p " Rook G §4 3^ ORATION BY JAMES B. M. POTTER OIUTION DELIVERED AT KINGSTON, R. I. JULY 4, 1843 . BY JAMES B. M. POTTER. BOSTON: . THOMAS H. WEBB &, CO 1844. The following Oration was delivered at Kingston, July 4th, 1843, at the request of the citizens of South-Kingstown. It is published not for its intrinsic merits, but as a memento of the day and its celebration. ORATION. We have assembled to celebrate the birth-day of our national existence — to render thanks to Almighty God who crowned with success the ever memorable struggle of our ancestors for independence. — and to kindle anew our love of liberty by contemplating the virtue, the wisdom, and the heroic deeds of the men of '76. The moral grandeur of the event we celebrate surpasses, that of any other recorded in history. It was the first public declaration, by a nation, of the true principles of government, and its influence was to be coextensive with the world. France, Greece, Ireland, Poland, and South America have, through seas of blood, attempted to follow the glorious exam- ple of America. The anniversary of our independ- ence is commemorated, not by the sons of America alone, but by the friends of freedom in every clime, in Europe, and in the distant isles of the Pacific. The successful embodiment of those principles in a republican constitution and form of government, affording a practical illustration of man's capacity for self-government, sounded the death knell of arbitrary power, — of the doctrines of divine right and passive obedience, under whose baneful influence the ener- gies and hopes of mankind had been, hitherto, crush- ed. The hereditary tyrants of Europe saw the hand upon the wall and trembled ; wdiile to the down trod- den people it was as the voice of God proclaiming that hope still remained. A new era was ushered in ; a new nation sprung into existence ; which, un- der God, was to be a j^illar of fire to conduct the chil- dren of men to the promised land of freedom. From the first, the war of the American Revolution w'as a war of principle— of right against might. In this respect it nobly contrasted with the wars that had, for centuries, devastated Europe and Asia, where the lives, the happiness, and the property of mankind were sacrificed in the contests for supremacy of rival princes, or of religious sects. But the war of the Revolution was not, at first, a contest for independence. Bound to the mother land by the ties of parental affection, community of thought and language ; sharers in the glory of her brilliant achievements and her great men; inheriting that stern Saxon love of liberty that had taken arms against the encroachments of royalty at Runny- mead, at Marston Moor, and in the revolution of 1688 ; a redress of grievances was the first and only object of our ancestors, which time, circumstances, and the despotic counsels of England dignified into a war of entire separation, compelling them to hold the British, as they did other nations, "enemies in war, in peace friends." In return for her protection from foreign foes, the colonies yielded to England the entire monopoly of their trade, and annually pom-ed millions into her treasury. If the statesmen of England had pursued a course which policy and an enlightened self-interest, as well as the great prin- ciples of right and justice dictated ; if the warning- voice of Burke, Conway, and Chatham had been heeded, we might, this day, have been colonies, in- stead of occupying the proud rank of a sovereign nation, second to none in civilization and influence. But fortunately perhaps for us, for the cause of civil and religious liberty, for humanity, a nobler destiny awaited us. Tlie English cabinet determined to tax America without her consent. Eor twelve years the colonics re- monstrated and petitioned against the haughty claims of the mother country. These were treated with scorn and contempt, and in the language of despot- ism they were commanded to submit. The colonies claimed the rights of Englishmen, guarantied by the Great Charter, sanctioned by the usages of centuries, and vindicated by the blood, of the martyrs of Smith- field, of Hampden, of Sydney, and of Russell. There was no want of ability to pay the paltry tax upon tea ; but the principle at issue was all important to the welfare and the liberties of the colonies. The same hatred of wrong which urged John Hampden, the defender of English liberty in the seventeenth century, and a man of large property, to refuse pay- ment of the odious ship money of twenty shillings, animated his descendants, in the eighteenth centurv, to resist the three penny tax upon tea. The impo- 8 sition of the one, cost Charles the First his throne and his head ; the forced exaction of the other, cost George the Third his colonies, and the sacrifice of an hundred thousand lives. The destruction of the tea in Boston harbor, and the public bonHre of it in the town of Providence, convinced England that a repeal of the tax, or war, was the only alternative. National pride declared for the latter ; the voice of justice and mercy urged the former ; but when has their voice controlled the councils of England when opposed by interest and lust of power ? Ireland, insulted and bleeding Ire- land — India, the victim of sordid avarice and cruelty — China, inoffensive and unoffending China — answer, never, never. The colonies saw that either submission or war was inevitable ; and in the bold language of Patrick Henry they exclaimed, " let it come — let it come." The more than Roman fortitude, the hatred of tyran- ny, and the moral courage of our ancestors, stand forth in bold relief when we consider the fearful odds they had to contend with. Not much more than a century and a half had elapsed, since the Pilgrims landed from the May- flower upon the wild and bleak shores of New Eng- land. In addition to the usual difficulties attending the settlement of a new country, other causes had prevented the rapid development of its resources and the increase of population. The wronged and re- vengeful Indians threatened the colonies with exter- mination. Agriculture, commerce and trade had languished during the old French war, in which the 9 colonies contributed generously of Loth men and treasure. From New Hampshire to Georgia, a long extent of sea-coast, dotted with flourishing villages and towns, was exposed to the attacks of the enemy. The possession of the Canadas gave them advanta- ges oti the north, while on the west powerful tribes of Indians, stimulated by a recollection of their wrongs, seized the tomahawk and raised the war- whoop in the service of England ; nor did she scru- ple to employ those savage allies, in contravention of all the rules of civilized warfare. This country was to be the seat of war, and her industry was to be taxed for the support of both of the contending armies. Thirteen separate states, comprising in all but about three millions of human beings, were scat- tered over a large extent of territory, without means of convenient communication, or as yet any common bond of union. There was then no steam power to carry assistance, almost with the rapidity of light- ning, to the point threatened with attack. The col- onies had no general government, no standing army, no navy, no munitions of war, no revenue, no credit, no foreign trade or alliances ; in fact, no adequate preparation for war, excepting an indomitable will and an unyielding love of liberty that preferred death to slavery. On the other hand, England was at peace with the world. Vast armies and countless millions of treas- ure v/ero at her disposal. Art, science, agriculture and commerce, had for many centuries been contrib- uting to her wealth and her power. Flushed with victory over her ancient enemy, France, from whom 2 10 she had just wrested the Canadas, she possessed an anny composed of veterans of a hundred battles, under the most brave and experienced leaders. Ac- knowledged as mistress of the ocean, she was aspir- ing, under the most auspicious circumstances, to the dominion of tiie world. Her past and present glory foretold that the future would be no less glorious. The contest of America with England resembled, in the eyes of the world, the combat of David with the giant Goliath ; and the issue was no less remarka- ble ; for, thank God, the victory is not always to the strong, nor the race to the swift. We cannot fail to recognize the hand of Providence, in the whole history of this country, from its discovery by Colum- bus and its settlement by the Puritans from England, until the last act in the drama was finished by the establishment of civil, political, and religious free- dom. The war commenced, and the first blow was struck, and the fust blood was shed in the waters of Narraganset Bay, by Rhode-Island men. The bold and intrepid capture of the Gaspee proclaimed where Rhode Island stood ; and never, during the war, did her sons tarnish the glory of that achieve- ment. The battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill shut out all hopes of peace, and taught our forefathers that the well trained legions of Great Britain, were not invincible. A wonderful change was produced in the public mind, which was soon to give a new character to the contest. Separation from the mother country and national independence became the theme of general conversation. Some 11 were too timid to sanction this important movement; others carried their opposition to it so far as to assist the enemies of their country. But its advocates were the master minds of the age, — the Adamses, Quincy, Jefferson, and Patrick Henry, — names en- graved upon the tablets of the nation's memory. On the 4th July, 1776, the immortal Declaration of Independence was publicly proclaimed, and the union of America and England was severed forever. As the governors had been appointed by the crown in many of the states, the same Congress recommended to them the establishment of republican governments, and the ratification of the articles of confederation. Connecticut and Rhode Island, in which the people had always elected their officers, alone retained their old charters, deemed sufficiently democratic by the men who fought, bled and died for freedom. The war assumed a new importance and dignity. The desire to establish a free and representative government on this side the Atlantic, inspired the patriot soldier with new hopes and fresh courage, and gave new energy to the councils of the rulers. Am.erica was to be the battle field of the antagonist principles of freedom and arbitrary power. On the one side were freedom and national independence ; on the other colonial dependence and abject slavery. For the support of this declaration, our ancestors, appealing to God for the rectitude of their inten- tions, mutually pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, in all human probability the fate of Leonidas and his brave band awaited them ; but, like the patriotic Greeks, they were re- 12 solved to maintain their independence, or die in the attempt. To them "A (lay, an hour of virtuous liberty- Was worth a whole eternity of bondage." Aside from tlie glorious and elevating principles of the Declaration, it was a master stroke of human policy and wisdom, and is a solid monument of the comprehensive views, and the thorough knowledge possessed by our ancestors, of the ruling passions that control nations as well as individuals. They knew that it was impossible to contend success- fully, single handed, against the colossal power of Great Britian, and sought to interest the nations of Europe in the result of the war. They knew that England's domineering supremacy had raised up many enemies who would exult in her humiliation. By publicly proclaiming their intention to be inde- pendent, and taking measures to insure success, they presented an opportunity to the enemies of England to humble her pride, by aiding to dismember her possessions. By opening their markets to the Avorld, they appealed to the interest of all the commercial nations of Europe, to assist them in becoming inde- pendent. Nor does it detract from the merit and glory of our ancestors, that they calculated u|)on the assistance of the worst passions that sway the hu- man heart, and are so generally injurious and demor- alizing in their effect. Time alone could test the wisdom of the experiment, and self-defence prompt- ed them to use the power that nature and nature's God had placed at their disposal. 13 Again, the proud daring of this young people, the sublimity and grandeur of their position, and the ut- ter inequality of the contest, were calculated to en- list the sympathies of the chivalrous spirits of Eu- rope. La Fayette braved the wrath of his sovereign, and left family, home, and high hopes of distinction, to fight under the banner of freedom, side by side with Washington. Kosciusko, too, followed free- dom in her flight to America from the blood stained plains of unhappy Poland. A gallant host, whose names are not unknown to history, espoused the holv and righteous cause of America. The wonderful spectacle was presented, of one of the most despotic governments in the world assisting to establish a republican government and the suprem- acy of liberal principles. Regardless of the ultimate consequences to herself, France, the natural enemy of England, burning with resentment at the loss of the Canadas, hailed with joy the declaration of inde- pendence. In the past, defeat and disgrace had at- tended her efforts to cope with English valor, and the memory of Agincourt and Cressy gave new strength to her resolution to aid America and weaken the power of Great Britain. She acknowledged the in- dependence of America and resolved to support it. A treaty was formed ; and neither was to make peace with England without the consent of the other. England immediately declared war against France. Whatever were the motives that actuated France, America owes her an eternal debt of gratitude for her timely assistance. It was offered when the for- tunes of the Americans were at the lowest ebb. 14 Treason was busy in the camp and in the council chamber ; disaffection was increasing ; victory had deserted our standard ; and the army, dispirited by defeat, were suffering all the severities of an inclem- ent winter, poorly armed and worse fed, poorly clad and destitute of tents to protect them from the storm. The soldiers, pressed by a load of burdens that hu- man nature could scarcely endure, were on the verge of a general mutiny. That physical courage which marches to the cannon's mouth with the spirit stir- ring strains of martial music, fades into littleness be- fore the moral courage which supports the patriot in the patient but inglorious endurance of cold, hun- ger, poverty and humilialion. An attack upon the enemy was prevented by the intelligence that the last ration had been served out. Washington's ef- fective force was less than three thousand men, and many o( them raw and undisciplined militia, little ac- customed to those habits of obedience which alone render the soldier efficient in the hour of danger. Even the most enthusiastic friends to the cause be- gan to despair, and a deep gloom pervaded the land, from the granite hills of New Hampshire to Georgia. The enemy, flushed with victory, regarded the war as finished, and proclaimed a pardon to all who would submit; and many accepted the terms as the only hope of safety. It was surely a time to try men's souls. When language, painting and sculpture have exhausted their powers, the mind cannot then realize the distress and the woe of that dark period in our country's history. The widow's prayer, the orphan's cry, and the groans of the victims of dis- 15 ease, and the prison, are unheard or forgotten amid the din of arms, and Iiistory rarely deigns to shed a tear to their memory. At this critical period, the briUiant and unexpected battles of Trenton and Princeton shed a ray of light amid the darkness of despair; and the alliance with France reanimated the drooping spirits of the men of the revolution. Spain followed the example of the court of Ver- sailles and offered herself as mediator between the colonies and England. The independence of the colonies being declared inadmissible by the cabinet in London, Spain, without acknowledging their inde- pendence, as France had done, commenced hostili- ties against Great Britain. But England showed no signs of yielding ; and Washington, who knew the resources of the Americans, thus expressed his fears for the final result. "The favorable disposition of Spain, the promised succour from France, the combined force in the West Indies, the declaration of Russia, (acceded to by the other powers of Europe, humiliating the naval pride and power of Great Britain) the reciprocity of France and Spain by sea in Europe, the Irish claims and English disturbances, formed, in the aggregate, an opinion in my heart, (which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams) that the hour of deliverance was not far distant ; for that, however unwilling Great Britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But, alas, these prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusive, and I see nothing before us but accumula- ting distress. We have been half of the time with- 16 out provisions, and are likely to continue so. We have no magazines and no money to form them. It is in vain, however, to look back, nor is it our busi- ness to do so. Our case is not desperate if virtue exists in the people and there is wisdom among our rulers." But new events were taking place in Europe. In 1780, Kussia, Sweden, and Denmark entered into the celebrated compact, called the armed neutrality, and war was also commenced between England and Holland, one of the first maritime states of Europe. When danger threatened the English people, the war became unpopular at home ; when Cornwallis surrendered at Yorktown, with the flower of the British forces, to the combined French and Ameri- can armies, George the Third was convinced of the impossibility of conquering America, and reluctantly acknowledged her independence. Peace, — welcome peace, — once more visited our shores. The princij)lcs of the Declaration were not dis- covered by our ancestors, but to them belongs the glory of adopting them as the basis of their political system. Their political science was derived from the Bible, and its heavenly precepts generally presi- ded over their civil administration. The govern- ment established on board of the May-flower was the model of those that afterwards existed. Vane, Sydney, Milton, and Locke, had traced the founda- tions of civil government to their true source ; but it was reserved for their descendants in another cen- tury, and in another hemisphere, to reap what they had sown ; to proclaim and successfully maintain. 17 amid the clang of arms and the cannon's roar, the great truths that all men arc created equal ; that they are endowed with inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- ness; that the people are the source of all power, and that governments are institut(^d by their con- sent for the common benefit of all. These truths met a hearty response from suffering humanity, real- izing that sometimes, at least, the voice of the people is the voice of God. It was the good fortune of our ancestors that they were descended from a nation that boasted of its liberty, though imperfect compared with that destined to be established here. A re- publican government, erected upon the ruins of the monarchy, at a great expense of treasure, toil, and blood, had failed in England, because the people had proved recreant to the great trust confided to them. But something was gained. Our ancestors, trained in the school of liberty, came here under the most auspicious circumstances, and were well accustomed to self-government w'hen the revolutionary war com- menced. They had left behind, the arbitrary maxims of the old world, together with its hereditary orders of priests and nobles. Necessity did aw^iy with all distinctions but those of talent and worth. These circumstances rendered the contest for freedom so signally triumphant in this country, as compared with the subsequent attempt in France and South America. In Europe, the doctrines of divine right to rule on the part of the sovereign, and the duty of passive obedience on the part of the subject, proved too 3 18 strong to be successfully resisted. Religion was the handmaid of absolute power; and church and state united to oppress mankind. The efforts for the rights of conscience and freedom of inquiry, first paved the way for political reform. When Martia Luther had pointed out, and the reformation had corrected, the abuses of the church, attention was directed to the abuses of the state. The human mind, emancipated from the fetters of ignorance and superstition, rapidly advanced in a knowledge of the true principles of religious and civil liberty. But the mass of the people were still in slavery ; and centu- ries were to pass away before the glad tidings should be announced to them. Louis the Fourteenth em- bodied the principles of governmeni of that age, when he said, " 1 am the state." The scorn and contempt of the mass and their rights, entertained by the exalted few, were expressed by the haughty Queen Elizabeth, when she told her parliaments not to meddle in state affairs. Even in the reign of George the Third, the great Earl of Chatham was rebuked for alluding to the voice of the people, in the King's Council. Let us not forget in this our day of exultation, those men who, in adversity, ke])t alive the spark of freedom in the mother land, which was destined here to illumine the world with its bright- ness. Independence being achieved, new and unexpect- ed trials called for the exercise of that wisdom and moderation so characteristic of our forefathers. The government, which had been sufficient during the war, was found to be inadequate to support the 19 honor and credit of the nation, in a state of peace. The States, jealous of each other, paid no attention to its requisitions. But the most alarming evil was, the reluctance of the people to come up to the great work of forming a system of government, that should perpetuate the fruits of Independence. Erroneous notions of liberty prevailed, tending to licentiousness. The laws had been imperfectly administered during the war, and the people, at its close, were burdened with debts. Urged on by pecuniary embarrassments and the ap- peals of demagogues, always the j)cople's worst ene- mies, they sought relief in open rebellion against the laws, and in anarchy. They avowed their ol)ject to be the subversion of government, the abolition of debts, the division of property, and a reunion with Great Britain. This disorderly spirit, says tiie his- torian Marshall, was cherished by unlicensed con- ventions, which, after voting their order constitu- tional, and assuming the name of the people, arrayed themselves against the legislatures, and detailed, at great length, the grievances by which they alleged themselves to be oppressed. The laws were tramp- led under foot, the courts of Justice were forcibly closed, and all reverence for law in puritan New Eng- land was, for a time, lost in the rage of contending factions. Arms were resorted to, — blood was shed, — and civil war, with all its horrors, threatened to effect, what Great Britain, during seven years, had failed to accomplish. The glory won in the war of Independence was tarnished. The friends of the rights of man began to despair, and La Fayette 20 wrote, that in Europe, the failure of the grand ex- periment of man's power for self-government, com- menced under the most favorable auspices, was look- ed upon as almost beyond a doubt. Many in this country began to wish for and to talk openly of a monarchy, as a relief from their present danger, and as more endurable than a licentious democracy, where life, liberty, and happiness, were at the mercy of the pojjulace. This country seemed destined to re- volve in the old circle of, first freedom, then anarchy, and lastly despotism. Washington and his comrades, resting from their labors, saw with dismay the out- breaks of popular fury. Conscious of the responsi- bility resting upon them, for the issue was to affect the welfare of the whole human race, they girded themselves to the Herculean task of forming a new government upon the ruins of the old. Unless this could be done, the price paid for liberty was a mere waste of blood and treasure ; the glorious principles of the Declaration ' would become a byword and a mockery, and mankind would be doomed to count- less ce-nturies of oppression. The enemies of free institutions already exulted that their predictions and their hopes were about to be realized. "But virtue did exist in the people, and there was wisdom among the rulers." The bow of promise again appeared in the political heavens. After a most determined and obstinate contest, a Constitution wasado})ted, which excited the admiration and envy of the world, and has stood the shock of parties and the test of time. It is the great charter of our lib- erties and the sheet-anchor of our hopes. When 21 one jot or tittle of that noble structure shall be torn asunder, other than bj the voice of the people, formally and legally expressed, there will be an end of our liberties. While religion shall sanctify the hearts, and education shall (3levate the minds of the people, that Constitution shall stand a proud monu- ment of the services and wisdom of our ancestors. The winds and weaves of partisan fury may dash against it, but it shall not fall, for its foundation is laid deep in the affections of a free people. 1 have preferred to call your attention to day to the somewhat trite, but, to me, interesting topic of the struggle of our forefatliers for Independence, and to point out the dangers they encountered, in estab- lishing that form of government which it is our duty to transmit unimpaired to posterity. How vividly does the picture here presented call to mind the scenes through which we have just pass- ed ! What a striking resemblance in some of the rnain features ! Rhode-Island was foremost in the ranks of freedom ; and we exult to day in the glory of Greene, Barton, Hopkins, and Ellery. Redbank and the island of Rhode-Island can bear witness to the pallant conduct of the old Rhode-Island line. In the war of 1812, she appended the name of the gallant Perry, Narragansett born and bred, to her catalogue of revolutionary heroes. But her bold stand in fa- vor of regulated liberty, the past year, entitles her to the gratitude of the whole nation ; and she will cer- tainly receive it, when time shall have dispelled the mists of political prejudice and feeling. The land of Roger Williams has been true, in the hour r^ oeril, 22 to those great principles of religious and civil liberty for which he suffered persecution and exile. Rliode- Island, the last to adopt the Constitution, has, in the providence of God, been first called upon to vindi- cate its vital principles; and triumphantly has she done it. Justice has been tempered with mercy, and peace and trancjuiHity have succeeded to the hurried gathering of the citizen soldier, and the clang of arms. A new government has gone into successful operation. Cxrievances there were, and errors; but time and public opinion would have corrected them. Twelve years did oiu* fathers petilion. I allude, more in sorrow than in anger, to the de- lusions of the people, that blinded them to their true interests, and urged them to light the torch of civil war in this happy State, tlie home of practical free- dom. So far was this delusion spread, that the war- worn veteran of the Revolution, tottering upon the brink of the grave, raised his parricidal hand against the principles he had fought and bled to establish. But the hardy and virtuous cultivators of the soil saw the true nature of the contest, and all was well. No real grievance can long exist in this country. Let the people beware of those who tell them that they are enslaved ; for many there are who put on the cloak of patriotism wherewith to serve the devil. A wise and prudcuit reform is necessary ; but revolution is a dangerous remedy, and only to be resorted to in extreme cases. The great })rinciple at issue here was, that a gov- ernment cannot be changed without the forms of law ; that a constitution must be amended according to its own provisions, solemnly adopted and ratified by the people. If a number of men, self-declared to be a majority, can assume the name of the people, and alter the fundamental laws of the land, constitu- tional liberty is but an empty sound, and there is an end of all security for life, liberty, and property. We should resemble the unhappy states of South Ameri- ca, where the people are sacrificed at the altar of military despotism. Our boast is, that ours is a gov- ernment of law, and that all, both high and low, do her reverence. We have learnt by bitter experience that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. The past is too often a sealed book, and the lantern of experience too often sheds its lurid glare upon the wrecks of empires behind us, and leaves the ship of state to founder amid the shoals of ignorance and passion. The last year has also taught us the importance of well disciplined companies of citizen soldiers ; and the lesson has not been disregarded. They serve as a school for the education of ofiicers to take command of the militia in the hour of danger. No station is more honorable than that of the citizen soldier; and a just regard for our own interests, as well as our obligations to our country, should induce us to submit to that dis- cipline which constitutes the soldier's efficiency. Be- fore our generation shall be summoned to sleep with their fathers, the knowledge that you are gaining, fellow^ soldiers, may enable you to defend, succes- fully, your country, your liberties, your domestic altars, and all that you value upon earth. The men conspicuous in the Revolution were formed in the vol- 24 unteer corps. Greene, second only to Washington, and Varnum, learned the art of war in that time-hon- ored corps, the Kentish Guards ; and the memory of their brave deeds inspired that company as it stood upon Pawtucket Bridge. At peace with all the nations of the world, the mind becomes dazzled, when it undertakes to picture forth the future glory and destiny of this great people and country. God grant that this land may remain the inheritance of a free and virtuous people, till the last trump shall sound, and time be swallowed up in eternity. . NOTE. The allusion to the military companies refers to the Narragansett Guards, Col. Whitford, and the Wasliing'ton Grenadiers, Col. Green- man, Avho were present in full uniform. After the exercises in the church, the two companies, together Avith the citizens, sat down to a temperance entertainment, prepared by Phillip Taylor, Esq., which was enlivened with speecJies and toasts appropriate to the day.