist upon commerce ; our agricul- ture, fisheries, arts, and manufactures, are connected with and depend upon it. In short, commerce has made this country what it is, and it cannot be destroyed or neglected without involving the people in poverty and distress. Great numbers are directly and solely supported by navi- gation ; the faith of society is pledged for the preservation of the rights of commercial and sea-faring, no less than of the other citizens. Under this view of our affairs, I should hold myself guilty of a neglect of duty, if I forbore to recommend that we should make every exertion to protect our commerce, and to place our country in a suitable posture of defence, as the only sure means of preserving both. I have entertained an expectation that it would have been in my power, at the opening of this session, to have communicated to you the agreeable information of the due execution of our treaty with his Catholic majesty, respect- ing the withdrawing of his troops from our territory, and the demarkation of the line of limits ; but, by the latest authentic intelligence, Spanish garrisons were still con- tinued within our country, and the running of the bound- ary line had not been commenced : these circumstances are the more to be regretted as they cannot fail to affect the Indians m a manner injurious to the United States. Still, however, indulging the hope that the answers which have been given will remove the objections offered by the Spanish officers to the immediate execution of the treaty, I have judged it proper that we should continue in rea- diness to receive the posts, ai ' to run the line of limits. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESS. 163 Further information on this subject will be communicated in the course of the session. In connection with this unpleasant state of things on our western frontier, it is proper for me to mention the attempts of foreign agents to alienate the affections of the Indian nations, and to excite them to actual hostilities against the United States ; great activity has been exerted by those persons who have insinuated themselves among the Indian tribes residing within the territory of the Unit- ed States, to influence them to transfer their affections and force to a foreign nation, to form them into a confed- eracy, and prepare them for a war against the United States. Although measures have been taken to counter- act these infractions of our rights, to prevent Indian hos- tilities, and to preserve entire their attachment to the United States, it is my duty to observe, that, to give a better effect to these measures, and to obviate the conse- quences of a repetition of such practices, a law providing adequate punishment for such offences may be necessary. The commissioners appointed under the fifth article of the treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the United States and Great Britain, to ascertain the river which was truly intended under the name of the river St. Croix, mentioned in the treaty of peace, met at Passamaquoddy Bay, in October, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and viewed the mouths of the rivers in question, and adjacent shores on the islands ; and being of opinion, that actual surveys of both rivers, to their sources, were necessary, gave to the agents of the two nations instructions for that purpose, and adjourned to meet at Boston, m August. They met ; but the sur- veys requiring more time than had been supposed, and not being then completed, the commissioners again adjourned to meet at Providence, in the state of Rhode Island, in June next, when we may expect a final examination and decision. The commissioners appointed in pursuance of the sixth article of the treaty, met at Philadelphia, in May last, to examine the claims of British subjects for debts contracted before the peace, and still remaining due to them from citizens or inhabitants of the United States. Various 164 amj<:kican's own book. causes have hitherto prevented any determinations ; but the business is now resumed, and doubtless will be prose- cuted without interruption. Several decisions on the claims of the citizens of the United States for losses and damages sustained by reason of irregular and illegrl captures or condemnations of their vessels or other property, have been made by the com- missioners in London, conformably to the seventh article of the treaty. The sums awarded by the commissioners have been paid by the British government ; a considera- ble number of other claims, where costs and damages, and not captured property, were the only objects in ques- tion, have been decided by arbitration, and the sums awarded tn the citizens of the United States have also been paid. The commissioners appointed, agreeably to the twenty- first article of our treaty with Spain, met at Philadelphia, in the summer past, to examine and decide on the claims of our citizens for losses they have sustained in conse- quence of their vessels and cargoes having been taken by the subjects of his Catholic majesty during the late war between Spain and France. Their sittings have been interrupted, but are now resumed. The United States being obligated to make compensation for the losses and damages sustained by British subjects, upon the award of the commissioners acting under the sixth article of the treaty with Great Britain, and for the losses and damages sustained by British subjects, by rea- son of the capture of their vessels and merchandise, taken within the limits and jurisdiction of the United States, and brought into their ports, or taken by vessels originally armed in ports of the United States, upon the awards of the commissioners, acting under the seventh article of the same treaty ; it is necessary that provision be made for fulfilling these obligations. The numerous captures of American vessels by the cruisers of the French, republic, and of some of those of Spain, have occasioned considerable expenses in making and supporting the claims of our citizens before their tribunals. The sums required for this purpose, have, in divers instances, been disbursed by the consuls of the ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL ADDRESS. 165 United States. By means of the same captures, great numbers of our seamen have been thrown ashore in for- eign countries, destitute of all means of subsistence, and the sick, in particular, have been exposed to grievous suf- ferings. The consuls have, in these cases also, advanced money for their relief; for these advances they reasona- bly expect reimbursements from the United States. The consular act, relative to seamen, requires revision and amendment ; the provisions for their support in f'i BOOK, in the s& . . light in which it has been regarded here. The British government will learn, at the same time, that a ready attention will be given to communications, through any channel which may be substituted. It will be happy, if the change in this respect should be accompanied by a favorable revision of the unfriendly policy which has been so long pursued towards the United States. With France, the other belligerent, whose trespasses on our commercial rights have long been the subject of our just remonstrances, the posture of our relations does not correspond with the measures taken on the part of the United States to effect a favorable change. The result of the several communications made to her government, in pursuance of the authorities vested by Congress in the executive, is contained in the correspondence of our min- ister at Paris now laid before you. By some of the other belligerents, although professing just and amicable dispositions, injuries materially affect- ing our commerce have not been duly controlled or re- pressed. In these cases, the interpositions deemed proper on our part have not been omitted. But it well deserves the consideration of the legislature, how far both the safety and honor of the American flag may be consulted, by adequate provision against that collusive prostitution of it by individuals, unworthy of the American name, which has so much favored the real or pretended suspicions, under which the honest commerce of their fellow-citizens has suffered. In relation to the powers on the coast of Barbary, noth- ing has occurred which is not of a nature rather to inspire confidence than distrust, as to the continuance of the ex- isting amity. With our Indian neighbors, the just and benevolent system continued towards them, has also pre- served peace, and is more and more advancing habits favorable to their civilization and happiness. From a statement which will be made by the Secretary of War, it will be seen that the fortifications on our mari- time frontier are in many of the ports completed, affording the defence which was contemplated ; and that a further time will be required to render complete the works in the harbor of New York, and in some other places. By the MADISON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 187 enlargement of the works, and the employment of a greater number of hands at the public armories, the supply of small arms, of an improving quality, appears to be annually increasing at a rate that, with those made on private contract, may be expected to go far towards pro- viding for the public exigency. The act of Congress providing for the equipment of our vessels of war having been fully carried into execu- tion, I refer to the statement of the Secretary of the Navy for the information which may be proper on that subject. To thac statement is added a view of the transfers of ap- propriations, authorized by the act of the session prece- ding the last, and of the grounds on which the transfers were made. Whatever may be the course, of your deliberations on the subject of our military establishments, I should fail in my duty in not recommending to your serious attention the importance of giving to our militia, the great bulwark of our security and resource of our power, an organization the best adapted to eventual situations, for which the United States ought to be prepared. The sums which had been previously accumulated in the treasury, together with the receipts during the year ending on the 30th of September last, (and amounting to more than nine millions of dollars,) have enabled us to fulfil all our engagements, and to defray the current expenses of government, without recurring to any loan. But the insecurity of our commerce, and the consequent diminution of the public revenue, will probably produce a deficiency in the receipts of the ensuing year, for which, and for other details, I refer to the statements which will be transmitted from the treasury. In the state which has been presented of our affairs with the great parties to a disastrous and protracted war, carried on in a mode equally injurious and unjust to the United States as a neutral nation, the wisdom of the national legislature will be again summoned to the im- portant decision on the alternatives before them. That these will be met in a spirit worthy the councils of a na- tion conscious both of its rectitude and of its rights, and careful as well of its honor as of its peace, I have an 188 AMERICAN'S OWN Bc»OK. entire confidence. And that the result will be stamped by a unanimity becoming the occasion, and be supported by every portion of our citizens, with a patriotism en- lightened and invigorated by experience, ought as little to be doubted. In the midst of the wrongs and vexations experienced from external causes, there is much room for congratula- tion on the prosperity and happiness flowing from our situation at home. The blessing of health has never been more universal. The fruits of the seasons, though in particular articles and districts short of their usual redundancy, are more than sufficient for our wants and our comforts. The face of our country everywhere pre- sents the evidence of laudable enterprise, of extensive capital, and of durable improvement. In the cultivation of the materials, and the extension of useful manufactures, more especially in the general application to household fabrics, we behold a rapid diminution of our dependence on foreign supplies. Nor is it unworthy of reflection, that this revolution in our pursuits and habits is in no slight degree a consequence of those impolitic and arbi- trary edicts, by which the contending nations, in endeav- oring each of them to obstruct our trade with the other, have so far abridged our means- of procuring the produc- tions and manufactures, of which our own are now taking the place. Recollecting always, that, for every advantage which may contribute to distinguish our lot from that to which others are doomed by the unhappy spirit of the times, we are indebted to that Divine Providence whose goodness has been so remarkably extended to this rising nation, it becomes us to cherish a devout gratitude, and to implore from the same Omnipotent Source a blessing on the con- sultations and measures about to be undertaken for the welfare of our beloved country. MONROE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 189 MONROE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 5, 1817. I SHOULD be destitute of feeling if I was not deeply af- fected by the strong proof which my fellow-citizens have given me of their confidence, in calling me to the high office, whose functions I am about to assume. As the expression of their good opinion of my conduct in the public service, I derive from it a gratification which those who are conscious of having done all that they could do to merit it, can alone feel. My sensibility is increased by a just estimate of the importance of the trust, and of the nature and extent of its duties ; with the proper discharge of which the highest interests of a great and free people are intimately connected. Conscious of my own defi- ciency, I cannot enter on these duties without great anxi- ety for the result. From a just responsibility I will never shrink ; calculating with confidence, that in my best efforts to promote the public welfare, my motives will always be duly appreciated, and my conduct be viewed with that candor and indulgence which I have experi- enced in other stations. In commencing the duties of the chief executive office it has been the practice of the distinguished men who have gone before me, to explain the principles which would govern them in their respective administrations. In following their venerated example, my attention is naturally drawn to the great causes which have contrib- uted, in a principal degree, to produce the present happy condition of the United States. They will best explain the nature of our duties, and shed much light on the pol- icy which ought to be pursued in future. From the commencement of our revolution to the pres- ent day, almost forty years have elapsed, and from the establishment of this constitution, twenty-eight. Through this whole term, the government has been what may em- phatically be called, self-government : and what has been the effect ? To whatever object we turn our attention, whether it relates to our foreign or domestic concerns, 190 AMERICAN'S OWN .BOOK. we find abundant cause to felicitate ourselvis in the ex- cellence of our institutions. During a period fraught with difficulties, and marked by very extraordinary events, the United States have flourished beyond exam- ple. Their citizens, individually, have been happy, and the nation prosperous. Under this constitution our commerce has been wisely regulated with foreign nations, and between the states; new states have been admitted into our Union ; our terri- tory has been enlarged by fair and honorable treaty, and with great advantage to the original states ; the states respectively protected by the national government, under a mild paternal system, against foreign dangers, and en- joying within their separate spheres, by a wise partition of power, a just proportion of the sovereignty, have im- proved their police, extended their settlements, and attain- ed a strength and maturity which are the best proofs of wholesome laws well administered. And if we look to the condition of individuals, what a proud spectacle does it exhibit ! On whom has oppression fallen in any quar- ter of our Union? Who has been deprived of any right of person or property ? Who restrained from offering his vows, in the mode Avhich he prefers, to the Divine Author of his beifig ? It is well known that all these blessings have been enjoyed in their fullest extent ; and I add, with peculiar satisfaction, that there has been no example of a capital punishment being inflicted on any one for the crime of high treason. Some who might admit the competency of our govern- ment to those beneficent duties, might doubt it in trials which put to the test its strength and efficiency as a member of the great community of nations. Here, too, experience has afforded us the most satisfactory proof in its favor. Just as this constitution was put into action, several of the principal states of Europe had become much agitated, and some of them seriously convulsed. Destructive wars ensued, which have of late only been terminated. In the course of these conflicts, the United States received great injury from several of the parties It was their interest to stand aloof from the contest, to demand justice from the party committing the injury and MONROE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 191 to cultivate, by a fair and honorable conduct, the friend- ship of all. War became at length inevitable, and the result has shown that our government is equal to that, the greatest of trials, under the most unfavorable circum- stances. Of the virtue of the people, and of the heroic exploits of the army, the navy, and the militia, I need not speak. Such, then, is the happy government under which we live ; a government adequate to every purpose for which the social compact is formed ; a government elective in all its branches, under which every citizen may, by his merit, obtain the highest trust recognised by the constitu- tion ; which contains within it no cause of discord ; none to put at variance one portion of the community with an- other ; a government which protects every citizen in the full enjoyment of his rights, and is able to protect the na- tion against injustice from foreign powers. Other considerations of the highest importance admon- ish us to cherish our union, and to cling to the government which supports it. Fortunate as we are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circum- stances, on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extend- ing through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating, internally, to the great lakes and beyond the resources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed too with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our fellow-men in other countries. Such i. our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agri- cultural interest of our nation prospers under its protec- tion. Local interests are not less fostered by it. Our fellow-citizens of the north, engaged in navigation, find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these are amply recom- 192 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. pensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and navi'.l force, thus formed and reared up for the support of our common rights. Our manufacturers find a generous en- couragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry; and the surplus of our produce, a steady and profitable market by local wants in less favored parts at home. Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which menace us ? If any exist, they ought to be ascertained and guarded against. In explaining my sentiments on this subject, it may be asked, what raised us to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the revolution ? How remedy the de- fects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the national government sufficient power for national pur- poses, without impairing the just rights of the states, or affecting those of individuals? How sustain and pass with glory through the late war ? The government has been in the hands of the people. To the people, there- fore, and to the faithful and able depositaries of their trust, is the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in different principles, had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous, can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career, or been blessed with the same suc- cess ? While then the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state, everything will be safe. They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every department. It is only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a popu- lace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin. Let us then look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve it in full force. Let us, by all wise and constitutional mea- sures, promote intelligence among the people, as the best means of preserving our liberties. Dangers from abroad are not less deserving of atten- tion. Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the MONROE S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 193 United States may again be involved in war, and it may in that event be the object of the adverse party to overset our government, to break our union, dnd demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe, and the just, mod- erate, and pacific policy of our government, may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These inter- ests are exposed to invasion in the wars between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonitions of experience if we did not expect it. We must support our rights, or lose our character, and with it, perhaps, our liberties. A people who fail to do it, can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations. National honor is national property of the highest value. The sen- timent in the mind of every citizen, is national strength. It ought therefore to be cherished. To secure us against these dangers, our coast and inland frontiers should be fortified, our army and navy regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a state of defence as to secure oar cities and interior from invasion, will be attended with expense, but the work when finished will be permanent, and it is fair to presume that a single campaign of invasion, by a naval force, superior to our own, aided by a few chousand land troops, would expose us to a greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work. Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes. The former to garrison and preserve our fortifications, and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe ; and while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science, as well as all the necessary implements of war, in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war. The lat- ter, retained within the limits proper in state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United 17 13 194 AMERIJAN'S OWN BOOK. States, with dignity, in the wars of other poweis, and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation. In time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defence and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war, and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable termination. But it ought always to be held prominently in view, that the safety of these states, and of everything dear to a free people, must depend in an eminent degree on the militia. Invasions may be made too formidable, to be resisted by any land and naval force, which it would comport either with the principles of our government or the circumstances of the United States to maintain. In such cases, recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so or- ganized and trained as to be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such as to put at the com- mand of the government the ardent patriotism and youth- ful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed, too, in time of peace, to be the better prepared for war. With such an organization of such a people, the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its ap- proach, an overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion. Other interests of high importance will claim attention , among which, the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding ilways with a constitutional sane tion, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the intercourse between the states, we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our fellow-citizens, much to the ornament of the country, and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each part more accessible to and dependent on the other, we shall bind the union more closely together. Nature MONROES INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 195 has done so much for us by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducemerjt to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was perhaps never seen than is exhibited within the limits of the United Stales — a ter- ritory so vast, and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts. Our manufactures, will, likewise, require the systematic and fostering care of the government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend, in the degree we have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, cannot fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital which nourishes our manufactures should be domestic, as its influence, in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may dr in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agri culture, and every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as by extending the competition, it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets. With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friend- ly relations, and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of civilization. The great amount of our revenue, and the flourishing state of the treasury are a full proof of tne competency of the national resources for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow-citizens to bear the burdens which the public necessities require. The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an additional resource of great extent and duration. These resources, besides accomplishing every other ne- cessary purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an early period. Peace is the best time for improvement and pre- parations of every kind ; it is in peace that our commerce 196 AMEKICAN'S OWN BOOK. flourishes most, that taxes are most easily paid, and thAt the revenue is most productive. The executive is charged, officially, in the departments under it, with the disbursement of the public money, and is responsible for the faithful application of it to the pur- poses for which it is raised. The legislature is the watchful guardian over the public purse. It is its duty to see that the disbursement has been honestly made. To meet the requisite re3ponsibilit)^ every facility should be afforded to the executive, to enable it to bring the public agents intrusted with the public money, strictly and promptly to account. Nothing should be presumed against them ; but if, with the requisite facilities, the public money is suffered to lie long and uselessly in their hands, they will not be the only defaulters, nor will the demoralizing effect be confined to them. It will evince a relaxation and want of tone in the administration, which will be felt by the whole community. I shall do all that I can to secure economy and fidelity in this important branch of the administration, and I doubt not that the legislature will perform its duty with equal zeal. A thorough examination should be regularly made, and I will promote it. It is particularly gratifying to me to enter on the dis- charge of these duties at a time when the United States are blessed with peace. It is a state most consistent with their prosperity and happiness. It will be my sincere desire to preserve it, so far as depends on the executive, on just principles with all nations, claiming nothing un- reasonable of any, and rendering to each what is its due. Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased har- mony of opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our system. Union is recommended, as well by the free and benign principles of our govern- ment, extending its blessings to every individual, as by the other eminent advantages attending it. The American people have encountered together great dangers, and sus- tamed severe trials with success. They constitute one great family with a common interest. Experience has enlightened us on some questions of essential importance to the country. The progress has been slow, dictated by MONROE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 197 a just reflection, and a faithful regard to every interest connected with it. To promote this harmony, in accord- ance with the principles of our republican government, and in a manner to give the most complete effect, and to advance, in all other respects, the best interests of our country, will be the object of my constant and zealous exertions. Never did a government commence under auspices sc favorable, nor ever was success so complete. If we look to the history of other nations, ancient or modern, we find no example of a growth so rapid, so gigantic ; of a people so prosperous and happy. In contemplating what we have still to perform, the heart of every citizen must ex- pand with joy, when he reflects how near our government has approached to perfection; that in respect to it we have no essential improvement to make ; that the great object is to preserve it in the essential principles and fea- tures which characterize it, and that that is to be done by preserving the virtue and enlightening the minds of the people ; and, as a security against foreign dangers, to adopt such arrangements as are indispensable to the sup- port of our independence, our rights and liberties. If we persevere in the career in which we have advanced so far, and in the path already traced, we cannot failt under the favor of a gracious Providence, to attain the high destiny which seems to await us. In the administration of the illustrious men who have preceded me in this high station, with some of whom I have been connected by the closest ties from early life, examples are presented which will always be found highly instructive and useful to their successors. From these I shall endeavor to derive all the advantages which they may afford. Of my immediate predecessor, under whom so important a portion of this great and successful exper- iment has been made, I shall be pardoned for expressing my earnest wishes that he may long enjoy in his retire- ment the affections of a grateful country, the best reward of exalted talents and the most faithful and meritorious services. Relying on the aid to be derived from the other departments of government, I enter on the trust to which I have been called by the suffrages of my fellow-:itizens, 17=* 198 AMEKICAN'S OWN^OOK. with my fervent prayers to the Almighty that he will be graciously pleased to continue to us that protection which he has aiready so conspicuously displayed in our favor. MONROE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, December 3, 1817. Fellow-Citizens of the Senr^e, and House of Representatives : At no per i'-jd of our political existence had we so much cause to felicitate ourselves at the prosperous and happy condition of our country. The abundant fruits of the earth have filled it with plenty. An extensive and profit- able commerce has greatly augmented our revenue. The public credit has attained an extraordinary elevation. Our preparations for defence, in case of future wars, from which, by the experience of all nations, we ought not ex- pect to be exempted, ire advancing, under a well digested system, with all the despatch which so important a work will admit. Our free government, founded on the inter- ests and affections of the people, has gained, and is daily gaining strength. Local jealousies are rapidly yielding to more generous, enlarged, and enlightened views of national policy. For advantages so numerous and highly important, it is our duty to unite in grateful acknowledg- ments to that Omnipotent Being, from whom they are derived, and in unceasing prayer that he will endow us with virtue and strength to maintain and hand them down, m their utmost purity, to our latest posterity. I have the satisfaction to inform you, that an arrange- ment, which had been commenced by my predecessor, with the British government, for the reduction of the na- val force, by Great Britain and the United States, on the lakes, has been concluded ; by which it is provided, that neither party shall keep in service on lake Champlain more than one vessel ; on lake Ontario, more than one ; on lake Erie and the upper lakes, more than two ; to be armed, each with one cannon only, and that all the other armed vessels a: both parties, of which an exact list is MONROE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 199 interchanged, shall be dismantled. It is also agreed, that the force retained shall be restricted in its duty to the in- ternal purposes of each party ; and that the arrangement shall remain in force until six months shall have expired after notice having been given by one of the parties to the other of its desire that it should terminate. By this arrangement, useless expense on both sides, and, what is of greater importance, the danger of collision between armed vessels in those inland waters, which was great, is prevented. I have the satisfaction also to state, that the commis- sioners under the fourth article of the treaty of Ghent, to whom it A^ as referred to decide to which party the several islands in the bay of Passamaquoddy belonged, under the treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, have agreed in a report, by which all the islands in the possession of each party before the late war have been decreed to it. The commissioners acting under the other articles of the treaty of Ghent, for the settlement of the boundaries, have also been engaged in the discharge of their respective duties, but have not yet completed them. The difference which arose between the two governments, under the treaty, respecting the right of the United States to take and cure fish on the coast of the British provinces, north of our limits, which had been secured by the treaty of one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three, is still in negotiation. The proposition made by this govern- ment, to extend to the colonies of Great Britain the principle of the convention of London, by which the commerce between the ports of the United States and British ports of Europe had been placed on a footing of equality, has been declined by the British government. This subject having been thus amicably discussed between the two governments, and it appearing that the British government is unwilling to depart from its present regu- lations, it remains for Congress to decide whether they will make any other regulations, in consequence thereof, tor the protection and improvement of our navigation. The negotiation with Spain, for spoliations on our com- merce, and the settlement of boundaries, remains essen- tiallv in the state it held in the communications that were 200 AMKitlOANS OWN BOOK. made to Congress by my predecessor. It has been evi- dently the policy of the Spanish government to keep the negotiation suspended, and in this the United States have acquiesced, from an amicable disposition towards Spain, and in the expectation that her government would, from a sense of justice, finally accede to such an arrangement as would be equal between the parties. A disposition has been lately shown by the Spanish government to move in the negotiation, which has been met by this govern- ment, and should the conciliatory and friendly policy which has invariably guided our councils, be reciproca- ted, a just and satisfactory arrangement maybe expected. It is proper, however, to remark that no proposition has yet been made from which such a result can be presumed. It was anticipated, at an early stage, that the contest between Spain and the colonies would become highly in- teresting to the United States. It was natural that our citizens should sympathize in events which affected their neighbors. It seemed probable, also, that the prosecution of the conflict, along our coast, and in contiguous coun- tries, would occasionally interrupt our commerce, and otherwise affect the persons and property of our citizens. These anticipations have been realized. Such injuries have been received from persons acting under the author- ity of both the parties, and for which redress has, in some instances, been withheld. Through every stage of the conflict, the United States have maintained an impar- tial neutrality, giving aid to neither of the parties in men, money, ships, or munitions of war. They have regarded the contest not in the light of an ordinary insurrection or rebellion, but as a civil war between parties nearly equal, having, as to neutral powers, equal rights. Our ports have been open to both, and every article, the fruit of our soil, or of the industry of our citizens, which either was permitted to take, has been equally free to the other. Should the colonies establish their independence, it is proper now to state that this government neither seeks nor would accept from them any advantage in commerce or otherwise, which will not be equally open to all other nations. The colonies will in that event become inde- pendent states, free from any obligation to, or connection MONROE S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 201 with us, which it may not then be their interest to form on a basis of fair reciprocity. In the summer of the present year, an expedition was set on foot against East Florida, by persons claiming to act under the authority of some of the colonies, who took possession of Amelia Island, at the mouth of St. Mary's river, near the boundary of the state of Georgia. As the province lies eastward of the Mississippi, and is bounded by the United States and the ocean on every side, and has been a subject of negotiation with the government of Spain, as an indemnity for losses by spoliation, or in ex- change of territory of equal value, westward of the Mis- sissippi, a fact well known to the world, it excited sur- prise that any countenance should be given to this meas- ure by any of the colonies. As it would be difficult to reconcile it with the friendly relations existing between the United States and the colonies, a doubt was entertain- ed whether it had been authorized by them, or any of them. This doubt has gained strength, by the circum- stances which have unfolded themselves in the prosecu- tion of the enterprise, which have marked it as a mere private, unauthorized adventure. Projected and com- menced with an incompetent force, reliance seems to have been placed on what might be drawn, in defiance of our laws, from within our limits ; and of late, as their resources have failed, it has assumed a more marked character of unfriei.dliness to us, the island being made a channel for the illicit introduction of slaves from Africa into the United States, an asylum for fugitive slaves from the neighboring states, and a port for smuggling of every kind. A similar establishment was made, at an earlier period, by persons of the same description, in the Gulf of Mexi- co, at a place called Galveston, within the limits of the United States, as we contend, under the cession of Louis- iana. This enterprise has been marked in a more sig- nal manner by all the objectionable circumstances which characterized the other, and more particularly by the equipment of privateers which have annoyed our com- merce, and by smugglmg. These establishmeiits, if ever sanctioned by any authority whatever, which is not be- 202 AMEFvlCAN'S OWN BOOK. lieved, have abused their trust and forfeited all claim to consideration. A just regard for the rights and interests of the United States required that they should be sup- pressed, and orders have accordingly been issued to that effect. The imperious considerations which produced this measure will be explained to the parties whom it may in any degree concern. To obtain correct information on pvery subject in which the United States are interested , to inspire just senti- ments in all persons in authority, on either side, of our friendly disposition, so far as it may comport with an im- partial neutrality, and to secure proper respect to our com- merce in every port, and from evsry flag, it has been thought proper to send a ship of war, with three distin- guished citizens, along the southern coast, with instruc- tions to touch at such ports as they may find most expe- dient for these purposes. With the existing authorities, with those in the possession of, and exercising the sover- eignty, must the communication be held ; from them alone can redress for past injuries, committed by persons acting under them, be obtained ; by them alone can the commis- sion of the like in future be prevented. Our relations with the other powers of Europe have ex- perienced no essential change since the last session. In our intercourse with each, due attention contmues to be paid to the protection of our commerce, and to every other object in which the United States are interested. A strong hope is entertained, that by adhering to the max- ims of a just, candid, and friendly policy, we may long preserve amicable relations with all the powers of Europe, on conditions advantageous and honorable to our coun- try. With the Barbary States and the Indian tribes, our pa- cific relations have been preserved. In calling your attention to the internal concerns of our country, the view which they exhibit is peculiarly gratifying. The payments which have been made into the treasury show the very productive state of the public revenue. After satisfying the appropriations made by law for the support of the civil government and of the military and naval establishments, embracing suitable MONROE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 203 provision for fortification and for the gradual increase of the navy, paying the interest of the pyblic debt, and ex- tinguishing more than eighteen millions of the principal, within the present year, it is estimated that a balance of more than six millions of dollars will remain in the trea- sury on the first day of January, applicable to the current service of the ensuing year. The payments into the treasury during the year one thousand eight hundred and seventeen, on account of imports and tonnage, resulting principally from duties which have accrued in the present year, may be fairly estimated at twenty millions of dollars ; internal reve- nues, at two millions five hundred thousand ; public lands, at one million five hundred thousand ; bank dividends and incidental receipts, at five hundred thousand ; mak- ing, in the whole, twenty-four millions and five hundred thousand dollars The annual permanent expenditure for the support of the civil government, and of the army and navy, as now established by law, amounts to eleven millions eight hun- dred thousand dollars ; and for the sinking fund, to ten millions ; making, in the whole, twenty-one millions eight hundred thousand dollars ; leaving an annual excess of revenue, be3'ond the expenditure, of two millions seven hundred thousand dollars, exclusive of the balance esti- mated to be in the treasury on the 1st day of January, one thousand eight hundred and eighteen. In the present state of the treasury, the whole of the Louisiana debt may be redeemed in the year 1819 ; after which, if the public debt continues as it now is, above par, there will be annually about five millions of the sinking fund unexpended, until the year 1S25, when the loan of 1812, and the stock created by funding treasury notes, will be redeemable. It is also estimated that the Mississippi stock will be discharged during the year 1819, from the proceeds of the public lands assigned to that object ; after which the receipts from those lands will annually add to the public revenue the sum of one million five hundred thousand dollars, making the permanent annual revenue amount to iwcntv-six millions of dollars, and leaving an annual ex- 204 AMERICAN'S UWN BUOK. cess of revenue after the year 1819, beyond the penaa nent authorized expenditure, of more than four millions of dollars. By the last returns to the department of war, the mili- tia force of the spveral states may be estimated at eight hundred thousand men, infantry, artillery, and cavalry. Great part of this force is armed, and measures are taken to arm the whole. An improvement in the organization and discipline of the militia, is one of the great objects which claim the unremitted attention of Congress. The regular force amounts nearly to the number re- quired by law, and is stationed along the Atlantic and inland frontiers. Of the naval force, it has been necessary to maintain strong squadrons in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf of Mexico. From several of the Indian tribes, inhabiting the coun- try bordering on Lake Erie, purchases have been made of lands, on conditions very favorable to the United States, and, it is presumed, not less so to the tribes themselves. By these purchases the Indian title, with moderate res- ervations, has been extinguished to the whole of the land within the state of Ohio, and to a great part of that in Michigan territory, and of the state of Indiana. From the Cherokee tribe a tract has been purchased in the state of Georgia, and an arrangement made, by which, in ex- change for lands beyond the Mississippi, a great part, if not the whole of the land belonging to the tribe, eastward of that river, in the states of North Carolina, Georgia, and Tennessee, and in the Alabama territory, will soon be ac- quired. By these acquisitions, and others that may rea- sonably be expected soon to follow, we shall be enabled to extend our settlements from the inhabited parts of the state of Ohio, along Lake Erie, into the Michigan terri- tory, and to connect our settlements, by degrees, through the state of Indiana and the Illinois territory, to that of Missouri. A similar and equally advantageous effect will soon be produced to the south, through the whole ex- tent of the states and territory which border on the waters emptying into the Mississippi and the Mobile. In this progress, which the rights of nat\ire demand, and nothing MONROE'S FJKST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 205 can prevent, marking a growth rapid and gigantic, it is our duty to make new efforts for the preservation, im- provement, and civilization of the native inhabitants. The hunter state can exist only in the vast uncultivated desert. It yields to the more dense and compact form and greater force of civilized population ; and of right it ought to yield, for the earth was given to mankind to sup- port the greatest number of which it is capable, and no tribe or people have a right to withhold from the wants of others more than is necessary for their own support and comfort. It is gratifying to know that the reserva- tion of land made by the treaties with the tribes on Lake Erie, were made with a view to individual ownership among them, and to the cultivation of the soil by all, and that an annual stipend has been pledged to supply their other wants. It will merit the consideration of Congress, whether other provisions, not stipulated by the treaty, ought to be made for these tribes, and for the advance- ment of the liberal and humane policy of the United States towards all the tribes within our limits, and more particularly for their improvement in the arts of civilized life. Among the advantages incident to these purchases, and to those which have preceded, the security which may thereby be afforded to our inland frontier is peculiarly important. With a strong barrier, consisting of our own people thus planted on the lakes, the Mississippi and the Mobile, with the protection to be derived from the regu- lar force, Indian hostilities, if they do not altogether cease, will henceforth lose their terror. Fortifications in those quarters to any extent will not be necessary, and the expense attending them may be saved. A people ac- customed to the use of fire-arms only, as the Indian tribes are, will shun even moderate works which are de- fended by cannon. Great fortifications will therefore be requisite only in future along the coast, and at some points in the interior connected with it. On these will the safety of towns and the commerce of our rivers, f»om the Bay of Fundy to the Mississippi, depend. On these, therefore, should the utmost attention, skill and labor be bestowed. 18 206 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. A considerable and rapid augmentation in the value of all the public lands, proceeding from these and other ob- vious causes, may henceforward be expected. The dif- ficulties attending early emigrations will be dissipated even in the most rt note parts. Several new states have been admitted into our Union, to the west and south, and territorial governments, happily organized, established over every other portion in which there is vacant land for sale. In terminating Indian he utilities, as must soon be done, in a formidable shape at least, the emigration, which haL heretofore been great, will probably increase, and the demand for land, and the augmentation in its value, be in like proportion. The great increase of our population throughout the Union will alone produce an important effect, and in no quarter will it be so sensibly felt as those in contemplation. The public lands are a public stock, which ought to be disposed of to the best advantage for the nation. The nation should, therefore, derive the profit proceeding from the continual rise in their value. Every encouragement should be given to the emigrants, consistent Avith a fair competition betw^een them ; but that competition should operate in the first sale to the advantage of the nation rather than of indi- viduals. Great capitalists will derive all the benefit inci- dent to their superior wealth, under any mode of sale which may be adopted. But if, looking forward to the rise in the value of the public lands, they should have the opportunity of amassing, at a low^ price, vast bodies in their hands, the profit will accrue to them, and not to the public. They would also have the power, in that degree, to control the emigration and settlement in such a manner as their opinion of their respective interests might dictate. I submit the subject to the consideration of Congress, that such further provision may be made of the sale of the public lands, with a view to the public interest, should any be deemed expedient, as in their judgment may be best adapted to the object. When we consider the vast extent of territory within the United States, the great amount and value of its pro- ductions, the connection of its parts, and other circum- stances on which their prosperity and happiness depend, MONROE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 207 we cannot fail to entertain a high sense of the advantage to be derived from the facility which may be afforded in the intercourse between them, by means of good roads and canals. Never did a country of such vast extent offer equal inducements to improvements of this kind, nor ever were consequences of such magnitude involved in them. As this subject was acted on by Congress at the last session, and there may be a disposition to revive it at present, I have brought it into view for the purpose of communicating my sentiments on a very important circumstance connected with it, with that freedom and candor which a regard for the public interest and a proper respect for Congress require. A difference of opinion has existed, from the first formation of our constitution to the present time, among our most enlightened and virtu- ous citizens, respecting the right of Congress to establish such a system of improvement. Taking into view the trust with which I am now honored, it would be improper, after what has passed, that this discussion should be re- vived with an uncertainty of my opinion respecting the right. Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the subject all the deliberation which its great impor- tance, and a just sense of my duty, required, and the re- sult is a settled conviction in my mind that Congress do not possess the right. It is not contained in any of the specified powers granted to Congress, nor can I consider it incidental to, or a necessary mean, viewed on the most liberal scale, for carrying into effect any of the powers which are specifically granted. In communicating this result, I cannot resist the obligation which I feel, to sug- gest to Congress the propriety of recommending to the states an adoption of an amendment to the constitution, which shall give Congress the right in question. In cases of doubtful construction, especially of such vital interest, it comports with the nature and origin of our republican institutions, and will contribute much to pre- serve them, to apply to our constituents for an explicit gran^, of the power. We may confidently rely, that, if it appears to their satisfaction that the power is necessary, it will be granted. In this casf. I am happy to observe, that experience 208 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. has afforded the most ample proof of its utility, and that the benign spirit of conciliation and harmony, which now manifests itself throughout our Union, promises to such a recommendation the most prompt and favorable result. I think proper to suggest, also, in case this measure is adopted, that it be recommended to the states to include in the amendment sought, a right in Congress to institute, likewise, seminaries of learning, for the all-important pur- pose of diffusing knowledge among our fellow-citizens throughout the United States. Our manufactures will require the continued attentioii of Congress. The capital employed in them is consider- able, and the knowledge required in the machinery and fabric of all the most useful manufactures is of great value. Their preservation, which depends on due en- couragement, is connected with the high interests of the nation. Although the progress of the public buildings has been as favorable as circumstances have permitted, it is to be regretted the capitol is not yet in a state to receive you. There is good cause to presume that the two wings, the only parts as yet commenced, will be prepared for that purpose the next session. The time seems now to have arrived, when this subject may be deemed worthy of the attention of Congress, on a scale adequate to national purposes. The completion of the middle building will be necessary to the convenient accommodation of Con- gress, of the committees, and various oflicers belonging to it. It is evident that the other public buildings are altogether insufficient for the accommodation of the sev- eral executive departments ; some of whom are much crowded, and even subject to the- necessity of obtaining it in private buildings, at some distance from the head of the department, and with inconvenience to the manage- ment of the public business. Most nations have taken an interest and a pride in the improvement and ornament of their metropolis, and none were more conspicuous in that respect than the ancient republics. The policy which dictated the establishment of a permanent residence for the national government, and the spirit in which it was commenced and has been prosecuted, show that such im- MONROE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 209 provement was thought worthy the attention of this nation . Its central position, between the northern and southern extremes of our Union, and its approach to the west, at the head of a great navigable river, which interlocks with the western waters, prove the wisdom of the councils which established it. Nothing appears to be more reasonable and proper, than that convenient accommodation should be provided, on a well-digested plan, for the heads of the several de- partments, and for the attorney-general ; and it is believed that the public ground in the city, applied to these ob- jects, will be found amply sufficient. I submit this sub- ject to the consideration of Congress, that such provision may be made in it as to them may seem proper. In contemplating the happy situation of the United States, our attention is drawn, with peculiar interest, to the surviving officers and soldiers of our revolutionary army, who so eminently contributed, by their services, to lay its foundation. Most of those very meritorious citi- zens have paid the debt of nature and gone to repose. It is believed, that among the survivors there are some not provided for by existing laws, who are reduced to indi- gence, and even to real distress. These men have a claim on the gratitude of their country, and it will do honor to their country to provide for them. The lapse of a few years more, and the opportunity will be forever lost ; indeed, so long already has been the interval, that the number to be benefitted by any provision which may be made, will not be great. It appearing in a satisfactory manner that the revenue arising from imposts and tonnage, and from the sale of public lands, will be fully adequate to the support of the civil government, of the present military and naval estab- lishments, including the annual augmentation of the latter to the extent, provided for, to the payment of the interest on the pubii3 debt, and to the extinguishment of it at the times ?.uthorized, without the aid of the internal taxes, I consider it my duty to recommend to Congress their re- peal. To impose taxes Avhen the public exigencies require them, is an obligation of the most sacred charac- ter, especially with a free people. The faithful fulfilment 18=^ 14 210 AMERICAN'S OWK BOOK. of it is among the highest proofs of their virtue and ca- pacity for self-government. To dispense with taxes, when it may be done with perfect safety, is equally the duty of their representatives. In this instance, we have the satisfaction to know that they were imposed when the demand was imperious, and have been sustained with exemplary fidelity. I have to add, that however gratify- ing it may be to me, regarding the prosperous and happy condition of our country, to recommend the repeal of these taxes at this time, I shall, nevertheless, be attentive to events, and should any future emergency occur, be not less prompt to suggest such measures and burdens as may then be requisite and proper. J. Q. ADAMS'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, March 4, 1825. In compliance with a usage coeval with the existence of our federal constitution, and sanctioned by the example of my predecessors in the career upon which I am about to enter, I appear, my fellow-citizens, in your presence, and in that of Heaven, to bind myself, by the solemnities of a religious obligation, to the faithful performance of the duties allotted to me, in the station to which I have been called. In unfolding to my countrymen the principles by which I shall be governed in the fulfilment of those duties, my first resort will be to that constitution, which I shall swear, to the best of my ability, to preserve, protect,, and defend. That revered instrument enumerates the powers and prescribes the duties of the executive magistrate ; and, in its first words, declares the purposes to which these, and the whole action of the government, instituted by it, should be invariably and sacredly devoted — to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to the people of this Union, in their successive generations Since the adoption of this social compact, one of these J. a. ADAMS'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 211 generations has passed away. It is the work of our forefathers. Administered by some of the most eminent men who contributed to its formation, through a most eventful period in the annals of the world, and through all the vicissitudes of peace and war, incidental to the condition of associated man, it has, not disappointed the hopes and aspirations of those illustrious benefactors of their age and nation. It has promoted the lasting wel- fare of that country, so dear to us all ; it has, to an extent far beyond the ordinary lot of hum.anity, secured the freedom and happiness of this people. We now receive it as a precious inheritance from those to whom we are indebted for its establishment, doubly bound by the ex- amples they have left us, and by the blessings which we have enjoyed, as the fruits of their labors, to transmit the same, unimpaired, to the succeeding generations. In the compass of thirty-six years, since this great national covenant was instituted, a body of laws enacted under its authority, and in conformity with its provisions, has unfolded its powers, and carried into practical opera- tion its effective energies. Subordinate departments have distributed the executive functions in their various rela- tions to foreign affairs, to the revenue and expenditures, and to the military force of the Union by land and sea. A co-ordinate department of the judiciary has expounded the constitution and the laws ; settling, in harmonious coincidence with the legislative will, numerous weighty questions of construction which the imperfection of hu- man language had rendered unavoidable. The year of jubilee since the first formation of our Union has just elapsed ; that of the declaration of independence is at hand. The consummation of both was effected by this constitution. Since that period, a population of four mil- lions has multiplied to twelve. A territory, bounded by the Mississippi, has been extended from sea to sea. New states have been admitted to the Union, in numbers near- ly equal to those of the first confederation. Treaties of peace, amity, and commerce, have been concluded with the principal dominions of the earth. The people of other nations, the inhabitants of regions acquired, not by conquost but by compact, have been united with us in the 212 AMEKICAN'S OW.N BOOK. participation of our rights and duties, of our burdens and blessings. The forest has fallen by the axe of our woods- men ; the soil has been made to teem by the tillage of our farmers ; our commerce has Avhitened every ocean. The dominion of man over physical nature has been ex- tended by the invention of our artists. Liberty and law have marched hand in hand. All the purposes of human association have been accomplished as effectively as un- der any other government on the globe, and at a cost, little exceeding, in a whole generation, the expenditures of other nations in a single year. Such is the unexaggerated picture of our condition under a constitution founded upon the republican princi- ple of equal rights. To admit that this picture has its shades, is but to say that it is still the condition of men upon earth. From evil, physical, moral and political, it is not our claim to be exempt. We have suffered some- times by the visitation of Heaven, through disease ; often by the wrongs and injustices of other nations, even to the extremities of war ; and, lastly, by dissensions among our- selves — dissensions, perhaps, inseparable from the enjoy- ment of freedom, but which have more than once appeared to threaten the dissolution of the Union, and, with it, the overthrow of all the enjoyments of our present lot, and all our earthly hopes of the future. The causes of these dissensions have been various, founded upon differences of speculation in the theory of republican government ; upon conflicting views of policy, in our relations with foreign nations ; upon jealousies of partial and sectional interests, aggravated by prejudices and prepossessions, which strangers to each other are ever apt to entertain. It is a source of gratification and of encouragement to me, to observe that the great result of this experiment upon the theory of human rights has, at the close of that generation by which it was formed, been crowned with success equal to the most sanguine expectations of its founders. Union, justice, tranquillity, the common de- fence, the general welfare, and the blessings of liberty, all have been promoted by the government under which we have lived. Standing at this point of time ; looking back to that generation which has gone by, and forward to that J. a. ADAMS'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 213 which is advancing, we may at once indulge in grateful exultation and in cheering hope. From the experience of the past, we derive instructive lessons for the future. Of the two great political parties which have divided the opinions and feelings of our country, the candid and the just will now admit that both have contributed splendid talents, spotless integrity, ardent patriotism and disinter- ested sacrifices, to the formation and administration of this government ; and that both have required a liberal indul- gence for a portion of human infirmity and error. The revolutionary wars of Europe, commencing precisely at the moment when the government of the United States first went into operation under this constitution, excited a collision of sentiments and of sympathies, which kin- dled all the passions, and embittered the conflict of par- ties, till the nation was involved in war, and the Union was shaken to its centre. This time of trial embraced a period of five-and-twenty years, during which the policy of the Union, in its relations with Europe, constituted the principal basis of owr political divisions, and the most arduous part of the action of our federal government. With the catastrophe n which the wars of the French revolution terminated, md our own subsequent peace with Great Britain, this baneful weed of party strife was uprooted. From that time, no difference of principle, connected either with the theory of government, or with our intercourse with foreign nations, has existed, or been called forth in force sufficient to sustain a continued com- bination of parties, or give more than wholesome anima- tion to public sentiment or legislative debate. Our po- litical creed is, without a dissenting voice that can be heard, that the will of the people is the source, and the happiness of the people the end, of all legitimate govern- ment upon earth. That the best security for the benefi- cence, and the best guaranty against the abuse of power, consists in the freedom, the purity, and the frequency of popular elections. That the general government of the Union, and the separate governments of the states, are all sovereignties of legitimated powers ; fellow-servants of the same masters, uncontrolled within their respective spheres, uncontrollable by encroac\iments upon each 214 AMERICAN'S 0\yN BOOK. other. That the firmest security of peace is ihe prepa- ration during peace of the defences of war. That a rigor- ous economy, and accountability of public expenditures, should guard against the aggravation, and alleviate, when possible^ the burden of taxation. That the military should be kept in strict subordination to the civil power. That the freedom of the press and of rehgious opinion should be inviolate. That the policy of our country is peace, and the ark of our salvation, union, are articles of faith upon which we are all agreed. If there have been those who doubted whether a confederated representative de- mocracy were a government competent to the wise and orderly management of the common concerns of a mighty nation, those doubts have been dispelled. If there have been projects of partial confederacies to be erected upon the ruins of the Union, they have been scattered to the winds. If there have been dangerous attachments to one foreign nation, and antipathies against another, they have been extinguished. Ten years of peace, at home and abroad, have assuaged the animosities of political conten- tion, and blended into harmony the most discordant ele- ments of public opinion. There still remains one effort of magnanimity, one sacrifice of prejudice and passion, to be made by the individuals, throughout the nation, who have heretofore followed the standard of political party. It is that of discarding every remnant of rancor against each other ; of embracing as countrymen and friends ; and of yielding to talents and virtue alone that confi- dence which, in times of contention for principle, was bestowed only upon those who boi.» the badge of party communion. The collisions of party spirit, wh^h originate in specu- lative opinions, or in different views of administrative policy, are in their nature transitory. Those which are founded on geographical divisions, adverse interests of soil, climate, and modes of domestic life, are more per- manent, and therefore perhaps more dangerous. It is this which gives inestimable value to the character of our government, at once federal and national. It holds out to us a perpetual admonition to preserve alike, and with equal anxiety, the rights of each individual state in its own J. a. ADAMS'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 215 government, and the rights of the whole nation in that of the Union. Whatever is of domestic concernment, un- connected with the other members of the Union, or with foreign lands, belongs exclusively to the administration of the state governments. Whatsoever directly involves the rights and interests of the federative fraternity, or of for- eign powers, is of the resort of this general government. The duties of both are obvious in the general principle, though sometimes perplexed with difficulties in the detail. To respect the rights of the state governments is the in- violable duty of that of the Union ; the government of every state will feel its own obligation to respect and pre- serve the rights of the whole. The prejudices every- where too commonly entertained against distant strangers are worn away, and the jealousies of jarring interests are allayed by the composition and functions of the great na- tional councils annually assembled from all quarters of the Union at this place. Here the distinguished men from every section of our country, while meeting to deliberate upon the great interests of those by whom they are de- puted, learn to estimate the talents Vnd do justice to the virtues of each other. The harmony of the nation is pro- moted, and the whole Union is knit together by the senti- ments of mutual respect, the habiis of social intercourse, and the ties of personal friendship, formed between the representatives of its several parts, in the performance of their service at this metropolis. Passing from this general review of the purposes and injunctions of the federal constitution, and their results, as indicating the first traces of the path of duty in the discharge of my public trust, T turn to the administration of my immediate predecessor, as the second. It has passed away in a period of profound peace : how much to the satisfaction of our country, and to the honor of our country's name, is known to you all. The great features of its policy, in general concurrence with the will of the legislature, have been — to cherish peace while preparnig for defensive war ; to yield exact justice to other nations', and maintain the rights of our own ; to cherish the prin- ciples of freedom and of equal rights, wherever they were proclaimed ; to discharge with all possible promptitude 216 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. the national debt ; to reduce within the narrowest limits of efficiency the military force ; to improve the organiza- tion and discipline of the army ; to provide and sustain a school of military science ; to extend equal protection to all the great interests of the nation ; to promote the civil- ization of the Indian tribes ; and to proceed in the great system of internal improvements within the limits of the constitutional power of the Union. Under the pledge of these promises, made by that eminent citizen, at the time of his first induction to this office, in his career of eight years, the internal taxes have been repealed ; sixty mil- lions of the public debt have been discharged ; provision has been made for the comfort and relief of the aged and indigent among the surviving warriors of the revolution ; the regular armed force has been reduced, and its consti- tution revised and perfected ; the accountability for the expenditures of public moneys has been made more effective ; the Floridas have been peaceably acquired, and our boundary has been extended to the Pacific Ocean; the independence of the southern nations of this hemisphere has been recognised, and recommended by example and by counsel to the potentates of Europe ; progress has been made in the defence v f the country by fortifications, and the increase of the navy — towards the effectual sup- pression of the African traffic in slaves — in alluring the aboriginal hunters of our land to the cultivation of the soil and of the mind — in exploring the interior regions of the Union, and in preparing, by scientific researches and sur- veys, for the further application of our national resources to the internal improvement of our country. In this brief outline of the promise and performance of my immediate predecessor, the line of duty for his suc- cessor is clearly delineated. To pursue to their consum- mation those purposes of improvement in our common condition, instituted or recommended by him, will embrace the whole sphere of my obligations. To the topic of internal improvement, emphatically urged by him at his inauguration, I recur with peculiar satisfaction. It is that from which I am convinced that the unborn millions of our posterity, who are in future ages to people this conti- nent, will derive their most fervent gfratitude to the foun J. Q. ADAMS'S INAUGLRAL ADDRESS. 217 ders of the Union ; that in which the beneficent action of its government will be most deeply felt and acknowledged. The magnificence and splendor of their public works are among the imperishable glories of the ancient republics. The roads and aqueducts of Rome have been the admira- tion of all after-ages, and have survived thousands of years after all her conquests have been swallowed up in despotism, or become the spoil of barbarians. Some diversity of opinion has prevailed with regard to the powers of Congress for legislation upon objects of this nature. The most respectful deference is due to doubts originating in pure patriotism, and sustained by venerated authority. But nearly twenty years have passed since the construction of the first national road was commenced. The authority for its construction was then unquestioned. To how many thousands of our countrymen has it proved a benefit ? To what single individual has it ever proved an injury ? Repeated, liberal and candid discussions in the legislature have conciliated the sentiments, and ap proximated the opinions of enlightened minds, upon the question of constitutional power. I cannot but hope that, by the same process of friendly, patient, and persevering deliberation, all constitutional objections will ultimately be removed. The extent and limitation of the powers of the general government, in relation to this transcendently important interest, will be settled and acknowledged to the common satisfaction of all ; and every speculative scruple will be solved by a practical public blessing. Fellow-citizens, you are acquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the recent elections, which have resulted in aflfording me the opportunity of addressing you at this time. You have heard the exposition of the principles which will direct me in the fulfilment of the high and solemn trust imposed upon me in this station. Less possessed of your confidence in advance than any of my predecessors, I am deeply conscious of the prospect that I shall stand, more and oftener, in need of your indulgence. Intentions upright and pure; a heart devoted to the welfare of our country, and the unceasing application of the faculties allotted to me to her service, are all the pledges that I can give to the faithful performance of the 19 218 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. arduous duties I am to undertake. To the guidance of the legislative councils ; to the assistance of the executive and subordinate departments ; to the friendly Cv)-operation of the respective state governments ; to the candid and liberal support of the people, so far as it may be deserved by honest industry and zeal, I shall look for whatever success may attend my p ablic service ; and knowing that, except the Lord keep the city, the watchman waketh but in vain, with fervent supplications for his favor, to his overruling providence I commit, with humble but fearless confidence, my own fate and the future destinies of my country. J. Q. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, December 6, 1825. To the Seriate, and House of Representatives of the United States : In taking a general survey of the concerns of our beloved country, with reference to subjects interesting to the common welfare, the first sentiment which impresses itself upon the mind, is of gratitude to the Omnipotent Disposer of all good, for the continuance of the signal blessings of his providence, and especially for that health which, to an unusual extent, has prevailed within our borders ; and for that abundance which, in the vicissitudes of the seasons, has been scattered with profusion over our land. Nor ought we less to ascribe to Him the glory, that we are permitted to enjoy the bounties of his hand in peace and tranquillity — in peace with all the other nations of the earth, in tranquillity among ourselves. There has, indeed, rarelyjbeen a period in the history of civilized man, in which the general condition of the Christian nations has been marked so extensively by peace and prosperity. Europe, with a few partial and unhappy exceptions, has enjoyed ten years of peace, during which all her p-overnments whate'^gr the theory of their constitutions J. a ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 219 may have been, are successively taught to feel inat the end of their institutions is the happiness of the people, and that the exercise of power among men can be justified only by the blessings it confers upon those over whom it is extended. During the same period, our intercourse with all those nations has been pacific and friendly ; it so continues. Since the close of your late session, no material variation has occurred in our relations with any one of them. In the commercial and navigation system of Great Britain, important changes of municipal regulations have recently been sanctioned by the acts of parliament, the effect of which upon the interests of other nations, and particularly upon ours, has not yet been fully developed. In the recent renewal of the diplomatic missions, on both sides, between the two governments, assurances have been given and received of the continuance and increase of the mutual confidence and cordiality by which the ad- justment of many points of difference has already been effected, and which affords the surest pledge for the ulti- mate satisfactory adjustment of those which still remain open, or may hereafter arise. The policy of the United States, in their commercial intercourse with other nations, has always been of the most liberal character. In the mutual exchange of their respective productions, they have abstained altogether from prohibitions ; they have interdicted themselves the power of laying taxes upon exports, and whenever they have favored their own shipping, by special preferences or exclusive privileges in their own ports, it has been only with a view to countervail similar favors and exclu- sions granted by the nations with whom we have been engaged in traffic, to their own people or shipping, and to the disadvantage of ours. Immediately after the close of the last war, a proposal was fairly made, by the act of Congress of the 3d March, 1815, to all maritime nations, to lay aside the system of retaliating restrictions and ex- clusions, and to place the shipping of both parties to the common trade on a footing of equality in respect to the duties of tonnage and impost. This offer was partially and successively accepted by Great Britain, Sweden, the 220 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. Netherlands, the Hanseatic cities, Prussia, Sardinia, the Duke of Oldenburg, and Russia. It was also adopted, under certain modifications, in our late commercial con- vention with France. And by the act of Congress of the 8t]] of Januar}^ 1824, it has received a new confirmation with all the nations who had acceded to it, and has been offered again to all those who are or may hereafter be willing to abide in reciprocity by it. But all these regu- lations, whether established by treaty or by municipal enactments, are still subject to one important restriction. The removal of discriminating duties of tonnage and impost, is limited to articles of the growth, produce, or manufacture of the country to which the vessel belongs, or to such articles as are most universally shipped from her ports. It will deserve the serious consideration of Congress, whether even this renmant of restriction may not be safely abandoned, and whether the general tender of equal competition, made in the act of 8th January, 1824, may not be extended to include all articles of mer- chandise not prohibited, of what country soever they maj'' be the produce or manufacture. Propositions to this effect have already been made to us by more than one European government, and it is probable that if once es tablished by legislation or compact with any distinguished maritime state, it would recommend itself, by the experi- ence of its advantages, to the general accession of all. The convention of commerce and navigation between the United States and France, concluded on the 24th of June, 1822, was, in the understanding and intent of both parties, as appears upon its face, only a temporary ar- rangement of the points of difference between them of the most immediate and pressing urgency. It was limited, in the first instance, to two years from the first of October, 1822, but with a proviso that it should further continue in force till the conclusion of a general and definitive treaty of commerce, unless terminated by a notice, six months in advance, of either of the parties to the other. Its operation, so far as it extended, has been mutually advantageous ; and it still continues in force by common consent. But it left unadjusted several objects of great interest to the citizens and subjects of both countries, and J. Q. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, 221 particularly a mass of claims, to considerable amount, of citizens of the United States upon the government of France, of indemnity for property taken or destroyed, under circumstances of the most aggravated and outra- geous character. In the long period during which con- tinued and earnest appeals have been made to the equity and magnanimity of France, in behalf of those claims, their justice has not been, as it could not be, denied. It was hoped that the accession of a new sovereign to the throne, would have afforded a favorable opportunity for presenting them to the consideration of his government. They have been presented and urged, hitherto without effect. The repeated and earnest representations of our minister at the court of France, remain as yet even without an answer. Were the demands of nations upon the justice of each other susceptible of adjudication by the decision of an impartial tribunal, those to whom I now refer would long since have been settled, and adequate indemnity would have been obtained. There are large amounts of similar claims upon the Netherlands, Naples, and Denmark. For those upon Spain, prior to 1819, indemnity was, after many years of patient forbearance, obtained, and those of Sweden have been lately compro- mised by a private settlement, in which the claimants themselves have acquiesced. The governments of Den- mark and of Naples have been recently reminded of those yet existing against them ; nor will any of them be for- gotten while a hope may be indulged of obtaining justice, by the means within the constitutional power of the exe- cutive, and without resorting to those means of self-redress, which, as well as the time, circumstances, and occasion, which may require them, are within the exclusive com- petency of the legislature. It is with great satisfaction that I am enabled to bear witness to the liberal spirit with which the republic of Colombia has made satisfaction for well-established claims of a similar character. And among the documents now communicated to Congress, will be distinguished a treaty of commerce and navigation with that republic, the rati- fications of which have been exchanged since the last recess of the legislature. The negotiation of similar trea- 19=i«= 222 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. ties with all the independent South American states, has been contemplated, and may yet be accomplished. The basis of them all, as proposed by the United States, has been laid in two principles ; the one, of entire and un- qualified reciprocity ; the other, the mutual obligation of the parties to place each other permanently on the foot- ing of the most favored nation. These principles are, indeed, indispensable to the effectual emancipation of the American hemisphere from the thraldom of colonizing monopolies and exclusions — an event rapidly realizing in the progress of human affairs, and which the resistance still opposed in certain parts of Europe to the acknowl- edgment of the Southern American republics as indepen- dent states, will, it is believed, contribute more effectually to accomplish. The time has been, and that not remote, when some of these states might, in their anxious desire to obtain a nominal recognition, have accepted of a nomi- nal independence, clogged with burdensome conditions, and exclusive commercial privileges, granted to the nation from which they have separated, to the disadvantage of all others. They now are all aware that such concessions to any European nation would be incompatible with that independence which they have declared and maintained. Among the measures which have been suggested to them by the new relations with one another, resulting from the recent changes in their condition, is that of as- sembling at the Isthmus of Panama, a Congress, at which each of them should be represented, to deliberate upon objects important to the welfare of all. The republics of Colombia, of Mexico, and of Central America, have al- ready deputed plenipotentiaries to such a meeting, and they have invited the United States to be also represent- ed there by their ministers. The invitation has been ac- cepted, and ministers on the part of the United States will be commissioned to attend at those deliberations, and to take part in them, so far as it may be compatible with that neutrality from which it is neither our intention nor the desire of the American states that we should depart. The commissioners under the seventh article of the treaty of Ghent have so nearly completed their arduous labors, that, by the report recently received from their J. a. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 223 agent or. the part of the United States, there is reason to expect t.iat the commission will be closed at their next session, appointed for the 22d of May, of the ensuing year. The other commission appointed to ascertain the in- demnities due for slaves carried away from the United States, after the close of the late war, have met with some difficulty, which has delayed their progress in the inquiry. A reference has been made to the British government on the subject, which, it may be hoped, will tend to hasten the decision of the commissioners, or serve as a substi- tute for it. Among the powers specifically granted to Congress by the constitution, are those of establishing uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States; and for providing for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States. The magnitude and complexity of the interests affected by legislation upon these subjects, may accoun for the fact, that long and often as both of them" have oc- cupied the attention, and animated the debates of Con- gress, no systems have yet been devised for fulfilling, to the satisfaction of the community, the duties prescribed by these grants of power. To conciliate the claim of the mdividual .-itizen to the enjoyment of personal liberty, with the effective obligation of private contracts, is the difficult problem to be solved by a law of bankruptcy. These are objects of the deepest interest to society ; af- fecting all that is precious in the existence of multitudes of persons, many of them in the classes essentially de- pendent and helpless ; of the age requiring nurture, and of the sex entitled to protection from the free agency of the parent and the husband. The organization of the mihtia is yet more indispensable to the liberties of the country. It is only by an effective militia that we can at once enjoy the repose of peace, and bid defiance to foreign aggression ; it is by the militia that we are constituted an armed nation, standing in perpetual panoply of defence, m the presence of all the other nations of the earth. To this end itwouM be necessary, if possible, so to shape its 224 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. organization, as to give it a more united jind active en- ergy. There are laws for establishing a nmforai militia throughout the United States, and for arming and equip- ping its whole body. But it is a body of dislocated mem- bers, without the vigor of unity, and having little of uniformity but the name. To infuse into this most im- portant institution the power of which it is susceptible, stnd to make it available for the defence of the Union, at the shortest notice, and at the smallest expense possible of time, of life, and of treasure, are among the benefits to be expected from the persevering deliberations of Congress. Among the unequivocal indications of our national prosperity, is the flourishing state of our finances. The revenues of the present year, from all their principal sources, will exceed the anticipations of the last. The balance in the treasury on the first of January last, was a little short of two millions of dollars, exclusive of two millions and a half, being a moiety of the loan of five millions, authorized by the act of the 26th May, 1824. The receipts into the treasury from the first of January to the 30th of September, exclusive of the other moiety of the same loan, are estimated at sixteen millions five hun- dred thousand dollars ; and it is expected that those of the current year will exceed five millions of dollars ; forming an aggregate of receipts of nearly twenty-two millions, independent of the loan. The expenditures of the year will not exceed that sum more than two millions. By those expenditures, nearly eight millions of the prin- cipal of the public debt have been discharged. More than a million and a half has been devoted to the debt of grat- itude to the warriors of the revolution ; a nearly equal sum to the construction of fortifications and the acquisi- tion of ordnance, and other permanent preparations of national defence ; half a million to the gradual increase of the navy ; an equal sum for purchases of territory from the Indians, and payment of annuities to them ; and up- wards of a million for objects of internal improvement, authorized by special acts of the last Congress. If we add to these, four millions of dollars for payment of inter- est upon the public debt, there remains a sum of about seven millions which ha« def'^yed the whole expeijse of J. Q. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 225 the administration of government^ in its legislative, exe- cutive, and judiciary departments, including the support of the military and naval establishments, and all the oc- casional contingencies of a government co-extensive with the Union. The amount of duties secured on merchandise import- ed, since the commencement of the year, is about twenty- five millions and a half; and that which will accrue during the current quarter, is estimated at five millions and a half ; from these thirty-one millions, deducting the drawbacks, estimated at less than seven millions, a sum exceeding twenty-four millions will constitute the revenue of the year, and will exceed the whole expenditures of the year. The entire amount of the public debt reinain- ng due on the first of January next, will be short of eighty-one millions of dollars. By an act of Congress of the 3d of March last, a loan •f twelve millions of dollars was authorized at four and a ualf per cent., or an exchange of stock to that amount, of four and a half per cent., for a stock of six per cent., to create a fund for extinguishing an equal amount of the public debt, bearing an interest of six per cent., redeema ble in 1826. An account of the measures taken to give effect to this act will be laid before you by the Secretary of the Treasury. As the object which it had in viewhaf- been but partially accomplished, it will be for the consid- eration of Congress, whether the power with which it clothed the executive should not be renewed at an early day of the present session, and under what modifica- tions. The act of Congress of the 3d of March last, directing the Secretary of the Treasury to subscribe, in the name and for the use of the United States, for one thousand five hundred shares of the capital stock of the Chesapeake and Delaware Canal Company, has been executed by the actual subscription for the sum specified ; and such other meas- ures have been adopted by that officer, under the act, as the fulfilment of its intentions requires. The latest ac- counts received of this important underttking, authorize the belief that it is in successful progress. The payments into the treasury from procefds of the 15 226 AMEiviOAN'S OWN BOOK. sales of the public lands, during the present year, were estimated at one million of dollars. The actual receipts of the first two quarters have fallen very little short of that sum : it is not expected that the second half of the year will be equally productive ; but the income of the year, from that source, may now be safely estimated at a million and a half. The act of Congress of the 18th of May, 1824, to provide for the extinguishment of the debt due to the United States by the purchasers of public lands, was limited, in its operation of relief to the pur- chaser, to the 10th of April last. Its effect at the end of the quarter during which it expired, was to reduce that debt from ten to seven millions. By the operation of similar prior laws of relief, from and since that of 2d March, 1821, the debt has been reduced from upwards of twenty-two millions, to ten. It is exceedingly desirable that it should be extinguished altogether ; and to facilitate that consummation, I recommend to Congress the revival, for one year more, of the act of 18th May, 1824, with such provisional modification as may be necessary to guard the public interests against fraudulent practices in the re-sale of relinquished land. The purchasers of pub- lic lands are among the most useful of our fellow-citizens ; and, since the system of sales for cash alone has been introduced, great indulgence has been justly extended to those Avho had previously purchased upon credit. The debt which had been contracted under the credit sales had become unwieldy, and its extinction was alike advantageous to the purchaser and the public. Under the system of sales, matured as it has been by experience, and adapted to the exigencies of the times, the lands will continue, as they have become, an abundant source of revenue ; and when the pledge of them to the public cred- itor shall have been redeemed, by the entire discharge of the national debt, the swelling tide of wealth with which they replenish the common treasury, may be made to re- flow, in unfailing streams of improvement, from the At- lantic to the Pacific ocean. The condition of the various branches of the public service resorting from the Department of War, and their administration during the current year, Avill be exhibited J. Q. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 227 in the report of the Secretary of War, and the accompa- nying documents, herewith communicated. The organi- zation and discipline of the army are effective and satis- factory. To counteract the prevalence of desertion among the troops, it has been suggested to withhold from the men a small portion of their monthly pay, until the period of their discharge ; and some expedient appears to be necessary, to preserve and maintain among the officers so much of the art of horsemanship as could scarcely fail to be found wanting on the possibly sudden eruption of a war, Avhich should overtake us unprovided with a single corps of cavalry. The Military Academy at West Point, under the restrictions of a severe but paternal superin- tendence, recommends itself more and more to the patron- age of the nation ; and the number of meritorious officers which it forms and introduces to the public service, fur- nishes the means of multiplying the undertaking of public improvements, to which their acquirements at that insti- tution are peculiarly adapted. The school of artillery practice, established at Fortress Monroe, is well suited to the same purpose, and may need the aid of further legis- lative provision to the same end. The reports of the various officers at the head of the administrative branches of the military service, connected with the quartering, clothing, subsistence, health and pay of the army, exhibit the assiduous vigilance of those officers in the perform- ance of their respective duties, and the faithful accounta- bility which has pervaded every part of the system. Our relations with the numerous tribes of aboriginal natives of this country, scattered over its extensive sur- face, and so dependent, even for their existence, upon our power, have been during the present year highly inter- esting. An act of Congress of the 25th of May, 1S24, made an appropriation to defray the expenses of making treaties of trade and friendship with the Indian tribes beyond the Mississippi. An act of the 3d of March, 1825, authorized treaties to be made with the Indians for their consent to the making of a road from the frontier of Mis- souri to that of New Mexico. And another act, of the same date, provided for defraying the expenses of holding treaties with the Sioux, Chippewas, Menomonees, Sacs, AMERICAT^ 8 OWN BOOK. Foxes, &c., for the purpose of establishing boundaries and promoting peace between said tribes. The first and the last objects of these acts have been accomplished ; and the second is yet in a process of execution. The treaties which since the last session of Congress, have bt^en con- cluded with the several tribes, will be laid before the Sen- ate for their consideration, conformably to the constitution. They comprise large and valuable acquisitions of terri- tory ; and they secure an adjustment of boundaries, and give pledges of permament peace between several tribes which had been long waging bloody wars against each other. On the 12th of February last, a treaty was signed at the Indian Springs, between commissioners appointed on the part of the United States, and certain chiefs and in- dividuals of the Creek nation of Indians, which was re- ceived at the seat of government only a very few days before the close of the last session of Congress and of the late administration. The advice and consent of the Sen- ate was given to it on the 3d of March, too late for it to receive the ratification of the then president of the United States : it was ratified on the 7th of March, under the unsuspecting impression that it had been negotiated in good faith and in the confidence inspired by the recom- mendation of the Senate. The subsequent transactions in relation to this treaty will form the subject of a sepa- rate communication. The appropriations made by Congress for public works, as well in the construction of fortifications, as for purposes of internal improvement, so far as they have been expended, have been faithfully applied. Their progress has been de- layed by the want of suitable officers for superintending them. An increase of both the corps of engineers, military and topographical, was recommended by my predecessor at the last session of Congress. The reasons upon which that recommendation was founded, subsist in all their force, and have acquired additional urgency since that time. It may also be expedient to organize the topo- ^p-aphical engineers into a corps similar to the present establishment of the corps of engineers. The Military Academy at West Point will furnish, from the cadets an- J. a. adamss first annua^ message. 229 nually graduated there, officers well qualified for carry- ing this measure into effect. The board of engineers for internal improvement, ap- pointed for carrying into execution the act of Congress of 30th of April, 1824, " to procure the necessary surveys, plans and estimates, on the subject of roads and canals," have been actively engaged in that service from the close of the last session of Congress. They have completed the surveys necessary for ascertaining the practicability of a canal from the Chesapeake bay to the Ohio river, and are preparing a full report on that subject, which, when completed, will be laid before you. The same observation is to be made with regard to the two other objects of national importance, upon which the board have been occupied ; namely, the accomplishment of a national road from this city to New Orleans, and the practicability of uniting the waters of Lake Memphremagog with Con- necticut river, and the improvement of the navigation of that river. The surveys have been made, and are nearly completed. The report may be expected at an early pe- riod during the present session of Congress. The acts of Congress of the last session, relative to the surveying, marking, or laying out roads in the territory of Florida, Arkansas, and Michigan, from Missouri to Mexico, and for the continuation of the Cumberland road, are, some of them, fully executed, and others in the pro- cess of execution. Those for completing or commencing fortifications have been delayed only so far as the corps of engineers have been inadequate to furnish officers for the necessary superintendence of the works. Under the acts confirming the statutes of Virginia and Maryland, incorporating the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal Company, three commissioners on the part of the United States have been appointed for opening books and receiving subscrip- tions, in concert with a like number of commissioners appointed on the part of each of those states. A meeting of the commissioners has been postponed to await the definite report of the board of engineers. The light- houses and monuments for the safety of our commerce and mariners ; the works for the security of Plymouth Beach, and for the preservation of the islands in Boston 20 230 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. harbcr, have received the attention required by the laws relating to those objects, respec.ively. The continuation of the Cumberland road, the most important of them all, after surmounting no inconsiderable difficulty in fixing upon the direction of the road, has commenced under the most promising auspices, with the improvements of recent invention in the mode of construction, and with the ad- vantage of a great reduction in the comparative cost of the work. The operation of the laws relating to the revolutionary pensioners may deserve the renewed consideration of Congress. The act of the 18th March, 1818, while it made provision for many meritorious and indigent citi- zens who had served in the war of independence, opened a door to numerous abuses and impositions. To remedy this, the act of 1st May, 1820, exacted proofs of absolute indigence, which many really in want were unable, and all, susceptible of that delicacy which is allied to many virtues, must be deeply reluctant to give. The result has been, that some among the least deserving have been retained, and some in whom the requisites both of worth and want were combined, have been stricken from the list. As the numbers of these venerable relics of an age gone by, diminish ; as the decays of body, mind and es- tate of those that survive, must, in the common course of nature, increase ; should not a more liberal portion of indulgence be dealt out to them ? May not the want in most instances be inferred from the demand, when the service can be duly proved ; and may not the last days of human infirmity be spared the riortification of purchasing a pittance of relief, only by the exposure of its own neces- sities ? I submit to Congress the expediency of providing for individual cases of this description, by special enact- ment, or of revising the act of the 1st of May, 1820, with a view to mitigate the rigor of its exclusions, in favor of persons to whom charity, now bestowed, can scarcely dis- cVarge the debt of justice. The portion of the naval force of the Union in actual service has been chiefly employed on three stations : the Mediterranean, the coasts of South America bordering on the Pacific ocean, and the West Indies. An occasional J. Q. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 231 cruiser has been sent to range along the African shores mos^ polluted by the traffic of slaves ; one armed vessel has been stationed on the coast of our eastern boundary, to cruise along the fishing grounds in Hudson's bay, and on the coast of Labrador ; and the first service of a new frigate has been performed, in restoring to his native soil and domestic enjoyments the veteran hero whose youth- ful blood and treasure had freely flowed in the cause of our country's independence, and whose whole life has been a series of services and sacrifices to the improve- ment of his fellow-men. The visit of General Lafayette, alike honorable to himself and to our country, closed, as it had commenced, with the most affecting testimonials of devoted attachment on his part, and of unbounded gratitude of this people to him in return. It will form, hereafter, a pleasing incident in the annals of our Union, giving to real history the intense interest of romance, and signally marking the unpurchasable tribute of a great nation's social affections to the disinterested champion of the liberties of human kind. The constant maintenance of a small squadron in the Mediterranean, is a necessary substitute for the humili- ating alternative of paying tribute for the security of our commerce in that sea, and for a precarious peace, at the mercy of every caprice of four Barbary states, by whom it was liable to be violated. An additional motive for keepmg a respectable force stationed there at this time, is found in the maritime war raging between the Greeks and the Turks ; and in which the neutral navigation of this Union is always in danger of outrage and depreda- tion. A few instances have occurred of such depreda- tions upon our merchant vessels by privateers or pirates wearing the Grecian flag, but without real authority from the Greek or any other government. The heroic strug- gles of the Greeks themselves, in which our warmest sympathies as freemen and Christians have been engaged, have continued to be maintained with vicissitudes of suc- cess adverse and favorable. Similar motives have rendered expedient the keeping a like force on the coasts of Peru and Chili, on the Pa- cific. The irregular and convulsive character of the war AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. upon the shores, has been extended to the conflicts upon the ocean. An active warfare has been kept up for years, with akernate success, though generally to the advantage of the American patriots. But their naval forces have not always been under the control of their own govern- ments. Blockades, unjustifiable upon any acknowledged principles of international law, have been proclaimed by officers in command ; and though disavowed by the su- preme authorities, the protection of our own commerce against them has been made a cause of complaint and erroneous imputations against some of the most gallant officers of our navy. Complaints equally groundless have been made by the commanders of the Spanish royal forces in those seas ; but the most effective protection to our commerce has been the flag and the firmness of our own commanding officers. The cessation of the war, by the complete triumph of the patriot cause, has removed, it is hoped, all cause of dissension with one party, and all vestige of force of the other. But an unsettled coast of many degrees of latitude, forming a part of our own ter- ritory, and a flourishing commerce and fishery, extending to the islands of the Pacific and to China, still require that the protecting power of the Union should be dis- played under its flag, as well upon the ocean as upon the land. The objects of the West India squadron have been, to carry into execution the laws for the suppression of the African slave trade ; for the protection of our commerce against vessels of piratical character, though bearing com- missions from either of the belligerent parties ; for its protection against open and unequivocal pirates. These objects, during the present year, have been accomplished more effectually than at any former period. The Afri- can slave trade has long been excluded from the use of our flag ; and if some few citizens of cur country have continued to set the laws of the Union, as well ai, those of nature and humanity, at defiance, by persevermg in that abominable traffic, it has been only by sheltering themselves under the banners of other nations, less ear- nest for the total extinction of the trade than ours. The Irregular privateers have, within the last year, been in a J. Q. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 233 great measure banished from those seas ; and the pirates, for months past, appear to have been almost entirely swept away fiom the borders and the shores of the two Spanish islands in those regions. The active, 'persever- ing, and unremitted energy of Captain Warrington, and of the officers and men under his command, on that try- ing and perilous service, have been crowned with signal success, and are entitled to the approbation of their coun- try. But experience has shown that not even a tempo- rary suspension or relaxation from assiduity can be in- dulged on that station without reproducing piracy and murder in all their horrors ; nor is it probable that, for years to come, our immensely valuable commerce in those seas can navigate in security, without the steady continu- ance of an armed force devoted to its protection. It were indeed a vain and dangerous illusion to believe that, in the present or probable condition of human soci- ety, a commerce so extensive and so rich as ours could exist and be pursued in safety, without the continual sup- port of a military marine — the only arm by which the power of this confederacy can be estimated or felt by for- eign nations, and the only standing military force which can never be dangerous to our own liberties at home. A permanent naval peace establishment, therefore, adapt- ed to our present condition, and adaptable to that gigan- tic growth with which the nation is advancing in its ca- reer, is among the subjects which have already occupied the foresight of the last Congress, and which will deserve your serious deliberations. Our navy, commenced at an early period of our present political organization, upon a scale commensurate with the incipient energies, the scan- ty resources, and the comparative indigence of our infan- cy, was even then found adequate to cope with all the powers of Barbary, save the first, and with one of the principal maritime powers of Europe. At a period of further advancement, but with little ac- cession of strength, it not only sustained with honor the most unequal of conflicts, but covered itself and our coun- try with unfading glory. But it is only since the close of the late war that, by the numbers and force of the ships of which it was composed, it could deserve the 20=^ 234 AMEKICAN'S OWN BOOK. name of a navy. Yet it retains nearly the same organi* zation as when i: consisted of only five frigates. The rules and regulations by which it is governed earnestly call for revision ; and the want of a naval school of in- struction, corresponding with the Military Academy at West Point, for the formation of scientific and accom- plishfjd officers, is felt with daily increasing aggravation. The act of Congress of 26th of May, 1824, authorizing an examination and survey of the harbor of Charleston, in South Carolina, of St. Mary's, in Georgia, and of the coast of Florida, and for other purposes, has been exe- cuted so far as the appropriation would admit. Those of the third of March last, authorizing the establishment of a navy-yard and depot on the coast of Florida, in the Gulf of Mexico, and authorizing the building of ten sloops of war, and for other purposes, are in the course of execution : for the particulars of which and other objects connected with this department, I refer to the report of the Secretary of the Navy herewith communicated. A report from the Postmaster-General is also submitted, exhibiting the present flourishing condition of that depart- ment. For the first time for many years, the receipts for the year ending on the first of July last, exceeded the ex- penditures during the same period, to the amount of more than forty-five thousand dollars. Other facts, equally creditable to the administration of this department, are, that in two years from the first of July, 1823, an improve- ment of more than one hundred and eighty-five thousand dollars, in its pecuniary affairs, has been realized ; that, in the same interval, the increase of the transportation of the mail has exceeded one million five hundred thousand miles annually ; and that one thousand and forty new post-offices have been established. It hence appears that, under judicious management, the income from this establishment may be relied on as fully adequate to de- fray its expenses ; and that, by the discontinuance of post roads, altogether unproductive, others of more useful character may be opened, till the circulation of the mail shall keep pace with the spread of our population, and the comforts of friendly correspondence, the exchanges of internal traffic, and the lights of the periodical press, shall J. Q. ADAMS'S PiRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 235 be distributed to the remotest corners of the Union, at a charge scarcely p(;rceptible to any individual, and with- out the cost of a dollar to the public treasury. Upon this first occasion of addressing the legislature of the tjnion, with which T have been honored, in present- ing to their view the execution, so far as it has been effect- ed, of the measures sanctioned by them for promoting the internal improvement of our country, I cannot close the communication without recommending to their calm and persevering consideration the general principle in a more enlarged extent. The great object of the institu- tion of civil government is the improvement of the condi- iion of those who are parties to the social compact. And no government, in whatever form constituted, can accom- plish the lawful ends of its institution, but in proportion as it improves the condition of those over whom it is es- tablished. Roads and canals, by multiplying and facili- tating the communications and intercourse between dis- tant regions and multitudes of men, are among the most important means of improvement. But moral, political and intellectual improvement, are duties assigned by the Author of our existence, to social, no less than to individ- ual man. For the fulfilment of those duties, govern- ments are invested with power ; and, to the attainment of the end, the progressive improvement of the condition of the governed, the exercise of delegated powers is a duty as sacred and indispensable, as the usurpation of powers not granted is criminal and odious. Among the first, perhaps the very first instrument for the improve- ment of the condition of men, is knowledge ; and to the acquisition of much of the knowledge adapted to the wants, the comforts, and enjoymen s of human life, pub- lic institutions and seminaries of learning are essential. So convinced of this was the first of my predecessors in this office, now first in the memory, as, living, he was the first in the hearts of our country, that once and again, in his addresses to the Congresses with whom he co-opera- ted in the public service, he earnestly recommended the establishment of seminaries of learning, to prepare for all the emergencies of peace and war — a national univer- sity, and a military academy. With respect to the latter, 236 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. had he lived to the present day, in turning his eyes lo the institution at West Point, he would have enjoyed the gratification of his most earnest wishes. But, in survey- ing the city which has been honored with his name, he would have seen the spot of earth which he had destined and bequeathed to the use and benefit of his country as the site for a university, still bare and barren. In assuming her station among the civilized nations of the earth, it would seem that our country had contracted the engagement to contribute her share of mind, of labor, and of expense, to the improvement of those parts of knowledge which lie beyond the reach of individual ac- quisition ; and particularly to geographical and astronom- ical science. Looking back to the history only of half the century since the declaration of our independence, and observing the generous emulation with which the governments of France, Great Britain, and Russia, have devoted the genius, the intelligence, the treasures of their respective nations, to the common improvement of the species in these branches of science, is it not incum bent upon us to inquire whether we are not bound by ob- ligations of a high and honorable character to contribute our portion of energy and exertion to the common stock ? The voyages of discovery prosecuted in the course of that time, at the expense of those nations, have not only redounded to their glory, but to the improvement of hu- man knowledge. We have been partakers of that im- nrovement, and owe for it a sacred debt, not only of grati- tude, but of equal or proportional exertion in the same common cause. Of the cost of these undertakings, if the mere expenditures of outfit, equipment, and comple- tion of the expeditions, were to be considered the only charges, it would be unworthy of a great and generous nation to take a second thought. One hundred expedi- tions of circumnavigation, like those of Cook and La Pe- rouse, Avould not burden the exchequer of the nation fitting them out, so much as the ways and means of de- fraying a single campaign in war. But if we take into the account the lives of those benefactors of mankind, of which their services in the cause of their species were the purchase, how shall the cost of those heroic enter- J. a. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 237 prises be estimated ? And what compensation can be made to them, or to their countries for them ? Is it not by bearing them in affectionate remembrance ? Is it not still more by imitating their example ? by enabling coun- trymen of our own to pursue the same career, and to hazard their lives in the same cause ? On inviting the attention of Congress to the subject of internal improvements, upon a view thus enlarged, it is not my design to recommend the equipment of an expe- dition for circumnavigating the globe for purposes of scientific research and inquiry. We have objects of use- ful investigation nearer home, and to which our cares may be more beneficially applied. The interior of our own territories has yet been very imperfectly explored. Our coasts, along many degrees of latitude upon the shores of the Pacific Ocean, though much frequented by our spirited commercial navigators, have been barely visited by our public ships. The river of the West, first fully discovered and navigated by a countryman of our own, still bears the name of the ship in which he ascended its waters, and claims the protection of our armed national flag at its mouth. With the establish- ment of a military post there, or at some other point of that coast, recommended by my predecessor, and already matured in the deliberations of the last Congress, I would suggest the expediency of connecting the equipment of a public ship for the exploration of the whole north-west coast of this continent. The establishment of a uniform standard of weights and measures, was one of the specific objects contem- plated in the formation of our constitution ; and to fix that standard was one of the powers delegated by express terms, in that instrument, to Congress. The governments of Great Britain and France have scarcely ceased to be occupied with inquiries and speculations on the same subject, since the existence of our constitution ; and with them it has expanded into profound, laborious, and ex- pensive researches into the figure of the earth, and the comparative length of the pendulum vibrating seconds in various latitudes, from the equator to the pole. These researches have resulied in the composition and publica- 238 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. tion of several works highly interesting to the cause of science. The experiments are yet in the process of per- formance. Some of them have recently been made on our own shores, within the walls of one of our own col- leges, and partly by one of our own fellow-ciiizens. It would be honorable to our country if the sequel of the same experiments should be countenanced by the patron- age of our government, as they have hitherto been by those of France and Great Britain. Connected with the establishment of a university, or separate from it, might be undertaken the erection of an astronomical observatory, with provision for the support of an astronomer, to be in constant attendance of observ- ation upon the phenomena of the heavens ; and for the periodical publication of his observations. It is with no feeling of pride, as an American, that the remark may be made, that, on the comparatively small territorial surface of Europe, there are existing upwards of one hundred and thirty of these light-houses of the skies ; while through- out the whole American hemisphere there is not one. If we reflect a moment upon the discoveries which, in the last four centuries, have been made in the physical con- stitution of the universe, by the means of these buildings, and of observers stationed in them, shall we doubt of their usefulness to every nation ? And while scarcely a year passes over our heads without bringing some new astro- nomical discovery to light, which we must fain receive at second hand from Europe, are we not cutting ourselves off from the means of returning light for light, while we have neither observatory nor observer upon our half of the globe, and the earth revolves in perpetual darkness to our unsearching eyes ? When, on the 25th of October, 1791, the first president of the United States announced to Congress the result of the first enumeration of the inhabitants of this Union, he informed them that the returns gave the pleasing assurance that the population of the United States bordered on four millions of persons. At the distance of thirty years from that time, the last enumeration, five years since completed, presented a population ©ordering on ten millions. Per- haps of all the evidences of a prosperous and happy con- J. Q. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 239 dition of human society, the rapidity of the increase of population is the most unequivocal. But the demonstra- tion of our prosperity rests not alone upon this indication. Our commerce, our wealth, and the extent of our territo- ries have increased in corresponding proportions ; and the number of independent communities, associated in our federal Union, has, since that time, nearly doubled. The legislative representation of the states and people, in the two houses of Congress, has grown with the growth of their constituent bodies. The House, which then con- sisted of sixty-five members, now numbers upwards of two hundred. The Senate, which consisted of twenty-six members, has now forty-eight. But the executive, and still more the judiciary departments, are yet in a great measure confined to their primitive organization, and are now not adequate to the urgent wants of a still growing community. The naval armaments, which at an early period forced themselves upon the necessities of the Union, soon led to the establishment of a department of the navy. But the departments of foreign affairs and of the interior, which, early after the formation of the government, had been united in one, continue so united to this time, to the un- questionable detriment of the public service. The multi- plication of our relations with the nations and governments of the old world, has kept pace with that of our population and commerce, while, within the last ten years, a new family of nations, in our own hemisphere, has arisen among the inhabitants of the earth, with whom our inter- course, commercial and political, would, of itself, furnish occupation to an active and industrious department. The constitution of the judiciary, experimental and imperfect as it was, even in the infancy of our existing government, is yet more inadequate to the administration of national justice at our present maturity. Nine years have elapsed since a predecessor in this office, now not the last, the citizen who perhaps of all others throughout the Union, contributed most to the formation and establishment of our constitution, in his valedictory address to Congress, immediately preceding his retirement from public life, urgently recommende^d the revision of the judiciary, and 240 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. the establishment of an additional executive department. The exigencies of the public serv^ice, and its unavoidable deficiences, as now in exercise, have added yearly cumu- lative weight to the considerations presented by him as persuasive to the measure , and in recommending it to your deliberations, I am happy to have the influence of his high authority in aid of the undoubting convictions of my own experience. The laws relating to the administration of the Patent Office are deserving of much consideration, and perhaps susceptible of some improvement. The grant of power to regulate the action of Congress on this subject, has specified both the end to be obtained and the means by which it is to be effected, — " to promote the progress of science and the useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their re- spective writings and discoveries." If an honest pride might be indulged in the reflection, that on the records of that office are already found inventions, the usefulness of which has scarcely been transcended in the annals of human ingenuity, would not its exultation be allayed by the inquiry, whether the laws have efl^ectively insured to the inventors the reward destined to them by the consti- tution — even a limited term of exclusive right to their discoveries ? On the 24th of December, 1799, it was resolved by Congress, that a marble monument should be erected by the United States, in the capitol, at the city of Washing- ton ; that the family of General Washington should be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it ; and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life. In re- minding Congress of this resolution, and that the monu- ment contemplated by it remains yet without execution, I shall indulge only the remarks, that the works at the capitol are approaching to completion ; that the consent of the family, desired by the resolution, was requested and obtained ; that a monument has been recently erected in this city, over the remains of another distinguished patriot of the revolution ; and that a spot has been reserved within the walls where you are deliberating for the benefit J. a. ADAMS'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 241 of this and future ages, in which the mortal remains may be deposited of him whose spirit hovers over you, and listens with delight to every act of the representatives of his nf'tion which can tend to exalt and adorn his and their country. The constitution under which you are assembled, is a charter of limited powers. After full and solemn delibe- ration upon all or any of the objects which, urged by an irresistible sense of my own duty, I have recommended to your attention, should you come to the conclusion, that, however desirable in themselves, the enactment of laws for effecting them would transcend the powers committed to you by that venerable instrument which we are all bound to support ; let no consideration induce you to assume the exercise of powers not granted to you by the people. But if the power to exercise exclusive legisla- tion, in all cases whatsoever, over the District of Colum- bia ; if the power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States ; if the power to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes ; to fix the standard of weights and measures ; to establish post-oflices and post-roads ; to declare war ; to raise and support armies ; to provide and maintain a navy ; to dis- pose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States ; and to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying these powers into exe- cution ; if these powers, and others enumerated in the constitution, may be effectually brought into action by laws promoting the improvement of agriculture, commerce and manufactures, the cultivation and encouragement of the mechanic and of the elegant arts, the advancement of literature, and the progress of the sciences, ornamental and. profound ; to refrain from exercising them for the benefit of the people themselves, would be to hide in the earth the talent committed to our charge — would be treachery to the most sacred of trusts. The spirit of improvement is abroad upon the earth. It stimulates the hearts, and sharpens the faculties, not 21 16 242 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK, of our fellow-citizens alone, but of the nations of Europe, and of their rulers. While dwelling with pleasing satis- faction upon the superior excellence of our political in- stitutions, let us not be unmindful that liberty is power ; that the nation blessed with the largest portion of liberty, must, in proportion to its numbers, be the most powerful nation upon earth ; and that the tenure of power by man IS, in the moral purposes of his Creator, upon condition that it shall be exercised to ends of beneficence, to improve the condition of himself and his fellow-men. While foreign nations, less blessed with that freedom which is power than ourselves, are advancing with gigantic strides in the career of public improvement ; were we to slumber in indolence, or fold up our arms and proclaim to the world that we are palsied by the will of our constituents, would it not be to cast away the bounties of Providence, and doom ourselves to perpetual inferiority ? In the course of the year now drawing to its close, we have beheld, under the auspices and expense of one state in our Union, a new university unfolding its portals to the sons of science, and holding up the torch of human im- provement to the eyes that seek the light. We have seen, under the persevering and enlightened enterprise of another state, the waters of our western lakes mingle with those of the ocean. If undertakings like these have been accomplished in the course of a few years, by the author- ity of single members of our confederation, can we, the representative authorities of the whole Union, fall behind our fellow-servants in the exercise of the trust committed to us for the benefit of our common sovereign, by the ac- complishment of works important to the whole, and to which neither the authority nor the resources of any one state can be adequate ? Finally, fellow-citizens, I shall await, with cheering hope and faithful co-operation, the result of your delibera- tions, assured that, without encroaching upon the powers reserved to the authorities of the respective states, or to the people, you will, with a due sense of your obligations to your country, and of the high responsibilities weighing upon yourselves, give efficacy to the means committed to you for the common good. And may He who searches JACKSON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 243 the hearts of the children of men, prosper youi exertions to secure the blessings of peace and promote the highest welfare of our country. JACKSON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. March 4, 1829. - Fellotv- Citizens : About to undertake the arduous duties that I have been appointed to perform, by the choice of a free people, I avail myself of this customary and solemn occasion to express the gratitude which their confidence inspires, and to acknowledge the accountability which my situation enjoins. While the magnitude of their interests convinces me that no thanks can be adequate to the honor they have conferred, it admonishes me that the best return I can make, is the zealous dedication of my humble abilities to their service and their good. As the instrument of the federal constitution, it will devolve upon^me, for a stated period, to execute the laws of the United States ; to superintend their foreign and confederate relations ; to manage their revenue ; to com- mand their forces ; and, by communications to the legis- lature, to watch over and to promote their interests gene- rally. And the principles of action by which I shall endeavor to accomplish this circle of duties, it is now proper for me briefly to explain. In administering the laws of Congress, I shall keep steadily in view the limitations as well as the extent of the executive power, trusting thereby to discharge the functions of my office, without transcending its authority. With foreign nations it will be my study to preserve peace, and to cultivate friendship on fair and honorable terms ; and in the adjustment of any difl^erences that may exist or arise, to exhibit the forbearance becoming a pow- erful nation, rather than the sensibility belonging to a gallant people. In such measures as I may be called on to pursue, in regard to the rights of the separate states, I hope to be animated by a proper respect for those sovereign me nbers 244 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. of our Union ; taking care not to confound tht powers they have reserved to themselves with those they have granted to the confederacy. The management of the public revenue — that searching operation of all governments — is among the most delicate and important trusts in ours ; and it will, of course, de- mand no inconsiderable share of my official solicitude. Under every aspect in which it can be considered, it would appear that advantage must result from the observ- ance of a strict and faithful economy. This I shall aim at the more anxiously, both because it will facilitate the extinguishment of the national debt, the unnecessary duration of which is incompatible with real independence, and because it will counteract that tendency to public and private profligacy which a profuse expenditure of money by the government is but too apt to engender. Powerful auxiliaries to the attainment of this desirable end are to be found in the regulations provided by the wisdom of Congress for the specific appropriation of public money, and the prompt accountability of public officers. With regard to a proper selection of the subjects of imposts, with a view to revenue, it would seem to*me that the spirit of equity, caution, and compromise, in which the constitution was formed, requires that the great interests of agriculture, commerce and manufactures, should be equally favored, and that perhaps the only exception to this rule should consist in the peculiar encouragement of any products of either of them that may be found essen- tial to our national independence. Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge, so far as they can be promoted by the constitutional acts of the federal government, are of high importance. Considering standing armies as dangerous to free gov- ernments in time of peace, I shall not seek to enlarge our present establishment, nor to disregard that salutary lesson of political experience which teaches that the military should be held subordinate to the civil power. The grad- ual increase of our navy, whose flag has displayed in distant climes our skill in navigation and our fame in arms ; the preservation of our forts, arsenals, and dock- yards; and the introduction of progressive improvements JACKSON'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 245 in the discipline and science of both branches of our mil- itary service, are so plainly prescribed by prudence that I should be excused for omitting their mention, sooner than enlarging on their importance. But the bulwark of our defence is the national militia, which, in the present state of our intelligence and population, must render us invincible. As long as our government is administered for the good of the people, and is regulated by their \vill; as long as it secures to us the right of person and property, liberty of conscience, and of the press, it will be worth defending; and so long as it is worth defending, a patriotic militia will cover it with an impenetrable segis. Partial injuries and occasional mortifications we may be subjected to; but a million of armed freemen, possessed of the means of war, can never be conquered by a foreign foe. To any just system therefore, calculated to strengthen this natural safeguaru of the country, I shall cheerfully lend all the aid in my power. It will be my sincere and constant desire to observe towards the Indian tribes within our limits, a just and liberal policy ; and to give that humane and considerate attention to their rights and their wants, which is consis- tent with the habits of our government and the feelings of our people. The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task of reform ; which will require particularly the correction of those abuses that have brought the patronage of the federal government into con- flict with the freedom of elections, and the counteraction of those causes which have disturbed the rightful course of appointment, and have placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands. In the performance of a task thus generally delineated, I shall endeavor to select men whose diligence and talents will insure, in their respective stations, able and faithful co-operation— depending for the advancement of the pub- lic service, more on the integrity and zeal of the public officers, than on their numbers. A diffidence, perhaps too just, in my own qualifica- tions, wqll teach me to look with reverence to the exam- 21^ 2 il3 AMERICAN'S C WN BOOK. pies of public virtue left by my illustrious predecessors, and with veneration to the lights that flow from the mind that founded and the mind that reformed our system. The same diffidence induces me to hope for instruction and aid from the co-ordinate branches of the government, and for the indulgence and support of my fellow-citizens generally. And a firm reliance on the goodness of that Power whose providence mercifully protected our national infancy, and has since upheld our liberties in various vicissitudes, encourages me to offer up my ardent suppli- cations that He will continue to make our beloved country the object of his divine care and gracious benediction. JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE, December 8, 1829. Fellow- Citizens of the Senate^ and House of Representatives : It affords me pleasure to tender my friendly greetings to you on the occasion of your assembling at the seat of government, to enter upon the important duties to which you have been called by the voice of our countrymen. The task devolves on me, under a provision of the con- stitution, to present to you, as the federal legislature of twenty-four sovereign states, and twelve millions of happy people, a view of our affairs, and to propose such measures as, in the discharge of my official functions, have suggested themselves as necessary to promote the objects of our Union. In communicating with you for the first time, it is to me a source of unfeigned satisfaction, calling for mutual gratulation and devout thanks to a benign Providence, that we are at peace with all mankind ; and that our country exhibits the most cheering evidence of general welfare and progressive improvement. Turning our eyes to other nations, our great desire is to see our brethren of the human race surrounded by the blessings enjoyed by ourselves, and advancing in knowledge, in freedom, and in social happiness. JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 247 Our foreign relations, although in their general char- acter pacific and friendly, present objects of difference between us and other powers, of deep interest, as well to the country at large as to many of our citizens. To effect an adjustment of these shall continue to be the object of my earnest endeavors ; and" notwithstanding the difficul- ties of the task, I do not allow myself to apprehend un- favorable results. Blessed as our country is with every- thing which constitutes national strength, she is fully adequate to the maintenance of all her interests. In dis- charging the responsible trust confided to the executive in this respect, it is my settled purpose to ask nothing that is not clearly right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong ; and I flatter myself, that, supported by the other branches of the government, and by the intelligence and patriotism of the people, we shall be able, under the pro- tection of Providence, to cause all our just rights to be respected. Of the unsettled matters between the United States and other powers, the most prominent are those which have for years been the subject of negotiation with Eng- land, France, and Spain. The late periods at which our ministers to those governments left the United States, render it impossible, at this early day, to inform you of what has been done on the subjects with which they have been respectively charged. Relying upon the justice of our views in relation to the points committed to negotia- tion, and the reciprocal good feeling which characterizes our intercourse with those nations, we have the best reason to hope for a satisfactory adjustment of existing differences. With Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honora- ble, and elevated competition. Everything in the con- dition and history of the two nations is calculated to inspire sentiments of mutual respect, and to carry con- viction to the minds of both, that it is their policy to preserve the most cordial relations. Such are my own views ; and it is not to be doubted that such are also the prevailing sentiments of our constituents. Although neither time nor opportunity has been afforded for a full 248 AMERICANOS OWN BOOK. development of the policy whicli the present cabinet of Great Britain designs to pursue towards this country, I indulge the hope that it will be of a just and pacific char- acter ; and if this anticipation be realized, we may look with confidence to a speedy and acceptable adjustment of our aflairs. Under the convention for regulating the reference to arbitration, the disputed points of boundary under the fifth article of the treaty of Ghent, the proceedings have hitherto been conducted in the spirit of candor and liberality which ought ever to characterize the acts of sovereign states, seeking to adjust, by the most unexceptionable means, important and delicate subjects of contention. The first statements of the parties have been exchanged, and the final replication on our part is in a course of preparation. This subject has received the attention demanded by its great and peculiar importance to a patriotic member of this confederacy. The exposition of our rights, already made, is such as, from the high reputation of the commis- sioners by whom it has been prepared, we had a right to expect. Our interests at the court of the sovereign who has evinced his friendly disposition by assuming the delicate task of arbitration, have been committed to a citizen of the state of Maine, whose character, talents, and intimate acquaintance with the subject, eminently qualify him for so responsible a trust. With full confidence in the justice of our cause, and in the probity, intelligence, and uncompromising independence of the illustrious arbitrator, we can have nothnig to apprehend from the result. From France, our incient ally, we have a right to ex- pect that justice which becomes the sovereign of a power- ful, intelligent, and magnanimous people. The beneficial effects produced by the commercial convention of 1822, limited as are its provisions, are too obvious not to make a salutary impression upon the minds of those who are charged with the administration of her government. Should this result induce a disposition to embrace to their full extent the wholesome principles which consti- tute our commercial policy, our minister to that court will be found instructed to cherish such a disposition, JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUA^ MESSAGE. 249 and to aid in conducting it to useful practical conclusions. The claims of our citizens for depredations upon their property, long since committed under the authority, and, in many instances, by the express direction, of the then existing government of France, remain unsatistied; and must, therefore, continue to furnish a subject of unpleas- ant discussion, and possible collision, between the two governments. I cherish, however, a lively hope, founded as well on the validity of those claims, and the established policy of all enlightened governments, as on the known integrity of the French monarch, that the injurious de- lays of the past will find redress in the equity of the future. Our minister has been instructed to press these demands on the French government with all the earnest- ness which is called for by their importance and irrefuta- ble justice ; and in a spirit that will evince the respect which is due to the feelings of those from whom the sat- isfaction is required. Our minister recently appointed to Spain has been authorized to assist in removing evils alike injurious to both countries, either by concluding a commercial con- vention upon liberal and reciprocal terms ; or by urging the acceptance, in their full extent, of the mutually bene- ficial provisions of our navigation act. He has also been instructed to make a further appeal to the justice of Spain., in behalf of our citizens, for indemnity for spoliations upon our commerce, committed under her authority — an appeal which the pacific and liberal course observed on our part, and a due confidence in the honor of that gov- ernment, authorize us to expect will not be made in vain. With other European powers, our intercourse is on the most friendly footing. In Russia, placed by her territo- rial limits, extensive population, and great power, high in the rank of nations, the United States have always found a steadfast friend. Although her recent invasions of Turkey awakened a lively sympathy for those who were exposed to the desolations of war, we cannot but antici- pate that the result will prove favorable to the cause of civilization, and to the progress of human happiness. The treaty of peace between these powers having been ratified, we cannot be insensible to the great benefit to be 250 AMEKICAN'S OWN Bl. OK, derived by the commerce of the United States from un- locking the navigation of the Black Sea — a free passage into which is secured to all merchant vessels bound to ports of Russia under a flag at peace with the Porte. This advantage, enjoyed upon conditions by most of the powers of Europe, has hitherto been withheld from us. During the past summer, an antecedent but unsuc- cessful attempt to obtain it, was renewed under cir- cumstances which promised the most favorable results. Although those results have fortunately been thus in part attained, further facilities to the enjoyment of this new field for the enterprise of our citizens are, in my opinion, sufficiently desirable to insure to them our most zealous attention. Our trade with Austria, although of secondary impor- tance, has been gradually increasing; and is now so ex- tended as to deserve the fostering care of the government. A negotiation, commenced and nearly completed with that power, by the late administration, has been consummated by a treaty of amity, navigation and commerce, which will be laid before the Senate. During the recess of Congress, our diplomatic relations with Portugal have been resumed. The peculiar state of things in that country caused a suspension of the recognition of the representative who presented himself, until an opportunity was had to obtain from our official organ there, information regarding the actual, and, as far as practicable, prospective condition of the authority by which the representative in question was appointed. This information being received, the application of the estab- lished rule of our government, in like cases, was no longer withheld. Considerable advances have been made during the present year in the adjustment of claims of our citizens upon Denmark for spoliations ; but all that we have a right to demand from that government in their behalf has not yet been conceded. From the liberal footing, how- ever, upon which this subject has, with the approbation of the claimants, been placed by the government, together with the uniformly just and friendly disposition which has been evinced by his Danish majesty, there is a rea- JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 251 sonable ground to hope that this single subject of differ- ence will speedily be removed. Our relations with the Barbary powers continue, as they have long been, of the most favorable character. The policy of keeping an adequate force in the Mediter- ranean, as security for the continuance of this tranquil- lity, will be persevered in ; as well as a similar one for the protection of our commerce and fisheries in the Pacific. The southern republics of our hemisphere have not yet realized all the advantages for which they have been so long struggling. We trust, however, that the day is not distant when the restoration of peace and internal quiet, under permanent systems of government, securing the liberty, and promoting the happiness of the citizens, will crown, with complete success, their long and arduous efforts in the cause of self-government ; and enable us to salute them as friendly rivals in all that is truly great and glorious. The recent invasion of Mexico, and the effect thereby produced upon her domestic policy, must have a control- ling influence upon the great question of South Ameri- can emancipation. We have seen the fell spirit of civil dissension rebuked, and, perhaps, forever stifled in that republic by the love of independence. If it be true, as appearances strongly indicate, that the spirit of independ- ence is the master-spirit ; and if a corresponding senti- ment prevails in the other states, this devotion to liberty cannot be without a proper effect upon the counsels of the mother country. The adoption by Spain of a pacific policy towards her fcn-mer colonies — an event consoling to humanity, and a blessing to the world, in which she herself cannot fail largely to participate — may be most reasonably expected. The claims of our citizens upon the South American governments generally, are in a train of settlement, while the principal part of those upon Brazil have been adjust- ed ; and a decree in council, ordering bonds to be issued by the minister of the treasury for their amount, has re- ceived the sanction of his imperial majesty. This event, •.ogether with the exchange of the ratifications of the 252 AMERICANOS OWN BOOK. treaty negotiated and concluded in 1828, happdy termi- nates all serious causes of difference with that power. Measures have been taken to place our commercial relations with Peru upon a better footing than that upon which they have hitherto rested ; and if met by a proper disposition on the part of that government, important benefits may be secured to both countries. Deeply interested as we are in the prosperity of our sister republics, and more particularly in that of our im- mediate neighbor, it would be most gratifying to me were I permitted to say, that the treatment which we have received at her hands has been as universally friendly, as the early and constant solicitude manifested by the United States for her success, gave us a right to expect. But it becomes my duty to inform you that prejudices long indulged by a portion of the inhabitants of Mexico against the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States, have had an unfortunate influence upon the affairs of the two countries ; and have diminished that usefulness to his own which was justly to be expected from his talents and zeal. To this cause, in a great de- gree, is to be imputed the failure of several measures equally interesting to both parties ; but particularly that of the Mexican government to ratify a treaty negotiated and concluded in its own capital, and under its own eye. Under these circumstances, it appeared expedient to give to Mr. Poinsett the option either to return or not, as in his judgment the interest of his country might require, and instructions to that end were prepared ; but before they could be despatched, a communication was received from the government of Mexico, through its charge d'affaires here, requesting the recall of our minister. This was promptly complied with ; and a representative, of a rank corresponding with jhat of the Mexican diplomatic agent near this government, was appointed. Our conduct towards that republic has been uniformly of the most friendly character; and having thus removed 'the only alleged obstacle to harmonious mtercourse, I cannot but hope ihat an advantageous change will occur in our aflfairs. In justice to Mr. Poinsett, it is proper to say, that my immediate compliance with the application for his recall, JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 253. and the appointment of a successor, are not to be ascribed to any evidence that the imputation of an improper inter- ference by him in the local politics of Mexico, was well founded ; nor to a want of confidence in his talents or integrity; and to add, that the truth of that charge has never been affirmed by the federal government of Mexico, in their communications with this. I consider it one of the most urgent of my duties to bring to your attention the propriety of amending that part of our constitution which relates to the election of President and Vice-President. Our system of govern- ment was, by its framers, deemed an experiment : and they, therefore, consistently provided a mode of remedy- ing its defects. To the people belongs the right of electing their chief magistrate ; it was never designed that their choice should, in any case, be defeated, either by the interven- tion of electoral colleges, or by the agency confided, under certain contingencies, to the House of Representatives. Experience proves, that, in proportion as agents to exe- cute the will of the people are multiplied, there is danger of their wishes being frustrated. Some may be unfaith- ful ; all are liable to err. So far, therefore, as the people can, with convenience, speak, it is safer for them to ex- press their own will. The number of aspirants to the presidency, and the diversity of the interests which may influence their claims, leave little reason to expect a choice in the f\rst instance ; and, in that event, the election must devolve on the House of Representatives, where, it is obvious, the will of the people may not be always ascertained, or, if ascertained, may not be regarded. From the mode of voting by states, the choice is to be made by twenty-four votes ; and it may often occur that one of those will be controlled by an individual representative. Honors and offices are at the disposal of the successful candidate Repeated ballotings may make it apparent that a single individual holds the cast in his hand. May he not be tempted to name his reward? But even without cor- ruption — supposing the probity of the representative to be proof against the powerful motives by which it may be 22 254 AMERICANOS OWN BOOK. assailed — the will of the people is still constantly liable to be misrepresented. One may err from ignorance of the wishes of his constituents ; another, from the con- viction that it is his duty to be governed by his own judgment of the fitness of the candidates ; finally, although all were inflexibly honest — all accurately in- formed of the wishes of their constituents — yet, under the present mode of election, a minority may often elect the President ; and when this happens, it may reasonably be expected that efforts will be made on the part of the ma- jority to rectify this injurious operation of their institu- tions. But although no evils of this character should result from such a perversion of the first principle of our system — that the majority is to goverii — it must be very certain that a President elected by a minority cannot enjoy the confidence necessary to the successful discharge of his duties. In this, as in all other matters of public concern, policy requires that as few impediments as possible should exist to the free operation of the public will. Let us, then, endeavor to so amend our system, that the office of chief magistrate may not be conferred upon any citizen, but in pursuance of a fair expression of the will of the majority. I would therefore recommend such an amendment of the constitution as may remove all intermediate agency in the election of the President and Vice-President. The mode may be so regulated as to preserve to each state its present relative weight in the election ; and a failure in the first attempt may be provided for, by confining the second to a choice between the two highest candidates. In connection with such an amendment, it would seem advisable to limit the service of the chief magistrate to a single term of either four or six years. If, however, it should not be adopted, it is worthy of consideration whether a provision, disqualifying for office the repre- sentatives in Congress on whom such an election may have devolved, would not be proper. While members of Congress can be constitutionally appointed to offices of trust and profit, it will be the prac- tice, even under the most conscientious adherence to duty, to select them for such stations as they are believed to be .ACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 255 better qualified to fill than other citizens ; but the purity of our government would doubtless be promoted by their exclusion from all appointments in the gift of the Presi- dent, in whose election they may have been officially concerned. The nature of the judicial office, and the necessity of securing in the cabinet and diplomatic sta- tions of the highest rank, the best talents and political experience, should, perhaps, except these from the ex- clusion. There are perhaps few men who can for any great length of time enjoy office and power, without being more or less under the influence of feelings unfavorable to the faithful discharge of their public duties. Their integrity may be proof against improper considerations immedi- ately addressed to themselves ; but they are apt to ac- quire a habit of looking with indifference upon the public interests, and of tolerating conduct from which an un- practised man would revolt. Office is considered as a species of property ; and government rather as a means of promoting individual interest, than as an instrument created solely for the service of the people. Corruption in some, and in others a perversion of correct feelings and principles, divert government from its legitimate ends, and make it an engine for the support of the few at the expense of the many. The duties of all public officers are, or at least admit of being made, so plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves for their performance ; and I cannot but believe that more is lost by the long continuance of men in office than is generally to be gained by their experience. I submit, therefore, to your consideration, whether the efficiency of the government would not be promoted, and official indus- try and integrity better secured by a general extension of the law which limits appointments to four years. In a country where offices are created solely for the benefit of the people, no one man has any more intrinsic right to official station than another. Offices were not established to give support to particular men at the public expense. No individual wrong is therefore done by removal, since neither appointment to nor continuance in office is matter of right. The incumbent became ar. SS&b AMERICAN'S 0,\N BOOK. officer with a view to the public benefits ; and when ihese require his removal, they are not to be sacrificed to pri- vate interests. It is the people, and they alone, who have a right to complain, when a bad officer is substituted for a good one. He who is removed has the same means of obtaining a living that are enjoyed by the millions who never held office. The proposed limitation would destroy the idea of property, now so generally connected with official station ; and although individual distress may be sometimes produced, it would, by promoting that rotation which constitutes a leading principle in the republican creed, give healthful action to the system. No very considerable change has occurred, during the recess of Congress, in the condition of either our agricul- ture, commerce, or manufactures. The operation of the tariff" has not proved so injurious to the two former, or as beneficial to the latter, as was anticipated. Importations of foreign goods have not been sensibly diminished ; while domestic competition, under an illusive excitement, has increased the production much beyond the demand for home consumption. The consequences have been, low prices, temporary embarrassment, and partial loss. That such of our manufacturing establishments as are based upon capital, and are prudently managed, will sur- vive the shock, and be ultimately profitable, there is no good reason to doubt. To regulate its conduct, so as to promote equally the prosperity of these three cardinal interests, is one of the most difficult tasks of government ; and it may be regret- ted that the complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations, could not by common consent be -abolished, and commerce allowed to flow in those channels to which individual enterprise, always its surest guide, might direct it. But we must ever expect selfish legislation in other nations ; and are therefore compelled to adapt our own to their regulations, in the manner best calculated to avoid serious injury, and to harmonize the conflicting interests of our agriculture, our commerce, and our manufactures. Under these impressions, I invite your attention to the existing tariff", believing that some of its provisions require modification. JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUaL MESSAGE. 2/37 The general rule to be applied in graduating the duties upon the articles of foreign growth or manufacture, is that which will place our own in fair competition with those of other countries ; and the inducements to advance even a step beyond this point, are controlling in regard to those articles which are of primary necessity in time of war. When we reflect upon the difficulty and delicacy of this operation, it is important that it should never be attempted but with the utmost caution. Frequent legis- lation in regard to any branch of industry, affecting its value, and by which its capital may be transferred to new channels, must always be productive of hazardous specu- lation and loss. In deliberating, therefore, on these interesting subjects, local feelings and prejudices should be merged in the patriotic determination to promote the great interests of the whole. All the attempts to connect them with the party conflicts of the day are necessarily injurious, and should be discountenanced. Our action upon them should be under the control of higher and purer motives. Legis- lation, subjected to such influence, can never be just ; and will not long retain the sanction of the people, whose active patriotism is not bounded by sectional limits, nor insensible to that spirit of concession and forbearance which gave life to our political compact, and still sustains it. Discarding all calculations of political ascendency, the north, the south, the east, and the west, should unite in diminishing any burden, of which either may justly complain. The agricultural interest of our country is so essen- tially connected with every other, and so superior in importance to them all, that it is scarcely necessary to invite to it your particular attention. It is principally as manufactures and commerce tend to increase the value of agricultural productions, and to extend their application to the wants and comforts of society, that they deserve the fostering care of government. Looking forward to the period, not far distant, when a sinking fund will no longer be required, the duties on those articles of importation which cannot come in com petition with our own productions, are the first that should 22=^ 17 258 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. engage the attention of Congress in the modification of the tariff. Of these, tea and coffee are the most prominent ; they enter largely into the consumption of the country, and have become articles of necessity to all classes. A reduction, therefore, of the existing duties, will be felt as a common benefit : but, like all other legislation connected with commerce, to be efficacious, and not injurious, it should be gradual and certain. The public prosperity is evinced in the increased reve- nue arising from the sales of public lands ; and in the steady maintenance of that produced by imposts and ton- nage, notwithstanding the additional duties imposed by the act of 19th May, 1828, and the unusual importations in the early part of that year. The balance in the treasury on the 1st January, 1829, was $5,972,435 81. The receipts of the current year are estimated at $24,602,230 ; and the expenditures for the same time at $26,164,595. Leaving a balance in the treasury, on the 1st of January next, of $4,410,070 81. There will have been paid on account of the public debt durmg the present year, the sum of $12,405,005 80 ; reducing the whole debt of the government, on the first of January next, to $48,565,406 50, including seven mil- lions of five per cent, stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States. The payment on account of the pub- lic debt, made on the first of July last, was $8,715,462 87. It was apprehended that the sudden withdrawal of so large a sum from the banks in which it was deposited, at a time of unusual pressure in the money market, might cause much injury to the interests dependent on ■ bank accommodations. But this evil was wholly averted by an early anticipation of it at the treasury, aided by the judicious arrangements of the officers of the Bank of the United States. The state of the finances exhibits the resources of the nation in an aspect highly flattering to its industry, and auspicious of the ability of the government, in a very short time, to extinguish the public debt. When this shall be done, our population will be relieved from a con- siderable portion of its present burdens ; and will find not only new motives to patriotic affection, but additional JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 259 means for the display of individual enterprise. The fiscal power of the states will also be increased ; and may be more extensively exerted in favor of education and other public objects ; while ample means will remain in the federal government to promote the general weal, in all the modes permitted to its authority. After the extinction of the public debt, it is not proba- ble that any adjustment of the tariff, upon principles sat- isfactory to the people of the Union, will, until a remote period, if ever, leave the government without a consid- erable surplus in the treasury, beyond what may be re- quired for its current service. As, then, the period ap- proaches when the application of the revenue to payment of the debt will cease, the disposition of the surplus will present a subject for the serious deliberation of Congress ; and it may be fortunate for the country that it is yet to be decided. Considered in connection with the difficul- ties which have heretofore attended appropriations for purposes of internal improvement, and with those which this experience tells us will certainly arise, whenever power over such subjects may be exercised by the gene- ral government ; it is hoped that it may lead to the adop- tion of some plan which will reconcile the diversified in- terests of the states, and strengthen the bonds which unite them. Every member of the Union, in peace and in war, will be benefitted by the improvement of inland navigation, and the construction of highways in the sev- eral states. Let us then endeavor to attain this benefit in a mode that will be satisfactory to all. That hitherto adopted has, by many of our fellow-citizens, been depre- cated as an infraction of the constitution ; while by others it has been viewed as inexpedient. All feel that it has been employed at the expense of harmony in the legisla live councils. To avoid these evils, it appears to me that the most safe, just, and federal disposition which could be made of this surplus revenue, would be its apportionment among the several states, according to their ratio of representa- tion; and should this measure not be found warranted by the constitution, that it would be expedient to propose to the states an amendment authorizing it. I regard an 060 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. appeal to the source of power, in all cases of real doubt, and where its exercise is deemed adi'isable to the general welfare, as among the most sacred of all our obligations. Upon this country, more than any other, has, in the pro- vidence of God, been cast the special guardianship of the great principle of adherence to written constitutions. If it fail here, all hope in regard to it will be extinguished. That this was intended to be a government of limited and specific, and not general powers, must be admitted by all ; and it is our duty to preserve for it the character intend- ed by its framers. If experience points out the necessity for an enlargement of these powers, let us apply for it to those for whose benefit it is to be exercised ; and not undermine the whole system by a resort to overstrained constructions. The scheme has worked well. It has exceeded the hopes of those who devised it, and become an object of admiration to the world. We are responsi- ble to our country and to the glorious cause of self-gov- ernment, for the preservation of so great a good. The great mass of legislation relating to our internal affairs, was intended to be left where the federal convention found it — in the state governments. Nothing is clearer, in my view, than that we are chiefly indebted for the success of the constitution under which we are now act- ing, to the watchful and auxiliary operation of the state authorities. This is not the reflection of a day, but be- longs to the most deeply-rooted convictions of my mind. I cannot, therefore, too strongly or too earnestly, for my own sense of its importance, warn you against all en- croachment upon the legitimate sphere of state sovereign- ty. Sustained by its healthful and invigorating influence, the federal system can never fall. In the collection of the revenue, the long credits au- thorized on goods imported from beyond the Cape of Good Hope are the chief cause of the losses at present sustained. If these were shortened to six, nine, and twelve months, and warehouses provided by government, sufficient to receive the goods offered in deposite for se- curity and for debenture ; and if the right of the United States to a priority of payment out of tlie estates of its insolvent debtors was more effectually secured, this evil JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 261 would in a great measure be obviated. An authority to construct such houses is, therefore, with the proposed aheration of the credits, recommended to your attention. It is worthy of notice, that the kiws for the collection and security of the revenue arising from imposts, were chiefly framed when the rates of duties on imported goods presented much less temptation for illicit trade than at present exists. There is reason to believe that these laws are, in some respects, quite insufhcient for the proper security of the revenue, and the protection of the interests of those who are disposed to observe them. The injurious and demoralizing tendency of a successful system of smuggling is so obvious as not to require com- ment, and cannot be too carefully guarded against. I therefore suggest to Congress the propriety of adopting efficient measures to prevent this evil, avoiding, however, as much as possible, every unnecessary infringement of individual liberty, and embarrassment of fair and lawful business. On an examination of the records of the treasury, I have been forcibly struck with the large amount of pub- lic money which appears to be outstanding. Of this sum thus due from individuals to the government, a consider- able portion is undoubtedly desperate ; and in many instances, has probably been rendered so by remissness in the agents charged with its collection. By proper ex- ertions, a great part, however, may yet be recovered; and whatever may be the portions respectively belonging to these two classes, it behooves the government to ascertain the real state of the fact. This can be done only by the prompt adoption of judicious measures for the collection of such as may be made available. It is believed that a very large amount has been lost through the inadequacy of the means provided for the collection of debts due to the public ; and that this inadequacy lies chiefly in the want of legal skill, habitually and constantly employed in the direction of the agents engaged in the service. It must, I think, be admitted, that the supervisory power over suits brought by the public, which is now vested in an accounting officer of the treasury, not selected with a view ';a his legal knowledge, and encumbered as he is 262 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. with numerous other duties, operates unfavorably to the public interest. It is important that this branch of the public service should be subject to the supervision of such professional skill as will give it efficacy. The expense attendant upon such a modification of the executive department, would be justified by the soundest principles of economy. I would recommend, therefore, that the duties now as- signed to the agent of the treasury, so far as they relate to the superintendence and management of legal proceed- ings on the part of the United States, be transferred to the attorney-general ; and that this officer be placed on the same footing, in all respects, as the heads of the other departments — receiving like compensation, and having such subordinate officers provided for his department, as may be requisite for the discharge of these additional duties. The professional skill of the attorney-general, employed in directing the conduct of marshals and dis- trict attorneys, would hasten the collection of debts now in suit, and hereafter save much to the government. It might be further extended to the superintendence of all criminal proceedings for offences against the United States. In making this transfer, great care should be taken, however, that the power necessary to the treasury department be not impaired ; one of its greatest securities consisting in a control over all accounts until they are audited or reported for suit. In connection with the foregoing views, I would sug- gest, also, an inquiry, whether the provisions of the act of Congress, authorizing the discharge of the persons of debtors to the government from imprisonment, may not, consistently with the public interest, be extended to the release of the debt, where the conduct of the debtor *\ wholly exempt from the imputation of fraud. Som^ more liberal policy than that which now prevails 11 reference to this unfortunate class of citizens is cer- tainly due to them, and would prove beneficial to the country. The continuance of the liability after the means to discharge it have been exhausted, can only serve to dispirit the debtor ; or where his resources are but partial, the w~»nt of power in tlie government to com- JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL vIESSAGE. 263 promise and release the demand, instigates to fraud, as the only resource for securing a support to his family. He thus sinks into a state of apathy, or becomes a useless drone in society, or a vicious member of it, if not a feeling witness of the rigor and inhumanity of his country. All experience proves that an oppressive debt is the bane of enterprise ; and it should be the care of a republic not to exert a grinding power over misfortune and poverty. Since the last session of Congress, numerous frauds on the treasury have been discovered, which I thought it my duty to bring under the cognizance of the United States Court, for this district, by a criminal prosecution. It was my opinion, and that of able counsel who were consulted, that the cases came within the penalties of the act of the 17th Congress, approved 3d March, 1823, providing for the punishment of frauds committed on the government of the United States. Either from some defect in the law or in its administration, every effort to bring the ac- cused to trial under its provisions proved ineffectual, and the government was driven to the necessity of resorting to the vague and inadequate provisions of the common law. It is therefore my duty to call your attention to the laws which have been passed for the protection of the treasury. If, indeed, there is no provision by which those who may be unworthily entrusted with its guardian- ship, can be punished for the most flagrant violation of duty, extending even to the most fraudulent appropria- tion of the public funds to their own use, it is time to remedy so dangerous an omission. Or, if the law has been perverted from its original purposes, and criminals deserving to be punished under its provisions, have been rescued by legal subtleties, it ought to be made so plain, by amendatory provisions, as to baffle the arts of perver- sic, 1, and accomplish the ends of its original enactment. ,In one of the most flagrant cases, the court decided that the prosecution was barred by the statute which limits prosecutions for fraud to two years. In this case all the evidences of the fraud, and indeed all knowledge that a fraud had been committed, were in the possession of the party accused, until after the two years had elapsed. Surely the statute ought not to run in favor of any man 264 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. while he retains all the evidences of his crime in his own possession ; and least of all, in favor of a public officer who continues to defraud the treasury, and conceal the transaction for the brief term of two years. I would therefore recommend such an alteration of the law as will give the injured party and the government two years after the disclosure of the fraud, or after the accused is out of office, to commence their prosecution. In connexion with this subject, I invite the attention of Congress to a general and minute inquiry into the condi- tion of the government ; with a view to ascertain what offices can be dispensed with, what expenses retrenched, and what improvements may be made in the organization of its various parts to secure the proper responsibility of public agents, and promote efficiency and justice in all its operations. The report of the Secretary of War will make you acquainted with the condition of our army, fortifications, arsenals, and Indian affairs. The proper discipline of the army, the training and equipment of the militia, the education bestowed at West Point, and the accumulation of the means of defence, applicable to the naval force, will tend to prolong the peace we now enjoy, and which every good citizen, more especially those who have felt the mis- eries of even a successful warfare, most ardently desire to perpetuate. The returns from the subordinate branches of this ser- vice exhibit a regularity and order highly creditable to its character : both officers and soldiers seem imbued with a proper sense of duty, and conform to the restraints of ex- act discipline with that cheerfulness which becomes the profession of arms. There is need, however, of further legislation to obviate the inconveniences specified in the report under consideration ; to some of which it is proper that I should call your particular attention. The act of Congress of the 2d March, 1821, to reduce and fix the military establishment, remaining unexecuted as it regards the command of one of the regiments of artillery, cannot now be deemed a guide to the executive in making the proper appointment. An explanatory act, designating the class of officers out of which this grade JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 266 is to be filled — whether from the military list, as existing prior to the act of 1821, or from it, as it has been fixed by that act — would remove this difficulty. It is also im- portant that the laws regulating the pay and emoluments of the officers generally, should be more specific than they now are. Those, for example, in relation to the paymaster and surgeon-general, assign to them an annual salary of $C,500 ; but are silent as to allowances which, in certain exigencies of the service, may be deemed in- dispensable to the discharge of their duties. This cir- cumstance has been the authority for extending to them various allowances at different times under former admin- istrations ; but no uniform rule has been observed on the subject. Similar inconveniences exist in other cases, in which the construction put upon the laws by the public accountants may operate unequally, produce confusion, and expose officers to the odium of claiming what is not their due. I recommend to your fostering care, as one of our safest means of national defence, the Military Academy. This institution has already exercised the happiest influ- ence upon the moral and intellectual character of our army ; and such of the graduates as, from various causes, may not pursue the profession of arms, will be scarcely less useful as citizens. Their knowledge of the military art will be advantageously employed in the mili|ia ser- vice ; and in a measure secure to that class of troops the advantages which in this respect belong to standing armies. I would also suggest a review of the pension law, for the purpose of extending its benefits to every revolution- ary soldier who aided in establishing our liberties, and who is unable to maintain himself in comfort. Those relics of the war of independence have strong claims upon their country's gratitude and bounty. The law is defec- tive in not embracing within its provisions all those who were during the last war disabled from supporting them- selves by manual labor. Such an amendment would add but little to the amount of pensions, and is called for by the sympathies of the people, as well as by considerations of sound policy. It will be perceived that a large addi- 23 266 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. tion to the list of pensioners has been occasij)ned by an order of the late administration, departing materially from the rules which had previously prevailed. Consid- ering it an act of legislation, I suspended its operation as soon as I was informed that it had commenced. Before this period, however, applications under the new regula- tion had been preferred, to the number of one hundred and fifty-four ; of which, on the 27th March, the date of its revocation, eighty-seven were admitted. For the amount there was neither estimate nor appropriation ; and besides this deficiency, the regular allowances, ac- cording to the rules which have heretofore governed the department, exceed the estimate of its late secretary, by about fifty thousand dollars, for which an appropriation is asked. Your particular attention is requested to that part of the report of the Secretary of War which relates to the money held in trust for the Seneca tribe of Indians. It Avill be perceived that, without legislative aid, the execu tive cannot obviate the embarrassments occasioned by the diminution of the dividends on that fund, which origi- nally amounted to $100,000, and has recently been in- vested in the United States three per cent, stock. The condition and ulterior destiny of the Indian tribes within the limits of some of our states, have become ob- jects of much interest and importance. It has long been the policy of government to introduce among them the arts of civilization, in the hope of gradually reclaiming them from a wandering life. This policy has, however, been coupled with another wholly incompatible with its success. Professing a desire to civilize and settle them, we have at the same time lost no opportunity to purchase their lands, and thrust them further into the wilderness By this means they have not only been kept in a wan- dering state, but been led to look upon us as unjust and indifierent to their fate. Thus, though lavish in expend- itures upon the subject, government has constantly de- feated its own policy ; and the Indians, in general, receding further and further to the west, have retained their savage habits. A portion, however, of the southern tribes, hav- ing mingled much with the whites, and made some pro- JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 267 gress in the arts of civilized life, have lately attempted to erect an independent government within the limits of Georgia and Alabama. These states, claiming to be the only sovereigns within their territories, extended their laws over the Indians ; which induced the latter to call upon the United States for protection. Under these circumstances, the question presented was, whether the general government had a right to sustain those people in their pretensions. The constitution de- clares, that " no new state shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other state," without the consent of its legislature. If the general government is not permitted to tolerate the erection of a confederate state within the territory of one of the members of this Union, against her consent, much less could it allow a foreign and independent government to establish itself there. Georgia became a member of the confederacy which eventuated in our federal union, as a sovereign state, always asserting her claim to certain limits ; which having been originally defined in her colonial charter, and subsequently recognised in the treaty of peace, she has ever since continued to enjoy, except as they have been circumscribed by her own voluntary transfer of a portion of her territory to the United States, in the articles of cession of 1802. Alabama was admitted into the Union on the same footing with the original states, with boun- daries which were prescribed by Congress. There is no constitutional, conventional, or legal provision, which allows them less power over the Indians within their bor- ders, than is possessed by Maine or New York. Would the people of Maine permit the Penobscot tribe to erect an independent government within their state ? And un- less they did, would it not be the duty of the general gov- ernment to support them in resisting such a measure ? Would the people of New York permit each remnant of the Six Nations within her borders, to declare itself an independent people under the protection of the United States ? Could the Indians establish a separate republic in each of their reservations in Ohio ? And if they were so disposed, would it be the duty of this government to protect them in the attempt ? If the principle involved 268 AMEllIC wN'S OWN BOOK. in the obvious answer to these questions be abandoned, it will follow that the objects of this government are -e- versed ; and that it has become a part of its duty to aid in destroying the states which it was established to protect. Actuated by this view of the subject, I informed the Indians inhabiting parts of Georgia and Alabama, that their attempt to establish an independent government would not be countenanced by the executive of the United States ; and advised them to emigrate beyond the Missis- sippi, or submit to the laws of those states. Our conduct towards these people is deeply interesting to our national character. Their present condition, con- trasted with what they once were, makes a most powerful appeal to our sympathies. Our ancestors found them the uncontrolled possessors of these vast regions. By per- suasion and force they have been made to retire from river to river, and from mountain to m.ountain, until some of the tribes have become extinct, and others have left but remnants, to preserve, for a while, their once terrible names. Surrounded by the whites, with their arts of civilization, which, by destroying the resources of the savage, doom him to weakness and decay ; the fate of the Mohegan, the Narragansett, and the Delaware, is fast overtaking the Choctaw, the Cherokee, and the Creek. That this fate surely awaits them, if they remain within the limits of the states, does not admit of a doubt. Hu- manity and national honor demand that every effort should be made to avert so great a calamity. It is too late to inquire whether it was just in the United States to include them and their territory within the bounds of new states whose limits they could control. That step cannot be retraced. A state cannot be dismembered by Congress, or restricted in the exercise of her constitu- tional power. But the people of those states, and of every state, actuated by feelings of justice and a regard for our national honor, submit to you the interesting question, whether something cannot be done, consistently with the rights of the states, to preserve this much in- jured race. As a means of effecting this end, I suggest for your consideration the propriety of setting apart an ample dis- JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 269 trict west of the Mississippi, and without the limits of any state or territory now formed, to be guarantied to the Indian tribes, as long as they shall occupy it ; each tribe having a distinct control over the portion designated for its use. There, they may be secured in the enjoyment of governments of their own choice, subject to no other con- trol from the United States than such as may be necessary to preserve peace on the frontier, and between the several tribes. There, the benevolent may endeavor to teach them ihe arts of civilization ; and, by promoting union and har- mony among them, to raise up an interesting common- wealth, destined to perpetuate the race, and to attest the humanity and justice of this government. This emigration should be voluntary, for it would be as cruel as unjust to compel the aborigines to abandon the graves of their fathers, and seek a home in a distant land. But they should be distinctly informed that, if they remain within the limits of the states, they must be subject to their laws. In return for their obedience as individuals, they will, without doubt, be protected in the enjoyment of those possessions which they have improved by their industry. But it seems to me visionary to sup- pose, that in this state of things, claims can be allowed on tracts of country on which they have neither dwelt nor made improvements, merely because they have seen them from the mountain, or passed them in the chase. Submitting to the laws of the states, and receiving, like other citizens, protection in their persons and property, they will ere long become merged in the mass of our population. The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy will make you acquainted with the condition and useful • employment of that branch of our service during the pres- ent year. Constituting, as it does, the best standing se- curity of this country against foreign aggression, it claims the especial attention of government. In this spirit, the measures which, since the termination of the last war, have been in operation for its gradual enlargement, were adopted; and it should continue to be cherished as the offspring of our national experience. It will be seen, however, that notwithstanding the great solicitude which 23^ 270 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. has been manifested for the perfect organization of this arm, and the liberality of the appropriations which that solicitude has suggested, this object has, in many impor- tant respects, not been secured. In time of peace, we have need of no more ships of war than are requisite to the protection of our commerce. Those not wanted for this object, must lay in the harbors, where, without proper covering, they rapidly decay ; and even under the best precautions for their preserva- tion, must soon become useless. Such is already the case with many of our finest vessels; which, though un- finished, will now require immense sums of money to be restored to the condition in which they were then com- mitted to their proper element. On this subject there can be little doubt that our best policy would be to discon- tinue the building of the first and second class, and look rather to the possession of ample materials, prepared for the emergencies of war, than to the number of vessels which we can float in a season of peace, as an index of our naval power. Judicious deposits in the navy-yards, of timber and other materials, fashioned under the hands of skilful workmen, and fitted for prompt application to their various purposes, would enable us, at all times, to construct vessels as fast as they can be manned ; and save the heavy expense of repairs, except to such vessels as must be employed in guarding our commerce. The proper points for the establishment of these yards are indicated with so much force in the report of the Navy Board, that, in recommending it to your attention, I deem it unnecessary to do more than express my hearty concur- rence in their views. The yard in this district, being already furnished with most of the machinery necessary for ship-building, will be competent to the supply of the two selected by the board as the best for the concentration of materials ; and from the facility and certainty of com- munication between them, it will be useless to incur, at those depots, the expense of similar machinery, especially that used in preparing the usual metallic and wooden furniture of vessels. Another improvement would be effected by dispensing iltogether with the Navy Board, as now constituted, and JACKSON'S PIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 271 substituting, in its stead, bureaus similar to those already existing in the War Department. Each member of the board, transferred to the head of a separate bureau charged with specific duties, would feel, in its highest degree, that wholesome responsibility which cannot be divided without a far more proportionate diminution of its force. Their valuable services would become still more so when sepa- rately appropriated to distinct portions of the great inter- ests of the navy ; to the prosperity of which each would be impelled to devote himself by the strongest motives. Under such an arrangement, every branch of this im- portant service would assume a more simple and precise character ; its efficiency would be increased, and scru- pulous economy in the expenditure of public money pro- moted. I would also recommend that the marine corps be merged in the artillery or infantry, as the best mode of curing the many defects of its organization. But little exceeding in number any of the regiments of infantry, that corps has, besides its lieutenant-colonel commandant, five brevet lieutenant-colonels, who receive the full pay and emoluments of their brevet rank, without renderino- proportionate service. Details fo^ marine service could as well be made from the artillery or infantry — there being no peculiar training requisite for it. With these improvements, and such others as zealous watchfulness and mature consideration may suggest there can be little doubt that, under an energetic admin- istration of its affairs, the navy may soon be made every- thing that the nation wishes it to be. Its efficiency in the suppression of piracy in the West India seas, and wherever its squadrons have been employed in securing the interests of the country, will appear from the report of the secretary, to which I refer you for other interesting details. Among these I would bespeak the attention of Congress for the views presented in relation to the ine- quality between the army and navy as to the pay of offi- cers. No such inequality should prevail between these brave defenders of their country; and where it does exist, it is submitted to Congress whether it ought not to be rectified. 272 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. The report of the Postmaster-General is referred to as exhibiting a highly satisfactory administration of that department. Abuses have been reformed ; increased expedition in the transportation of the mail secured ; and its revenue much improved. In a political point of view, this department is chiefly important as affording the means of diflfusing knowledge. It is to the body politic what the veins and arteries are to the natural — convey- ing rapidly and regularly to the remotest parts of the system, correct information of the operations of the gov- ernment ; and bringing back to it the wishes and feelings of the people. Through its agency, we have secured to ourselves the full enjoyment of the blessings of a free press. In this general survey of our affairs, a subject of high importance presents itself in the present organization of the judiciary. A uniform operation of the federal gov- ernment in the diflferent states is certainly desirable ; and existing as they do in the Union, on the basis of perfect equality, each state has a right to expect that the benefits conferred on the citizens of others should be extended to hers. The judicial system of the United States exists in all its efficiency in only fifteen members of the Union : to three others, Ihe circuit courts, which constitute an important part of that system, have been imperfectly- extended ; and to the remaining six, altogether denied. The effect has been to withhold from the inhabitants of the latter, the advantages afforded (by the supreme court) to their fellow-citizens in other states, in the whole extent of the criminal, and much of the civil authority of the federal judiciary. That this state of things ought to be remedied, if it can be done consistently with the public welfare, is not to be doubted : neither is it to be disguised that the organization of our judicial system is at once a difficult and delicate task. To extend the circuit courts equally throughout the different parts of the Union, and at the same time, to avoid such a multiplication of mem- bers as would encumber the supreme appellate tribu- nal, is the object desired. Perhaps it might be accom- plished by dividing the circuit judges into two classes, and pro^'iding that the supreme court should be held JACKSON'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 273 by those classes alternately — the chief justice always presiding. If an extension of the circuit court system to those states which do not now enjoy its benefits should be de- termined upon, it would of course be necessary to revise the present arrangements of the circuits ; and even if that system should not be enlarged, such a revision is recom- mended. A provision for taking the census of the people of the United States will, to insure the completion of that work within a convenient time, claim the early attention of Congress. The great and constant increase of busi-ness in the De- partment of State forced itself, at an early period, upon the attention of the executive. Thirteen years ago, it was, in Mr. Madison's last message to Congress, made the subject of an earnest recommendation, which has been repeated by both of his successors ; and my compara- tively limited experience has satisfied me of its justness. It has arisen from many causes, not the least of which is, the large addition which has been made to the family of independent nations, and the proportionate extension of our foreign relations. The remedy proposed was the establishment of a Home Department — a measure which does not appear to have met the views of Congress, on account of its supposed tendency to increase, gradually and imperceptibly, the already too strong bias of the fed- eral system towards the exercise of authority not dele- gated to it. I am not, therefore, disposed to revive the recommendation ; but am not the less impressed with the importance of so organizing that department, that the sec- retary may devote more of his time to our foreign rela- tions. Clearly satisfied that the public good would be promoted by some suitable provision on the subject, I respectfully invite your attention to it. The charter of the Bank of the United States expires m 1836, and its stockholders will most probably apply for a renewal of their privileges. In order to avoid the evils resulting from precipitancy in a measure involving such important principles, and such deep pecuniary interests, I feel that I cannot, in justice to the parties interested, 18 274 AMERICAN'S OVi S BOOK. too soon present it to the deliberate consideration of the legislature and the people. Both the constitutionality and the expediency of the law creating this bank are well questioned by a large portion of our fellow-citizens ; and it must be admitted by all, that it has failed in the great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency. Under these circumstances, if such an institution is deemed essential to the fiscal operations of the govern- ment, I submit to the wisdom of the legislature whether a national one, founded upon the credit of the government and its revenues, might not be devised, which would avoid all constitutional difficulties ; and, at the same time, secure all the advantages to the government and country that were expected to result from the present bank. I cannot close this communication without bringing to your view the just claim of the representatives of Com- modore Decatur, his officers and crew, arising from the re-capture of the frigate Philadelphia, under the heavy batteries of Tripoli. Although sensible, as a general rule, of the impropriety of executive interference under a government like ours, where every individual enjoys the right of directly petitioning Congress ; yet, viewing this case as one of very peculiar character, I deem it my duty to recommend it to your favorable consideration. Be- sides the justice of this claim, as corresponding to those which have been since recognised and satisfied, it is the fruit of a deed of patriotic and chivalrous daring, which infused life and confidence into our infant navy, and contributed, as much as any exploit in its history, to ele- vate our national character. Public gratitude, therefore^ stamps her seal upon it ; and the meed should not be withheld which may hereafter operate as a stimulus to our gallant tars. I now commend you, fellow-citizens, to the guidance of Almighty God, with a full reliance on his merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions ; and with an earnest supplication, that whatever errors it may be my lot to commit, in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me, will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels. JACKSON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. Fellow- Citizens : Being about to retire finally from public life, I beg leave to oifer you my grateful thanks for the many proofs of kindness and confidence which I have received at your hands. It has been my fortune, in the discharge of public duties, civil and military, frequently to have found myself in difficult and trying situations, where prompt decision and energetic action were necessary, and where the in- terests of the country required that high responsibilities should be fearlessly encountered ; and it is with the deep- est emotions of gratitude that I acknowledge the continued and unbroken confidence with which you have sustained me in every trial. My public life has been a long one, and I cannot hope that it has at all times been free from errors. But I have the consolation of knowing that if mistakes have been committed, they have not seriously injured the country I so anxiously endeavored to serve ; and at the moment when I surrender my last public trust, I leave this great people prosperous and happy ; in the full en- joyment of liberty and peace ; and honored and respected by every nation of the world. If my humble efforts have, in any degree, contributed to preserve to you these blessings, I have been more than rewarded by the honor you have heaped upon me ; and, above all, by the generous confidence with which you have supported me in every peril, and with which you have continued to animate and cheer my path to the clos- ing hour of my political life. The time has now come, when advanced age and a broken frame warn me to re- tire from publ:2 concerns ; but the recollection of the many favors you have bestowed upon me is engraven 270 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. upon my heart, and I have feh that I could not pai't from your service without making this public acknowledgment of the gratitude I owe you. And if I use the occasion to offer to you the counsels of age and experience, you will, I trust, receive them with the same indulgent kindness which you have so often extended to me ; and will, at least, see in them an earnest desire to perpetuate, in this favored land, the blessings of liberty and equal laws. We have now lived almost fifty years under the consti- tution framed by the sages and patriots of the revolution. The conflicts in which the nations of Europe were en- gaged during a great part of this period ; the spirit in which they waged w^ar with each other ; and our intimate commercial connections with every part of the civilized world, rendered it a time of much difficulty for the gov- ernment of the United States. We have had our sea- sons of peace and of war, with all the evils which precede or follow a state of hostility with powerful nations. We encountered these trials, with our constitution yet in its infancy, and under the disadvantages which a new and untried government must always feel when it is called to put forth its whole strength, without the lights of experi- ence to guide it, or the weight of precedent to justify its measures. But we have passed triumphantly through all these difficulties. Our constitution is no longer a doubt- ful experiment ; and at the end of nearly half a century, we find that it has preserved unimpaired the liberties of the people, secured the rights of property, and that our country has improved, and is flourishing beyond any for- mer example in the history of nations. In our domestic concerns, there is everything to en- courage us ; and if you are true to yourselves, nothing can impede your march to the highest point of national prosperity. The states which had so long been retarded in their improvement by the Indian tribes residing in the midst of them, are at length relieved from the evil ; and this unhappy race — the original dwellers in our land — are now placed in a situation where we may well hope that they will share in the blessings of civilization, and be saved from that degradation and destruction to which they \yere rapidly hastening while they remained in the JACKSON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 277 States; and while the safety and comfort of our own cit- izens have been greatly promoted by their removal, the philanthropist will rejoice that the remnant of that ill- fated race has been at length placed beyond the reach of injury or oppression, and that the paternal care of the general government will hereafter watch over them and protect them. If we turn to our relations with foreign powers, we find our condition equally gratifying. Actuated by the sincere desire to do justice to every nation, and to preserve the blessing of peace, our mtercourse with them has been conducted on the part of this government in the spirit of frankness, and I take pleasure in saying that it has gen- erally been met in a corresponding temper. Difficulties of old standing have been surmounted by friendly discus- sion and the mutual desire to be just ; and the claims of our citizens, which had been long withheld, have at length been acknowledged and adjusted, and satisfactory arrange- ments made for their final payment; and with a limited, and, I trust, a temporary exception, our relations with every foreign power are now of the most friendly charac- ter, our commerce continually expanding, and our flag respected in every quarter of the world. These cheering and grateful prospects, and these mul- tiplied favors, we owe, under Providence, to the adoption of the federal constitution. It is no longer a question whether this great country can remain happily united, and flourish under our present form of government. Ex- perience, the unerring test of all human undertakings, has shown the wisdom and foresight of those who framed it ; and has proved that in the union of these states there is a sure foundation for the brightest hopes of freedom, and for the happiness of the people. At every hazard, and by every sacrifice, this union must be preserved. The necessity of watching with jealous anxiety for the preservation of the union, was earnestly pressed upon his fellow-citizens by the father of his country, in his fare- well address. He has there told us, that " while experi- ence shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of ♦.hose who, in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its 24 978 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. bonds ;" and he has cautioned us in the strongest teriis against the formation of parties, on geographical discrim- inations, as one of the means which might disturb our union, and to which designing men would be likely to resort. The lessons contained in this invaluable legacy of Washington to his countrymen, should be cherished in the heart of every citizen to the latest generation ; and, perhaps, at no period of time could they be more usefully rem.embered than at the present moment. For when we look upon the scenes that are passing around us, and dwell upon the pages of his parting address, his paternal counsels would seem to be not merely the offspring of wisdom and foresight, but the voice of prophecy foretell- ing events, and warning us of the evil to come. Forty years have passed since that imperishable document was given to his countrymen. The federal constitution was then regarded by him as an experiment, and he so speaks of it in his address ; but an experiment upon the success of which the best hopes of his country depended; and we all know that he was prepared to lay down his life, if necessary, to secure to it a full and fair trial. The trial has been made. It has succeeded beyond the proudest hopes of those who framed it. Every quarter of this widely extended nation has felt its blessings, and shared in the general prosperity produced by its adoption. But amid this general prosperity and splendid success, the dangers of which he w^arned us are becoming every day more evident, and the signs of evil are sufficiently appa- rent to awaken the deepest anxiety in the bosom of the patriot. We behold systematic efforts publicly made to sow the seeds of discord between different parts of the United States, and to place party divisions directly upon geographical distinctions ; to excite the south against the north, and the north against the south, and to force into the controversy the most delicate and exciting topics, upon which it is impossible that a large portion of the Union can ever speak without strong emotions. Appeals, too, are constantly made to sectional interests, in order to in- fluence the election of the chief magistrate, as if it were desired that he should favor a particular quarter of the JACKSON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 279 country, instead of fulfilling the duties of his station with impartial justice to all ; and the possible dissolution of the Union has at length become an ordinary and familiar subject of discussion. Has the warning voice of Wash- ington been forgotten ? or have designs already been formed to sever the Union ? Let it not be supposed that I impute to all of those who have taken an active part in these unwise and unprofitable discussions, a want of pat- riotism or of public virtue. The honorable feelings of state pride and local attachments find a place in the bosoms, of the most enlightened and pure. But while such men are conscious of their own integrity and honesty of purpose, they ought never to forget that the citizens of other states are their political brethren ; and that, however mistaken they may be in their views, the great body of them are equally honest and upright with themselves. Mutual suspicions and reproaches may in time create mutual hos- tility, and artful and designing men will always be found who are ready to foment these fatal divisions, and to inflame the natural jealousies of different sections of the country. The history of the world is full of such exam- ples, and especially the history of republics. What have you to gam by division and dissension ? Delude not yourselves with the belief that a breach once made may be afterwards repaired. If the Union is once severed, the line of separation will grow wider and wider, and the controversies which are now debated and settled in the halls of legislation, will then be tried in fields of battle, and be determined by the sword. Neither should you deceive yourselves with the hope, that the first line of separation would be the permanent one, and that nothing but harmony and concord would be found in the new associations formed upon the dissolution of this Union. Local interests would still be found there, and unchastened ambition. And if the recollection of com- mon dangers, in which the people of these United States stood side by side against the common foe ; the memory of victories won by their united valor ; the prosperity and happiness they have enjoyed under the present constitu- tion ; the proud name they bear as citizens of this great republic ; if these recollections and proofs of common 283 AMERICAN'S OWN BO. K. interest are not strong enough to bind us together as one people, what tie will hold, this Union dissevered ? The first line of separation would not last for a single genera- tion ; new fragments would be torn off; new leaders would spring up ; and this great and glorious republic would soon be broken into a multitude of petty states ; armed for mutual aggressions ; loaded with taxes to pay- armies and leaders ; seeking aid against each other from foreign powers ; insulted and trampled upon by the na- tions of Europe, until, harassed with conflicts, and hum- bled and debased in spirit, they would be ready to submit to the absolute dominion of any military adventurer, and to surrender their liberty for the sake of repose. It is impossible to look on the consequences that Avould inevi- tably follow the destruction of this government, and not feel indignant when we hear cold calculations about the value of the Union, and have so constantly before us om those officers, especially, who are charged with the collection and disbursement of the pubHc revenue, will prompt and rigid accountabihty be required. Any cul- pable failure or delay on their part to account for the moneys intrusted to them, at the times and in the manner POLK'S MEXICAN WAK MESSAGE. 401 required by law, will, in every instance, terminate the offi- cial connection of such defaulting officer with the govern- ment. Although, in our country, the chief magistrate must al- most of necessity be chosen by a party, and stand pledged to its principles and measures, yet, in his official action, he should not be the President of a part only, but of the whole people of the United States. While he executes the laws with an impartial hand, shrinks from no proper responsibil- ity, and faithfully carries out in the executive department of the government, the principles and policy of those who have chosen him, he should not be unmindful that our fellow- citizens who have differed with him in opinion, are entitled to the full and free exercise of their opinions and judgment, and that the rights of all are entitled to respect and regard. Confidently relying upon the aid and assistance of the co-ordinate departments of the government in conducting our public affairs, I enter upon the discharge of the high duties which have been assigned me by the people, again humbly supplicating that Divine Being who has watched over and protected our beloved country from its infancy to the present hour, to continue his gracious benedictions upon us, that we may continue to be a prosperous and happy people. POLK'S MEXICAN WAR MESSAGE. May 11, 1846. To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States : The existing state of the relations between the United States and Mexico, renders it proper that I should bring the subject to the consideration of Congress. In my message at the commencement of your present session, the state of these relations, the causes which led to the suspension of diplomatic intercourse between the two countries in March, 1845, and the long-continued and unredressed wrongs and injuries committed by the Mexican government on citizens of 84* 2Q 402 AMEBIC AN»t5 OWN BOOK. the United States, in their persons and property, were briefly set forth. As the facts and opinions which were then laid before you were carefully considered, I cannot better express my present convictions of the condition of affairs up to that time, than by referring you to that communication. The strong desire to establish peace with Mexico, on libe- ral and honorable terms, and the readiness of this govern- ment to regulate and adjust our boundary, and other causes of difference with that power, on such fair and equitable principles as would lead to permaneiit relations of the most friendly nature, induced me, in September last, to seek the reopening of diplomatic relations between the two countries. Every measure adopted on our part had for its object the furtherance of these desired results. In communicating to Congress a succinct statement of the injuries which we had suflFered from Mexico, and which have been accumulating during a period of more than twenty years, every expression that could tend to inflame the people of Mexico, or defeat or delay a pacific result, was carefully avoided. An envoy of the United States repaired to Mex- ico with full powers to adjust every existing difference. But though present on the Mexican soil, by agreement be- tween the two governments, invested with full powers, and bearing evidence of the most friendly dispositions, his mis- sion has been unavaiUng. The Mexican government not only refused to receive him, or listen to his propositions, but, after a long- continued series of menaces, have at last invaded our territory, and shed the blood of our fellow- citizens on our own soil. It now becomes my duty to state more in detail the origin, progress, and failure of that mission. In pursuance of the instructions given in September last, an inquiry was made, on the thirteenth of October, in 1845, in the most friendly terms, through our consul in Mexico, of the minister of foreign affairs, whether the Mexican government " would receive an envoy from the United States intrusted with full powers to adjust all the questions in dispute between the two governments;" with the assurance that "should the answer be in the affirmative, such an envoy would be im- mediately dispatched to Mexico." POLK'S MEXICAN WAR MESSAGE. 403 The Mexican minister, on the fifteenth of October, gave an affirmative answer to this inquiry, requesting-, at the same time, that our naval force at Vera Cruz might be withdrawn, lest its continued presence might assume the appearance of menace and coercion pending the negotiations. This force was immediately withdrawn. On the 10th of November, 1845, Mr, John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned by me as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States to Mexico, and was intrusted with full powers to adjust both the questions of the Texas boundary and of indemnification to our citizens. The redress of the wrongs of our citizens naturally and inseparably blended itself with the question of boundary. The settlement of the one question in any correct view of the subject, involves that of the other. I could not, for a mo- ment, entertain the idea that the claims of our much-injured and long-suffering citizens, many of which had existed for more than twenty years, should be postponed, or separated, from the settlement of the boundary question. Mr. Slidell arrived at Vera Cruz on the 30th of Novem- ber, and was courteously received by the authorities of that city. But the government of General Herrera was then tottering to its fall. The revolutionary party had seized upon the Texas question to effect or hasten its overthrow. Its determination to restore friendly relations with the United States, and to receive our minister, to negotiate for the set- tlement of this question, was violently assailed, and was made the great theme of denunciation against it. The government of General Herrera, there is good reason to believe, was sincerely desirous to receive our minister ; but it yielded to the storm raised by its enemies, and on the 21st of December refused to accredit Mr. Slidell, upon the most frivolous pretexts. These are so fully and ably ex- posed in the note of Mr. SUdell of the 24th of December last, to the Mexican minister of foreign relations, herewith transmitted, that I deem it unnecessar)'- to enter into further detail on this portion of the subject. Five days after the date of Mr. Slidell's note. General Herrera yielded the government to General Paredes without a struggle, and on the 30th of December resigned the presi- dency. This revolution was accomplished solely by the 404 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. army, the people having taken but little part in the contest ; and thus the supreme power of Mexico passed into the hands of a military leader. Determined to leave no effort untried to effect an amicable adjustment with Mexico, I directed Mr. Slidell to present his credentials to the government of General Paredes, and ask to be officially received by him. There would have been less ground for taking this step had General Paredes come into power by a_ regular constitutional succession. In that event his administration would have been considered but a mere constitutional continuance of the government of General Herrera, and the refusal of the latter to receive our minister would have been deemed conclusive, unless an in- timation had been given by General Paredes of his desire to reverse the decision of his predecessor. But the government of General Paredes owes its existence to a military revolution, by which the subsisting constitu- tional authorities had been subverted. The form of gov- ernment was entirely changed, as well as all the high func- tionaries by whom it was administered. Under these circumstances, Mr. Slidell, in obedience to my direction, addressed a note to the Mexican minister of foreign relations, under date of the 1st of March last, asking to be received by that government in the diplomatic char- acter to which he had been appointed. This minister, in his reply, under date of the 12th of March, reiterated the argu- ments of his predecessor, and in terms that may be considered as giving just grounds of offence to the government and people of the United States, denied the application of Mr. Slidell. Nothing, therefore, remained for our envoy, but to demand his passports, and return to his own country. Thus the government of Mexico, though solemnly pledged by official acts in October last, to receive and accredit an American envoy, violated their plighted faith, and refused the offer of a peaceful adjustment of our difficulties. Not only was the offer rejected, but the indignity of its rejection was enhanced by the manifest breach of faith in refusing to admit the envoy, who came because they had bound them- selves to receive him. Nor can it be said that the offer was fruitless from the want of opportunity 'a discussing it : our envoy was present on their own soil. POLK'S MEXICAN WAR MESSAGE. . 405 Noi can it be ascribed to the want of sufficient powers : our envoy had full powers to adjust every question of differ- ence. Nor was there room for complaint tliat r)ur proposi- tions for settlement were unreasonable : permission was not even given our envoy to make any proposition whatever Nor can it be objected that we, on our part, would not listen to any reasonable terms of their suggestion : the Mex- ican government refused all negotiation, and have made no proposition of any kind. In my message at the commencement of the present ses- sion, I informed you that upon the earnest appeal both of the Congress and convention of Texas, I had ordered an efficient military force to take a position '• between the Nueces and the Del Norte." This had become necessary to meet a threatened invasion of Texas by the Mexican forces, for which extensive military preparations had been made. The invasion was threatened solely because Texas had de- termined, in accordance with a solemn resolution of the Congress of the United States, to annex herself to our Union ; and, under these circumstances, it was plainly our duty to extend our protection over her citizens and soil. This force was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and re- mained there until after I had received such information from Mexico as rendered it probable, if not certain, that the Mexican government would refuse to receive our envoy. Meantime, Texas, by the final action of our Congress, had become an integral part of our Union. The Congress of Texas, by its act of December 19, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the Nueces. The country between that river and the Del Norte had been represented in the Congress and in the convention of Texas, had thus taken part in the act of annexation itself, and is now included in one of our congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, with great unanimity, by the act of December 31, 1845, recognized the country be- yond the Nueces as a part of our territory by including it within our own revenue system : and a revenue officer, to reside within that district, has been appointed by and with the advice and consent of the senate. 406 AMERICAN'S 0>VN BOOK. It became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defence of that portion of our country. Accordingly, on the 13th of January last, instructions were issued to the general in command of these troops to occupy the left bank of the Del Norte. This river — which is the southwestern boundary of the State of Texas — is an exposed frontier. From this quarter invasion was threatened ; upon it and in its immediate vicinity, in the judgment of high military ex- perience, are the proper stations for the protecting forces of the government. In addition to this important consideration, several others occurred to induce this movement. Among these are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brazos Santiago and the mouth of the Del Norte for the reception of supplies by sea, the stronger and more healthful military positions, the con- venience for obtaining a ready and more abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel, and forage, and the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte in forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the interior and upon the In- dian frontier. The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was made by the commanding general, under positive instructions to abstain from all aggressive acts towards Mexico, or Mexican citizens, and to regard the relations between that republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should declare war, or commit acts of hostility, indicative of a state of war. He was specially directed to protect private propeity and respect personal rights. The army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11th of March, and on the 28th of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to Matamoras, where it en- camped on a commanding position, which has since been strengthened by the erection of field-works. A depot has also been established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos San- tiago, thirty miles in rear of the encampment. The selec- tion of this position was necessarily confided to the judg- ment of the general in command. The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and on the 12th of April, General Ampudia, then in command, notified General Taylor to break up his camp -within twenty-four hours, and to retire beyond the Nueces POLK'S MEXICAN WAR MESSAGE. 407 river, and in the event of liis failure to comply wiLh these demands, announced that arms, and arms alone, must de- cide the question. But no open act of hostihty was com- mitted until the 24th of April. On that day, General Arista, Avho had succeeded to the command of the Mexiciin forces, communicated to General Taylor that " he considered liostihties commenced, and should prosecute them." A party of dragoons of sixty-three men and officers were on the same day dispatched from the American camp up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the Mexican troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross the river, ''became engaged with a large body of these troops, and after a short affair, in which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded and com- pelled to surrender." The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a long period of years, remain unre- dressed ; and solemn treaties, pledging her public faith for this redress, have been disregarded. A government either unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties, fails to perform one of its plainest duties. Our commerce with Mexico has been almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations ; but our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of outrage and extortion which the Mexican author- ities have pursued against them, while their appeals through their own government for indemnity have been made in vain. Our forbearance has gone to such an extreme as to be mistaken in its character. Had we acted with vigor in repelling the insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in which we are now involved. Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best eflbrts to propitiate her good will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our own, she has afiected to believe that we have severed her rightful territory, and, in official proclamations and manifestoes, has repeatedly threatened to make war upon us for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In the mean time, we have tried every effort at reconciha- tion. The cup of forbearance had been exhausted, even be- 408 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. fore the recent information from the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory, and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that hostihties have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war. As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon, by every consideration of duty and patriotism, to vindicate, with decision, the honor, the rights, and the interests of om country. Anticipating the possibihty of a crisis hke that which has arrived, instructions were given in August last, " as a pre- cautionary measure," against invasion, or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but from the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Ken- tucky ; and corresponding letters were addressed to the re- spective governors of those States. These instructions were repeated ; and in January last, soon after the incorporation of " Texas into our Union of States," General Taylor was further " authorized by the President to make a requisition upon the executive of that State for such of its militia force as may be needed to re- pel invasion, or to secure the country against apprehended invasion." On the 2d day of March, he was again reminded, " in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed, to call to him such auxiliary force as he might need." War actually existing, and our territory having been in- vaded. General Taylor, pursuant to authority vested in him by my direction, has called on the governor of Texas for four regiments of state troops, two to be mounted, and two to serve on foot, and on the governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to be sent to him as soon as prac- ticable. In further vindication of our rights and defence of our territory, I invoke the prompt action of Congress to recog- nize the existence of the war, and to place at the disposition of the executive the means of prosecuting the war with TAYLOK'S INAUGURAL ADDKESS. 409 vigor, and thus hasten the restoration of peace. To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into the public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for not less than six or twelve months, unless sooner dis- charged. A volunteer force is, beyond question, more efficient than any other description of citizen-soldiers ; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country. I further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sus- taining our entire military force, and furnishing it with sup- plies and munitions of war. The most energetic and prompt measures, and the imme- diate appearance in arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress as the most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with Mexico to a speedy and successful termination. In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare that it is my anxious desire, not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring all matters in dispute be- tween this government and Mexico to an early and amicable adjustment ; and, in this view, I shall be prepared to renew negotiations, whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive pro- positions, or to make propositions of her own. I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our envoy to Mexico and the Mexican minister for foreign afiairs ; and so much of the correspondence between that envoy and the secretary of state, and between the secretary of war and the general in command on the Del Norte, as are necessary to a full understanding of the subject. TAYLOR'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. March 5, 1849. Elected by the American people to the highest oflSce known to our laws, I appear here to take the oath pre- scribed by the Constitution, and in compliance with the 85 410 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. time-honored custom, to address those who are now as- sembled. The confidence and respect shown by my countrymen in calling me to be the Chief Magistrate of a Republic holding a high rank among the nations of the earth, have inspired me with feelings of the most profound gratitude ; but when I reflect that the acceptance of the office which their par- tiahty has bestowed imposes the discharge of the most arduous duties, involves the weightiest obligations, I am conscious that the position which I have been called to fill, though sufficient to satisfy the loftiest ambition, is sur- rounded by fearful responsibilities. Happily, however, in the performance of my new duties, I shall not be without able co-operation. The legislative and judicial branches of the government present prominent examples of distinguished civil attainments and matured experience, and it shall be my endeavor to call to my assistance, in the executive de- partments, individuals whose talents, integrity, and purity of character, will furnish ample guarantees for the faithful and honorable performance of tlie trusts to be committed to their charge. With such aid, and an honest purpose to do whatever is right, I hope to execute diligently, impartially, and for the best interests of the country, the manifold duties devolved upon me. In the discharge of these duties, my guide shall be the Constitution, which I this day swear to preserve, protect, and defend. For the interpretation of that instrument, I shall look to the decisions of the judicial tribunals estab- lished by its authority, and to the practice of government under the earlier Presidents, who had so large a share in its formation. To the example of those illustrious patriots I shall always defer with reverence, and especially to his example who was, by so many titles, the Father of his country. To command the army and navy of the United States ; with the advice and consent of the Senate, to make treaties, appoint ambassadors and other officers ; to give to Con- gress information of the state of the Union, and recommend such measures as he shall judge to be necessary, and to take care that the laws shall be faithfully executed — these are the most important functions intrusted to the President TAYLOirS INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 411 by the Constitution, and it may be expected that I sliall briefly indicate the principles which will control me in their execution. Chosen by the body of the people, under the assurance that my administration would be devoted to the welfare of the whole country, and not to the support of any particular section, or merely local interest, I this day renew the declara- tions I have heretofore made, and proclaim my fixed deter- mination to maintain, to the extent of my ability, the gov- ernment in its original purity, and to adopt as the basis of my public policy those great republican doctrines which constitute the strength of our national existence. In reference to the army and navy, lately employed with so much distinction in active service, care shall be taken to insure the highest condition of efficiency, and, in further- ance of that object, the Military and Naval Schools — sus- tained by the liberality of Congress — shall receive the special attention of the Executive. As American freemen, we cannot but sympathize in all efforts to extend the blessings of civil and political liberty ; but, at the same time, we are warned by the admonitions of history and the voice of our own beloved Washington, to abstain from entangling alliances with foreign nations. In all disputes between conflicting governments, it is our inter- est not less than our duty, to remain strictly neutral ; while our geographical position, the genius of our institutions and our people, the advancing spirit of civilization, and, above all, the dictates of religion, direct us to the cultivation of peaceful and friendly relations with all other powers. It is to be hoped that no international question can now arise which a government, confident in its own strength, and re- solved to protect its own just rights, may not settle by wise negotiation, and it eminently becomes a government like our own, founded on the morality and intelligence of its citizens, and upheld by their affections, to exhaust every re- sort of honorable diplomacy before appealing to arms. In the conduct of our foreign relations, I shall conform to these views, as I believe them essential to the best interests and true honor of the country. The appointing power vested in the President imposes delicate and onerous duties. So far as it is possible to be 412 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. informed, I shall make honesty, capacity, and fidelity, indis- pensable prerequisites to the disposal of office, and the ab- sence of either of these quahties shall be deemed sufficient cause for removal. It shall be my study to recommend such constitutional measures to Congress as may be necessary and proper to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufacture, to improve our rivers and harbors, to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt, to enforce a strict accountability on the part of all officers of the goveniment, and the utmost econ- omy in all public expenditures. But it is for the wisdom of Congress itself, in which all legislative powers are vested by the Constitution, to regulate these and other matters of do- mestic policy. I shall look with confidence to the enlightened patriotism of that body to adopt such measures of concilia- tion as may harmonize conflicting interests and tend to per- petuate that Union which should be the paramount object of our hopes and affections. In any action calculated to promote an object so near the heart of every one who truly ioves his country, I will zealously unite with the co-ordinate branches of the government. In conclusion, I congratulate you, my fellow-citizens, upon the high state of prosperity to which the goodness of Divine Providence has conducted our common country. Let us invoke a continuance of the same protecting care which has led us from small beginnings to the eminence we this day occupy, and let us seek to deserve that continuance by prudence and moderation in our councils ; by well- directed attempts to assuage the bitterness which too often marks unavoidable differences of opinion ; by the promulga- tion and practice of just and liberal principles, and by an enlarged patriotism which shall acknowledge no limits but those of our own wide-spread republic. TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 413 TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : Sixty years have elapsed since the establishment of this government, and the Congress of the United States again assembles to legislate for an empire of freemen. The pre- dictions of evil prophets, who formerly pretended to foretell the downfall of our institutions, are now remembered only to be derided, and the United States of America at this moment present to the world the most stable and permanent government on earth. Such is the result of the labors of those who have gone before us. Upon Congress will eminently depend the fu- ture maintenance of our system of free government, and the transmission of it unimpaired to posterity. We are at peace with all the other nations of the world, and seek to maintain our cherished relations of amity with thom. During the past year we have been blessed by a kind Providence with an abundance of the fruits of the earth ; and, although the destroying angel for a time visited exten- sive portions of our territory with the ravages of a dreadful pestilence, yet the Almighty has at length deigned to stay his hand, and to restore the inestimable blessing of general health to a people who have acknowledged his power, deprecated his wrath, and implored his merciful protection. While enjoying the benefits of amicable intercourse with foreign nations, we have not been insensible to the distrac- tions and wars which have prevailed in other quarters of the world. It is a proper theme of thanksgiving to Him who rules the destinies of nations, that we have been able to maintain, amidst all these contests, an independent and neutral position towards all belligerent powers. Our relations with Great Britain are of the most friendly character. In consequence of the recent alteration of the British navigation acts, British vessels, from British and other foreign ports, will (under our existing laws), after the first day of January next, be admitted to entry in our ports, 35* 414 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. Avith cargoes of the growth, manufacture, or production of any part of the world, on the same terms, as to duties, im- posts, and charges, as vessels of the United States with their cargoes ; and our vessels will be admitted to the same ad- vantages in British ports, entering therein on the same terms as British vessels. Should no order in council disturb this legislative arrangement, the late act of the British Parlia- ment, by which Great Britain is brought within the terms proposed by the act of Congress of the 1st of March, 1817, it is hoped will be productive of benefit to both countries. A slight interruption of diplomatic intercourse, which oc- curred between this government and France, I am happy to say, has been terminated, and our minister there has been received. It is, therefore, unnecessary to refer now to the circumstances which led to that interruption. I need not express to you the sincere satisfaction with which we shall welcome the arrival of another envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from a sister republic, to which we have so long been, and still remain, bound by the strongest ties of amity. Shortly after I had entered upon the discharge of the ex- ecutive duties, I was apprised that a war-steamer belonging to the German empire was being fitted out in the harbor of New York, with the aid of some of our naval officers, ren- dered under the permission of the late Secretary of the Navy. This permission was granted during an armistice between that empire and the kingdom of Denmark, which had been engaged in the Schleswig-Holstein war. Appre- hensive that this act of intervention on our part might be viewed as a violation of our neutral obligations incurred by the treaty with Denmark, and of the provisions of the act of Congress of the 20th of April, 1818, I directed that no further aid should be rendered by any agent or officer of the navy ; and I instructed the Secretary of State to apprise the minister of the German empire accredited to this govern- ment of my determination to execute the law of the United States, and to maintain the faith of treaties with all nations. The correspondence which ensued between the Department of State and the minister of the German empire is herewith laid before you. The execution of the law, and the observ- ance of the treaty, were deemed by me to be due to the TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 415 honor of the country, as well as to the sacred obligations of the constitution. I shall not fail to pursue the vsame course, should a similar case arise, with any other nation. Having avowed the opinion, on taking the oath of office, that in dis- putes between conflicting foreign governments it is our inter- est, not less than our duty, to remain strictly neutral, I shall not abandon it. You will perceive from the correspondence submitted to you in connection with this subject, that the course adopted in this case has been properly regarded by the belligerent powers interested in the matter. Although a minister of the United States to the German empire was appointed by my predecessor in August, 1848, and has for a long time been in attendance at Frankfort- on-the-Main ; and although a minister, appointed to repre- sent that empire, was received and accredited here, yet no such government as that of the German empire has been definitively constituted. Mr. Donelson, our representative at Frankfort, remained there several months in the expectation that a union of the German states, under one constitution or form of government, might at length be organized. It is believed by those well acquainted with the existing relations between Pri isia and the states of Germany, that no such union can be permanently established without her co-opera- tion. In the event of the formation of such a union, and the organization of a central power in Germany, of which she should form a part, it would become necessaiy to with- draw our minister at Berlin ; but while Prussia exists as an independent kingdom, and diplomatic relations are main- tained with her, there can be no necessity for the continu- ance of the mission to Frankfort. I have, therefore, recalled Mr. Donelson, and directed the archives of the legation at Frankfort to be transferred to the American legation at Berhn. Having been apprised that a considerable number of ad- venturers were engaged in fitting out a military expedition, within the United States, against a foreign country, and be- lieving, from the best information I could obtain, that it was destined to invade the island of Cuba, I deemed it due to the friendly relations existing between the United States and Spain — to the treaty between the two nations — to the laws of the United States, and, above all, to the American honor 416 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. — to exert the lawful authority of this governrntTit in sup- pressing the expedition and preventing the invasion. To this end, I issued a proclamation, enjoining it upon the officers of the United States — civil and military — to use all lawful means within their power. A copy of that proclama- tion is herewith submitted. The expedition has been sup- pressed. So long as the act of Congress of the 20th of April, 1818, which owes its existence to the law of nations and to the policy of Washington himself, shall remain on our statute book, I hold it to be the duty of the executive faith- fully to obey its injunctions. While this expedition was in progress, I was informed that a foreigner who claimed our protection had been clan- destinely, and, as was supposed, forcibly carried off in a vessel from New Orleans to the island of Cuba. I imme- diately caused such steps to be taken as I thought neces- sary, in case the information I had received should prove correct, to vindicate the honor of the country and the right of every person seeking an asylum on our soil to the pro- tection of our lav/s. The person alleged to have been ab- ducted was promptly restored, and the circumstances of the case are now about to undergo investigation bef* re a judicial tribunal. I would respectfully suggest that, although the crime charged to have been committed in this case is held odious, as being in conflict with our opinions on the subject of national sovereignty and pei-sonal freedom, there is no prohibition of it or punishment for it provided in any act of Congress. The expediency of supplying this defect in our criminal code is therefore recommended to your considera- tion, I have scrupulously avoided any interference in the wars and contentions which have recently distracted Europe. During the late conflict between Austria and Hungary, there seemed to be a prospect that the latter might become an independent nation. However faint that prospect at tlir time appeared, I thought it my duty, in accordance witli the general sentiment of the American people, wlio deeply sympathized with the Magyar patriots, to stand prepared, upon the contingency of the establishment by her of a per- manent government, to be the first to welcome independent Hungary into the family of nations. For this purpose I in- TAYLORS FIKST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 417 vested an agent, then in Europe, with power to declare our wilHngness promptly to recognize her independence in the event of her ability to sustain it. The powerful interven- tion of Russia in the contest extinguished the hopes of the struggling Magyars. The United States did not, at any time, interfere in the contest ; but the feelings of the nation were strongly enlisted in the cause, and by the suflferings of a brave people, who had made a gallant though unsuccess- ful effort to be free. Our claims upon Portugal have been during the past year prosecuted with renewed vigor, and it has been my object to employ every effort of honorable diplomacy to procure their adjustment. Our late charge d'affaires at Lisbon, the Hon. George W. Hopkins, made able and ener- getic, but unsuccessful efforts to settle these unpleasant matters of controversy, and to obtain indemnity for the wrongs which were the subjects of complaint. Our present charge d'affaires at that court will also bring to the prose- cution of these claims ability and zeal. The revolutionary and distracted condition of Portugal in past times has been represented as one of the leading causes of her delay in indemnifying our suffering citizens. But I must now say it is matter of profound regret that these claims have not yet been settled. The omission of Portugal to do justice to the American claimants has now assumed a character so grave and serious, that I shall shortly make it the subject of a special message to Congress, with a view to such ultimate action as its wisdom and patriotism may suggest. With Russia, Austria, Prussia, Sweden, Denmark, Bel- gium, the Netherlands, and the Italian States, we still main- tain our accustomed amicable relations. During the recent revolutions in the Papal States, our charge d'affaires at Rome has been unable to present his letter of credence ; which, indeed, he was directed by my predecessor to withhold until he should receive further orders. Such was the unsettled condition of things in those states, that it was not deemed expedient to give him any instructions on the subject of presenting his credential letter different from those with vvliich he had been furnished by the late administration until the 25th of June last ; when, in consequence of the want of accurate information of the ex- 27 418 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. act state of things at that distance from us, he was instructed to exercise his own discretion in presenting himself to the then existing government, if, in his judgment, sufficiently stable ; or, if not, to await furthei events. Since that period Rome has undergone another revolution, and he abides the establishment of a government sufficiently permanent to justify him in opening diplomatic intercourse with it. With the republic of Mexico it is our true policy to culti- vate the most friendly relations. Since the ratification of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, nothing has occurred of a serious character to disturb thera. A faithful observance of the treaty, and a sincere respect for her rights, cannot fail to secure the lasting confidence and friendship of that repub- lic. The message of my predecessor to the House of Rep- resentatives, of the 8th of February last, communicating, in compliance with a resolution of tliat body, a copy of a paper called a Protocol, signed at Queretaro on the 30th of May, 1848, by the commissioners of the United States and the minister of foreign affiiirs of the Mexican government, having been a subject of correspondence between the Depart- ment of State and the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of that republic accredited to this govern- ment, a transcript of that correspondence is herewith sub- mitted. The commissioner* on the part of the United States for marking the boundary between the two republics, though delayed in reaching San Diego by unforeseen obstacles, ar- rived at that place within a short period after the time required by the treaty, and was there joined by the commis- sioner on the part of Mexico. They entered upon their duties ; and at the date of the latest intelUgence from that quarter, some progress had been made in the survey. The expenses incident to the organization of the commission, and to its conveyance to the point where its operations were to begin, have so much reduced the fund appropriated by Con- gress, that a further sum to cover the charges which must be incurred during the present fiscal year, will be necessar\\ The great length of frontier along which the boundary ex- tends, the nature of the adjacent territory, and the difficulty of obtaining supplies, except at or near the extremes of the line, render it alsc indispensable that a liberal provision TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 419 should be made to meet the necessary cluirges during the fiscal year ending on the 30th of June, 1851. I accord- ingly recommend this subject to your attention. In the adjustment of the claims of American citizens on Mexico, provided for by the late treaty, tlie employment of counsel on the part of the government may become import- ant for the purpose of assisting the commissioners in pro- tecting the interests of the United States. 1 recommend this subject to the early and favorable consideration of Congress. Complaints have been made in regard to the inefficiency of the means provided by the government of New Grenada for transporting the United States mail across the isthmus of Panama, pursuant to our postal convention with that republic, of the 6th of March, 1844. Our charge d'affaires at Bogota has been directed to make such representations to the government of New Grenada as will, it is hoped, lead to a prompt removal of this cause of complaint. The sanguinary civil war with which the republic of Venezuela has for some time past been ravaged, has been brought to a close. In its progress, the rights of some of our citizens, resident or trading there, have been violated. The restoration of order will afford the Venezuelan govern- ment an opportunity to examine and redress these griev- ances, and others of longer standing, which our representa- tives at Caraccas have hitherto ineffectually urged upon the attention of that government. The extension of the coast of the United States on the Pacific, and the unexampled rapidity with which the inhab- itants of California especially are increasing in numbers, have imparted new consequence to our relations with the other countries whose territories border upon that ocean. It is probable that the intercourse between those countries and our possessions in that quarter, particularly with the republic of Chili, will become extensive and mutually ad- vantageous in proportion as California and Oregon shall in- crease ir population and wealth. It is desirable, therefore, that this government should do every thing in its power to foster and strengthen its relations with those states, and that the spirit of amity between us should be mutual and cordial. 420 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. I recommend the observance of the same couise towards all other American states. The United Spates str.nd ns the great American power to which, as their natural ally and friend, they will always be disposed first to look for media- tion and assistance, in the event of any collision between them and any European nation. As such, we may often kindly mediate in their behalf, without entangling ourselves in foreign wars or unnecessary controversies. Whenever the faith of our treaties with any of them shall require our inter- ference, we must necessarily interpose. A convention has been negotiated with Brazil, providing for the satisfaction of American claims on that government, and it will be submitted to the Senate. Since the last ses- sion of Congress, we have received an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary from that empire, and our rela- tions with it are founded upon the most amicable under- standing. Your attention is earnestly invited to an amendment of our existing laws relating to the African slave-trade, with a view to the effectual suppression of that barbarous traffic. It is not to be denied that this trade is still, in part, carried on by means of vessels built in the United States, and owned or navigated by some of our citizens. The correspondence between the Department of State and the minister and con- sul of the United States at Rio de Janeiro, which has from time to time been laid before Congress, represents that it is a customary device to evade the penalties of our laws by- means of sea-letters. Vessels sold in Brazil, when provided with such papers by the consul, instead of returning to the United States for a new register, proceed at once to the coast of Africa, for the purpose of obtaining cargoes of slaves. Much additional information, of the same character, has recently been transmitted to the Department of State. It has not been considered the poHcy of our laws to subject an American citizen, who in a foreign country purchases a vessel built in the United States, to the inconvenience of sending her home for a new register, before permitting her to proceed on a voyage. Any alteration of the laws which might have a tendency to impede the free transfer of prop- erty in vessels between our citizens, or the free navigation of those vessels between diflferent parts of the world, when TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 421 employed in lawful commerce, should be well and cautiously considered ; but I trust that your wisdom will devise a method by which our general poHcy, in this respect, may be preserved, and at the same time the abuse of our flag, by means of sea-letters, in the manner indicated, may b(* prevented. Having ascertained that there is no prospect of the re- union of the five states of Central America, which formei-ly composed the republic of that name, we have separately negotiated with some of them treaties of amity and com- merce, which will be laid before the Senate. A contract having been concluded with the State of Nicaragua, by a company composed of American citizens, for the purpose of constructing a ship canal through the territory of that State, to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, I have directed the negotiation of a treaty with Nicaragua, pledging both governments to protect those who shall engage in and perfect the work. All other nations are invited by the State of Nicaragua to enter into the same treaty stipulations with her; and the benefit to be derived by each from such an arrangement will be the protection of this great inter-oceanic communication against any power which might seek to obstruct it, or to monopolize its advan- tages. All states entering into such a treaty will enjoy the right of passage through the canal on payment of the ^ame tolls. The work, if constructed under these gaurantees, will be- come a bond of peace instead of a subject of contention and strife between the nations of the earth. Should the great maritime states of Europe consent to this arrangement — and we have no reason to suppose that a proposition so fair and honorable will be opposed by any — the energies of their people and ours will co-operate in promoting the success of the enterprise. I do not recommend any appropriation from the national treasury for this purpose ; nor do I be- lieve that such an appropriation is necessary. Private en- terprise, if properly protected, will complete the work should it prove to be feasible. The parties who have procured the charter from Nicaragua for its construction desire no assist- ance from this government beyond its protection ; and they profess that, having examined the proposed line of comrau- 36 4*22 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. nication, they will be ready to commence the undertaking whenever that protection shall be extended to them. Should there appear to be reason, on examining the whole evidence, to entertain a serious doubt of the practicability of construct- ing such a canal, that doubt could be speedily solved by an actual exploration of the route. Should such a work be constructed under the common protection of all nations for equal benefits to all, it would be neither just nor expedient that any great maritime state should command the communication. The territory through which the canal may be opened ought to be freed from the claims of any foreign power. No such power should occupy a position that would enable it hereafter to exercise so con- trolling an influence over the commerce of the world, or to obstruct a highway which ought to be dedicated to the com- mon uses of mankind. The routes across the isthmus at Tehuantepec and Pana- ma are also worthy of our serious consideration. They did not fail to engage the attention of my predecessor. The negotiator of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was in- structed to offer a very large sum of money for the right of transit across the isthmus of Tehuantepec. The Mexican government did not accede to the proposition for the pur- chase of the right of way, probably because it had already contracted with private individuals for the construction of a passage from the Guasacualco river to Tehuantepec. I shall not renew any proposition to purchase for money a right which ought to be equally secured to all nations on pay- ment of a reasonable toll to the owners of the improvement, who would, doubtless, be well contented with that compen- sation and the guarantees of the maritime states of the world, in separate treaties negotiated with Mexico, binding her and them to protect those who should construct the work. Such guarantees would do more to secure the com- pletion of the communication through the territory of Mex- ico than any other reasonable consideration that could be offered ; and as Mexico herself would be the greatest gainer by the opening of this communication between the Gulf and the Pacific Ocean, it is presumed that she would not hesi- tate to yield her aid in the manner proposed to accomplish an improvement so important to her own best interests. TAYLOR'S FIKST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 423 We have reason to hope that the proposed raih-oad across the isthmus of Panama will be successfully constructed under the protection of the late treaty with New Grenada, ratified and exchanged by my predecessor on the 10th day of June, 1848, which guarantees the perfect neutrality of the isthmus, and the rights of sovereignty and property of New Grenada over that territory, ** with a view that the free transit from ocean to ocean may not be interrupted or embarrassed" during the existence of the treaty. It is our poHcy to encourage every practicable route across the isth- mus which connects North and South America, either by railroad or canal, which the energy and enterprise of our citizens may induce them to complete ; and I consider it ob- ligatory upon me to adopt that policy, especially in conse- quence of the absolute necessity of facilitating intercourse with our possessions on the Pacific. The position of the Sandwich Islands, with reference to the territory of the United States on the Pacific, the success of our persevering and benevolent citizens who have re- paired to that remote quarter in Christianizing the natives and inducing them to adopt a system of government and laws suited to their capacity and wants, and the use made by our numerous whale-ships of the harbors of the islands as places of resort for obtaining refreshments and repairs, all combine to render their destiny peculiarly interesting to us. It is our duty to encourage the authorities of those islands in their efforts to improve and elevate the moral and politi- cal condition of the inhabitants ; and we should make rea- sonable allowances for the difficulties inseparable from this task. We desire that the islands may maintain their inde- pendence, and that other nations should concur with us in this sentiment. We could in no event be indifferent to their passing under the dominion of any other power. The prin- cipal commercial states have in this a common interest, and it is to be hoped that no one of them will attempt to inter- pose obstacles to the entire independence of the islands. The receipts into the treasury for the fiscal year ending on the thirtieth of June last were, in cash, forty-eight mil- lion eight hundred and thirty thousand ninety-seven dollars und fifty cents ($48,830,097.50), and in treasury notes funded, ten million eight hundred and thirty-three thousand 424 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. dollars ($10,833,000), making an aggregate of fifty-nine million six hundred and sixty-three thousand ninety-seven dollars and fifty cents ($59,663,097.50) ; and the expendi- tures for the same time were, in cash, forty-six million seven hundred and ninety- eight thousand six hundred and sixty- seven dollars and eighty-two cents ($46,798,667.82), and in treasury notes funded, ten million eight hundred and thirty- three thousand dollars ($10,833,000), making an aggregate of fifty-seven million six hundred and thirty-one thousand six hundred and sixty-seven dollars and eighty-two cents ($57,631,667.82). The accounts and estimates which will be submitted to Congress in the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, show that there will probably be a deficit occasioned by the expenses of the Mexican war and treaty, on the first day of July next, of five million eight hundred and twen.ty-eight thousand one hundred and twenty-one dollars and sixty-six cents ($5,828,121.66), and on the first day of July, 1851, of ten million five hundred and forty-seven thousand and ninety-two dollars and seventy-three cents ($10,547,092.73), making in the whole a probable deficit, to be provided for, of sixteen million three hundred and seventy-five thousand two hundred and fourteen dollars and thirty-nine cents ($16,375,214.39). The extraordinary expenses of the war with Mexico, and the purchase of California and New Mex- ico, exceed in amount this deficit, together with the loans heretofore made for those objects. I therefore recommend that authority be given to borrow whatever sum may be necessary to cover that deficit. I recommend the observ- ance of strict economy in the appropriation and expenditure of public money. I recommend a revision of the existing tariff, and its ad- justment on a basis which may augment the revenue. I do not doubt the right or duty of Congress to encourage do- mestic industry, which is the great source of national, as well as individual wealth and prosperity. I look to the wisdom and patriotism of Congress for the adoption of a system which may place home labor at last on a sure and permanent footing, and, by due encouragement of manufac- tures, give a new and increased stimulus to agriculture, and promote the development of our vast resources and the ex- tay: )R's first annual message. 425 tension of our commerce. Believing that to the attainment of these ends, as well as the necessary augmentation of the revenue and the prevention of frauds, a system of specific duties is best adapted, 1 strongly recommend to Congress the adoption of that system, fixing the duties at rates high enough to afford substantial and sufficient encouragement to our own industry, and, at the same time, so adjusted as to insure stability. The question of the continuance of the sub-treasury sys- tem is respectfully submitted to the wisdom of Congress. If continued, important modifications of it appear to be indispensable. For further details and views on the above, and other matters connected with commerce, the finances, and revenue, I refer to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury. No direct aid has been given by the general government to the improvement of agriculture, except by the expendi- ture of small sums for the collection and publication of agri- cultural statistics, and for some chemical analyses, which have been, thus far, paid for out of the patent fund. This aid is, in my opinion, wholly inadequate. To give to this leading branch of American industry the encouragement Avhich it merits, I respectfully recommend the establishment of an Agricultural Bureau, to be connected with the Depart- ment of the Interior. To elevate the social condition of the agriculturist, to increase his prosperity, and to extend his means of usefulness to his country,' by multiplying his sources of information, should be the study of every states- man, and a primary object with every legislator. No civil government having been provided by Congress for California, the people of that territory, impelled by the necessities of their political condition, recently met in con- vention, for the purpose of forming a constitution and state government, which the latest advices give me reason to sup- pose has been accomphshed ; and it is believed they will shortly apply for the admission of California into the Union as a sovereign state. Should such be the case, and should their constitution be conformable to the requisitions of the constitution of the United States, I recommend their applica- tion to the favorable consideration of Congress. The people of New Mexico will also, it is believed, at no 36* 42f) AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. very distant period, present themselves for admission into the Union. Preparatory to the admission of Cahfornia and New Mexico, the people of each will have instituted for themselves a republican form of government, " laying its foundations in such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most Hkely to effect their safety and happiness." By awaiting their action, all causes of uneasiness may be avoided, and confidence and kind feeling preserved. With a view of maintaining the harmony and tranquillity so dear to all, we should abstain from the introduction of those ex- citing topics of a sectional character which have hitherto produced painful apprehensions in the pubhc mind ; and I repeat the solemn warning of the first and most illustrious of my predecessors against furnishing " any ground for char- acterizing parties by geographical discriminations." A collector has been appointed at San Francisco, under an act of Congress extending the revenue laws over Califor- nia ; and measures have been taken to organize the custom- houses at that and the other ports mentioned in that act, at the earliest period practicable. The collector proceeded overland, and advices have not yet been received of his arrival at San Francisco. Meanwhile, it is understood that the customs have continued to be collected there by officers acting under the military authority, as they were during the administration of my predecessor. It will, I think, be ex- pedient to confirm the collections thus made, and direct the avails (after such allowances as Congress may think fit to authorize) to be expended within the territory, or to be paid into the treasury for the purpose of meeting appropriations for the improvement of its rivers and harbors. A party engaged on the coast survey was dispatched to Oregon in January last. According to the latest advices, they had not left California, and directions have been given to them, as soon as they shall have fixed on the sites of the two light-houses and the buoys authorized to be constructed and placed in Oregon, to proceed without delay to make reconnoissances of the most important points on the coast of Cahfornia, and especially to examine and determine on sites for hght-houses on that coast, the speedy erection of which is urgently demanded by our rapidly increasing commerce. TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 427 I have transferred the Indian agencies from Upper Mis- souri and Council Bluffs to Santa Fe and Salt Lake, and have caused to be appointed sub-agents in the valleys of the Gila, the Sacramento, and San Joaquin rivers. Still fur- ther legal provisions will be necessary for the eff'ective and successful extension of our system of Indian intercourse over the new territories. I recommend the establishment of a branch mint in Cali- fornia, as it will, in my opinion, aff'ord important facilities to those engaged in mining, as well as to the government in the disposition of the mineral lands. I also recommend that commissions be organized by Con- gress to examine and decide upon the validity of the pres- ent subsisting land titles in California and New Mexico; and that provision be made for the establishment of offices of surveyor-general in New Mexico, California, and Oregon, and for the surveying and bringing into market the pubhc lands in those territories. Those lands, remote in position and difficult of access, ought to be disposed of on terms liberal to all, but especially favorable to the early emigrants. In order that the situation and character of the principal mineral deposits in California may be ascertained, I recom- mend that a geological and mineralogical exploration be con- nected with the linear surveys, and that the mineral lands be divided into small lots suitable for mining, and be dis- posed of, by sale or lease, so as to give our citizens an op- portunity of procuring a permanent right of property in the soil. This would seem to be as important to the success of mining as of agricultural pursuits. The great mineral wealth of California, and the advan- tages which its ports and harbors, and those of Oregon, aff'ord to commerce, especially with the islands of the Pacific and Indian oceans, and the populous regions of Eastern Asia, make it certain that there will arise in a few years large and prosperous communities on our western coast. It therefore becomes important that a line of communication, the best and most expeditious which the nature of the country will admit, should be opened within the territory of the United States, from the navigable waters of the Atlantic on the Gulf of Mexico, to the Pacific. Opinion, as elicited and expressed by two large and respectable conventions, lately 428 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. assembled at St. Louis and Memphis, points to a railroad as that which, if practicable, will best meet the wishes and wants of the country. But while this, if in successful opera- tion, would be a work of great national importance, and of a value to the country which it would be difficult to esti- mate, it ought also to be regarded as an undertaking of vast magnitude and expense, and one which must, if it be indeed practicable, encounter many difficulties in its construction and use. Therefore, to avoid failure and disappointment, to enable Congress to judge whether, in the condition of the country through which it must pass, the work be feasible ; and, if it be found so, whether it should be undertaken as a national improvement, or left to individual enterprise ; and, in the latter alternative, what aid, if any, ought to be ex- tended to it by the government, I recommend, as a preUm- inary measure, a careful reconnoissance of the several pro- posed routes by a scientific corps, and a report as to the practicability of making such a road, with an estimate of the cost of its construction and support. For further views on these and other matters connected with the duties of the Home Department, I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Interior. I recommend early appropriations for continuing the river and harbor improvements which have been already begun, and also for the construction of those for whi^h estimates have been made, as well as for examinations and estimates preparatory to the commencement of such others as the wants of the country, and especially the advance of our population over new districts and the extension of commerce may render necessary. An estimate of the amount which can be advantageously expended within the next fiscal year, under the direction of the Bureau of Topographical Engi- neers accompanies the report of the Secretary of War, to which I respectfully invite the attention of Congress. The cession of territory made by the late treaty with Mexico has greatly extended our exposed frontier, and ren- dered its defence more difficult. That treaty has also brought us under obligations to Mexico, to comply with which a military force is requisite. But our military estab- lishment is not materially changed, as to its efficiency, from the condition in which it stood before the commence- TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 429 ment of the Mexican war. Some addition to it will there- fore be necessary ; and I recommend to the favorable con- sideration of Congress an increase of the several corps of the array at our distant western posts, as proposed in the ac- companying report of the Secretary of War. Great embarrassment has resulted from the effect upon rank, in the army, heretofore given to brevet and staff com- missions. The views of the Secretary of War on this sub- ject are deemed important, and, if carried into effect, will, it is believed, promote the harmony of the service. The plan proposed for retiring disabled officers, and providing an asylum for such of the rank and file as from age, wounds, and other infirmities occasioned by service, have become unfit to perform their respective duties, is recommended as a means of increasing the efficiency of the army, and as an act of justice due from a grateful country to the faithful soldier. The accompanying report of the Secretary of the Navy presents a full and satisfactory account of the condition and operations of the naval service during the past year. Our citizens engaged in the legitimate pursuits of commerce have enjoyed its benefits. Wherever our national vessels have gone, they have been received with respect, our officers have been treated with kindness and courtesy, and they have on all occasions pursued a course of strict neutrality, in accord- ance with the policy of our government. The naval force at present in commission is as large as is admissible, with the number of men authorized by Congress to be employed. I invite your attention to the recommendation of the Sec- retary of the Navy on the subject of a reorganization of the navy, in its various grades of officers, and the establishing of a retired list for such of the officers as are disqualified for active and effective service. Should Congress adopt some such measure as is recommended, it will greatly increase the efficiency of the navy, and reduce its expenditures. I also ask your attention to the views expressed by him in reference to the employment of war-steamers, and in re- gard to the contracts for the transportation of the United States mails and the operation of the system upon the pros- perity of the navy. 430 AMEKICAN'S OWK BOOK. By an act of Congress passed August 14, 1848, provision was made for extending post-office and mail accommodations to California and Oregon. Exertions have been made to execute that law ; but the limited provisions of the act, the inadequacy of the means it authorizes, the ill adaptation of our post-office laws to the situation of that country, and the measure of compensation for services allowed by those laws, compared with the prices of labor and rents in California, render those exertions, in a great degree, ineffectual. More particular and efficient provision by law is required on this subject. The act of 1845, reducing postage, has now, by its opera- tion during four years, produced results fully showing that the income from such reduced postage is sufficient to sus- tain the whole expense of the service of the post-office de- partment, not including the cost of transportation in mail steamers on the lines from New York to Chagres, and from Panama to Astoria, which have not been considered by Con- gress as properly belonging to the mail service. It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress whether a fur- ther reduction of postage should not now be made, more particularly on the letter correspondence. This should be relieved from the unjust burden of transportation and de- livering the franked matter of Congress, for which public service provision should be made from the treasury. I con- fidently believe that a change may safely be made, reducing all single letter postage to the uniform rate of five cents, re- gardless of distance, without thereby imposing any greater tax on the treasury than would constitute a very moderate compensation for this public service ; and I therefore re- spectfully recommend such a reduction. Should Congress prefer to abolish the franking privilege entirely, it seems probable that no demand on the treasury would result from the proposed reduction of postage. Whether any further diminution should now be made, or the result of the reduc- tion to five cents, which I have recommended, should be first tested, is submitted to your decision. Since the commencement of the last session of Congress, a postal treaty ^vith Great Britain has been received and ratified, and such regulations have been formed by the Post- office Departments of the two countries, in pursuance of that TAYLOR'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 431 treaty, as to carry its provisions into full operation. The attempt to extend this same arrangement, through Enc-lmd to France, has not been equally successful ; but the pur- pose has not been abandoned. For a particular statement of the condition of the post- ofRce department, and other matters connected with that branch of the public service, I refer you to the report of the Postmaster- General. By the act of the 3d of March, 1849, a board was con- stituted to make arrangements for taking the seventh census, ' composed of the Secretary of State, the Attorney-General, and the Postmaster-General ; and it was made the duty of this board " to prepare, and cause to be printed, such forms and schedules as might be necessary for the full enumera- tion of the inhabitants of the United States ; and also pro- per forms and schedules for collecting, in statistical tables, under proper heads, such information as to mines, agriculture, commerce, manufactures, education, and other topics, as would exhibit a full view of the pursuits, industry, educa- tion, and resources of the country." The duties enjoined upon the census board thus established having been per- formed, it now rests with Congress to enact a law for carry- ing into effect the provisions of the constitution which re- quires an actual enumeration of the people of the Uuited States within the ensuing year. Among the duties assigned by the constitution to the general government is one of local and hmited application, but not on that account the less obligatory ; I allude to the trust committed to Congress as the exclusive legislator and sole guardian of the interests of the District of Columbia. I beg to commend these interests to your kind attention. As the national metropohs, the city of Washington must be an object of general interest ; and founded, as it was, under the auspices of him whose immortal name it bears, its claims to the fostering care of Congress present themselves with additional strength. Whatever can contribute to its pros- perity must enlist the feelings of its constitutional guardians, and command their favorable consideration. Our government is one of limited powers, and its success- ful administration eminently depends on the confinement ot each of its co-ordinate branches wi Jiin its own appropriate 432 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. sphere. The first section of the constitution ordains that " all legislative powers therein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives." The executive has authority to recommend (not to dictate) measures to Congress. Having performed that duty, the executive department of the government cannot rightfully control the decision of Congress on any subject of legislation, until that decision shall have been officially submitted to the President for approval. The check provided by the constitution in the clause conferring the qualified veto will never be exercised by me, except in the cases contemplated by the fathers of the republic. I view it as an extreme measure, to be re- sorted to only in extraordinary cases — as where it may be- come necessary to defend the executive against the encroach- ments of the legislative power, or to prevent hasty and inconsiderate or unconstitutional legislation. By cautiously confining this remedy within the sphere prescribed to it in the contemporaneous expositions of the framers of the consti- tution, the will of the people, legitimately expressed on all subjects of legislation, through their constitutional organs, the senators and representatives of the United States, will have its full eftect. As indispensable to the preservation of our system of s-^lf- government, the independence of the rep- resentatives of the States and the people is guarantied by the constitution ; and they owe no responsibility to any hu- man power but their constituents. By holding the repre- sentative responsible only to the people, and exempting him from all other influences, we elevate the character of the constituent, and quicken his sense of responsibility to his country. It is under these circumstances only that the elec- tor can feel that, in the choice of the law-maker, he is him- self truly a component part of the sovereign power of the nation. With equal care we should study to defend the rights of the executive and judicial departments. Our gov- ernment can only be preserved in its purity by the suppres- sion and entire elimination of every claim or tendency of one co-ordinate branch to encroachment upon another. With the strict observance of this rule and the other injunctions of the constitution ; with a sedulous inculcation of that respecfc and love for the Union of the States, which our fathers PRESIDENT FILLMORE'S MESSAGE. 433 cherished and c-njoined upon tlieir children ; and with tlie aid of that overruhng Providence which has so long and so kindly guarded our liberties and institutions, we may reason- ably expect to transmit them, with their innumerable bless- ings, to the remotest posterity. But attachment to the Union of the States should be habitually fostered in every American heart. For more than half a century, during which kingdoms and empires, have fallen, this Union has stood unshaken. The patriots who formed it have long since descended to the grave ; yet still it remains, the proudest monument to their memory, and the object of affection and admiration with every one worthy to bear the American name. In my judgment, its dissolution would be the greatest of calamities ; and to avert that should be the study of every American. Upon its preservation must depend our own happiness and that of countless generations to come. Whatever dangers may threaten it, I shall stand by it and maintain it in its integ- rity to the full extent of the obligations imposed and the power conferred upon me by the constitution. PRESIDENT FILLMORE'S MESSAGE. July 10, 1850. Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives : A GREAT man has fallen among us, and a whole commu- nity is called to an occasion of unexpected, deep-, and gen- eral mourning. I recommend to the two Houses of Con- gress to adopt such measures as, in their discretion, may seem proper to perform with due solemnities the funeral obsequies of Zachary Taylor, late President of the United States, and thereby to signify the great and affectionate regard of the American people for the memory of one whose life has been devoted to the public service — whose career in arms has- not been surpassed in usefulness or brilliancy — 87 28 434 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. who has been so recently raised by the unsohcited voice of the people, to the highest civil authority in the government, which he administered with so much honor and advantage to his country, and by whose sudden death so many hopes of future usefulness are blighted forever. To you, Senators and Representatives of a nation in tears, I can say nothing which can alleviate the sorrow with which you are op- pressed. I appeal to you to aid me under the trying cir- cumstances which surround me in the discharge of the duties, from which, however much I may be oppressed by them, I dare not shrink ; and I rely upon Him, who holds in his hands the destinies of nations, to endow me with the requisite strength for the task, and to avert from our country the evils apprehended from the heavy calamity which has befallen us. I shall most readily concur in whatever meas- ures the wisdom of the two houses may suggest as befitting this deep and melancholy occasion. FILLMORE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. December 2, 1850. Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives : Being suddenly called, in the midst of the last session of Congress, by a painful dispensation of Divine Providence, to the responsible station which I now hold, I contented my- self with such communications to the legislature as the ex- igency of the moment seemed to require. The country was shrouded in mourning for the loss of its venerated Chief Magistrate, and all hearts were penetrated with grief. Nei- ther the time nor the occasion appeared to require or to jus- tify, on my part, any general expression of political opinions, or any announcement of the principles which would govern tne in the discharge of the duties to the performance of which I had been so unexpectedly called. I trust, there- FILLMOEE'S FIKST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 435 fore, that it may not be deemed inappropriate, if I avail myself of this opportunity of the reassembling of Congress to make known my sentiments, in a general manner, in re- gard to the policy which ought to be pursued by the gov- ernment, both in its intercourse with foreign nations and its management and administration of internal aftairs. Nations, like individuals in a state of nature, are equal and independent, possessing certain rights, and owing certafti duties to each other, arising from their necessary and un- avoidable relations ; which rights and duties there is no common human authority to protect and enforce. Still, they are rights and duties, binding in morals, in conscience, and in honor, although there is no tribunal to which an in- jured party can appeal but the disinterested judgment of mankind, and ultimately the arbitrament of the sword. Among the acknowledged rights of nations is that which each possesses of establishing that form of government which it may deem most conducive to the happiness and prosperity of its own citizens ; of changing that form as circumstances may require ; and of managing its internal affairs according to its own will. The people of the United States claim this right for themselves, and they readily con- cede it to others. Hence it becomes an imperative duty not to interfere in the government or internal policy of other nations ; and, although we may sympathize witli the unfor- nate or the oppressed everywhere in their struggles for free- dom, our principles forbid us from taking any part in such foreign contests. We make no wars to promote or to pre- vent successions to thrones ; to maintain any theory of a balance of power ; or to suppress the actual government which any country chooses to establish for itself. We in- stigate no revolutions, nor suffer any hostile military expe- ditions to be fitted out in the United States to invade the teiTitory or provinces of a friendly nation. The great law of morality ought to have a national as well as a personal and individual application. We should act towards other na- tions as we wish them to act towards us ; and justice and conscience should form the rule of conduct between govern- ments, instead of mere power, self-interest, or the desire of aggrandizement. To maintain a strict neutrality in foreign wars, to cultivate friendly relations, to reciprocate every 436 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. noble and generous act, and to perform punctually and scrupulously every treaty obligation — these are the duties which we owe to other states, and by the performance of which we best entitle ourselves to like treatment from them ; or if that, in any case, be refused, we can enforce our own rights with justice and a clear conscience. In our domestic policy, the constitution will be my guide ; and, in questions of doubt, I shall look for its interpretation to the judicial decisions of that tribunal which was estab- lished to expound it, and to the usage of the government, sanctioned by the acquiescence of the country. I regard all its provisions as equally binding. In all its parts it is the will of the people, expressed in the most solemn form, and the constituted authorities are but agents to carry that will into eflfect. Every power which it has granted is to be ex- ercised for the pubhc good ; but no pretence of utility, no honest conviction, even, of what might be expedient, can justify the assumption of any power not granted. The powers conferred upon the government, and their distribu- tion to the several departments, are as clearly expressed in that sacred instrument as the imperfection of human lan- guage will allow ; and I deem it ray first duty not to question its wisdom, add to its provisions, evade its requirements, or nullify its commands. Upon you, fellow-citizens, as the representatives of the States and the people, is wisely devolved the legislative power. I shall comply with my duty in laying before you from time to time any information calculated to enable you to discharge your high and responsible trust, for the benefit of our common constituents. My opinions will be frankly expressed upon the leading subjects of legislation ; and if — which I do not anticipate — any act should pass the two houses of Congress, which should appear to me unconstitutional, and an encroachment on the just powers of other departments, or with provisions hastily adopted, and likely to produce consequences inju- rious and unforeseen, I should not shrink from the duty of returning it to you, with my reasons, for your further con- sideration. Beyond the due performance of these constitu- tional obligations, both my respect for the legislature and mj'- sense of propriety will restrain me from any attempt to con- FILLMORE'S FIRST Al^NUAL MESSAGE. 437 trol or influence your proceedings. With you is the power, the honor, and the responsibihty of the legislation of the country. The government of the United States is a limited govern- ment. It is confined to the exercise of powers expressly granted, and such others as may be necessary for carrying those powers into effect ; and it is at all times an especial duty to guard against any infringement on the just rights of the States. Over the objects and subjects intrusted to Con- gress, its legislative authority is supreme. But here that authority ceases, and every citizen who truly loves the con- stitution, and desires the continuance of its existence and its blessings, will resolutely and firmly resist any interference in those domestic affairs which the constitution has clearly and unequivocally left to the exclusive authority of the States ; and every such citizen will also deprecate useless irritation among the several members of the Union, and all reproach and crimination tending to alienate one portion of the coun- try from another. The beauty of our system of govern- ment consists, and its safety and durability must consist, in avoiding mutual collisions and encroachments, and in the regular separate action of all, while each is revolving in its own distinct orbit. The constitution has made it the duty of the President to take care that the laws be faithfully executed. In a govern- ment like ours, in which all laws are passed by a majority of the representatives of the people, and these representa- tives are chosen for such short periods, that any injurious or obnoxious law can very soon be repealed, it would appear imlikely that any great numbers should be found ready to resist the execution of the laws. But it must be borne in mind that the country is extensive ; that there may be local interests or prejudices rendering a law odious in one part, which is not so in another ; and that the thoughtless and inconsiderate, misled by their passions or their imaginations, may be induced madly to resist such laws as they disap- prove. Such persons should recollect that, without law, there can be no real practical hberty ; that, when law is trampled under foot, tyranny rules, whether it appears in the form of a mihtary despotism or of popular violence. The law is the only sure protection of the weak, and the 37* 438 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. only efficient restraint upon the strong. When impartially and faithfully administered, none is beneath its protection, and none above its control. You, gentlemen, and the countiy, may be assured that to the utmost of my abiUty, and to the extent of the power vested in me, I shall at all times, and in all places, take care that the laws be faithfully executed. In the discharge of this duty, solemnly imposed upon me by the constitution and by my oath of office, I shall shrink from no responsibility, and shall endeavor to meet events as they may arise, with fiimness, as well as with prudence and discretion. The appointing power is one of the most delicate with which the executive is invested. I regard it as a sacred trust, to be exercised with the sole view of advancing the prosperity and happiness of the people. It shall be my eflfort to elevate the standard of official employment, by selecting for places of importance individuals fitted for the posts to which they are assigned by their own integrity, talents, and virtues. In so extensive a country, with so great a population, and where few persons appointed to office can be known to the appointing power, mistakes will sometimes unavoidably happen, and unfortunate appoint- ments be made, notwithstanding the greatest care. In such cases the power of removal may be properly exercised, and neglect of duty or malfeasance in office will be no more tolerated in individuals appointed by myself than in those appointed by others. I am happy in being able to say that no unfavorable change in our foreign relations has taken place since the message at the opening of the last session of Congress. We are at peace with all nations, and we enjoy in an eminent degree the blessings of that peace in a prosperous and grow- ing commerce, and in all the forms of amicable national in- tercourse. The unexampled growth of the country, the present amount of its population, and its ample means of self-protection, assure for it the respect of all nations, while it is trusted that its character for justice, and a regard to the rights of other states will cause that respect to be readily and cheerfully paid. A convention was negotiated between the United States and Great Britain, *n April last, for facilitating and protect- FILLMORE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 439 ing the construction of a ship canal between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and for other purposes. This instru- ment has since been ratified by the contracting parties, the exchange of ratifications has been eflfected, and proclama- tion thereof has been duly made. In addition to the stipulations contained in this conven- tion, two other objects remain to be accomphshed between the contracting powers. First, the designation and estabhshment of a free port at each end of the canal. Second, an agreement fixing the distance from the shore within which belligerent maritime operations shall not be carried on. On these points there is little doubt that the two governments will come to an understanding. The company of citizens of the United States who have acquired from the State of Nicaragua the privilege of con- structing a ship canal between the two oceans, through the territory of that State, have made progress in their prelimi- nary arrangements. The treaty between the United States and Great Britain, of the 19th of April last, above referred to, being now in operation, it is to be hoped that the guar- antees which it oflFers will be sufficient to secure the com- pletion of the work with all practicable expedition. It is obvious that this result would be indefinitely postponed, if any other than peaceful measures, for the purpose of har- monizing conflicting claims to territory in that quarter, should be adopted. It will consequently be my endeavor to cause any further negotiations on the part of this govern- ment, which may be requisite for this purpose, to be so conducted as to bring them to a speedy and successful close. Some unavoidable delay has occurred, arising from dis- tance and the difficulty of intercourse between this govern- ment and that of Nicaragua ; but, as intelligence has just been received of the appointment of an envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of that government to reside at Washington, whose arrival may soon be expected, it is hoped that no further impediments will be experienced in the prompt transaction of business between the two govern- ments. Citizens of the United States have undertaken the con- 440 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. nection of the two oceans by means of a railroad across tlie Isthmus of Tehuantepec, under grants of the Mexican gov- ernment to a citizen of that republic. It is understood that a thorough survey of the course of the communica- tion is in preparation, and there is every reason to ex- pect that it will be prosecuted with characteristic energy, especially when that government shall have consented to such stipulations with the government of the United States as may be necessary to impart a feeling of security to those who may embark their property in the enterprise. Nego- tiations are pending for the accomplishment of that object, and a hope is confidently entertained that, when the govern- ment of Mexico shall become duly sensible of the advan- tages which that country cannot fail to derive from the work, and learn that the government of the United States desires that the right of sovereignty of Mexico in the isth- mus shall remain unimpaired, the stipulations referred to will be agreed to with alacrity. By the last advices from Mexico it would appear, how- ever, that that government entertains strong objections to some of the stipulations which the parties concerned in the project of the railroad deem necessary for their protection and security. Further consideration, it is to be hoped, or some modification of terms, may yet reconcile the differ- ences existing between the two governments in this respect. Fresh instructions have recently been given to the minis- ter of the United States in Mexico, who is prosecuting the subject with promptitude and ability. Although the negotiations with Portugal, for the pay- ment of claims of citizens of the United States against that government; have not yet resulted in a formal treaty, )'et a proposition, made by the government of Portugal for the final adjustment and payment of those claims, has recently been accepted on the part of the United States. It gives me pleasure to say that Mr. Clay, to whom the negotiation on the part of the United States had been intrusted, discharged the duties of his appointment with ability and discretion, acting always within the instructions of his government. It is expected that a regular convention will be immedi- ately negotiated foi canying the agreement between the two governments into effect. FILLMORE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 441 The commissioner appointed under the act of Congress for carrying into effect the convention with Brazil, of the 2'7th of January, 1849, has entered upon the performance of the duties imposed upon him by that act. It is hoped that those duties may be completed within the time which it prescribes. The documents, however, which the imperial government, by the third article of the convention, stipulates to furnish to the United States, have not yet been received. As it is presumed that those documents will be essential for the correct disposition of the claims, it may become neces- sary for Congress to extend the period limited for the dura- tion of the commission. The sum stipulated by the fourth article of the convention to be paid to this government has been received. The collection in the ports of the United States of dis- criminating duties upon the vessels of ChiU and their car- goes has been suspended, pursuant to the provisions of the act of Congress of the 24th of May, 1828. It is to be hoped that this measure will impart a fresh impulse to the com- merce between the two countries, which of late, and espe- cially since our acquisition of California, has, to the mutual advantage of the parties, been much augmented. Peruvian guano has become so desirable an article to the agricultural interest of the United States, that it is the duty of the government to employ all the means properly in its power for the purpose of causing that article to be imported into the country at a reasonable price. Nothing will be omitted on my part towards accomplishing this desirable end. I am persuaded that in removing any restraints on this traffic, the Peruvian government will promote its own best interests, while it will afford a proof of a friendly dis- position towards this country, which will be duly appre- ciated. The treaty between the United States and his Majesty the King of the Hawaiian Islands, which has recently been made public, will, it is believed, have a beneficial effect upon the relations between the two countries. The relations between those parts of the island of St. Domingo, which were formerly colonies of Spain and France, respectively, are still in an unsettled condition. The prox- imity of that island to the Uniteel States, and the delicate 442 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. questions involved in the existing controversy there, render it desirable that it shoiiid be permanently and speedily ad- justed. The interests of humanity and of general com- merce also demand this ; and, as intimations of the same sentiment have been received from other governments, it is hoped that some plan may soon be devised to effect the object in a manner hkely to give general satisfaction. The government of the United States will not fail, by the exer- cise of all proper friendly offices, to do all in its power to put an end to the destructive war which has raged between the different parts of the island, and to secure to them both the benefits of peace and commerce. I refer you to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury for a detailed statement of the finances. The total receipts into the treasury for the year ending 30th June last, were forty- seven million four hundred and twenty-one thousand seven hundred and forty-eight dollars and ninety cents (147,421,748 90). The total expenditures during the same period were forty- three million two thousand one hundred and sixty-eight dol- lars and ninety cents ($43,002,168 90). The public debt has been reduced, since the last annual report from the Treasury Department, four hundred and ninety-five thousand two hundred and seventy-six dollars and seventy-nine cents ($495,276 79). By the 19th section of the act of 28th January, 1847, the proceeds of the sales of the public lands were pledged for the interest and principal of the public debt. The great amount of those lands subsequently granted by Congress for military bounties will, it is believed, very nearly supply the public demand for several years to come, and but little reh- ance can, therefore, be placed on that hitherto fruitful source of revenue. Aside from the permanent annual expenditures, which have necessarily largely increased, a portion of the public debt, amounting to eight million seventy-five thousand nine hundred and eighty-six dollars and fifty-nine cents ($8,075,986 59), must be provided for within the next two fiscal years. It is most desirable that these accruing de- mands should be met without resorting to new loans. All experience has demonstrated the wisdom and policy FILLMORE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 443 of raising a large portion of revenue for the support of gov- ernment from duties on goods imported. The power to lay these duties is unquestionable, and its chief object, of course, is to replenish the treasury. But if, in doing this, an inci- dental advantage may be gained by encouraging the industry of our own citizens, it is our duty to avail ourselves of that advantage. A duty laid upon an article which cannot be produced in this country — such as tea or coffee — adds to the cost of the article, and is chiefly or wholly paid by the consumer. But a duty laid upon an article which may be produced here, stimulates the skill and industry of our own country to pro- duce the same article, which is brought into the market in competition with the foi'eign article, and the importer is thus compelled to reduce his price to that at which the do- mestic article can be sold, thereby throwing a part of the duty upon the producer of the foreign article. The continu- ance of this process creates the skill, and invites the capital, which finally enable us to produce the article much cheaper than it could have been procured from abroad, thereby benefiting both the producer and the consumer at home. The consequence of this is, that the artisan and the agri- culturist are brought together, each affords a ready market for the produce of the other, and the whole country becomes prosperous ; and the ability to produce every necessary of life renders us independent in war as well as in peace. A high tariff can never be permanent. It will cause dis- satisfaction, and will be changed. It excludes competi- tion, and thereby invites the investment of capital in man- ufactures to such excess, that when changed it brings distress, bankruptcy, and ruin upon all who have been mis- led by its faithless protection. What the manufacturer wants is uniformity and permanency, that he may feel a con- fidence that he is not to be ruined by sudden changes. But to make a tariff uniform and permanent, it is not only necessary that the law should not be altered, but that the duty should not fluctuate. To effect this, all duties should be specific, wherever the nature of the article is such as to admit of it. Ad-valorem duties fluctuate with the price, and offer strong temptations to fraud and perjury. Specific duties, on the contrary, are equal and uniform in all ports, 444 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. and at all times, and offer a strong inducement to the im- porter to bring the best article, as he pays no more duty upon that than upon one of inferior quality. 1 tiiercfoie strongly recommend a modification of the present tariff, which has prostrated some of our most important and neces- sary manufactures, and that specific duties be imposed suf- ficient to raise the requisite revenue, making such discrimina- tion in favor of the industrial pursuits of our own country as to encourage home production, without excluding foreign com- petition. It is also important that an unfortunate provision in the present tariff, which imposes a much higher duty upon the raw material that enters into our manufactures than upon the manufactured article, should be remedied. The papers accompanying the report of the Secretary of the Treasury will disclose frauds attempted upon the rev- enue, in variety and amount so great, as to justify the con- clusion that it is impossible, under any system of ad-valorem duties levied upon the foreign cost or value of the article, to secure an honest observance and an effectual administration of the laws. The fraudulent devices to evade the law which have been detected by the vigilance of the appraisers, leave no room to doubt that similar impositions not discovered, to a large amount, have been successfully practised since the enactment of the law now in force. This state of things has already had a prejudicial influence upon those engaged in foreign commerce. It has a tendency to drive the honest trader from the business of importing, and to throw that important branch of employment into the hands of unscru- pulous and dishonest men, who are alike regardless of law and the obligations of an oath. By these means the plain intentions of Congress, as expressed in the law, are daily defeated. Every motive of policy and duty, therefore, impel me to ask the earnest attention of Congress to this subject. If Congress should deem it unwise to attempt any import- ant changes, in the system of levying duties at this session, it will become indispensable to the protection of the revenue that such remedies as, in the judgment of Congress, may mitigate the evils complained of, should at once be applied. As before stated, specific duties would, in my opinion, afford the most perfect remedy for this evil ; but, if you should not concur in this view, then, as a partial remedy, I FILLMORE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 445 beg leave respectfully to recommend that, instead of taking the invoice of the article abroad as a means of determining its value here, the correctness of which invoice it is in many- cases impossible to verify, the law be so changed as to re- quire a home valuation or appraisal, to be regulated in such manner as to give, as far as practicable, uniformity in the several ports. There being no mint in California, I am informed that the laborers in the mines are compelled to dispose of their gold dust at a large discount. This appears to me to be a heavy and unjust tax upon the labor of those employed in extracting this precious metal ; and I doubt not you will be disposed, at the earliest period possible, to reheve them from it by the establishment of a mint. In the mean time, as an assayer's office is established there, I would respect- fully submit for your consideration the propriety of author- izing gold bullion, which has been assayed and stamped, to be received in payment of government dues. I cannot con- cg^ve that the treasury would suffer any loss by such a pro- vision, which will at once raise bullion to its par value, and thereby save (if I am rightly informed) many millions of dol- lars to the laborers which are now paid in brokerage to con- vert this precious metal into available funds. This discount upon their hard earnings is a heavy tax, and every effort should be made by the government to relieve them from so great a burden. More than three-fourths of our population are engaged in the cultivation of the soil. The commercial, manufacturing, and navigating interests are all, to a great extent, dependent on the agricultural. It is, therefore, the most important interest of the nation, and has a just claim to the fostering care and protection of the government, so far as they can be extended consistently with the provisions of the constitution. As this cannot be done by the ordinary modes of legislation, I respectfully recommend the estabhshment of an Agricul- tural Bureau, to be charged with the duty of giving to this leading branch of American industry the encouragement which it so well deserves. In view of the immense mineral resources of our country, provision should also be made for the employment of a competent mineralogist and chemist, who should be required, under the direction of the head of S8 446 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. the bureau, to collect specimens of the various minerals of our country, and to ascertain, by careful analysis, their re- spective elements and properties, and their adaptation to useful purposes. He should also be required to examine and report upon the qualities of different soils, and the ma- nures best calculated to improve their productiveness. By publishing the results of such experiments, with suitable ex- planations, and by the collection and distribution of rare seeds and plants, with instructions as to the best system of cultivation, much may be done to promote this great national interest. In compliance with the act of Congress, passed on the 23d of May, 1850, providing, among other things, for taking the seventh census, a superintendent was appointed, and all other measures adopted which were deemed necessary to insure the prompt and faithful performance of that duty. The appropriation already made will, it is believed, be suf- ficient to defray the whole expense of the work ; but fur- ther legislation may be necessary in regard to the compensa- tion of some of the marshals of the territories. It will also be proper to make provision by law, at an early day, for the publication of such abstracts of the returns as the public interests may require. The unprecedented growth of our territories on the Pacific in wealth and population, and the consequent increase of their social and commercial relations with the Atlantic States, seem to render it the duty of the government to use all its constitutional power to improve the means of inter- course with them. The importance of opening " a line of communication, the best and most expeditious of which the nature of the country will admit," between the valley of the Mississippi and the Pacific, was brought to your notice by my predecessor, in his annual message ; and as the reasons which he presented in favor of the measure still exist in full force, I beg leave to call your attention to them, and to re- peat the recommendations then made by him. The uncertainty which exists in regard to the validity of land titles in California, is a subject which demands your early consideration. Large bodies of land in that State are claimed under grants said to have been made by authority of the Spanish and Mexican governments. Many of these FILLMORE'S FIKST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 447 have not been perfected, others have been revoked, and some are believed to be fraudulent. But until they shall have been judicially investigated, they will continue to re- tard the settlement and improvement of the country. I therefore respectfully recommend that provision be made by law for the appointment of commissioners to examine all such claims with a view to their final adjustment. I also beg leave to call your attention to the propriety of extending, at an early day, our system of land laws, with such modifications as may be necessary, over the State of California and the territories of Utah and New Mexico. The mineral lands of California will, of course, form an ex- ception to any general system which may be adopted. Various methods of disposing of them have been suggested. I was at first inclined to favor the system of leasing, as it seemed to promise the largest revenue to the government, and to afford the best security against monopolies ; but further .reflection, and our experience in leasing the lead mines and selling lands upon credit, have brought my mind to the conclusion that there would be great difficulty in col- lecting the rents, and that the relation of debtor and creditor, between the citizens and the government, would be attended with many mischievous consequences. I therefore recom- mend that, instead of retaining the mineral lands under the permanent control of the government, they be divided into small parcels and sold, under such restrictions, as to quantity and time, as will insure the best price, and guard most effectually against combinations of capitalists to obtain mo- nopolies. The annexation of Texas and the acquisition of California and New Mexico have given increased importance to our Indian relations. The various tribes brought under our jurisdiction by these enlargements of our boundaries, are estimated to embrace a population of one hundred and twenty-four thousand. Texas and New Mexico are surrounded by powerful tribes of Indians, who are a source of constant terror and annoy- ance to the inhabitants. Separating into small predatory bands, and always mounted, they overrun the country, dev- astating farms, destroying crops, driving off whole herds of cattle, and occasionally murdering the inhabitants or carrying 448 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. them off into captivity. The great roads leading into the country are infested with them, whereby traveling is ren- dered extremely dangerous, and immigration is almost entirel}^ arrested. The Mexican frontier, which, by the 11th article of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, we are bound to pro- tect against the Indians within our border, is exposed to these incursions equally with our own. The military force stationed in that country (although forming a large portion of the army) is represented as entirely inadequate to our own protection and the fulfilment of our treaty stipulations with Mexico. The principal deficiency is in cavalry, and I recommend that Congress should, at as early a period as practicable, provide for the raising of one or more regiments of mounted men. For further suggestions on this subject, and others con- nected with our domestic interests, and the defence of our frontier, I refer you to the reports of the Secretary of the Interior and of the Secretary of War. •- I commend also to your favorable consideration the sug- gestion contained in the last-mentioned report, and in the letter of the General-in- chief, relative to the establishment of an asylum for the relief of disabled and destitute soldiers. This subject appeals so strongly to your sympathies, that it would be superfluous in me to say any thing more than barely to express my cordial approbation of the proposed object. The navy continues to give protection to our commerce and other national interests in the different quarters of the globe, and with the exception of a single steamer on the northern lakes, the vessels in commission are distributed in six differ- ent squadrons. The report of the head of that department will exhibit the services of these squadrons, and of the several vessels em- ployed in each during the past year. It is a source of grat- ification, that while they have been constantly prepared for any hostile emergency, they have everywhere met with the respect and courtesy due as well to the dignity as to the peaceful dispositions and just purposes of the nation. The two brigantines accepted by the government from a generous citizen of New York, and placed under the com- mand of an officer of the navy, to proceed to the Arctic seas FILLMORE'S FIEST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 449 in quest of the British commander. Sir John Franklin, and his companions, in coraphance with the act of CongTcss, ap- proved in May last, had, when last heard from, penetrated into a high northern latitude ; but the success of tliis noble and humane enterprise is yet uncertain. 1 invite your attention to the view of our present naval establishment and resources presented in the report of the Secretaiy of the Navy, and the suggestions therein made for its improvement, together with the naval policy recom- mended for the security of our Pacific coast, and the pro- tection and extension of our commerce with Eastern Asia. Our facilities for a larger participation in the trade of the East, by means of our recent settlements on the shores of the Pacific, are too obvious to be overlooked or disregarded. . The questions in relation to rank in the aniiy and navy, and relative rank between officers of the two branches of the service, presented to the executive by certain resolutions of the House of Representatives, at the last session of Con- gress, have been submitted to a board of officers in each branch of the service, and their report may be expected at an early day. I also earnestly recommend the enactment of a law au- thorizing officers of the army and navy to be retired from the service when incompetent for its vigorous and active duties, taking care to make suitable provision for those who have faithfully served their country, and awarding distinc- tions, by retaining in appropriate commands those who have been particularly conspicuous for gallantry and good con- duct. While the obligation of the country to maintain and honor those who, to the exclusion of other pursuits, have devoted themselves to its arduous service, is acknowledged, this obligation should not be permitted to interfere with the efficiency of the service itself. I am gratified in being able to state, that the estimates of expenditure for the navy in the ensuing year are less, by more than one million of dollars, than those of the present, excepting the appropriation which may become necessary for the construction of a dock on the coast of the Pacific, propositions for which are now being considered, and on which a special report may be expected early in your pres- ent session. 38* 29 450 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. There is an evident justness in the suggestion of the same report, that appropriations for the naval service proper should be separated from those for fixed and permanent ob- jects ; such as building docks and navy-yards, and the fixtures attached ; and from the extraordinary objects under the care of the department which, however important, are not essen- tially naval. A revision of the code for the government of the navy seems to require the immediate consideration of Congress. Its system of crimes and punishments had undergone no change for half a century, until the last session, though its defects have been often and ably pointed out, and the aboli- tion of a particular species of corporal punishment, which then took place, without providing any substitute, his left the service in a state of defectiveness, which calls for prompt correction. I therefore recommend that the whole subject be revised without delay, and such a system established for the enforcement of discipline as shall be at once humane and effectual. The accompanying report of the Postmaster- General pre- sents a satisfactory view of the op^ations and condition of that department. At the close of the last fiscal year, the length of the in- land mail-routes in the United States (not embracing the service in Oregon and California) was one hundred and seventy-eight thousand six hundred and seventy-two miles ; the annual transportation thereon, forty- six million five hun- dred and forty-one thousand four hundred and twenty- three miles ; and the annual cost of such transportation, two mil- lion seven hundred and twenty-foui* thousand four hundred and twenty- six dollars. The increase of the annual transportation over that of the preceding year was three million nine hundred and ninety- seven thousand three hundred and fifty-four miles, and the increase in cost was three hundred and forty-two thousand four hundred and forty dollars. The number of post-offices in the United States on the first day of July last, was eighteen thousand four hundred and seventeen — being an increase of sixteen hundred and seventy during the preceding year. Th« gross revenues of the department for the fiscal year FILLMORE'S FIKST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 451 ending June 30, 1850, amounted to five million five hun- dred and fifty-two thousand nine hundred and seventy-one dollars and forty-eight cents, including the annual appropria- tion of two hundred thousand dollars for the franked matter of the departments, and excluding the foreign postages col-, lected for and payable to the British government. The expenditures for the same period were five million two hundred and twelve thousand nine hundred and fifty- three dollars and forty-three cents — leaving a balance of revenue over expenditures of three hundred and forty thou- sand and eighteen dollars and five cents. I am happy to find that the fiscal condition of the depart- ment is such as to justify the Postmaster-General in rec- omending the reduction of our inland letter postage to three cents the single letter when prepaid, and five cents when not prepaid. He also recommends that the prepaid rate shall be reduced to two cents whenever the revenues of the department, after the reduction, shall exceed its expendi- tures by more than five per cent, for two consecutive years ; that the postage upon California and other letters sent by our ocean steamers shall be much reduced ; and that the rates of postage on newspapers, pamphlets, periodicals, and other printed matter, shall be modified, and some reduction thereon made. It cannot be doubted that the proposed reductions will, for the present, diminish the revenues of the department. It is believed that the deficiency, after the surplus already ac- cumulated shall be exhausted, may be almost wholly met, either by abolishing the existing privileges of sending free matter through the mails, or by paying out of the treasur}'- to the Post-office Department a sum equivalent to the post- age of which it is deprived by such privileges. The last is supposed to be the preferable mode, and will, if not entirely, so nearly supply that deficiency as to make any further ap- propriation that may be found necessary so inconsiderable as to form no obstacle to the proposed reductions. I entertain no doubt of the authority of Congress to make appropriations for leading objects in that class of public works comprismg what are usually called works of internal improvement. This authority I suppose to be derived chiefly from the power of regulating commerce with foreign nations 452 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. and among the States, and the power of laying and collect- ing imposts. Where commerce is to be carried on, and im- posts collected, there must be ports and harbors, as well as wharves and custom-houses. If ships, laden with valuable cargoes, approach the shore, or sail along the coast, light- bouses are necessary at suitable points for the protection of life and property. Other facilities and securities for com- merce and navigation are hardly less important ; and those clauses of the constitution, therefore, to which I have re- ferred, have received from the origin of the government a liberal and beneficial construction. Not only have light- houses, buoys, and beacons been established, and floating lights maintained, but harbors have been cleared and im- proved, piers constructed, and even breakwaters for the safety of shipping, and sea walls to protect harbors from being filled up and rendered useless, by the action of the ocean, have been erected at very great expense. And this construction of the constitution appears the more reasonable from the consideration, that if these works, of such evident importance and utility, are not to be accomphshed by Con- gress, they cannot be accomplished at all. By the adoption of the constitution the several States voluntarily parted with the power of collecting duties of imposts in their own ports ; and it is not to be expected that they should raise money, by internal taxation, direct or indirect, for the benefit of that commerce, the revenues derived from which do not, either in whole or in part, go into their own treasuries. Nor do I perceive any difference between the power of Congress to make appropriations for objects of this kind on the ocean, and the power to make appropriations for similar objects on lakes and rivers, wherever they are large enough to bear on their waters an extensive traffic. The magnificent Missis- sippi and its tributaries, and the vast lakes of the north and northwest, appear to me to fall within the exercise of the power, as justly and as clearly as the ocean and the Gulf of Mexico. It is a mistake to regard expenditures judiciously made for these objects as expenditures for local purposes. The position or site of the work is necessarily local ; but its utility is general. A ship canal around the falls of St. Mary of less t'nan a mile in length, though local in its construction, would yet be national in its purpose and its benefits, as it FILLMORE'S FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE. 453 would remove the onty obstruction to a navigation of more than a thousand miles, affecting several States, hs well hs our commercial relations with Canada. So, too, the breakwater at the mouth of the Delaware is erected, not for the exclusive benefit of the States bordering on the bay and river of that name, but for that of the whole coastwise navigation of the United States, and, to a considerable extent, also of foreign commerce. If a ship be lost on the bar at the entrance of a southern port for want of sufficient depth of water, it is very likely to be a northern ship ; and if a steamboat be sunk in any part of the Mississippi, on account of its channel not having been properly cleared of obstructions, it may be a boat belonging to either of eight or ten States. I may add, as somewhat remarkable, that among all the thirty-one States there is none that is not, to a greater or less extent, bounded on the ocean or the Gulf of Mexico, or one of the great lakes, or some navigable river. In fulfiUing our constitutional duties, fellow-citizens, on this subject, as in carrying into effect all other powers con- ferred by the constitution, we should consider ourselves as deliberating and acting for one and the same country, and bear constantly in mind that our regard and our duty are due, not to a particular part only, but to the whole. I therefore recommend that appropriations be made for completing such works as have been already begun, and for commencing such others as may seem to the wisdom of Con- gress to be of pubHc and general importance. The difficulties and delays incident to the settlement of private claims by Congress, amount in many cases to a de- nial of justice. There is reason to apprehend that many unfortunate creditors of the government have thereby been unavoidably ruined. Congress has so much business of a public character, that it is impossible it should give much attention to mere private claims ; and their accumulation is now so great, that many claimants must despair of ever being able to obtain a hearing. It may well be doubted whether Congress, from the nature of its organization, is properly constituted to decide upon such cases. It is impossible that each member should examine the merits of every claim on which he is compelled to vote ; and it is preposterous to ask A judge to decide a case which he has never heard. Such 454 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. decisions may, and frequently must, do injustice either to the claimant or the government, and I perceive no better remedy for this growing evil than the establishment of some tribunal to adjudicate upon such claims. I beg leave, there- fore, most respectfully, to recommend that provision be made by law for the appointment of a commission to settle all private claims against the United States ; and, as an ex parte hearing must in all contested cases be very unsatisfac- tory, I also recommend the appointment of a solicitor, whose duty it shall be to represent the government before such commission, and protect it against all illegal, fraudulent, or unjust claims, which may be presented for their adjudication. This District, which has neither voice nor vote in your de- liberations, looks to you for protection and aid, and I com- mend all its wants to your favorable consideration, with a full confidence that you will meet them not only with justice, but with liberality. It should be borne in mind that in this city, laid out by Washington and consecrated by his name, is located the Capitol of our nation, the emblem of our Union and the symbol of our greatness. Here, also, are situated all the public buildings necessary for the use of the government, and all these are exempt from taxation. It should be the pride of Americans to render this place at- tractive to the people of the whole republic, and convenient and safe for the transaction of the public business and the preservation of the public records. The government should, therefore, bear a liberal proportion of the burdens of all neces- sary and useful improvements. And, as nothing could con- tribute more to the health, comfort, and safety of the city, and the security of the public buildings and records, than an abundant supply of pure water, I respectfully recom- mend that you make such provisions for obtaining the same as in your wisdom you may deem proper. The act passed at your last session, making certain propo- sitions to Texas for setthng the disputed boundary between that State and the Territory of New Mexico, was, immedi- ately on its passage, transmitted by express to the governor of Texas, to be laid by him before the General Assembly for its agreement thereto. Its receipt was duly acknowledged, but no ofiBcial information has yet been received of the ac- tion of the General Assembly thereon ; it may, however, be FILLMORE'S FIKST ANNUAL MESSAGP:. 455 very soon expected, as, by the terms of the propositions submitted, they were to have been acted upon on or before the first day of the present month. It was hardly to have been expected that the series of measures passed at your last session, with the view of heal- ing the sectional differences which had sprung from the slavery and territorial questions, should at once have real- ized their beneficent purpose. All mutual concession in the nature of a compromise must necessarily be unwelcome to men of extreme opinions. And though without such con- cessions our constitution could not have been formed, and cannot be permanently sustained, yet we have seen them made the subject of bitter controversy in both sections of the repubMc. It required many months of discussion and deliberation to secure the concurrence of a majority of Con- gress in their favor. It would be strange if they had been received with immediate approbation by people and States prejudiced and heated by the exciting controversies of their representatives. I believe those measures to have been re- quired by the circumstances and condition of the country. I believe they were necessary to allay asperities and ani- mosities that were rapidly alienating one section of the coun- try from another, and destroying those fraternal sentiments which are the strongest supports of the constitution. They were adopted in the spirit of concihation, and for the pur- pose of conciliation. I believe that a great majority of our fellow-citizens sympathize in that spirit and that purpose, and in the main approve, and are prepared in all respects to sustain, these enactments. I cannot doubt that the Amer- ican people, bound together by kindred blood and com- mon traditions, still cherish a paramount regard for the Union of their fathers ; and that they are ready to rebuke any attempt to violate its integrity, to disturb the compro- mises on which it is based, or to resist the laws which have been enacted under its authority. The series of measures to which I have alluded are re- garded by me as a settlement, in principle and substance — a final settlement— of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embraced. Most of these subjects, indeed, are beyond your reach, as the legislation which disposed of them was, in its character, final and irrevocable. It may be pre- 456 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. sumed, from the opposition which they all encounter, thr.t none of those measures was free from imperfections, but in their mutual dependence and connection they formed a sys- tem of compromise, the most conciliatory, and best for the entire country, that could be obtained from conflicting sec- tional interests and opinions. For this reason I recommend your adherence to the ad- justment established by those measures, until time and ex- perience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legisla- tion to guard against evasion or abuse. By that adjustment we have been rescued from the wide and boundless agitation that surrounded us, and have a firm, distinct, and legal ground to rest upon. And the occasion, I trust, will justify me in exhorting my countrymen to rally upon and maintain that ground, as the best, if not the only means of restoring peace and quiet to the country, and main- taining inviolate the integrity of the Union. And now, fellow-citizens, I cannot bring this communica- tion to a close without invoking you to join me in humble and devout thanks to the Great Ruler of nations for the multiplied blessings which he has graciously bestowed upon us. His hand, so often visible in our preservation, has stayed the pestilence, saved us from foreign wars and do- mestic disturbances, and scattered plenty throughout the land. Our liberties, religious and civil, have been maintained, the fountains of knowledge have all been kept open, and means of happiness widely spread and generally enjoyed, greater than have fallen to the lot of any other nation. And, while deeply penetrated with gratitude for the past, let us hope that his all-wise Providence will so guide our counsels as that they shall result in giving satisfaction to our constituents, securing the peace of the country, and adding new strength to the united government under which we live. PIEROE'8 INALGUKAL ADDRESS. 467 PIERCE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. My Countrymen : It is a relief to feel that no heart but my own cnn know the personal regret and bitter sorrow over which I have been borne to a position so suitable for others, rather than desirable for myself. The circumstances under which I have been called, for a limited period, to preside over the destinies of the republic, fill me with a profound sense of responsibility, but with nothing like shrinking apprehension. I repair to the post assigned me, not to one sought, but in obedience to the un- solicited expression of your will, answerable only for a fear- less, faithful, and diligent exercise of my best powers. I ought to be, and am, truly grateful for the rare manifes- tation of the nation's confidence ; but this, so far from light- ening my obligations, only adds to their weight. You have summoned me in my weakness : you must sustain me by your strength. When looking for the fulfilment of reason- able requirements, you will not be unmindful of the great changes which have occurred, even within the last quarter of a century, and the consequent augmentation and com- plexity of duties imposed, in the administration both of your home and foreign affairs. Whether the elements of inherent force in the republic have kept pace with its unparalleled' progression in territory, population, and wealth, has been the subject of earnest thought and discussion, on both sides of the ocean. Less than sixty- three years ago, the Father of his country made ** the" then " recent accession of the important State of North Carolina to the constitution of the United States" one of the subjects of his special congratulation. At that mo- ment, however, when the agitation consequent upon the rev- olutionary struggle had hardly subsided, when we were just emerging from the weakness and embarrassment of the confederation, there was an evident consciousness of vigor equal to the great mission so wisely and bravely fulfilled by our fathers. It was not a presumptuous assurance, but a calm faith, springing from a clear view of the sources of power in a government constituted like ours. It is no para- 39 458 AMEKICAN'S OWN BOOK. dox to say that, although comparatively weak, the new- born nation was intrinsically strong. Inconsiderable in pop- ulation and apparent resources, it was upheld by a broad and intelligent comprehension of rights, and an all- pervading purpose to maintain them, stronger than armaments. It came from the furnace of the Revolution, tempered to the necessities of the times. The thought ** of the men of that day were as practical as their sentiments were patriotic. They wasted no portion of their energies upon idle and delusive speculations; but, with a firm and fearless step, advanced beyond the governmental landmarks which had hitherto circumscribed the limits of human freedom, and planted their standard where it has stood, against dangers whicli have threatened from abroad, and internal agitation, which has at times fearfully menaced at home. They ap- proved themselves equal to the solution of the great problem, to understand which their minds had been illuminated by the dawning lights of the Revolution. The object sought was not a thing dreamed of — it was a thing realized. They had exhibited, not only the power to achieve, but what all history affirms to be so much more unusual, the capacity to maintain. The oppressed throughout the world, from that day to the present, have turned their eyes hitherward, not to find those lights extinguished, or to fear lest they should wane, but to be constantly cheered by their steady and in- creasing radiance. In this our country has, in my judgment, thus far, ful- filled its highest duty to suffering humanity. It has spoken, and will continue to speak, not only by its words, but by its acts, the language of sympathy, encouragement, and hope, to those who earnestly listen to tones which pronounce for the largest rational liberty. But, after all, the most animat- ing encouragement and potent appeal for freedom will be its own history, its trials and its triumphs. Pre-eminently, the power of our advocacy reposes on our example ; but no example, be it remembered, can be powerful for lasting good, whatever apparent advantages may be gained, which is not based upon eternal principles of right and justice. Our fathers decided /br themselves, both upon the hour to declare and the hour to strike. They were their own judges of the circumstances under which it became them to pledge ^lEKCE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 459 to each other " their lives, their fortunes, and^theif sacred honor," for the acquisition of the priceless inheritance trans- mitted to us. The energy with which that great conflict was opened, and, under the guidance of a manifest and bene- ficent Providence, the uncomplaining endurance with which it was prosecuted to its consummation, were only surpassed by the wisdom and patriotic spirit of concession which char- acterized all the counsels of the early fathers. One of the most impressive evidences of that wisdom is to be found in the fact, that the actual working of our system has dispelled a degree of solicitude which, at the outset, dis- turbed bold hearts and far-reaching intellects. The appre- hension of dangers from extended territory, multiplied States, accumulated wealth, and augmented population, has proved to be unfounded. The stars upon your banner have become nearly threefold their original number, your densely popu- lated possessions skirt the shores of the two great oceans, and yet this vast increase of people and territory has not only shown itself compatible with the harmonious action of the States and the federal government in theu* respective con- stitutional spheres, but has afforded an additional guarantee of the strength and integrity of both. With an experience thus suggestive and cheering, the policy of my administration will not be controlled by any timid forebodings of evil from expansion. Indeed, it is not to be disguised that our attitude as a nation, and our posi- tion on the globe, render the acquisition of certain posses- sions, not within our jurisdiction, eminently important for our protection, if not, in the future, essential for the preservation of the rights of commerce and the peace of the world. Should they be obtained, it will be through no grasping spirit, but with a view to obvious national interest and secu- rity, and in a manner entirely consistent with the strictest observance of national faith. We have nothing in our his- tory or position to invite aggression ; we have every thing to beckon us to the cultivation of relations of peace and amity with all nations. Purposes, therefore, at once just and pacific, will be significantly marked in the conduct of our foreign affairs. I intend that my administration shall leave no blot upon our fair record, and trust I may safely give the assurance that no act withi^^ the legitimate scope of my con- 460 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. stitutional control will be tolerated, on the part of any por- tion of our citizens, which cannot challenge a ready justifica- tion before the tribunal of the civilized world. An adminis- tration would be unworthy of confidence at home or respect abroad, should it cease to be influenced by the conviction, that no apparent advantage can be purchased at a price so dear as that of national wrong or dishonor. It is not your privilege, as a nation, to speak of a distant past. The strik- ing incidents of your history, replete with instruction, and furnishing abundant grounds for hopeful confidence, are comprised in a period compa'-ntively brief. But if your past is limited, your future is boundless. Its obligations throng the unexplored pathway of advancement, and will be limitless as duration. Hence, a sound and comprehensive pohcy should embrace, not less the distant future, than the urgent present. The great objects of our pursuit, as a people, are best to be attained by peace, and are entirely consistent ^vith the tranquility and interests of the rest of mankind. With the neighboring nations upon our continent, we should cultivate kindly and fraternal relations. We can desire nothing in regard to them so much as to see them consolidate their strength, and pursue the paths of prosperity and happiness. If, in the course of their growth, we should open new chan- nels of trade, and create additional facilities for friendly in- tercourse, the benefits realized will be equal and mutual. Of the complicated European s}^ems of national polity we have heretofore been independent. From their wars, their tumults, and anxieties, we have been, happily, almost entirely exempt. Whilst these are confined to the nations which gave them existence, and within their legitimate jurisdiction, they cannot affect us, except as they appeal to our sympathies in the cause of human freedom and universal advancement. But the vast interests of commerce are common to all man- kind, and the advantages of trade and international inter- course must always present a noble field for the moral influence of a great people. With these views firmly and honestly carried out, we have a right to expect, and shall under all circumstances require, prompt reciprocity. The rights which belong to us as a na- tion, are not alone to be regarded, but those which pertain PIERCE'S INAUGUKAL ADDRESS. 461 to every citizen in his individual capacity, at home and aoroad, must be sacredly maintained. So long as he can discern every star in its place upon that ensign, without wealth to purchase for him preferment, or title to secure for him place, it will be his privilege, and must be his acknowledged right, to stand unabashed even in the presence of princes, with a proud consciousness that he is himself one of a nation of sovereigns, and that he cannot, in legitimate pursuit, wander so far from home that the agent whom he shall leave behind in the place which I now occupy will not see that no rude hand of power or tyrannical passion is laid upon him with impunity. He must realize that upon every sea, and on every soil, where our enterprise may rightfully seek the protection of our flag, American citizenship is an inviolable panoply for the security of American rights. And, in this connection, it can hardly be necessary to re- affirm a principle which should now be regarded as funda- mental. The rights, security, and repose of this confederacy reject the idea of interference or colonization on this side of the ocean by any foreign power, beyond present jurisdiction, as utterly inadmissible. The opportunities of observation furnished by my brief experience as a soldier, confirmed in my own mind the opinion entertained and acted upon by others from the formation of the government, that the maintenance of large standing armies in our country would be not only dangerous, but un- necessary. They also illustrated the importance — I might well say the absolute necessity — of the military science and practical skill furnished in such an eminent degree by the institution which has made your army what it is, under the discipline and instruction of officers not more distinguished for their solid attainments, gallantry, and devotion to the public service, than for unobtrusive bearing and high moral tone. The army, as organized, must be the nucleus around which in every time of need the strength of your military power, the sure bulwark of your defence — a national militia — may be readily formed into a well-disciplined and efficient organization. And the skill and self devotion of the navy assure you that you may take the performance of the past as a pledge for the future, and may confidently expect that the flag which has waved its untarnished folds over every sea, 39* 4G'2 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. ^vill still float in undiminished honor. But these, like many other subjects, will be appropriately brought at a future time to the attention of the co-ordinate branches of the gov- ernment, to which I shall always look with profound respect, and with trustful confidence, that they will accord to me the aid and support which I shall so much need, and which their experience and wisdom will readily suggest. In the administration of domestic affairs you expect a de- voted integrity in the public service, and an observance of rigid economy in all departments, so marked as never justly to be questioned. If this reasonable expectation be not re- alized, I frankly confess that one of your leading hopes is doomed to disappointment, and that my efforts, in a very important particular, must result in a humiliating failure. Offices can be properly regarded only in the light of aids for the accomphshment of these objects; and as occupancy can confer no prerogative, nor importunate desire for preferment any claim, the public interest imperatively demands that they be considered with sole reference to the duties to be performed. Good citizens may well claim the protection of good laws and the benign influence of good government ; bXit a claim for office is what the people of a republic should never recognize. No reasonable man of any party will ex- pect the administration to be so regardless of its responsi- bility, and of the obvious elements of success, as to retain persons known to be under the influence of politifial hostility and partisan prejudice, in positions which will require not only severe labor, but cordial co-operation. Having no im- phed engagements to ratify, no rewards to bestow, no re- sentments to remember, and no personal wishes to consult, in selections for official station — I shall fulfil this difficult and delicate trust, admitting no motive as worthy either of my character or position, which does not contemplate an efficient discharge of duty and the best interests of my country. I acknowledge my obligations to the masses of my countrymen, and to them alone. Higher objects than personal aggrandizement gave direction and energy to their exertions in the late canvass, and they shall not be disap- pointed. They require at ray hands diligence, integrity, and capacity, wherever there are duties to be performed. With- out these qualities in their public servants, more stringent PIERCE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 463 laws for the prevention or punishment of fraud, necrligence, and peculation, will be vain. With them, they will be un- necessarv. But these are not the only points to which you look for vigilant watchfulness. The dangers of a concentration of all power in the general government of a confederacy like ours, are too obvious to be disregarded. You have a right, there- fore, to expect your agents, in every department, to regard strictly the Hmits imposed upon them by the constitution of the United States The great scheme of our constitutional liberty rests upon a proper distribution of power between the State and federal authorities ; and experience has shown that the harmony and happiness of our people must depend upon a just discnnii- nation between the separate rights and responsibihties of the States, and your common rights and obligations under the general government. And here, in my opinion, are the con- siderations which should form the true basis of future con- cord in regard to the questions which have most seriously disturbed pubhc tranquillity. If the federal government will confine itself to the exercise of power clearly granted by the constitution, it can hardly happen that its action upon any question should endanger the institutions of the States, or interfere with their right to manage matters stnctly do- mestic according to the will of their own people. In expressing briefly my views upon an important subject, which has recently agitated the nation to almost a fearful dera-ee I am moved by no other impulse than a most earn- est^desire for the perpetuation of that Union which has made us what we are— showering upon us blessings, and confernng a power and influence which our fathers could hardly have anticipated even with their most sanguine hopes du-ected to a far-oflf future. The sentiments I now announce were not unknown before the expression of the voice which called me here. My own position upon, this subject was clear and unequivocal, upon the record of my words and my acts, and it is onlv recurred to at this time because silence might, per- haps, be misconstrued. With the Union my best and dear- est earthly hopes are entwined. Without it, what are we, indi\-iduallv or collectively ?— what becomes of the noblest field ever Opened for the advancement of our race m rehgion. 464 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. in government, in the arts, and in all that dignifies and adorns mankind ? From that radiant constellation, which both illumines our own way and points out to struggling nations their course, let but a single star be lost, and, if there be not utter darkness, the lustre of the whole is dimmed. Do my countrymen need any assurance that such a catastrophe is not to overtake them while I possess the power to stay it ? It is with me an earnest and vital belief, that as the Union has been the source, under Pro\ddence, of our prosperity to this time, so it is the surest pledge of a continuance of the blessings we have enjoyed, and which we are sacredly bound to transmit undiminished to our children. The field of calm and free discussion in our country is open, and will always be so ; but it never has been and never can be traversed for good in a spirit of sectionalism and uncharitableness. The founders of the republic dealt with things as they were pre- sented to them, in a spirit of self-sacrificing patriotism, and, as time has proved, with a comprehensive wisdom which it will be always safe for us to consult. Every measui'e, tending to strengthen the fraternal feelings of all the members of our Union has had my heartfelt approbation. To every theory of society or government, whether the offspring of feverish ambition or of morbid enthusiasm, calculated to dissolve the bonds of law and affection which unite us, I shall interpose a ready and stern resistance. I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in different States of this confederacy, is recognized by the constitution. I believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the States wherein it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the con- stitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, com- monly called the " compromise measures," are strictly con- stitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect, as they would view any other legal and constitutional right, and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouj'aged by abstract opinions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully, and according to the decisions of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs. Such have been and are my convictions, and upon them I shall act. I fen-ently hop'^ PIERCE'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 465 that tlie question is at rest, and that no sectional, or ambi- tious, or fanatical excitement, may again threaten the dura- bility of our institutions, or obscure the hght of our pros- perity. ^ But let not the foundation of our hope rest upon man s wisdom. It will not be sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place in the public deliberations. It will not be sufficient that the rash counsels of human passion are re- jected. It must be felt that there is no national security but in the nation's humble, acknowledged dependence upon God and his overruling providence. We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise councils, like those which gave us the constitution, prevailed to uphold it. Let the period be remembered as an admonition, and not as an encouragement, in any section of the Union, to make experiments where experiments are fraught with such fearful hazard. Let it be impressed upon all hearts, that, beautiful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom could ever reunite its broken fragments. Standing as I do, almost within view of the green slopes of Monticello, and, as it were, within reach of the tomb of Washington, with all the cherished memories of the past gathering around me, like so many eloquent voices as exhor- tations from Heaven, I can express no better hope for my country than that the kind Providence which smiled upon our fathers may enable then- children to preserve the bless- ings they have inherited. BRIEF SKETCHES OF THE LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES. GEORGE WASHINGTON, The founder of American Independence, and first Pres- ident of tlie United States, was born in 1732, in the county of Fairfax, in Virginia. He was descended from an English family which emigrated from Cheshire, about 1630 ; and his father, in the place of his nativity, was possessed of great landed property. He received his educa- tion from a private tutor ; and was particularly instructed in mathematics and engineering. His abilities were first employed by Dinwiddie, in 1753, in making remonstran- ces to the French commander on the Ohio, for the infrac- tion of the treaty between the two nations ; and he after- wards negotiated with the Indians on the back settle- ments, for which he received the thanks of the British government. In the expedition of Braddock he served as aid-de-camp ; and, on the fall of that brave but rash com- mander, he displayed great talent in conducting the retreat, and saving the army from a dangerous position. He retired from the service with rank of colonel ; but, while engaged in the peaceful employments of an agricul- turist, at Mount Vernon, he was elected senator in the national council for Frederic county, and afterwards for Fairfax. At the commencement of the revolutionary war, he 468 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. was selected as the most proper person to take the chief command of the provincial troops. On receiving from the president of Congress official notice tf this appoint- ment, he thus addressed him : " Mr. President ; although I am truly sensible of the high honor done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a conscious- ness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive and important trust. However, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the momentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks, for this distinguished testi- mony of their approbation. But, lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavorable to my reputation, I beg it may be remembered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, I do not think myself equal to the command I am honored with. As to pay. Sir, I beg leave to assure the Congress, that as no pecuniary consideration could have tempted me to accept this arduous employment at the expense of my domestic ease and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses ; these, I doubt not, they will discharge, and that is all I desire." From the moment of taking upon himself this impor- tant office, in June, 1775, he employed the great powers of his mind to his favorite object, and, by his prudence, his valor, and presence of mind, he deserved and obtained the confidence and gratitude of his country, and finally triumphed over all opposition. The record of his services is the history of the whole war. He joined the army at Cambridge in July, 1775. On the evacuation of Boston, in March, 1776, he pro- ceeded to New York. The battle of Long Island was fought on the 27th of August, and the battle of White- plains on the 28th of October. On the 25th of December, he crossed the Delaware, and soon gained the victories at Trenton and Princeton. The battle of Brandy wine was fought on September 11th, 1777 ; of Germantcwn, October 4th; of Monmouth, February 28th, 1778. In 1779 and 1780, he continued in the vicinity of New York, and closed the important military operations of LIVES OP THE PRESIDENTS. 469 the war by the capture of Cornwallis, at Yorktown, in 1781. On the second of November, 1783, General Washing- ton issued his farewell orders to the armies of the United States. After noticing a recent proclamation of Congress, he observed that it only remained to address himself for the last time to the armies of the United States, and to hid them an affectionate farewell. He remarked upon the circumstances under which the war was begun ; the signal interpositions of Providence in their behalf, and their unparalleled perseverance through eight years of every possible suffering and discouragement. His closing words were — " Your general being now to conclude these his last public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of the military character, and to bid adieu to the armies he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again offer in their behalf his recommendations to their grateful country, and his prayers to the God of armies. May ample justice be done to them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's favors, both here and here- after, attend those, who, under the divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for others ! With these wishes, and this benediction, the commander-in-chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separa- tion will soon be drawn, and the military scene, to him, will be closed forever." On Tuesday noon, the fourth of December, the princi- pal officers of the' army assembled at Francis's tavern, to take a final leave of their beloved commander-in-chief. When Washington entered the room, his emotions were too strong to be repressed or concealed. Filling a glass, he turned to the surrounding officers and said — " With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be aa prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." Having drank, he added, " I cannot come to each of you to take my leave, but shall be obliged to you, if each of you will come and take me by the hand." General Knox, being nearest, turned to him. Washington, in tears, grasped his hand, embraced and kissed him. In the same manner he took leave of each 38^ 29 470 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. succeeding officer, Lincoln, and Greene, and La Fayette, and the other valiant men with whom he had been con- nected in hours of peril and darkness, to be rewarded with endless gratitude and glory. Every eye was moistened with tears. Not a word was spoken to interrupt the silent solemnity of the part- ing. Leaving the room, Washington passed through the corps of light infantry, and walked to Whitehall, where a coach was in waiting to receive him. The whole com- pany followed in mute procession, with sad and dejected countenances. On entering the barge, he turned to his companions, and, waving his hat, bade them a silent farewell. They paid him a similar mark of respect and affection, and, when they could no longer distinguish in the barge the person of their beloved commander, returned, in the same solemn manner, to the place where they had first assembled. On the disbanding of the army, Washington proceeded to Annapolis, then the seat of Congress, to resign his commission. On his way thither, he delivered to the comptroller of accounts, at Philadelphia, an account of his receipts and expenditures of public money. The whole amount that had passed through his hands, was only £14,479 I85. 9d. sterling. Nothing was charged or retained for his own services. The resignation of his command was made in a public audience. Congress received him as the guardian of his country and her lib- erties. He appeared there under the most affecting cir- cumstances. The battles of a glorious war had been fought since he first appeared before them to accept, with a becoming modesty, the command of their armies. Now the eyes of a whole nation were upon him, and the voices of a liberated people proclaimed him their preserver. His high character and services naturally entitled him to the highest gifts his country could bestow ; and, on the organization of the government, he was called upon to be the first president of the states which he had preserved and established. It was a period of great difficulty and danger. The unsubdued spirit of liberty had been roused and kindled by the revolution of France, and many of his fellow-citizens were eager that the freedom and LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 471 equality which they themselves enjoyed should be ex- tended to the subjects of the French monarch. Wash ington anticipated the plans of the factious, and by pru- dence and firmness subdued insurrection, and silenced discontent, till the parties which the intrigues of Genet, the French envoy, had roused to rebellion, were convinced of the wildness of their measures, and of the wisdom of their governor. The president completed, in 1796, the business of his office, by signing a commercial treaty with Great Britain, and then voluntarily resigned his power at a moment when all hands and all hearts were united again to confer upon nim the sovereignty of the country. Restored to the peaceful retirement of Mount Vernon, he devoted himseli to the pursuits of agriculture ; and though he accepted the command of the army in 1798, it was merely to unite the affections of his fellow-citizens to the general good, and was. one more sacrifice to his high sense of duty. He died, after a short illness, on the 14th of De- cember, 1799. He was buried with the honors due to the noble founder of a happy and prosperous republic. History furnishes no parallel to the character of Wash- ington. Wisdom, says a contemporary writer, was the predominant feature of his character. His patience, his forbearance, his firmness, in adverse as well as in pros- perous events, proved of more solid advantage to his country than his bravery and talents. No man has ever appeared upon the theatre of public action whose integrity was more incorruptible, or whose principles were more perfectly free from the contamination of those selfish and unworthy passions which find their nourishment in the conflicts of party. Haying no views which required concealment, his real and avowed motives were the same ; and his whole correspondence does not furnish a single case from which even an enemy would infer that he was capable, under any circumstances, of stooping to the em- ployment of duplicity. No truth can be uttered with more confidence than that his ends were always upright, and his means always pure. He exhibits a rare example of a politician to whom wil^s were absolutely unknown, and whose professions t© 472 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. foreign governments, and to his own countrymen, were always sincere. If Washington possessed ambition, that passion was, in his bosom, so regulated by principles, or controlled by circumstances, that it was neither vicious nor turbulent. Intrigue was never employed as the means of its gratification ; nor was personal aggrandizement its object. The various high and important stations to which he was called by the public voice, were unsought by him- self; and, in consenting to fill them, he seems rather to have yielded to a general conviction, that the interests of his country would thereby be promoted, than to any par- ticular inclination of his own. Washington accomplished the most of his great duties with apparent ease, by a rigid observance of punctuality. It is known that whenever he assigned to meet Congress at noon, he never failed to be passing the door of the hall when the clock struck twelve. His dinner hour was four, when he always sat down to his table, only allowing five minutes for the variation of timepieces, whether his guests were present or not. It was frequently the case with new members of Congrei."), that they did not arrive until din- ner was nearly half over, and he would remark, " Gen- tlemen, we are punctual here ; my cook never asks whether the company has arrived, but whether the hour has." When he visited Boston in 1782, he appointed eight o'clock in the morning as the hour when he should set out for Salem, and while the Old South clock was striking eight, he was crossing his saddle. The company of cavalry which volunteered to escort him, not anticipa- ting this strict punctuality, were parading in Tremont street after his departure ; and it was not until the Presi- dent had reached Charles river bridge, where he stopped a few minutes, that the troop of horse overtook him. On passing the corps, the President, with perfect good nature said : — " Major , I thought you had been too long in my family, not to know when it was eight o'clock." The life of this great man has been given to us by Judge Marshall, in five vols. 8vo., and a copious selection from his manuscripts is now publishing by Mr. Jared Sparks. LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 473 JOHN ADAMS, The second President of the United States, was born at Braintree, Mass., October 30, 1735. He graduated at Harvard University in 1755; and, while a member of that institution, was distinguished by diligence in his studies, and by the most unequivocal evidence of genius. The three years next succeeding his graduation, he spent studying law at Worcester ; and, at the same time, as a means of subsistence, instructed a class of scholars in Latin and Greek. In October, 1758, Mr. Adams pre- sented himself, a stranger, poor, and without the influence of friends, to the superior court then sitting at Boston, for admission to practise as an attorney. He now com- menced in the labors of his profession, at Quincy, then in the county of Suffolk, and soon obtained a competent por- tion of lucrative business. In 1764, Mr. Adams was married to Abigail Smith ; and in the year following he removed to Boston, where he acquired an extensive legal practice. Although he was offered patronage from the officers of the British govern- ment, he was induced to decline all such aids to personal distinction and affluence, choosing rather to espouse the cause of his native country, hazardous as this course evi- dently was. His patriotism was duly appreciated by his fellow-citizens, and he received numerous marks of public confidence in this respect. He took a prominent part in every leading measure, and served on several committees which reported some of the most important state papers of the time. He was elected a member of the Congress, and was among the foremost in recommending the adoption of an independent govern- ment. It has been affirmed, by Mr. "Jefferson himself, " that the great pillar of support to the declaration of independence, and its ablest advocate and champion on the floor of the house, was John Adams." In 1777, he was chosen commissioner to the court of Versailles, in the place of Mr. Dean, who was recalled. It is said that at this time he had been a member of ninety committees, and chairman of twenty-five. On his 474 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. return from France, about a year afterwards, he was elected a member of the convention to prepare a form of government for the State of Massachusetts, and placed on the sub-committee chosen to draught the project of a con- stitution. The clause in regard to the patronage of liter- ature was written by him. September 29, 1779, he was appointed minister plenipotentiary to negotiate a peace, and had authority to form a commercial treaty with Great Britain. In June, 1780, he was appointed in the place of Mr. Laurens, ambassador to Holland, and in 1782 he went to Paris to engage in the negotiation for peace, having previously obtained assurance that Great Britain would recognise the independence of the United States. After serving on two or three commissions to form trea- ties of amity and commerce with foreign powers, in 1785 Mr. Adams was appointed first minister to Lon- don. In a letter to Mr. Jay, Mr. Adams gives the following graphic and interesting account of his public reception by the king : " At one, on Wednesday, the first of June, the master of ceremonies called at my house and went with me to the Secretary of State's office, in Cleaveland Row, where the Marquis of Carmarthen received me, and introduced me to Mr. Frazier, his under secretary, who had been, as his lord- ship said, uninterruptedly in that office, through all the changes in administration, for thirty years, having first been appointed by the Earl of Holderness. After a short conversation upon the subject of importing my effects from Holland and France free of duty, which Mr. Frazier himself introduced, Lord Carmarthen invited me to go with him in his coach to court. When we arrived in the anti- chamber, the GEil de Boeuf of St. James, the master of the ceremonies met me, and attended me while the Secretary of State went to take the commands of the king. While I stood in this place, where it seems all ministers stand upon such occasions, always attended by the master of ceremonies, the room very full of ministers of state, bishops, and all other sorts of courtiers, as well as the next room, which is the king's bedchamber, you may LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 475 well suppose that I was the focus of all eyes. I was re- lieved, however, from the embarrassment of it, by the Swedish and Dutch ministers, who came to me and entertained me in a very agreeable conversation during the whole time. Some other gentlemen, whom I had seen before, came to make their compliments too ; until the Marquis of Carmarthen returned and desired me to go with him to his majesty. I went with his lordship through the levee room into the king's closet. The door was shut, and I was left with his majesty and the secre- tary of state alone. I made the three reverences ; one at the door, another about half way, and the third before the presence, according to the usage established at this, and all the northern courts of Europe, and then addressed myself to his majesty in the following words : ' Sir, the United States of America hav-e appointed me their min- ister plenipotentiary to your majesty, and have directed me to deliver to your majesty this letter, which contains the evidence of it. It is in obedience to their express commands, that I have the honor to assure your majesty of their unanimous disposition and desire to cultivate the most friendly and liberal intercourse between your ma- jesty's subjects and their citizens, and of their best wishes for your majesty's health and happiness, and for that of your royal family. " ' The appointment of a minister from the United States to your majesty's court, will form an epoch in the history of England and America. I think myself more fortunate than all my fellow-citizens, in having the dis- tinguished honor to be the first to stand in your majesty's royal presence, in a diplomatic character ; and I shall esteem myself the happiest of men, if I can be instrumental in recommending my country more and more to your majesty's royal benevolence, and of restoring an entire esteem, confidence, and aflfection, or in better words, " the old good nature and the old good harmony," betAveen people, who, though separated by an ocean, and under different governments, have the same language, a similar religion, and kindred blood. I beg your majesty's per- mission to add, that although I have sometimes before been intrusted by my country, it was never in my whole 476 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. life in a manner so agreeable to myself.' The king lis- tened to every word I said, with dignity, it is true, but with apparent emotion. Whether it was the nature of the interview, or whether it was my visible agitation, for I felt more than I did or could express, that touched him, I cannot say, but he was much affected, and answered me with more tremor than I had spoken with, and said, * Sir — The circumstances of this audience are so extraor- dinary, the language you have now held is so extremely proper, and the feelings you have discovered, so justly adapted to the occasion, that I must say, that I not only receive with pleasure the assurances of the friendly dis- position of the people of the United States, but that I am very glad the choice has fallen upon you to be their min- ister. I wish you, Sir, to believe, and that it may be un- derstood in America, that I have done nothing in the late contest, but what I thought myself indispensably bound to do, by the duty which I owed to my people. I will be frank with you. I was the last to conform to the separa- tion : but the separation having been made, and having become inevitable, I have always said, as I say now, that I would be the first to meet the friendship of the United States, as an independent power. The moment I see such sentiments and language as yours prevail, and a disposition to give this country the preference, that mo- ment I shall say, let the circumstances of language, reli- gion, and blood, have their natural and full effect.' " I dare not say that these were the king's precise words, and it is even possible that I may have, in some particular, mistaken his meaning ; for although his pro- nunciation is as distinct as I ever heard, he hesitated sometimes between his periods, and between the mem- bers of the same period. He was indeed much affected, and I was not less so, and therefore I cannot be certain that I was so attentive, heard so clearly, and understood so perfectly, as to be confident of all his words or sense ; this I do say that the foregoing is his majesty's meaning, as I then understood it, and his own words, as nearly as I can recollect them. ' " The king then asked me, whether I came last from France : an 1 upon my answering in the affirmative, he put LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 477 on an air of familiarity, and smiling, or rather laughing, said, ' There is an opinion among some people, that you are not the most attached of all your countrymen to the manners of France.' I was surprised at this, because I thought it an indiscretion, and a descent from his dignity. I was a little embarrassed, but determined not to deny the truth on one hand, nor leave him to infer from it any attachment to England on the other. I threw off as much gravity as I could, and assumed an air of gayety and a tone of decision, as far as it was decent, and said, ' That opinion. Sir, is not mistaken. I must avow to your majesty I have no attachment but to my own country.' The king replied, as quick as lightning, ' An honest man will never have any other.' " The king then said a word or two to the secretary of state, which, being between them, I did not hear ; and then turned round and bowed to me, as is customary with all kings and princes, when they give the signal to retire. I retreated, stepping backwards, as is the etiquette, and making my last reverence at the door of the chamber, I went my way ; and the master of ceremonies joined me at the moment of my coming out of the king's closet, and accompanied me through all the apartments down to my carriage. Several stages of servants, gentlemen porters, and under-porters, roared out like thunder as I went along, 'Mr. Adams's servants, Mr. Adams's carriage,'" &c. In 1788, having been absent nine years, he returned to America, landing in Boston the 17th of June. In March, 1789, the new constitution of the United States went into operation, and Mr. Adams became the first vice- president, which office he held during the whole of Wash- ington's administration. On the resignation of Washing- ton, John Adams became, March 4, 1797, president of the United States. He occupied this station four years, and then was succeeded by Mr. Jefferson, who was elec- ted by a majority of one vote only. This was the termi- nation of his public functions ; and he spent the remain- der of his days upon his farm in Quincy, occupying him- self with agriculture, and obtaining amusement from the literature and politics of the day. He died on the fourth of July, 1826, with the same words on his lips, which 39 478 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. fifty years before, on that day, he had uttered on the floor of Congress — " Independence forever." His principal publications are, Letters on the American Rev- olution — Defence of the American Constitutions — an Essay on Canon and Feudal Law — a Series of Letters under the signature of Novanglaus — and Discourses on Davila. THOMAS JEFFERSON, Third president of the United States of America, under the constitution of 1789. He passed two years at the College of William and Mary, but his education was principally conducted by private tutors. He adopted the law as his profession. He was a member of the legisla- ture of Virginia, from 1769 to the commencement of the American revolution. In 1775 he was a delegate in Congress from Virginia. May 15, 1776, the convention of Virginia instructed their delegates to propose to Con- gress a declaration of independence. In June, Mr. Lee made the motion for such a declaration in Congress, and it was voted that a committee be appointed to prepare one. The committee was elected by ballot, and consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston. The Decla- ration was exclusively the work of Mr. Jefferson, to whom the right of drafting it belonged as chairman of the committee, though amendments and alterations were made in it, by Adams, Franklin, and other members of the committee, and afterwards by Congress. Mr. Jeffer- son retired from Congress in September, 1776, and took a seat in the legislature of Virginia, in October. In 1779, he was chosen governor of Virginia, and held the office two years. He declined a foreign appointment in 1776, and again in 1781. He accepted the appointment of one of the commissioners for negotiating peace, but before he sailed, news was received of the signing the LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 479 provisional treaty, and he was excused from proceeding on the mission. He returned to Congress. In 1784, he wrote notes on the establishment of a money-unit, and of a coin- age for the United States He proposed the money-system now in use. In May, 1784, he was appointed, with Adams and Franklin, a minister plenipotentiary to negotiate trea- ties of commerce with foreign nations. In 1785, he was ap- pointed minister to the French court. In 1789, he returned to America, and received from Washington the appoint- ment of secretary of state, which he held till December, 1793, and then resigned. On some appointment being of- fered him by Washington, in September, 1794, he replied to the secretary, " No circumstances will ever more tempt me to engage in anything public." Notwithstanding this determination he suffered himself to be a candidate for president, and was chosen vice-president in 1796. At the election in 1801, he and Aaron Burr having an equal number of the electoral votes, the House of Representatives, after a severe struggle, finally decided in his favor. He was re-elected in 1805. At the end of his second term, he retired from office. He died July 4, 1826, at one o'clock in the afternoon, just fifty years from the date of the Declaration of Independence, aged 83. Preparations had been made throughout the United States to celebrate this day, as a jubilee ; and it is a most remarkable fact, that on the same day, John Adams, a signer with Jeffer- son of the Declaration, and the second on the committee for drafting it, and his immediate predecessor in the office of president, also died. Mr. Jefferson's publications were, Summary View of the Rights of British America, 1774; Declaration of Independence, 1776 ; Notes on Vir- ginia, 1781 ; Manual of Parliamentary Practice for the use of the Senate; Life of Captain Lewis, 1814; some papers in Am. Phil. Trans. IV. His works, chiefly letters, were j ublished by his grandson, Thomas Jefferson Ran- dolph, 4 vols. 8vo., 1829 480 AMEKICAN'S OWN BOOK. • JAMES' MADISON, Fourth president of the United States, was the son of James Madison, of Orange county, Va., and was born March 16th, 1751. He studied the English, Latin, Greek, French, and Italian languages, and was fitted for college under the instruction of Mr. Robertson, a Scotchman, and the Rev. Mr. Martin, a Jerseyman ; was graduated at Princeton, N. J., in 1771 ; and afterwards remained a year at college, pursuing his studies under the superin- tendence of Dr. Witherspoon, the president. His consti- tution was impaired by his close application to his studies, and his health was for many years feeble. In 1776, he was elected a member of the general assembly of Virginia; m 1778, of the executive council ; in the winter of 1779- 80, of the continental Congress, of which he continued a member till 1784; in 1787, a member of Congress, and in the same year a delegate to the convention at Phila- delphia, which formed the present constitution of the United States. He continued a distinguished member of Congress till March, 1797, the end of Washington's admin- istration. On the accession of Mr. Jefferson to the presi- dency, in 1801, Mr. Madison was appointed secretary of state, which office he held during the eight years of Mr. JefTerson's administration ; and, in 1809, he succeeded his friend and coadjutor as president of the United States. After having filled the office for two terms, he retired to his seat, Montpelier, where he passed his remaining years chiefly as a private citizen, declining political office, except that he acted as visiter and rector of the Univer- sity of Virginia. He was distinguished for his great talents and acquirements, for the important offices which he filled, and for his virtues in private lifs. Mr. Madison was the last surviving member of the convention that formed the constitution of the United States ; he was one of its most distinguished champions, and at the time of its adoption he was associated with Hamilton and Jay in the production of the celebrated work entitled the "Federalist." Mr. Madison left, in manuscript, "A care- ful and extended Report of the Proceedings and Discus- LIVES OP THK PRESIDENTS. ' 481 sions " of the convention of 1787, that framed the consti- tution of the United Slates, which he directed in his will to be published under the authority and direction of his widow. Mr. Madison died June the 28th, 1837, in hia 86th year. JAMES MONROE. Fifth president of the United States, was a native of Virginia. He was educated at William and Mary Col- lege, and in 1776, joined the army in the American rev- olutionary struggle, and continued with it till 1778, when he retired, and engaged in the study of the law. In 1780, he held the office of military commissioner for Vir- ginia, and in that capacity visited the southern army. In 1782, he was a member of the Virginia assembly, and in 1783, a member of Congress. In 1788, he was a member of the convention in Virginia to deliberate on the proposed constitution for the United States. In 1790, he was elected a senator of the United States from Vir- ginia. In 1794, he received the appointment of minister plenipotentiary to France, and was recalled in 1797. In 1799, he was elected governor of Virginia. In 1802, he was sent on a special mission to France, which resulted in the purchase of Louisiana. In 1803, he was appointed minister to England. In 1805, he was associated with Mr. Charles Pinckney to negotiate with Spain. During his residence in England, he and Mr. William Pinckney negotiated a commercial treaty with Great Britain, but it was never submitted to the senate by Mr. Jefferson. He returned to America in 1808. In 1811, he was governor of Virginia, and the same year received from Mr. Madi- son the appointment of secretary of state, which office he held till his election of president, March 4, 1817. During a part of the time, in 1814 and 1815, he also performed the duties of secretary of war. He was again elected president in 1821. He died July 4th, 1831. 29* 482 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, Sixth president of the United States, was the son of John Adams, second president of the United States. He was born in Quincy, Mass., in 1767, and was named for his great grandfather, John Quincy, who bore a distin- guished part in the councils of the province. At the age of eleven years he visited France with his father, and remained in various parts of Europe most of the time, till 1785, when he returned to the United States, and became a member of Harvard University. In 1787, he left college, and commenced the study of law with Theophilus Parsons, of Newburyport. After com- pleting his legal studies he removed to Boston, with a view of employing himself in the practice of his profes- sion. His leisure was occupied in political studies and writings, and his reputation was soon established as a distinguished statesman. In 1794, he was appointed minister resident to the Netherlands, by Gen. Washington, who afterwards ap- pointed him minister plenipotentiary to Portugal ; but before entering on the duties of this station, his destina- tion was changed to Berlin, in Prussia, where he negotia- ted a treaty of commerce. He was recalled bv his father in 1801. In 1802, he was elected to the senate of Massachusetts, and in 1803, was chosen to represent -his native state in the Senate of the United States ; which place he resigned in 1808. In 1806, he was appointed professor of rhet- oric and oratory in Harvard college. In 1809, he was appointed minister to Russia by Mr. Madison, and after- waids one of the commissioners for negotiat.ng a treaty of peace with England. In 1817, he was appointed sec- retary of state by Mr. Monroe, which office he honorably filled till he was chosen president of the United States, in 1825, by the House of Representatives, he having re- ceived the votes of thirteen states. Gen. Jackson seven, and Mr. Crawford of four states. After serving his country as president for four years, Mr. Adams was succeeded by Gen. Andrew Jackson. LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 483 In 1831, he accepted a seat in Congress, as the represen- tative of his native district. In this body he took the rank to which great takmts, experience, and services fully entitled him. His speeches were marked with the stem independ- ence and fearless expression of opinion which, throughout his life, were his great characteristics. He could always command respectful attention. He particularly distinguished himself as the strenuous advocate of the right of petition, which had for some years been trampled under foot by Con- gress, on account of the clamor of the representatives from the southern states. Mr. Adams remained in Congress until his death, which occurred on the 23d of February, 1848. As he rose to move the previous question in the house, he was attacked by paralysis, and being conveyed into the rotunda of the Capitol, he remained there insensible till the next day, when, surrounded by many faithful and lamenting friends, his long and useful life was brought to a close. He died like a hero on the scene of his glory ! and left a name and fame of a great and good man to the admiration and reverence of his countrymen. ANDREW JACKSON, Seventh President of the United States, was born of Irish parents, at Waxaw, S. C, March 15, 1Y67. When four- teen years of age, he joined the revolutionary army, with his brother, and was soon after, with his brother and several others, taken prisoner by the British, and treated with great severity. In a short time his brother died, and in 1*783 his mother was taken away, leaving him without kindred in the country of his birth. His mother had destined him for the ministry, and he pursued his studies with that view till he was eighteen years of age, when he commenced the study of the law, under the dh-ection of Spruce M'Cay, Esq., and finished imder the tuition of Col. John Stokes. In 1788, he removed to Tennessee, and commenced the 484 AMERICAN'S OWli-BOOK. practice of law at Nashville, in which he was quite success- ful, and, in 1791, was appointed attorney -general for the district. In 1796, he was chosen a member of the convention for framing a constitution for the State ; and the same year cle.ted representative to Congress. In 1797, he became a member of the United States Senate, which office he re- signed the following year, and soon after was appointed judge of the supreme court of the State, and major-general of the Tennessee militia. In 1812, he took command of 2,500 Tennessee volun- teers ; and continued in the service of the country during the war with Great Britain, until its close at New Orleans, January 8, 1815. Afterwards he commanded an expedi- tion against the Seminoles, and was appointed governor of Florida in 1821. In 1822, he was again elected a member of the United States Senate. In 1828, General Jackson was elected President of the United States, to which high office he was again elected in 1832. His popularity during his administration was great and uninterrupted. After the close of his second term. General Jackson issued a valedictory address to the people of the United States, and withdrew wholly from public life, to his residence in Tennessee, where he died on the 8 th of June, 1845, aged 78 years. Men will accord to him the merit of possessing great energy and strength of will, re- markable military skill, and warm patriotism, whatever opinion may be entertained of the wisdom of his policy while m official stations. MARTIN VAN BUREN, Eighth President of the United States, was bom at Kin- derhook, New York, December 5, 1782. His parents were of Dutch descent, and in humble circumstances. At the age of fourteen he commenced the study of the law, in the office of Francis Sylvester, Esq., in his native village. In 1803, he was admitted to the bar of the supreme court, and com- Sft* LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 485 menced practice in Kinderhook. In 1809, he rem:\ed to Hudson for the improvement of his professional prospects. In 1812, he was elected to the state senate, and in 1815, was appointed attorney-general of the state. In 181G, he removed to Albany, where his practice became extensive and lucrative. February 6, 1821, he was appointed to the United States Senate, and in August following was returned a member of the convention to revise the constitution of the State. In November, 1828, he was elected governor of the State of New York, which office he resigned March 12, 1829, in consequence of his appointment as Secretary of State of the United States by General Jackson. In the summer of 1831, he was sent to London as minister to the court of St. James ; but the Senate refused to confirm the appointment in December following. In 1833, Mr. Van Buren was elected Vice-President of the United States; and in 1837, he was elected President by 167 of the 311 electoral votes. After four years' service m this exalted position, he resigned the " White House" to General Harrison. In 1848, Mr. Van Buren was nominated for the presi- dency by a portion of the Democratic party in the North, opposed to the extension of slavery. He did not, however, receive the electoral vote of a single State. He continues to reside at Kinderhook, New York, where he is engaged in agricultural pursuits. WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON. Ninth President of the United States, was bom in Charles City county, Virginia, on the 9th of February, 1773, and was the third son of Benjamin Harrison, a distinguished pat- riot of the revolution, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and governor of Virginia, in 1781-3. Young Harrison was educated at Hampden Sidney College, and turned his attention to the study of medicine. The hostilities of the India|is on the northwestern border hav- ing begun to excite genera, attention, the young student 480 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. resolved to relinquish his professional pursuits, and join the army destined to the defence of the Ohio frontier. In 1791, soon after the death of his father, who died in April of the same year, he received from President Washington, when only in his nineteenth year, the commission of ensign ; in 1792, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant ; and he fought under General Wayne, who spoke of his gallant con- duct in a very flattering manner. After the desperate battle at the Miami Rapids, he was promoted to the rank of cap- tain, and was placed in the command of Fort Washington. In 1797, he resigned his commission in the army, and was immediately appointed Secretary of the Northwest Territory. In 1799, at the age of 26, he was elected a delegate from this territory to Congress, and in this office he performed very important services for his constituents. On the erec- tion of Indiana into a territorial government, he was ap- pointed its first governor, and he heM this office by reap- pointment till 1813. In addition to the duties in the civil and military government of the territory, he was commis- sioner and superintendent of Indian affairs ; and in the course of his administration, he concluded thirteen important treaties with the different tribes. On the 7th of November, 1811, he gained over the Indians the celebrated battle of Tippe- canoe, the news of which was received throughout the country with a burst of enthusiasm. During the last war with Great Britain, he was made commander of the north- western army of the United States, and he bore a conspicu- ous part in the leading events in the campaign of 1812-13, the defence of Fort Meigs, and the victory of the Thames. In 1814, he was appointed, in conjunction with his com- panions in arms. Governor Shelby and General Cass, to treat with the Indians in the Northwest, at Greenville ; and in the following year he was placed at the head of a commis- sion to treat with various other important tribes. In 1816, General Harrison was elected a member of Con- gress from Ohio; and in 1828, he was sent minister pleni- potentiary to the republic of Colombia. On his return he took up his residence at North Bend, on the Ohio, sixteen miles below Cincinnati, where he lived upon his farm, in comparative retirement, till he was called by the people of the United States to preside over the country as its chief LIVES OF THE PRESIDENTS. 487 magistrate. His election was h triumphant one ; of 294 votes for President, he received 234 ; and his progress from his residence, the log cabin, to tlie White Hous(. was marked bv tho most gratifying demonstrations of popidar affec ion and confidence. His inaugural address, thou-h not marked bv any uncommon abiUty as a literary performance, yet was of such a tone and character as to strengthen his hold upon the affections of the American people. From the time when he was first nominated for the office of President of the United States till his death, be had been rising in pub- lic esteem and confidence ; he entered upon the duties of his office with an uncommon degree of popularity, and a high expectation was cherished that his administration would be honorable to himself and advantageous to the -ountry. ,His death, which took place just a month after his inauguration, caused a deep sensation throughout the country, and was reo-arded as a most calamitous event. He was the first P?esident of the United States that has died in office, ihe members of his cabinet, in their official notification of the event say :— " The people of the United States, over- whelmed, like ourselves, by an event so unexpected and so melancholy, will derive consolation from knowing that his death was calm and resigned, as his life had been patriotic, useful, and distinguished ; and that the last utterance of his lips expressed a fervent desire for the perpetuity of the con- stitution, and the preservation of its true principles. In death, as in life, the happiness of his country was upper- most in his thoughts." JOHN TYLER, Tenth President of the United States, was born in Charles City county, Virginia, on the 21st of March, 1790. In his earfy youth he wis noted for his love of books, and at tweWe years of age he entered William and Mary College. He passed through the course at the age of s^^;^.^^^ "'/\"^.;^" that occasion delivered an address or. the subject of female 488 AMERICAN ft OWN BOOIT. education, which was pronounced by the faculty to have been the best commencement oration delivered there within their recollection. After leaving college, Mr. Tyler devoted himself to the study of law under the instruction of Edmund Randolph. At nineteen years of age he was admitted to practice law in his native county ; and a few days after he reached the age of twenty-one, he was chosen nearly unanimously a member of the house of delegates, in which he took a seat, December, 1811. The war breaking out soon after, , Mr. Tyler sup- ported the pohcy of Mr. Madison and the Democratic party, and his speeches commanded universal attention. During the session of 1815-16, while he was still a member of the house of delegates, Mr. Tyler was elected one of the execu- tive council, in which capacity he acted until November, 1816, when he was elected to fill the vacancy in the con- gressional representation of Richmond district. He had just reached the twenty-sixth year of his age, when he entered the House of Representatives. There he continued to dis- tinguish himself as an eloquent orator and consistent Dem- ocrat, until 1821, when ill health compelled him to resign his office. Soon after he entered the legislature, and dis- tinguished himself as the advocate of a system of internal improvements. In December, 1825, Mr. Tyler was elected governor of Virginia ; re-elected at the next session of the legislature, and before the expiration of his term chosen to succeed John Randolph as United States senator. . He was at this time the most popular of the Virginia statesmen. In the Senate, Mr. Tyler joined the opposition to Mr. Adams' administration ; and when General Jackson succeeded to the chief magis- tracy, he supported the policy of that energetic officer. On the 20th of February, 1836, Mr. Tyler resigned his seat in the Senate, in consequence of his opinion upon the right of instruction, and retiring to Williamsburg, commenced the practice of his profession. In the Spring of 1838, he was elected by the Whigs of James City county a member af the house of delegates, in which body he acted with the newly-formed Whig party. In 1839, the Whigs placed Mr. Tyler on the ticket with General Harrison, as their candidate for the Vif'e-presidency. This ticket was triumphant, and 30 LIVES OF THK PRESIDENT:^. 489 he assumed the DtHce to which lie had been chosen in Maicli, 1841. One month after, by the death of General Harrison, Mr. Tyler became President of the United States. His course while in office was such as to lose him the popularity which he once possessed. At the expiration of his term, he retired to his seat near Williamsburgh, where he has since continued to reside. JAMES KNOX POLK, Eleventh President of the United States, was born in Mecklenburg county, North Carohna, on the 2d of Novem- ber, 1795. The original name of his ancestors was Pollock, which, by an easy transition, assumed its present form. Connections of the family were honorably distinguished at the framing of the Mecklenburgh Declaration of Indepen- dence, and throughout the revolutionary struggle. In 1806, while James was very young, his family removed to Ten- nessee, and settled in the fertile valley of Duck river. The opportunities for instruction in this neighborhood were limited. With much exertion James acquired the elements of a good Enghsh education. In the autumn of 1815, he entered the University of North Carolina, being then in the twentieth year of his age. At the university, Mr. Polk's career was distinguished, and he graduated in 1818, with the highest honors of his class. In 1819, he commenced the study of the law in the office of Felix Grundy, so distinguished as a representative and senator in Congress. Being admitted to the bar iu 1 820, he commenced practice in the county of Maury. In 1823, he was chosen to represent his district in the State Legis- lature, where he became distinguished for ability in debate. In August, 1825, Mr. Polk, then in his thirtieth year, was chosen to represent his district in Congress. He was a decided Democrat, and an eaily and warm friend of General Jackson. He resolutel}- opposed the administration of M»*. Adams ; and, when General Jackson became Presi- 490 AMERICAN'S OWN*BOOK. dent, was one of the leading advocates of his political meas- ures. In December, 1835, Mr. Polk was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives, and again chosen to that station in 1837. After a service of fourteen years in Con- gress, Mr. Polk, in 1839, declined a re-election from the district which had so long sustained him. In August of the Lame year, he was elected governor of Tennessee. In 1841, he was a candidate for re-election to the same office, but was defeated, the Whig candidate, James C. Jones, being elected. On the 29th of May, 1844, Mr. Polk received the nomi- nation of the Democratic National Convention at Baltimore, for President of the United States. To this high office he was elected in the fall of the same year, by a majority in the electoral college of 65 votes. His administration was one of the most eventful in the annals of the republic, and the duties of the administration were consequently arduous. The war with Mexico was vigorously and triumphantly pros- ecuted ; a large extent of territory was added to the domain of the United States, and the Democratic system of meas- ures fully carried into operation. After the close of his term, Mr. Polk retired to Tennessee, with a broken constitu- tion. He died on the 15th of June, 1848, at the age of fifty-three years. ZACHARY TAYLOR, Twelfth President of the United States, was born in Orange county, Virginia, in November, 1784. His father, Colonel Richard Taylor, soon after the birth of Zachary, re- moved to Kentucky, and settled near Louisville. After receiving a limited education, Zachary, displaying a strong predilection for the exercises and accomplishments which become a soldier, obtained a lieutenancy in the Seventh Regiment of the United States Infantry. At this period (1808), every thing portended a war with Great Britain. But before it broke out in 1812, Zachary had risen to the LIVES OF THK PRESIDENTS. 491 rank of captain. His first exploit, the defence of Fort Har- rison against the Indians, indicated his firmness and ability. For this gallant defence he was promoted to the rank of major. During the remainder of the war, he had no oppor- tmiity of distinguishing himself. In 1832, Taylor was promoted to the rank of colonel. On the commencement of the Florida war, he was ordered to service in that quarter. In this " war of movements," Colonel Taylor was more successful than his predecessors. He brought the Indians to a general action in December, 1837, at Okeechobee. The Indians were defeated with con- siderable loss, and forced to maintain peace for a while. Taylor was now raised to the rank of brevet brigadier- general. When the government of the United States determined to send an army into Texas, in 1845, General Taylor was chosen to command it. His brilliant campaign during the Mexican war will be found upon the page of history. It is sufficient here to say, that it raised his reputation as a skil- ful general and daring soldier to such a height as to secure for him the admiration of his countrymen, and prepare the way for offering him the brightest testimony of their esteem — the presidential chair. In 1848, General Taylor received the nomination of the Whig National Convention, for the presidency ; was elected by a handsome majority, and was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1849. " A Whig, but not an ultra Whig ;" he chose moderate .Whigs to form his cabinet, and made modera- tion the prominent feature of his administration. After per- forming the duties of his high office for about fifteen months, to the general satisfaction of the people. President Taylor died at Washington, on the 9th of July, 1850. His last words eloquently expressed the character of his life : " I have endeavored to do my duty." 492 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. MILLARD FILLMORE, Thirteenth President of the United States, was born in Cayuga county. New York, January the '7th, 1800. His father, Nathaniel Fillmore, was a farmer, who, soon after Millard's birth, lost all his property, through some defective title. The narrow means of his ifather deprived Millard of any educational advantages beyond what were afforded by the ill-taught schools of the county. At the age of fifteen he was sent into the wilds of Livingston county, to learn the clothier trade. Four months afterwards he was placed with another person, to pursue the same business and wool- carding. Four years passed away while he was working a. this business, his leisure moments being given to reading and the improvement of his mind. At the age of nineteen, through the kindly aid of Judge Wood, Millard began the study of law. To defray his expenses he taught school three months in the year. In 1821, he removed to Buffalo; and, in 1823, was admitted to practice in the village of Aurora, in Erie county. In 1830, he returned to Buffalo, where he fixed his residence. In 1829, Mr. Fillmore was elected to represent Erie county in the Legislature, to which office he was re-elected the two following years. In that body he particularly dis- tinguished himself as the advocate of the bill abolishing im- prisonment for debt. In 1832, he was elected to Congress. In 1836, he was again elected to Congress, in which body he distinguished himself by a strenuous opposition to the measures of the Van Buren administration. Mr. Fillmore was re-elected to the next Congress, and, his party being in the majority, placed at the head of the important committee of Ways and Means. In this arduous office he proposed and supported with great ability measures which were cal- culated to revive the drooping affairs of the country. In 1844, he became the Whig candidate for governor of New York, but was defeated. In 1847, he was elected Comp- troller of that State by an unprecedented majority. In 1848, he was nominated upon the ticket with Genoral LIVFS OF Vlii: PKESl DENTS. 493 Taylor as the Whig candidate for Vice-president, and elected. By the death of the President, Mr. Fillmore succeeded to his office in July, 1850. In every station he has been dis- tinguished for force of talent, energy of will, and urbanity of deportment. His present high position he owes, in a great measure, to his own exertions, and his career is a model for the imitation of young Americans. FRANKLIN PIERCE. Franklin Pierce was born at Hillsborough, N. H., on the 2.3d of November, 1804. He was the fourth son of Benjamin Pierce, a brave soldier of th?. war of independence, a gov- ernor of New Hampshire, and till his death a leading man in the Granite State. For several years, Franklin attended school at Hancock and Traverstown. He then attended Exeter Academy, where he completed his preparatory studies, and at the age of sixteen he entered Bowdoin Col- lege. Among his classmates were Calvin E. Stowe (since Rev. Dr. Stowe), and others who have since become highly distinguished. During his first two years at college, Frank- lin was not a studious scholar, being rather given to levity and social amusement. But he was popular among the collegians. When his college course was about half finished, he was induced to teach a district school at Hebron, in Maine, for three months, it being very difficult to obtain any one to fill the situation. In 1824, Mr. Pierce took his de- gree at college, and then devoted himself to the study of law in the offices successively of Hon. Edmund Parker, at Amherst, Hon. Levi Woodbury, at Portsmouth, and in the law school of Judge Howe, at Northampton, Mass. In 1827, he was admitted to the bar, and he began the practice of the law in Hillsborough. Mr. Pierce espoused the doctrines of the Democratic party. In the second year of his practice, when only twenty- five years old, he was elected to represent the town of Hills- 494 AM.'CKICAN'S OWN BOOK. borough in the State Legislature. The three successive years he was also elected to that body; and in 1831 and '32, he was made Speaker of the House of Representatives. Mr. Pierce was, Hke his father, an active and zealous sup- porter of General Jackson during this period. In the summer of 1833, Mr. Pierce was elected from his native district to the lower house of Congress. At Wash- ington he was punctual and earnest in attending to his duties, seldom speaking, but always voting. His speeches on the revolutionary claims, the deposit question, and the West Point Academy, are remarkable for their practical cast, and the earnest desire they express for economy in the national expenditure. Mr. Pierce continued in the House until 1837, when he was elected to a seat in the United States Senate. There he was known as a working member, and a thorough- going supporter of the financial measures of President Van Buren. In 1838, Mr. Pierce removed from Hillsborough to Concord. His friends of Hillsborough tendered him a public dinner as a mark of their esteem, but the honor was decHned. In 1842, Mr. Pierce was led by the ill health of his wife to resign his seat in the Senate, and retire to Concord, where he devoted himself to his profession with such success, as to rise to the foremost rank at the bar. For three years he had but little visible connection with politics. In 1845, the governor of New Hampshire appointed him to fill the va- cancy in the United States Senate occasioned by the resigna- tion of Judge Woodbury. This honor was respectfully de- clined. About this time President Polk appointed Mr. Pierce District Attorney of New Hampshire. This office he accepted and held until 1847. In 1845, the Democracy of the State nominated him for governor, but this high ofiice he dechned. In the next year, President Polk offered him the post of Attorney- General of the United States, but this also he declined. Few men have declined to accept so many high appointments. Mr. Pierce was now to appear upon a new scene. On the breaking out of the Mexican war, he enhsted as a private in the Concord company. Soon after he was appointed Colonel of the Ninth Regiment, and then Brigadier-General. LIVES OF THE PiiESIDENTS. 495 Both these appointments he accepted, and on the 28th of June, 1847, he reached Vera Cruz, with his brigade of 2,400 men. There he was taken ill, but soon recovered, and set out at the head of his command to join General Scott. The march was exceedingly difficult. Fifteen miles from Vera Cruz, the brigade was attacked by guerrillas, but they were repulsed. At the National Bridge the guerrillas again at- ticked the brigade, and were again gallantly repulsed. After a very harassing march. Gen. Pierce joined General Scott at Puebla, on the 6th of August. In the battles in the valley of Mexico, Gen. Pierce was not permitted to par- ticipate as fully as he desired on account of sickness and accident, but he displayed couragje and activity. When it was ascertained that there would be no more fighting, Gen. Pierce returned to. the United States, resigned his commis- sion, and retired to Concord, where he was warmly wel- comed, the Legislature presenting him vrith a splendid sword as a token of esteem. Gen. Pierce now devoted himself to his profession. In November, 1850, he was elected president of the conven- tion assembled to revise the constitution of New Hampshire. In January, 1852, the Democracy of New Hampshire pre- sented Gen. Pierce as their candidate for the presidency of the United States. The General declined the honor ; but the National Convention of the Democratic party sanctioned the choice of New Hampshire, nominating Frankhn Pierce for the presidency, on the 49th ballot, with singular unanim- ity. He accepted this imexpected honor with modest dif- fidence. WiUiam R. King, of Alabama was nominated upon the same ticket as the Democratic candidate for the vice- presidency. Throughout the exciting canvass. Gen. Pierce conducted himself with dignity and modesty. At the elec- tion in November, he received a tremendous majority over his opponent. Gen. Winfield Scott. Vermont, Massachusetts, Kentucky, and Tennessee, were the only states in which the Pierce and King electoral tickets did not succeed. On the 4th of March, 1853, the President elect was inaugurated under brighter auspices than had been known for many years in the United States. In November, 1834, Gen. Pierce married Jane Means, 496 AMERICAN'S OWN BOOK. the youngest child of the Rev. Dr. Appleton, late president of Bowdoin College. They have had three children. The first died in infancy, the second at the age of five years, and the third, Benjamin Pierce, eleven years old, was killed by an accident on the railroad, a short time after the father's election to the presidency. General Pierce is therefore childless.