E Q> 75 H&7 Bonk JJGI Batch T-*w? ft West. &ee.Hift*. So=- ADDRESS OF HON. GEO. F. HOAR At iJte Organization of the Grant and Wilson. Club of Worcester, in Mechanics HaU, , August 13, 1812.— [Published by the Club.'] I cannot describe to you the sense of in- finite longing with which, as the sessiou of Congress wore away, I looked forward to a return to my home, to the practice of my profession, and the society of my children, hoping that I might leave to others the du- ties, the labors, the honors, and the prizes of this campaign. But the occasion does not permit any man who loves the Repub- lic, or is under any weight of obligation to the great party that saved and purified it, to consider any other question than how he may best serve their cause. This is the first presidential election in which every grown man in the Republic has been entitled to take a part. It is the first Bince 1660 in which every State may take a share. The process of restoration, not too iong delayed for the safety of the Republic, is at last complete. Every State is in its place, every senator's chair is full, every district enjoys its rightful representation. It is a time of general peace. The flag with its thirty-seven stars floats over every eea and is honored in every land. The most powerful and proudest monarchy of the Wesfi for the first time in her history, has apologized for a great wrong, and a tribunal now sits by the shores of the beautiful and lake of Geneva, before which we are holding her as a defendant to make atone- ment for her offence. In the East, Japan, & nation equal in population to ourselves, roused by the sound of our mighty footsteps from her barbarous sleep of ages, sits docile at our feet, learning civilization, manners, laws, religion. It is a time, also of general prosperity. In bpite of the war, in spite of the loss from the estimate of the value of the slaves, the valuation of the wealth of the nation has increased from sixteen thousand to twenty-nine thousand millions of dollars in ten years. The manufactures of the coun- try have increased in ten years from $1,- 885.Sf this our own state and countv have their full share. Not, as in slave holding times, has the leg- islation of the general government been I by hatred or jealousy toward you. but every regulation of finance, tariff, cur- rency, taxation, has been in accordance with your general views and under the di- rection of your own chosen and trusted statesmen. I believe that no great indus- try of Massachusetts, or of Worcester, has reason to complain of any recent legisla- tion. Better than the statistics of wealth are the statistics of manhood. Every sieve has become a freeman, every freeman a citizen, every citizen has become a voter. Amid all this sunshine there is but one cloud which rises like an exhalation of blood where the rebellion lately went down. In this condition of things two great par- ties and a little one present themselves. They ask you to i hoose between Grant and Greelfey; between Wilson and Gratz Brown; between the candidates of the Republicans everywhere and the candidates of the Dem- ocracy. What is best for the Republic? To which shall we give our confidence ? We do not ask merely which makes the best promises, but whichshall be trusted to keep them. Which has done most to win for us these blessings ? "»\ hich will do most to con- tinue them ? I will detain you for a few moments only while I ask you whether the promises of 1868 have not been kept? I think the promises made in the Chicago platform of 1868 have been kept by the Republican party beyond even their own expectations. The Chicago platform of 1868 consisted of fourteen resolutions, declaring a policy in regard to six great subjects : 1. Equal rights and equal suffrage; 2. Payment of the public debt : 3. Reduction of taxation; 4. Honesty and economy of administration; 5. Encouraging immigration, especially op- position to the doctrin • of European gov- ernments that once a Bubject always a sub- ject : ti. Amnesty. Now I submit to yon, fellow citizens, without fear of contradiction, that in regard to each of th< se things, not only has the Republican party accomplished more than four years ;iL r " any of us dared to hope, but it has than any other M administration ever did, or tried to do. Iu these great particulars it will stand out con- spicuous and illustrious, a mighty land- mark iu history, I repeat, not only has the Republican party more than kept its pledges on all these great heads of legislation, each one as important as any ever dealt with by any administration before, but it has ac- complished in regard to each more than auy other administration, or auj r other gov- ernment on earth, ever hoped or tried to do. First, as to equal suffrage. What gov- ernment or administration ever bestowed on mankind a jewel precious as the 'fif- teenth amendment ? the last of the three great amendments to our constitution, stand- ing out brilliant and conspicuous in our history, and which have beeu well com- pared to three blaziug stars in the belt of Orion which give glory and splendor to the skies. You will I am sure agree with me that no other government has ever bestowed on mankind a booh like that. Next, as to payment of the public debt, honesty and economy of administration, and reduction of taxation. Listen to these figures, more eloquent than any figures of :. 1 would not shine in borrowed plumes. I take them from a recent speech of 3Ir. Dawes, whose service as chairman of appropriations and ways and means has made him probably the best authority in the country on this special theme. You will, I know, give full confidence to Mr. Dawes, never a blind follower of part v. a sharp, fearless, and I think sometimes a too hasty critic even of his friends. There has been paid of the public debt. $334,000,000. S; iviugcf annual interest. $22 !.- 500,000; funded at lower rate of interest, $200,000,00*:: savin- of annual interest $28,- 000,000. Currency broughl from 37 per cent, below par to 12. Taxes ana tariff duties by which 000,000 levied have been repealed. !.\ itures less per bead than in 1860—1860, 05 per head ; 1870, $1.64 per bead. Casb balanci - against collectors 1-10 of 1 per cent. ; when « I at is collectable is paid in all but L-50th ol I per cent will nave been coll cted. Of the customs, out of $553,000,000 all 28,000, or L-55 of one per cent, have in en i treasun r has been in ..w^t n | pears; has received and paid out fifty-five thous- and millions : lost but $55,000 one ten- thousandt b of I per cent. The defalcations, according to "Mr. 1 1 well were, under Lino i 0,000, under d, $1,700,000, undi r Grant, $64,000. - >\ bat ■ ov< rnment on eartli i . a debt equal to the redui tion that has bei a made in out ? What government can show such re- duction oi tax* e in ;i \\ bat gov- ernment Buch economy ' and bonestv ; in ■ \n>; will, I am sure, agree with me no government can make such a showiusr. The claim to hold then: subjects in per- petual allegiance, so long discussed, which European sovereigns have so strenuously maintained, has at last been yielded to the peaceful diplomacy of Gen. Grant. The American citizen of German or of British birth is hereafter to be subjected to no oth- er claim than those of his adopted country. Here, too, is an achievement better than we are promised which no other government and no other administration can match. The removal of this old claim of despotism. Which even the war of 1812 did not break clown, would in any other time have been enough of itself to have given renown to an administration; but the brilliancy of this exploit is hardly noticed amid the splendors of that of Grant. So, too, in the matter of amnesty has the administration not onlv exceeded the prom- ise of the platform, but exhibited a clem- ency unparalleled in history. This is a mat- ter much misunderstood, and 1 ou°-ht to explain it briefly. Many people suppose that large numbers of the rebels are still dis- franchised. The fact is otherwise. The elective franchise has been restored toevciy I I within the government, notwith- \ standing his share in the rebellion. But the constitution makes, as it ought, certain pro- visions as to qualification for office. It provides that no person under twenty-one shall hold office, that uone under twenty- live be a representative, none under thirty a senator, and no man of foreign birth or under thirty-rive be President. State constitutions and statutes contain many like provisions for the public safety. So the fourteenth Iraent declares that persons who hail taken an oath to support the constitution and th« reafter taken part in the rebellion! shall not bold office unless their disabilities] are removed byCongress by two-thirds vote] The offence supposes the addition of perjury to treason. Even then the exclusion from office is not absolute, but the party has only tisfy Congress that be has changed his mind ! So generous has Congress been thai there is no instance of the refusal of thl prayer of any person who has asked .Many thousands have ben pardoned bi name, and, at the last session, C d a law removing the dis bilities of all but a few individuals who had held Beats in two Congresses and left them to take part in the rebellion. England has always brought her rebels to the block or the -al- lows. Von know the bloody lateoi the UIM bappj but brave communists of France.., The tories of our revolution were exiled to foreign lands and their estates confiscate J Gen. Grant gave orders to our offices abroad, if any misguided rebel, found wan- dering and destitute in foreign Iands,desirei to return, to bring him home at the pubB lie charge. Surely here, too, no administra- tion or government in history ever equalled in clemency that of Gen. Grant. Such is the record of the past three years. So serves the Republic in peace the great captain who saved her in war. I do not •claim, of course, that these things were ■clone by the President alone, any more than I claim that he took Yicksburg or Donelson or Henry, or conquered Lee alone. But as the army could not conquer without a com- petent general, no administration could be successful without a competent President. As the steadfast inflexible will, the unerring judgment, the unswerving purpose of Grant pervaded our vast armies as if they were the body of one man — so throughout the whole administration has the President been :a steady, constant, force in the right direc- tion. You will find all these great measures foreshadowed in the clear and simple mes- sages of the President. Sometimes he has been in advance of Congress and people. The ink was scarce dry on the record at the state department of the adoption of the 15th amendment by the last state, when the President sent in his message to Congress oirgiug them to go to the extent of their con- stitutional power in assisting the establish- ment of institutions of education in the states lately in rebellion. No man in Washington has taken deeper interest in the solution of the great problems which affect the welfare of labor. In the matter of re- form in the civil service, in removing the appointments as far as possible from pol- itics, he is far in advance of a majority of his own party and has no supporters elsewhere. Our distinguished fellow citizen, General Devens. quoted, some months since, in an address to his fellow soldiers, the descrip- tion of Oliver Cromwell, which Macaulay nts into tiie mouth of Milton : — "Wherefore you speak contemptibly of his parts, I kuow not ; but I suspect that you are not free from the error common to studious and speculative men. Because Oliver was an ungraceful orator, and never said, either in public or private, anything memorable, you will have it that he was of a mean capacity. Sure this is unjust. Many men have there been ignorant of rs, without wit. without eloquence, wiio yet had the wisdom to devise and the courage to perform that which they lacked »ge to explain. Some men often, in troubled times, have worked out the deliv- erance of nations and their own greatness, not by logic, not by rhetoric, hut by wari- ness in sueo* 88, by calmness in danger, by fierce ami stubborn resolution in all adver- sity. The hearts of men are their books, events are their tutors, great actious are their eloquence ; and such a one. in my judgment, was his late highness, who, if none were to treat his rnfully now who shook not at the souud of it while he lived, would, by very few, be mentioned otherwise than with reverence. His own deeds shall avouch him for a great states- man, a great soldier, a true lover of his country, a merciful and generous con- queror.'' The whole country recognizes the felicity of the comparison. Certainly no person since has more nearly fulfilled Miltons own portraiture of the great Puritan. "Our chief of men, who, through a cloud, Nor of war only, hut detractions rude. Guided by faith and matchless fortitude To peace and truth thy glorious way hast ploughed, And on the neck of crowned fortune proud Kast reared God's trophies and his work pursued." Yet much remains To conquer still : peace hath her victories, No less renowned than war. But the parallel goes no further. Crom- well usurped the supreme power and turned Parliament out of Westminster Hall by main force. Our soldier disbands his army and desists gracefully from urging his cher- ished measures when they do not meet the approbation of his fellow citizens. Against this great record of public service a^d public capacity our Democratic oppo- nents have no man in their own party to op- pose. They have, therefore, put in nomi- nation 'Air. Horace Greeley of New York. I have no desire to undervalue Mr. Gree- ley. He is entitled to the credit of having established and built up a large influential New York newspaper ; a difficult work re- quiring extraordinary business qualities. He has edited it ably, and has shown himself to be a man of generous sympathies. There are many men in America of whom we can say as much. But we are not now seeking to'bnild up a newspaper establishment, or a man to write editorials. We are looking for a man to be President of the United S; for the constitutional head of our armies in war; a man to suggest and execute great measures, and to select the men who administer the executive department of the government in peace. I believe Mr. Greeley to be unfit for this great office. He is unlit by his de< opinions. He is unfit by timidity and want of judgment as shown by his conduct in great public exigencies, lie is unlit as shown by his changing his opinions for the sake of the presidency, lie is until as easily ed in his public conduct by low personal considerations, lie is unlit for it ::- total- ly unable to form sound judgment as to character, and to discriminate between good men and bad. Mr. GreeleV is unlit by his declared opi- nions. 1 will convict him of disloyalty ti- the idea of 1 lie republic in the two great cardinal points of the right to but rebellion and the equal rights of the citizen. Mr. Greeley is disloyal to the republic be- cause he believes in the right ot '•Whenever any considerable section of Ibis Union shall really insist on getting out of it, we shall insist that they be allowed to go, and we feel assured that the North gen- erally cherishes a kindred determination. So let there be no babble about the ability of the cotton states to whip the North. If they will fight they must hunt up some other enemy, for Ave are not going to fight them. * * * If the people (not the swashy politicians) of the cotton states shall ever deliberately vote themselves out of the Union, we shall be in favor of letting them so in peace. Then who is to fight ? And what for T—N. Y. Tribune, Nov. 2, 1860. "As to secession, I have said repeatedly, and I here repeat, that if the people of the slave 6tates, or of the cotton states, really wish to get out of the Union, I am in favor of letting them out as soon as that result can be perfectly and constitutionally at- tained. * * If they will only be patient, not rush to seizing federal forts, arsenals, arms and 6ub-treasuries, but take first delib- erately a fair vote by ballot of their own citizens, not being coerced or inlimidated, and that vote shall indicate a settled resolve to get out of the Union, I will do all I can to help them out at an early day." — N. Y. Tribune, Jan, 14, 1801. "Mr. Garrett Davis, this tremendous civil war was dreaded aud deprecated by no one more than myself. I am one of the few northern men who, to avoid it, would have preferred to let the cotton states go in peace."— A. }'. Tribune, April 3, 1862. These are not the dreams of a theorist. They were uttered at a period in the history of the Republic when they had a terrible practical significance. Those little sen- tences cost hundreds of thousands of loyal lives. They turned the vote in the Georgia con- vention, where Robert Toombs read them to the majority against secession, to con- vince them that there would be no war. They came from the leading Republican pa- .• • of the North. They convinced the rebel that he would meet no resistance. They convinced the Unionist be would have no support. I have been told by many emin- ent Southerners that they opposed secession until those articles came out in the Tribune, satisfying them that they would get no sup- port in the North, but were to be left to th'-ir fate. Mr. Greeley is said by his supporters to be a man of great tenacity of purpose, main- taining his opinion against all opposition. Will you put this secessionist in the presi- dential chair ? What Union soldier with an empty sleeve, what lather who gave Ins son to liis country, will give his vote to the author ot those counsels ? Mr. Greeley is also disloyal to the idea of the Republic OD the other great cardinal ■ t equality of civil rights of the citi- zen. Mr. Sumner declares this the most im- portant issue before the people, and I think he is right. I read to you from the New York Tribune of January 17, 1872, a re- markable c xtract from a speech delivered by Mr. Greeley to the colored men at Poughkeepsie : "I hope the time will come when our ed- ucational institutions and seminaries will be open to men of all races with a freedom,, with a hospitality which has never yet been enjoyed. * I trust the time will come when no man's color will exclude him from any church or any religious organization what- ever. But though that time should come, I am not at all sure that the colored race will not, as they do now as a rule, prefer their own society, and prefer to have churches; and seminaries and colleges of their own. Nor am I clear that this would not be a. wise choice. So then, I say, with regard to our common schools, where a rural dis- trict contains but 25 or 30 families, it is sim- ply impossible, where two or three of those are colored, to have separate schools ; and in those cases, to say that black children shall not go to school with white children is to say that they shall not have any school whatever. But in communities such a& these, while if I were a black man, 1 should not ask a separate school, yet I should still say if the whites chose to have separate schools I should not object to it. I should only ask that the schools for my children should be made as good, as sufficient, as- schools provided for other men's children. Then if the majority chose that the minor- ity should be educated in separate schools, I should say, 'Gentlemen, be it as you please; I have no choice in the matter.' A gentleman or lady never discusses the ques- tion, -Was it proper to refuse me an invi- tation to my neighbor's party?' He orsheac- cepts the fact and lets the reason take can' of itself. Precisely so with regard to relig- ious fraternity or associations for mainten- ance of divine worship. I would advise the colored man never to make a distinction, and never to refuse one. If the whites- choose that the blacks shall not be members- on equal terms of general congregations, -1 should accept exclusive congregations, not as my choice, but as the choice oi the domi- nant race." This speech of Mr. Greeley was made at Poughkeepise, N. V-. May if.. 1872; after his nomination at Cincinnati, and while he was hoping and expecting the Democratic endorsement at Baltimore. The sentence I have read (Ayou is in my judgment com- pacted of treason against Republicanism, ft shows that the man, whatever truths he may at times have seen clearly, has not yet got rid of the old prejudice on which, slavery \va- based. He is speaking of the common s ibools, paid for from the common treasury, supported by a common tax ! Anything that recognizes inferiority of race there, reeognizes~it in the beginning of life. The policy of which Mr. Greeley is speaking is to teach the infant Republican at the public ■charge distinctions founded on race. What would be thought of a law which should propose to shut out Baptist, or Catholic, or Uniyersalist children from the society of the •children of their fellow-citizens in the pub- lic school ? And what would be thought of the statesman who should counsel their par- ents to submit quietly to such degradation? What constitutes a state? ''Men who know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain." Not so, says Mr. Greeley— "Leave your rights to the 'dominant race.'" The domi- nant race. No man here is so ignorant as not to know the meaning of that detestable word. It is from the same root as dominate, domineer, dominion, and the other phrases of Latin origin which express the hateful idea of mastership of man over man. There •can be no dominant race without a servile race, over whom it is dominant. There may be Democrats in this audience who are "willing to vote for the author of that sen- tence." But what old anti-slavery man, what free-soiler, what Republican ? Mr. Greeley is unfit for this great office, •as shown, by rashness, timidity and want of judgment in great public exigencies. Time will allow me to advert to but two proofs of this charge, but two so conspicuous that they ought alone to deprive hi in of all fu- ture claim to the confidence of his country- men. In July, 1861, with the same pre- sumption which now seeks to instruct our farmers in agriculture, he undertook to teach General Scott the art of war. Keep- ing at the head of his paper the motto "On to Richmond," taunting the military au- thorities with imbecility, imputing to Gen- eral Scott that in' was not earnest in a de- sire to put clown rebellion, he excited a public sentiment which made the forward movement a necessity. It is to his credit that he afterward confessed his terrible mistake. Here, again, thousands of loyal lives paid for his folly and presumption. Again, in the autumn of 1864, when the rebellion was driven to the wall, he under- took to put new hope into its despondent •chiefs by undertaking to substitute nego tiation for arms, expressing his willingness to pay the old slave owners for their slaves at the public charge. What disgrace and ignominy to the country had this counsel prevailed? Whether he has changed his mind in this particular I do not know. He is unfit for this great office, as shown by his changing his opinion for the sake of the Presidency. He now pretends to be in favor of the one term principle, a- a means •of defeating his competitor. But "m June, 1871, in a public speech, he recommended the re-nomination of Gen. Grant, and avowed he would be better qualified for a second terra than a first. " Gen. Grant has never been defeated, and he never will be. " While asserting the right of every Re- publican to his untrammeled choice of a candidate for next President until a nomina- tion is made, I venture to suggest that Gen. Grant will be far better qualified for that momentous trust in 1872 than he was in 1868."— Horace Greeley, speech on kth Janu- ary, 1871. He repeated the same doctrine as latelv a man should die for the people, and that the wlwk nation perish This threat is made against Grant, not on account of the matter which Sumner charges, but these which he claims Mr. Greeley will do as well. Now e we as! I to take for this high office of the vice presidency, without e for whom you cannot vote for Mr. Greeley? lie is a cousin and intimate associate of Frank Blair, one of that famous Blair fam- ily whose characteristics you well know. He is a duelist — the hero of a noted duel be- fore the war. But also the evidence comes to us from bis own friends, in a shape that w( can . that he is a drunkard. ' loil 1 should make this charge lightly, or make it at all on my own respon- . . 1 read from the Springfield /.' 'iean of the 2d off-1 il month : "The mention, of his name calls up the fresh and therefore still vivid recollection of certain rec -m. discreditable performances at Cincinnati and New Haven; but it calls up little or nothing else. * * Brown is .t Kentucky gentleman. I te has deplorable weaknesses; witness Cincinnati and New Haven. lie is inlen el IBCiOUS, and he is liable to get drunk. So are a many other Kentucky gentlemen. * * With regard to the question of habit, per- haps we have said enough already. There isev< rj excuse to ben] man. He has been brought up in a Bociety whereto be abstinent is to be eccenl ric. He is ol a nigh-strung, nervous organization; like Lieutenant < Sassio, be ba ■> ioi and unhap- py brains for drinking. He knows his weakness and struggles with it maufully; bis intemperance is not an habitual, every- day affair like that of certain pillai s ol state whom wc might mention, but excep* tional and comparatively infrequent. Dur- ing his term of service in the Senate we believe he did not once, give occasion for a breath of scandal. But there is no excuse to be made for the candidate. If the cur- rent stories are true, he has been wanting to himself, to his frieuds, to the cause which lies so near his heart, to the high trust re- posed in him b\ r two great conventions of his countrymen. We have said, and we repeat, that he ought to go off the ticket, and retire from the canvass. It is the least and the only reparation that he can now make." Mr. Sumner, in his noble judgment on the impeachment of Andrew Johnson, said: "The speeches are a revelation of himself, not materially different from well known incidents ; but they serve to exhibit him in his true character. They were the utter- ances of a drunken man and yet it does not appear that he was drunk. The drunken- ness of Andrew Johnson, when he took the oath as Vice President, was not 'official.' but who will say it was not an impeachable offence ?" And yet, the leading newspaper which supports the Greeley ticket expresses the belief that Mr. Drown has, while a can- didate for your suffrages, committed this offence, which, if committed after his in- duction into office would, according to Mr. Sumner, be impeachable. Here then is your candidate for the vice presidency, whom you are asked to unite in supporting with Mr. Donan, who would recommend'. 1 sassination of President Grant. A m of the Blair family, chiefly known to the country by his organization of the bolt in Missouri, whose "real object," Mr. Greeley declared, "was to hand over the state to the sham Democracy," and whose fruit was the election of Frank Blair to the Senate, whom Mr. ( ; ribes as" "a viol tile an I able adventurer;" a duelist, and ad- mitted by the Springfield .. . to te guilty of what Mr. Sumner says is an im- peachable offence, [f committed while hold- ing the office to which he aspire.-- : The nun who could vote for GratZ Brown, under the circumstances, could vote a second time for Andrew Johnson. Put in your vote for Gratz Brown, if you will; but, when you have done it, turn round to your children and tell them that tie ir fa- ther deems a duelist, and a drunkard a suitable person to be President of the Uni- ted States, in case the office become vacant. But this is far from being all; perhaps not even the worst of Gratz lb-own. 1 read from a description of Ilia couduct at the convention which nominated him, from the same leading supporter. " .Meantime Gov. Brown and his relative. Prank Blair, arrived, burning with personal disappointment, with mortified vanity, and plans of revenge upon men who, they sup- posed, had betrayed them. The result had its chief tinal impulse iu the abandonment of Gov. Brown of his allies of the central west, and his carrying over to Mr. Greeley the unnatural vo'es he had gathered for himself. Mr. Blair was upon the platform •during the final proceedings, and mad.' no concealment of his share in his transaction. Gov. Brown's conduct was natural enough to a man of over-weening vanity and pas- sionate nature. He felt that he had been betrayed. But he was not betrayed. He never had a chance for this nomination for the presidency, from the day the movement assumed national proportions. That he al- lowed himself to so misapprehend the truth, and misapprehending it, to take such re- venue, not only upon his personal friends and faithful servants: but upon his allies in the early history or this reform movement, and himself be the direct instrument of nom- inating a protection president by a con- vention which he himself called, upon a revenue reform platform, all constitues a ■case of personal weakness and cruel injus- tice as well as political infidelity." This is a description by Mr. Bowles of his own candidate for the vice presidency. In this tempest of hatred and revenge the nomination was born which means reconcil- iation. The bolt which Mr. Brown organized in Missouri, Mr. Greeley himself declared, in his paper of Xov. 30,1870. "was predeter- mined," its "a pretext,— a sham." and "its real object to hand over the state to the sham Democracy." In the convention at uati, Mr. Brown has but repeated Liiuael f. ■ rast with this record the life and services of Henry Wilson. We all know him through and through. "What .a life of labor! "What a life of ser- vice.' What a life of honor: From a humble day laborer at the shoemaker's beneii. he has become one of the leaders of the Senate. Passionately fond of knowl- edge, he has become, self-taught, perhaps the best informed man in the country in her political history. A passionate lover of liberty, he ranged himself early on the unpopular side, and, by his labor and organ- izing power, has done more than anyone man in the country to build up the great fparty that abolished slavery. Never rest- ing! never thinking anything done while aught remained to do in the service of free- dom, he has crowded into one life the la- if ten. Hardly' a populous locality in orth,that is not familiar witli his voice. mgressional labors have been equally great. Gen. Scott declared that, in the one short session of 1861, as chairman of the. committee on military affairs, he did than had been accomplished by all previous chairmen for twenty years. ■"After the first Bull Run battle he returned to Massachusetts, and by his personal labors raised two thousand three hundred men. Among the numerous bills introduced by Henry Wilson was one to raise five hundred thousand men for three years to enforce the laws, one to increase the pay of private sol- diers, one to facilitate the discharge of disa- bled soldiers, one to improve the organiza- tion of the cavalry forces, one, a second bill, to increase the pay of soldiers. This bill caused an increase of five dollars per month. One to incorporate a national mili- tary and naval asylum for disabled officers and soldiers: one to accept, organize and arm colored men for military purposes, and to make free the mothers, wives and chil- dren of all colored soldiers, one providing that all colored persons should, on being mustered into the United State9 service, be- come free, one to incorporate a national freecinfau's bank. He introduced the bill which abolished slavery in the district of Columbia, and which became a law April 16, 1862, thereby making 3000 slaves free forever and slavery forever impossible in the national capital. The bill to make col- ored persons a part of the militia, and to authorize the President to receive them into the military and naval service, and to make free the mothers, wives and children of all such persons, was introduced by Henry AVilson. and passed July 17, 1802." lie ad- vocated the emancipation ot the slaves of the south as far back as 1835. He intro- duced a provision, which became a law on the 21st of March, 1852, providing that per- sons of color in the district of Columbia should be subject to the same laws to which white, persons were subject; that they should be tried for offences against the laws in the same manner in which white persons are tried, and if convicted to be liable to the same penalty, and no other, to which white persons would be liable for the same offence. This act nullified the brutalizing, degrading and inhuman black code of the district, lie introduced innumerable bills securing to the soldiers their bounties, pensions, back pay and all other rights which they so dearly earned. In addition to his vast labors in Congress he traveled through the states ami delivered more than one hundred speeches in support of the war and in vindication of the anti-slavery policy of the government. "For thirty-two years he lias toiled in pub- lic life for the right, the culture and eleva- tion of all men, without distinction of race or color. When the amendment to the en- rolment act was pending in the house, it was so amended as to make colored men, whether tree or slave, a part of the national . and their masters were to receive a bounty when they should give freedom to slaves who might* In' drafted into the ser- imittee of conference Mr. Wilson moved that the slave- drafted into the service should be made free by the au- 10 thority of the government the moment they entered it. His motion was agreed to, it became the law of the land, and Gen. Palmer reported that in Kentucky alone more than twenty thousand slaves were made free by it. "Mr. Wilson introduced a bill which be- came a law, making the wives and children ot colored soldiers free, and Gen. Palmer, then commanding the United States forces in .Kentucky, in an official report, made six months after the passage of that act, esti- mated that 75,000 women and children were made free by it. Tens of thousands of the wives and children of such soldiers in the states of Delaware, Maryland, West Vir- ginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Missouri were thus made free under Mr. Wilson's measures. Mr. Wilson introduced into the appropriation bill of 1864 a section provid- ing that who had been or who might be mustered into the military service sboidd receive the same uniform, clothing, arms, equipments, rations, medical attendance and pay as white soldiers. He reported from the committee of conference, to which had been referred the bill in relation to the freedmen's bureau, an entirely new bill, to establish in the war department a bureau for the relief of freedmen and refugee?, which became a law, under which that benificent instrumentality, the freedman's bureau, was organized. On Mr. Wilson's motion, the provision was adopted that the land sold for taxes in South Carolina should be divided into lots of forty acres each and sold at low rates, under which act many freedmen obtained homesteads. Mr. Wil- son introduced the bill abolishing peonage in New Mexico, the provision striking the word white from the militia law, and also the measure that in the reconstructed states. Mr. Wilson introduced in 1863 a bill, which became a law, incorporating an institution for the education of colored youth in the District of Columbia, the act incorporating the Howard University, and also the act to incorporate the Freedman's savings bank. Mr. Wilson also introduced many other measures in relation to slavery, and the rights of persons of color, either as inde- pendent measures, or as amendments to measures introduced by others." This list of his labors has been taken from the records by another hand. Add to all this that, though pour, amid vast opportunities, his hands have been free from the suspicion of a slain. Social and genial, travelling day and night, living for sixteen years in the temptations of Wash- ington, his simple and temperate life is one which you may well hold up for your child- ren's imitation. Such are the questions and such the can- didate-. Bui it is not the merits oi the can- 06 that is to determine your You cannot, if you would, sepa- rate the candidate from his supporters. From the ranks of those who support hire* will the President select his cabinet and subordinates. Nearly one-third of the Sen- ate is to be elected within six months. Hie- triumph wull bring into the Senate, from every State where he is successful, men selected from the same ranks. The same ranks will close together in the choice of the entire House of Representatives. So* clearly is this understood by your oppo- nents, that Mr. Sumner's letter, nominally- addressed to a few colored men in Washing- ton, where they have no vote for President, was in fact so timed as to secure, if possible, the election of Zeb Vance to the Senate, — art uncompromising and unrepentant rebel,, who desired to "fill hell so full of Yankees that their feet would stick out of the win- dows;" and of eight Democratic representa- tives, one of them the brother of Vance, over the candidates of the colored men and! the loyal Rebublicans. Mr. Greeley, recon- sidering his purpose, wrote a letter of ac- ceptance in which he complained ot Gov. Vance's exclusion from the Senate, v> hen previously elected. Now, who are the men who make up the- party of Mr. Greeley, and whom his election would bring into power? I cannot better describe them than in the language of 3Ir. Sumner describing the party ot'Audrew.Tohn- sou: "Original partisans of slavery. North and South, habitual compromisers of great principles; maligners of the Declaration of Independence; politicians without heart; and a promiscuous company who at every sta-t of the battle have set their faces against equal rights — these are his allies. It is the troop of slavery with a few recruits." 1 do not forget that in all this 1 am com- pelled to differ with one with whom for my whole political life hitherto it has been my pleasure to agree on all questionsof nation;'.) policy. I would not speak of him otherwise than with honor. The habits <^f a lifetime are too strong. I cannot name in publii the name of Charles Sumner and word- oi eulogy not spring, unbidden, to the He has been a brave, persistent, hones VOCate of liberty, lie has stood on a lofty height. He never has appealed to motive in the people, and has never, I am sure, been consciously guided by one him- self. Hut we cannot give up our judgment ever, to his. [f there is any one lesson to b< learned from this lite it is tin' les.-on dependence. Woe to that people who in grave public emergencies trust to an\ menl but their own. The people of VVorc< s- ter have delighted to act with Mr. Sumner since he made his first speech in 1848. Bu1 they have followed their own convictions, not 3 ielded even to his authority. Sot you have been engaged in the warfare tor human liberty longer even than Mr. ner. You would have done the same thing even if he had never lived. You WOUKB have done the Bame thing if he had been cil 11 the other side. Mr. Sumner, in my judgment, in his re- cent speech and letters has done a great wrong to the President, has done a great wrong to you, and a greater wrong than all to himself He is bitterly estranged from the President. But we need not utterly condemn him, even if we rind him guilty of great injustice. Many notable instances have occurred in history of public men, alienated wholly from each other, while the world loves and" honors both. One instance is found in the career of an English .states- man, to whom Mr. Sumner bears no incon- siderable resemblance. I mean Edmund Burke. Mr. Sumner has the same fearless courage, the same vast scholarship, the same lofty eloquence, the same unconquerable and generous love of liberty. Yet Burke quarreled foolishly and bitterly Avith Fox. The generous Fox, with the tears streaming down his cheeks, begged that there might be no loss of friendship. Burke rejected his advances, and, at another time, is said by one biographer, to have spoken in a ••scream of passion." Burke cruelly wronged his friend, while in their dissensions free- dom suffered. An instance even better known to } r ou is that of our own Hamilton and Adams. Their dissensions went so far as to destroy the supremacy of the federal party. It was only by one vote after a struggle of months, which threateped to rend the union itself in sunder, that the country escaped the danger of electing to the Presidency the traitor Aaron Burr, as the result of Hamilton's con- duct. The people love Hamilton, and' love and honor brave and honest old John Adams. Which was right in the original quarrel no- body now cares but their descendants. If Mr. Sumner shall succeed, less fortunate than Hamilton, lie will bring iuto power a whole congress of Aaron Burrs. lam not reluctant to submit to any can- did man the question, Do you rind in Mr. Sumner's speech the state of mind anxious to do justice to a great public servant, to the trusted candidate of the people of Mas- sachusetts, to which he owes his own hon- ors, nay, even strongest obligation of all to a generous mind — to the man whom he ac- counted his enemy? Fortunately there are some of Mr. Sumner's charges of which the American people have a means of knowl- edge better than his own. He charges (leu. Grant with being an egotist and a quarrel- er. As to t hi.- Gen. Grant passed an or- deal in the eye.-, of the American people on a lofty scene to which even the Senate chamber is obscure. Gen. Grant au egotist and a quarreller ? Do not the American people know better ? bave heard Mr. Greeley's testimony. There is no ordeal of the temper like the 1 of military life. Every officer knows how hard it is to repress this; constant temp- tation. Yet Grant, of all our Generals, al- ways gives credit to others. If you are in his company, he will tell you of the deeds of Sheridan, of Sherman, of Meade, of Mc- Pherspn, but never of his own. I commend to Mr. Sumner the language of Lord Digby in his famous speech to tho English peers. "Let every man wipe his heart as he does- his eyes, when he would judge of a nice and subtle object. The eye, if it be pie- tinctured with any color is vitiated in its discerning. Beware of a bloodBhotten eye in judgment. Let every man purge his- heart clean of all passions. I know the great and wise body politic can have none, but I speak to individuals from the weak- ness I find in myself." — Lord. Digby 1 * £ for Strafford. Ought not Mr. Sumner to ask himself if he may not possibly be wrong ! Whether something has not distorted his vision and disturbed his judgment so that he cannot Bee things in their true relations? He de- clared iu the Senate that Mr. Stanton told him when on his deathbed that Gen. Grant was unfit for the presidency, and that in the last presidential canvass, while supporting the Republican party, he had never named the name of General Grant. Yet nothing is more certain as appears from the speeches themselves, than that Mr. Stanton many times praised Grant by name aud at length, eulogizing in the highest terms both his civil and military capacity. Stanton never told Mr. Sumner what he says he did, though, of course, Mr. Sumner believes it. Can he not himself see that some strong passion is unconsciously clouding his memory ? He charges the president with neglecting Mr. Douglass. Mr. Douglass himself de- nies the charge, and explains the circum- stance. Was not his eye here al.se> "pretmc- tured with some color and vitiated in its dis- cerning ?" He charges the president with being an "egotist aud aquareller." The whole coun- try knows the contrary. Here, too, will he not "beware of a bloodshotten eye in' judgment?" He alludes to, Grant's letter to the colored people of Washington at their meeting in favor of the civil rights bill, and calls it juggling and evasive. He quotes only the last sentence, and leaves out what precedes it, when' the president expressly States his regret that he "shall not he able to participate with you in person in your efforts to further the cause in which you are laboring." The cause in which they were laboring being the passage of the civil rights bill. 1 read you the whole letter : Executive Mansion, » Washington, D. C, May 9, 1872. J Gentlemen: 1 am in receipt of your invitation extended to me to attend a mass meeting to be held tor the purpose of aiding in securing civil 12 rights for the colored citizens of our ■country. I regret that a previous engage- ment will detain me at the Executive Man- sion this evening, and that I shall not be able to participate with you iu person in your efforts to further the cause in which you are laboring. I beg to assure you, how- ever, that I sympathize most cordially iu any effort to secure for all our people, of whatever race, nativity, or color, the ex- ercise of those rights to which every citizen should be entitled. I am, very respectfully, U. S. Grant. Does not the heart which finds in that let- ter jusrgle or evasion need "to purge itself ■clear of all passions?" Mr. Sumner greatly wrongs the President when he says "he never, but as a soldier, did anything against slavery, and never, at any time showed any sympathy with the colored race." Mr. Sumner is mistaken, as the people of the country know. President Grant's timely message, when Congress was in dissension, ensured the passage of the ku- klux bill, and saved thousands of humble homes from outrage and wrong at the hands of Mr. Sumner's present allies. The Presi- dent's message in behalf of education will do more practical good for the colored race than could ever be done by a wilderness of Horace Greeleys. Mr. Sumner also does a great wrong to you. He does you an infinite injustice when he Bays the convention at Philadelphia was "composed of delegates chosen largely un- der the influence of office holders, who as- sembled to sustain what is known as Grant- ism." Mr. Sumner had no right to say that. In saying it he is hurried by hi.- passion into an insult to Massachusetts and to you. Among the 3,500,000 Republican voters there was substantial unanimity. No other candidate was named but Mr. Colfax, who withdrew early in the canvass and wrote a letter declaring that the public will was un- mistakably for Grant; Did you act under tlie control of postmasters? What a respon- sibility for < ten. Pickett! .Mr. Sumner wrongs US all when lie charges those who differ with him with ha- tred to the South. Not an act, not a word of hatred has come from the victors in the recent struggle. All that the vanquished even complain id bas been done with .Mr. Sumner's lull approbation. The only ex- pressions of hale come from those with whom he is now acting. .Mr. Sumner also wrongs the people when lie says "the speeches praising Graul are by office holders and members of rings." 'i ou know better than Mi'. Sunnier from whose hearts come the praises which have followed tin' Ben icee of < ten. < Jrant He also wrongs the people when he de- clares that "if any valued friend separate from me now, it he place- a man above principles." The national Republican convention, when all Mr. Sumner's indict- ment was before the country, unanimously renominated the President. In that act the Republicans of Massachusetts took their full share. Mr. Sumner, therefore, means to impute to them that they place "a man above principles," or else to say to them that he does not value their friendship. Mr. Sumner also does infinite injustice to himself. In a moment of headstrong pas- sion with a few prominent Republicans from other states, every one of whom so far as I know them, has suffered some personal disappointment as to office or power, he dis- regards the judgment of Massachusetts and the will of her people. In whose friend- ship does he find an equivalent ? Not cer- tainly in Mr. Penton's, not certainly in Mr. Trumbull's, of whom he declared within two years in the Senate — "How r often have we been obliged to encounter his influence as we were seeking to lay the foundations of peace and reconciliation in this Republic ? How often has he shown his tenderness for the remains of the rebellion and refused to join us in trampling it out ? He has been the persisting enemy of the suffrage of the colored race," comparing him, in his record, to a sick man turning himself on an uneasy bed. Will he find it iu Mr. Schurz, who has voted steadily agaiust the civil rights bill, and every attempt to protect the col- ored man, in the Senate? Will he find it in Mr. Tipton, of whom we may perhaps say, as was said of Addington : — "Andb'it little though he meant, He nieiint that little well." [see that Mr. Davis says that "Achilles will not sulk in his tent." Alas for our Achilles ; he has drawn his sword and turned his blow at the leader of his own cause in the very midst of the battle, though wisdom herself pluck him by the locks and bid him forbear. Mr. Sumner says the President should never be re-elected, but the constitution is otherwise. The American people, in full- est consideration, have adopted a different policy. Mr. Sumner's argument seems to meto be based upon an assumption not creditable either to the virtue or the intelli- gence oi the country. His argument is that if the President desires are-election he will use unworthy means, such as the appoint- ment of bad men to office, to compass his end. But, surely, he does not claim that the road to a re-election is unworthy con- duct. Surely, the Republic, whose idea is confidence in the people, assumes that the President, ambitious of re-election, will gain his object best bv the highest and purest public' service. What has been our experi- ence? lias r single Presidenl held the office a second term whose re-election the Ameri- can people now regrel .- Mr. Simmer's the* ory would deprive us in times of great peril 13 and distress of the services of tried men, and compel us to rely on men new in the Presidential office. It would have deprived us of the second term of Washington and of the second term of Lincoln ; of the second term of Lincoln for whose re-election Mr. Sumner himself was a strenuous advocate. The one Presidential term theory comes to this : Mr. Greeley is opposed to the re- election of the President when he wants the office himself, and Mr. Sumner would have the constitution forbid the re-election of such a President as he does not like. 3Ir. Sumner says this means reconciliation. Does it mean reconciliation ? Do the rebels of the South take Mr. Greeley and the Cin- cinnati platform because they desire recon- ciliation for because, having exhausted every form of resistance, they are satisfied that they could not get a rebel and a Demo- crat ? Does anybody doubt that if the elections in New Hampshire, in Oregon, in Connecticut, had given reasonable promise of a Democratic victory, the overtures of Mr. Greeley, and the alliance of Mr. Sum- ner would have been spurned with con- tempt ? They seek to substitute Greeley for Grant today just as they would have been glad to substitute McClellan for Grant at the head of our armies during the "war. Undoubtedly they like Greeley's principles better than Grant's. They like the general- ship of Bull Pain better than the generalship of Yicksburg. They like his principle that States have a right to secede. They like his talk about a dominant race. They will accept reconciliation with him just so far as he will consent to be their tool iu revenging themselves on the men who subdued their rebellion and the men who deprived them of their slaves. One or two simple facts ought to settle the question in any candid mind. AYhen the civil rights bill was offered in the house, the Democrats used up the morning hour in filibustering during every Monday of the .session, thereby preventing a vote. "When the bill to aid education passed the house, distributing the proceeds of the pub- lic lands according tc illiteracy for the com- mon schools, every Democrat from the South but two voted to reject the boon. Several times during the session did the Democratic party vote against a declaration that the three great amendments were bind- ing; although just before adjournment some of them voted to accept them, they all voted against the legislation for their enforcement. Wherever the Democracy get power in the South, there the common school system goes down. To whom are these men reconciled? Not to General Grant. They hide him because he saved the Republic. ' They hate him be- cause he put down the Ku-Klux, although in both he but did his dutv to his country, and executed the will of the people. Their speeches and their presses are filled with ex presuons of hatred to us. Not to the color- ed men of the South, not to the loyal emi- grant from the North. For them they have the Ku-Klux Klan. Not even to Mr. Sum- ner. The Richmond E/ujuirerhas declared, since Mr. Sumner's letter, that the people of the South despise Charles Sumner as they despise Cuffee. They may be reconciled to Horace Greeley, the man who believed in the right of secession under the constitution, the man who was for paying for the slaves, the man who bailed Jeff Davis.the man who is for leaving the civil rights of the colored man to be determined by the dominant race. We offered them reconciliation iu 1860. They had only to submit quietly to an elect- ion under the constitution, by a majority of the American people. We offered them re- conciliation in 1868. They had only to let men live in peace in their dwellings. They now impose, as a condition of -reconcilia- tion, that we shall let them select our can- didate for the presidency. Will you tell me why any person who really favors reconciliation at the South should not vote for Gen. Grant ? One other consideration strikes me pretty forcibby. If the rebels of the South are re- conciled to the colored men : if the feelings which prompted them to buy ami sell and scourge the colored men have passed away and given place to love and kindness, why have not the colored men of the South, who live and work by their side, found it out ? How happeus that they hear of it first from Mr. Sumner, and don't believe it at that ? Mr. Sumner commends to you reconcilia- tion. Let him show a little willingness to be reconciled to President Grant. He can overlook the four years of bloody war, the death of half a million of his countrymen, the attempt on the life of the Republic, the holding millions of his countrymen iu slav- ery on the part of men who still justify and boast of thtur exploits, but he cannot forgive the maintaining Baez against hostil- ities from Hayti during a negotiation and the abandoned attempt to annex St. Domin- go. He can write a letter to aid the election of Zebulon Vance to the United States Sen- ate, who wanted to rill hell so full of Yan- kees that their feet would stick out ol the window and who never has repented of the utterance, but he cannot forgive President Grant for detailing a couple id buys from the army to aid him as Clerks at the White House. He can forgive the attempt to de- stroy the Union, the benignant mother of us all, but he cannot forgive the man who saved it. if he has put a tew of his kinsmen into office. And this is reconciliation. This nomination was not made b>r recon- ciliation by either convention. Two parties went to Cincinnati. One, honest and zeal- p "urer government 14 than earth affords. These returned baffled and disgusted to renew their support ot Gen. Grant. The others, represented by the Blairs and Gratz Brown of Missouri, by Fenton of New York, by McClure of Penn- sylvania, led and managed the meeting. They chose their candidate, not for reform, not for reconciliation, but as a man who •could be the tool of managing politicians. It is not so taken by the Democrats. They take it as a pill or an emetic. Gratz Brown, in his letter of acceptance, declares that neither party has changed its principles. Beck of Kentucky, a leading member of the house, declares, if he is correctly re- ported, that they take Greeley only as a means of overthrowing Grant. The Rich- mond Enquirer, a leading Democratic paper of the South, gives Mr. Sumner's letter, rejects his claim of reconciliation with con- tempt, and says that "the South despise Charles Sumner as they despise Cuffee." I read you from the speech of Representa- tive Golladay of Tennessee, when he says that Greeley will do what Seuter did in Tennessee. Remember that Senter's elec- tion in Tennessee deprived 150,000 children of public schools. '•Congressman E. J. Golladay of Tennes- see supports Greeley for the presidency, and has been telling his constituents why. We quote a few sentences from his speech. He told bis hearers that Greeley would do for Hie Democratic party what 'Gratz Brown did in Missouri, Senter in Tennessee, and Walker in Virginia. In accepting Greeley. the Democracy had not abandoned their principles, and, in adopting their platform, they had not ignored their record in the past. They recognized the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth constitutional amendments as an existing fact, in the same sense that we recognize that Cain killed Abel, and that Judas betrayed Christ. The Democracy did not believe they were just. or constitutionally accepted, lie said Gree- ley best suited the South of any man in the nation. He had done more, and was wil- ling to do more, for her than any other man could. Greeley, at the outset of the war, was in favor Ot lettiug the 'wayward sisters depart in peace,' ami afterward went, sin- gle-handed and alone, to meet our commis- sioners in Canada to treat toi- peace. Not a Democrat in the North dared go with linn, or manifested any desire to go. lie was then in favor of paying the South for her Blaves, and I believe lie is Still. lb: went on Jeff. Davis's bond, while not a Northern 1 >emocrat s uch as lilted a finger lor hi.- release. He immediately ad- vocated universal amnesty, and opposed the execution of any Southern man lor treason. He had denqunced in bitterest terms the carpet baggers, and called ihcm the plun- derers of the South, lie i> one oi he .Mr. Sumner complained of the Senate that they violated parliamentary courtesy in not giving an investigation which ne moved to a committee of his friends, saying that they put out the child to a nurse who cared not for it. But he is now for putting out the new born babe of liberty to a nurse who would strangle it. The key-note of this whole movement is the renewal of the old, exploded doctrine of State rights. The words may vary but the tune is always the same. Sometimes the song is "no centralization," which means that the nation shall not protect loyal lives when the States fail. Sometimes it is ' 'down with carpet-baggers," which means that the constitutional rights of citizens to dwell where they choose in the whole coun- try shall not be respected. Two hands stretch out to you. One is the hand of the southern loyalist, a true, honest hand, never raised in hatred, even against his bitterest foe. The other, stained with blood, stretches over a chas.n filled with the blood itself has shed. While the hand stretches over the chasm the voice utters nothing but threats aud curses. I am afraid the man who stretches bis hand over the chasm may possibly drag us into it. Mr. Sumner compares the Republican party to a life-boat, which swims upon every wave. The lite-boat, indeed, may be saved. The crew itself may not perish. I for one would not like to put to sea in a storm even in a life boat with Horace Greeley, as Ids friends describe him, for captain, aud Brown for second officer, to succeed to the helm. I think even a life-boat in some peril when a pirate ship is seeking to run her down. A pirate is never more da OUS than when she hoists false colors. But suppose the boat and the crew survive. what becomes of the lives which the has put forth to save'.-' While the men on board are quarreling, their sinking bri perish. Fellow citizens, how can von hesitate'.- is l hen- anything in the Republican record which any Republican would blot out? Is there anything in the Democratic which any honest Democrat would not wish to blot out ? How can you hesitate between the two candidates'.-' Greeley would have let the South go; Grant would have conquered them, (irecley encouraged the rebellion ; Grant destroyed it. Greeley would have paid the slave owners from the national treasury; Grant would educate the freed- • ucn. ( irecley. more than any one man in the country, is responsible tor Hull Kun : Grant tor Donelson, Henry, Vlcksburg, A.p- pomatox. Greeley would leave the colored man half a slave, dissuade him from assert- ing his own constitutional right, and rec >.:- nize a dominant race, as -till existing under the constitution ; Grant would enforce f< r bim those civil rights which every citizen ought to have, (irecley would denounce •centralism and return to the old mischiev- ous doctrine of state rights ; Grant would protect human rights by the strongest exer- tion of the national power. Greeley's friends are every rebel, every opponent of the war, every Tammany Democrat, every snau who is soured and dissatisfied; Grant's, the entire army of freedom, who have won her victories, by sea and laud, in war and in peace. It is a great thing to change the adminis- tration of the government. New issues, new questions, and new dangers, constantly, must arise. To which party will you trust the Republic? I have not spoken of your •business interests. What in your judgment, will become of them in the hands of the Democrats, with nothing but Horace Gree- ley for a restraint? Nothing but financial disaster can be the result. You must expect legislation hostile to all your interests; cap- ital must live under different laws: work- men must seek new occupations; our grow- ing cities and towns must lose their stim- ulus. Hatreds will survive and discords again spring up, with the revived power tor mischief of those who have hitherto caused them. On the other hand, under the same wise and safe legislation, you may hope for Ja more rapid growth, an ample return for capital, better reward for labor, a more as- sured quiet, a larger prosperity; and, under their beneficial influence, what is best and happiest yet, "a nobler liberty, a better friendship, a purer justice, a more lasting- brotherhood. " ANECDOTE OF GRAM. From tlie Worcester Evening Uazetfe, Aug. lGtli.] Mr. Hoar told an anecdote of Grant in his speech, the other night, which does not ap- pear in the published report, printed from (his manuscript. He remarked in introdu- cing it that he felt some hesitation for obvi- ous reasons in repeating the story, but there ■would perhaps be no impropriety in relating to his friends and neighbors what had ap- peared to him a remarkable illustration of the modesty and generosity of Grant's char- acter. The anecdote is so fresh and inter- esting, that we take the liberty of reprodu- cing it in our columns; we can see no reason why it should be left buried till some anti- quarian, fifty years hence it maybe, digs it •out from the musty correspondence of somebody who happened to be present with Mr. Hoar on the occasion. Mr. Hoar related the story substantially ■Hows : — "I had the honor a short time since of a at the house of a friend, then and row- a member of the Cabinet, in company with the President. There were aboul twenty guests, but they constituted peihaps the most distinguished assemblage it ever has been or ever will be my fortune to sec. Several members of the Cabinet, several of the most distinguished members of the Sen- ate, the Chief Justice of the United States. Generals Sherman and Sheridan, some offi- cers of high rank in the Navy, two or three eminent men of science, and perhaps the most famous poet of the country, Mr. James Russell Lowell, were of the company. Commodore Alden remarked, half in jest, to a gentleman who sat near .him tnat there was nothing he dis- liked more than a subordinate who always obeyed orders. 'What is that you arc saying, Commodore ?' said Presi- dent Grant, across the table. The Commo- dore repeated what he had said. 'There is a good deal of truth in what you say," said General Grant. 'One of the virtues of Gen- eral Sheridan was that he knew when to act without orders. Just before the sur- render of Lee, General Sheridan capture.! some despatches from which he learned that Lee had ordered his supplies to a cer- tain place. I was on the other side of the river, where he could nol gel communica- tion from me till the next morniug. Gen- eral Sherman pushed on at once without orders, got to the place fifteen minutes before the rebels and captured the sup- plies. After the surrender was concluded. the first thing General Lee asked me for was rations for his men. I issued to them the same provisions which Sheridan had captured. Now if Sheridan, as most men would have done, had waited for orders from me, Lee would have got off.' 1 listened with wonder to the generous modesty which before that brilliant company could remove one of the proudest laurels from h: brow to place it on the brow of Sheridan." V \ OFFICERS OF THE GRANT AND WILSON CLUK. OF WORCESTER, MASS. PRESIDENT. GEORGE P. HOAE. VICE -burv, '.. v. I M. Rico, Dickinson, pton, utt, Mowry Lapham, kr"..!:. I H. [,. Shumway. ■I RER. J. B. Knox. W •■ r, Mats, ■