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THE PILGRIMAGE 
 
 TO 
 
 MONTICELLO 
 
 The Home and Tomb of Thomas Jefferson 
 
 BY THE 
 
 JEFFERSON CLUB 
 
 OF 
 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 October lO to 14, 1901. 
 
 St. Lours: 
 Con. p. Corran Printing Company. 
 
 mi2. 
 

 THOMAS JEFFERSON. 
 
 All hail ! Thrice hail Virginia's stalwart son ! 
 
 The kingliest man that e'er defied a king 1 
 
 Long through the thankful earth thy name shall ring, 
 While swells the breast of sea, or shines the sun 
 Upon the strong free men in whom shall run 
 
 Red blood of Saxon, Celt, or Frank ! I sing 
 
 True praise of him, whose words, like David's sling — 
 The scorn of worldly captains — yet shall stun 
 Great trust-kings' greed and gold, and stay their might. 
 
 So long abused. Fair Freedom's saint ! Thy pen 
 Proclaims Heaven's justice, and the people's right 
 
 To rule themselves! Just wrath will smite again 
 Lords who enslave ; for, equal in God's sight. 
 
 We must be equal in the courts of men. 
 
 — HENNING WEBB PRENTIS. 
 Saint Louis, Dec 13, J90J. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTS. 
 
 J* J* 
 
 Page 
 
 Appendix 67 
 
 Brief Statement of the Motives of the Trip, by John T. Fitzsimmons 19 
 
 Committ<^e Chairmen 72 
 
 Historj- of The JeflFerson Cluli 70 
 
 Letter from Hon. F. M. Cockrell 67 
 
 Letter from Hon. George O. Vest 68 
 
 Letter from Hon. David B. Hill 69 
 
 Roster of The Jefferson Clnb Field Band on the Pilgrimage 72 
 
 Roster of Pilgrimage to Monticello 73 
 
 The Monument 67 
 
 The Banquet 35 
 
 Address, by Pi'of. WiUiam M. Thornton, LL.D 49 
 
 A Few Remarks, by Hon. James T. Lloyd 63 
 
 Response to Mr. Boogher's Address, in behalf of the University of Virginia, by Dr. 
 
 Paul B. Barrinper 36 
 
 Short Address, by Rev. James J. Porlong of Kew Madrid, Mo 62 
 
 '•The City of St Louis ," by Hon . Rolla Wells ,. 38 
 
 "The Doctor in Politics," by Dr. John H. Simon 64 
 
 "The Ladies,'' by Hon. Frank H. Farris 57 
 
 "The Louisiana Purchase," by Hon. Joseph W. Folk 46 
 
 "The Press," by William Marion Reedy 62 
 
 "The State of Missouri," by Hon. James A. Reed 40 
 
 ' ' The Stjitute of Religious Liberty," by Hon . Cornelius H . Fanntleroy 54 
 
 "The University of Virginia,'' by Hon. John H. Boogher 35 
 
 The Pilgrimage to Monticello 3 
 
 "AV-wlition of the Laws of Entail," by Eon. Chas. F. Cochran 26 
 
 Addre.s.s of Wel-'ome. by Hon. Jefferson M. Levy 7 
 
 Address upon the Deposit of the Sealed Records, by Henning W. Prentis 15 
 
 "Declaration of lndej>endence," by Ex-Gov. Wm. J. Stone 23 
 
 "Distinguished Sons of Albemarle," by Hon. R. T. W. Duke 30 
 
 "Jefferson and the University of Virginia," by Hon. Frank M. Estes 33 
 
 Presentation of Monument, by Hon. M. E. Benton 2(1 
 
 R«<ponse to Address of Welcome. In behalf of Jefferson Club, by Hon. Harr, B. Hawes 7 
 Response to Addreas of Welcome, in behalf of the Stat* of Missouri, by Hon. John 
 
 A . Lee 13 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 To honor famous men, and especially men famous for goodness as 
 well as for great deeds, is a spontaneous emotion of the human heart. 
 Great men represent, more or less concretely, the best dreams and 
 highest ideals of all men, and so the natural affections of the masses 
 reach outward and upward for communion with the spirits which best 
 gave expression to the ideals and actuality to the dreams. When a 
 man has been great by virtue of a moral force in him that worked for 
 the betterment of others, the natural love of righteousness implanted 
 in all men goes out to him and to his memory in greater and stronger 
 measure than it ever can go out to the heroes of the sword, unless, as 
 in some rare cases, heroes of the sword have been at the same time 
 heroes of thought and of morality. The man whose greatness is 
 recognized as consisting chiefly in a deep sympathy with his fellows 
 and in whom this sympathy is conjoined with intellectual abilities 
 of the most splendid order, directed so as to give effect to those sym- 
 pathies in actual, practical amelioration of the condition of mankind — 
 that man is the ideal hero of the world. No man in history comes 
 nearer to the realization of such a character than does Thomas 
 Jefferson. He represents in the highest form both heart and intellect. 
 He embodied the sublimest sentiment and the soundest sense. He 
 was a dreamer of dreams and yet a practical politician. He was 
 strong and he was gentle. He was firm and he was tolerant. His 
 view of life took in all of humanity, and every word of his and every 
 act were designed, in one way or another, to give to humanitj^ every- 
 thing that would enable it to develop its best in the only world 
 humanity surely knows. Thomas Jefierson believed so well of man- 
 kind that he was sure man could govern himself by the light that was 
 in him. He believed that government should not be the concentrated 
 expression of the authority of one man or set of men over another, but 
 that it should represent, within necessarj-, obvious, sane limitations, 
 the authority that is in a man's self. Thomas Jefferson was the 
 greatest merely human individualist the world ever knew, and his 
 theory, which common sense proclaims incontrovertible, was that the 
 best interest of the masses were best advanced by the freest possible 
 self-development of the unit. This doctrine asserts not only my right, 
 but yours. It inculcates the adjustment of rights between man and 
 man by charity, by tolerance, by compromise on the basis of reason, by 
 a recognition of equality which calls for due and kindly consideration 
 
4 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 of those follies, frailties and foibles which we know to exist in others 
 because we feel them so strong within ourselves. Thomas Jefferson, 
 therefore, is to-day, the hero of everj' man who believes in man. 
 There is no rational human being who ean read the story of Jefferson 
 or listen to any recital of the things he thought or did, who can fail 
 to feel that in the man himself was something more than ordinarily 
 assertive of the brotherhood of man. Jefferson stands for the liberty 
 of body and mind. He stands for the possibilities latent in untram- 
 meled opportunity. He is the advocate of the widest play of human 
 effort up to that point at which such effort has for object or has as 
 unforseen effect infringement upon the liberty of others. His idea was 
 that man in government of any kind should curtail nothing of individ- 
 ualism, except when individualism became aggressiveness against the 
 weak. That idea, by his labors, he embodied in the system of gov- 
 ernment under which we live to-day. Only in so far as this govern- 
 ment realizes Jefferson's principles does it actually carry out the theory 
 of democrac}- — of a self-ruling people. 
 
 The name of Jefferson is dear to all Americans. No man of any 
 party dares to deny his greatness or flout the fundamental doctrines of 
 his teachings: doctrines that are the salvation of the common man 
 from oppression, and that are, at the same time, the opening of the 
 door to all laudable ambition to excel in every field of human endeavor. 
 Jefferson loved the people all his days. The people love him for that 
 he loved them. 
 
 The great Democratic party, founded on Jefferson's teachings, 
 had, in all its years, no great organization bearing his name, until 
 there was organized in St. Louis, the chief city of the vast empire 
 which he gave his country by purchase from Napoleon in 1803, the 
 Jefferson Club. The club, from small beginnings, through many 
 trials, grew to splendid proportions, and it is to-day the most distinct- 
 ively Democratic, consistently Jeffersonian association in the United 
 States. This club, whose motto is, "Principles, not men,''' has been 
 successful in rescuing its home city from the rule of a partisan clique 
 that gave vicious effectiveness to the worst extremes of the worst 
 doctrines that were ever put forth in this country in antagonism to 
 Jeffersonian principles. This club has purified the cit}^ and given 
 it an administration committed to reform. This club has gathered 
 together, in Jefferson's name, six thousand men of all conditions of 
 life, pledged to work for the principles for which Jefferson's name has 
 stood since the founding of the Republic. It has brought together the 
 rich and the poor, the foreign-born and the native-born, the young 
 man and the old, the highly educated and the uneducated, and it has 
 welded them into a whole that aims at nothing more than that the 
 
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 "iSJEFFEilSBj: 
 
 ariZEH-STATtSSAIpTRiyi. 
 ;0,rPOS!NC SPECIAL. PlilifllEBES- 
 
 HE imzB m mma 
 
 ■ TH E PEOPL E' 
 to COMKErtORATE HIS 
 
 PURCHASE or iOliiSlASA 
 
 rm JEffEBSoH urn, 
 
 or snouis'w:^; ^,,, 
 
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 ia?fiE^5^fL.r 
 
 «iw- 
 
 
 THE JEFFKRSON CLUB MONUMENT. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 5 
 
 best men possible shall be chosen to serve the people in public office. 
 The club is committed to warfare upon favoritism, classism, bossism, 
 the trinity of evils that has most blighted American political life. 
 
 When, therefore, at a meeting of the club, on August 1st, 1901, 
 the President, Mr. Harry B. Hawes, offered resolutions calling for 
 committee action that would specifically and significantly signalize 
 devotion to the principles of Jefferson at a time when there were just 
 fears that the Republic was drifting away from the doctrines of human 
 rights held by Jefferson, there was a spontaneous adoption of the 
 resolutions by acclamation. The resolutions themselves, expressing 
 fully the purpose of the commemoration, are as follows: 
 
 "Resolved, that this committee, pursuant to the instructions of the Board 
 of Directors, shall perfect arrangements for a trip to Monticello, Va., for the 
 purpose of doing honor to the memory of Thomas Jefferson; that all those 
 persons who believe in the principles and teachings of Thomas Jefferson shall 
 be eligible for invitation to join in the pilgrimage with the club members. 
 
 "Resolved, further, that the trip shall be taken on Thursday night, 
 October 10th, 1901, leaving St. Louis at that time and returning the following 
 Monday morning, October 14th, 1901. That each person attending shall pay the 
 sum of 125.00, which will include transportation, sleeping car fare and meals 
 both ways, and that the balance of the expense of the trip shall be borne by the 
 Jefferson Club or by voluntary subscription. 
 
 "Be it further Resolved, that the Jefferson Club shall take with it a rough 
 block of Missouri granite with one polished surface, upon which a suitable 
 inscription shall l)e made commemorating the pilgrimage. That this block 
 shall be so arranged that a receptacle shall be provided for the deposit of a 
 parchment roll containing the names of all those persons who take part in the 
 pilgrimage." 
 
 Forthwith the preparations for the pilgrimage were begun with 
 energy'. Committees were appointed to attend to every detail and in 
 due course the completion of the arrangements was announced and on 
 Thursday evening, October 10, 1901, a train of six coaches left the 
 Union Station in St. Louis bearing to Monticello the members of the 
 Jefferson Club and invited guests, numbering in all more than two 
 hundred and fifty. The ride was rendered delightful by the balmy 
 weather, by the panorama of beautiful scenery amid which the ex- 
 cursion wound its way throtigh half a dozen great States, and by the 
 comradery of the party. Arriving in Charlottesville, Va., about 
 midnight of October 11th, and resting until Saturday morning, the 12th, 
 the large party, preceded by a band, with the National colors flying, 
 were conveyed in vehicles furnished by the citizens of Charlottesville 
 to Monticello, the home and tomb of Jefferson. 
 
 Needless to say that the gathering was impressed by the sublimity 
 of the scene as its members looked away from Jefferson's mountain 
 through the disappearing mists of the morning, across valleys of rolling 
 farm land to other mountains, or that each one experienced an even 
 
6 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 deeper feeling as he thought that he was standing on ground rendered 
 forever sacred by the life and deeds, the death and dust of one who 
 had been the greatest benefactor of mankind. The stately home he 
 had reared impressed by its dignity and strength and grace of outline. 
 The trees that sheltered the pilgrims from a heavy dew, Jefferson 
 himself had planted. Here he had walked, resolving the puzzles of 
 government, or had stood gazing out over the peaceful valleys and 
 absorbing the serenitj' of the scene before him, widening his mind 
 almost unconsciousl}- by observing the majestic sweep of the lands 
 below and taking to himself the strength of the eternal hills about him. 
 The pilgrims stood by his tomb and felt how well it became the man 
 in its simplicity. They caught from the surroundings something of 
 the flavor of the character that had developed amid the beautiful and 
 strong environment. 
 
 Famed Monticello was thrown open to the visitors by the present 
 occupant, Hon. Jefferson M. Levy, who holds it, as he says, as trustee 
 for the people Jeffer.son loved. Through the historic mansion the 
 visitors roamed at will, inspecting its art treasures, entering the rooms 
 in which Jeffer.son lived his daily life for long years, familiarizing 
 themselves with the things with which Jeffenson's eyes and hands had 
 been familiar while his greatest work was being done. Mr. Levy and 
 the ladies of his household graciously received the visitors and bj' 
 their courteous guidance and explanations made additionally interest- 
 ing the visit to the scenes of the most intimate incidents of the life of 
 a great friend of man. The house speaks eloquently of the man who 
 built it. It has the quiet dignity in ease, the evidence of artistic 
 feeling, the intimation of open-mindedness and open-heartedness, the 
 suggestion of culture that one draws from a study of Jefferson's 
 writings and character. The house is the expression of the man who 
 built it and lived in it, and it stands out on the hill with much of the 
 same sort of grace and calm and strength with which Jefferson himself 
 .stands out among the great men of the country upon which he, more 
 than any other of his time, with the possible exception of Wa.shington, 
 left the impress of his mighty individuality. The scene, the air of the 
 place, the memories aroused, the patriotic emotions vivified by the 
 associations, the inrushmg sense of the full meaning of Jefierson in 
 the history of the modern world of thought and action, all these made 
 for a sentiment of tenderness for the man who died there onl}' to live 
 forever in a Nation's life, and the pilgrims felt indeed, according to 
 their capacities for feeling, that thej^ had not in vain traveled nearly 
 a thousand miles when they caught the thrill and glow of a mental 
 and moral and spiritual uplift, standing at the shrine of one who 
 loved, if ever man did, his fellow men. 
 
HON. JEFFKRSON M LEVY. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 7 
 
 The reception of the pilgrimage by the ladies of the household 
 having concluded, and the pilgrims having inscribed their names in 
 the visitors' book of the historic mansion, the assemblage gathered on 
 the lawn before the house and there were welcomed to Monticello by 
 Hon. Jefferson M. Levy. Mr. Levy spoke as follows: 
 
 Ladies and Members of the Jefferson Club of St. Louis, Citizens of Missouri 
 and Virginia: 
 
 I welcome you to the home of Thomas Jefferson. Your visit honors 
 the memory of the greatest statesman and profoundest thinker of any time 
 or country. 
 
 All people who lovo free and unrestricted liberty and the ideal principles 
 of republican government, now recognize Jelterson as the father of true 
 Democracy. His principles apply to-day to the government of seventy-five 
 millions of people as they applied in our early history to a few people. 
 
 While, citizens of Missouri, he secured your country through his diplo- 
 macy, he also secured to the Middle West from the Virginia Commonwealth, 
 the concession of the Northwestern Reserve which now contains the ^reat 
 States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Minnesota. 
 
 Turn to any ijuestlon of government, finance, dealings with foreign 
 powers, acquisition of territory, commerce, education, coinage — in fact, to 
 every public subject before the people now, or in the past, and you will find 
 his principles applicable, and tending to lead our country to become the 
 greatest nation in the world. Our late beloved and patriotic President, 
 William McKinley, whose death our people are now lamenting, stated to me 
 a short time before his death, that each day of his life he learned more 
 and more of Jefferson, that he never tired of reading his writings, and that 
 in the administration of his office as President he ever sought to put his 
 principles into practice. 
 
 Therefore, fellow citizens, it gives me great pleasure to greet you at 
 his home. You will find it as he left it over seventy-five years ago. 
 
 I hope all citizens of our country will continue to visit Monticello, for 
 I am sure it cannot but help to inspire our people with a love for our repub- 
 lican form of government. I am sure pilgrimages of this character cannot 
 fail to inspire and unite our party; for as attention is called to the platform 
 of true Democracy, as laid down by Thomas Jefferson, the people will rally 
 round our banners and restore the government to our administration, for 
 it is the only sheet anchor of prosperity. 
 
 To these remarks the response was made for the Jeffer.son Club 
 by its President, Hon. Harry B. Hawes, who spoke as follows: 
 
 Sir: 
 
 You have the distinction and the honor of representing the State of 
 Virginia. You have in your custody the home of the greatest of statesmen, 
 Thomas Jefferson. As the proprietor of Monticello, which he loved so well, 
 and from under whose roof he gave to the people the greatest precepts of 
 human liberty and government that the world has ever known, your trust 
 Is sacred, and one not only of national, but of international importance. 
 
8 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Monticello, that sheltered Thomas Jefferson, should stand forever a 
 shrine that all true lovers of human liberty may visit, and from the beautiful 
 elevation upon which it rests drink in that inspiration of liberty and love 
 of fellow man that must animate our Democracy if that Democracy would 
 survive. We, sir, members of the Jefferson Club, have traveled nearly nine 
 hundred miles that we may stand here and in meditation permit our 
 thoughts to go back to the splendid events that make this spot historic. 
 Many of us are the descendants of men who were welcome visitors at Monti- 
 cello, and take pride in this distinction. It may be a source of surprise to 
 you, sir, that in the great metropolis of the Louisiana Purchase an organiza- 
 tion of over five thousand men should, after careful deliberation and prepa- 
 ration, deem it an honor and a pleasant duty to make this visit; but if I fell 
 you that the Jefferson Club, which is now your guest and the guest of 
 Virginia, has in less than ten years grown from a small association of the 
 lovers of the teachings of Thomas Jefferson into a powerful organization of 
 over five thousand members, that loves and fights for his principles in our 
 great city and State, and that they signify by their presence here to-day the 
 earnestness of their advocacy, then you may know that in the great West the 
 cause of liberty and the principles of Jefferson are entrusted to many watch- 
 ful guardians. The organization, which it is my great honor to represent, has 
 for its motto: "Principles, not Men." We feel it doubly fitting because 
 of this, our motto, that we should visit the tomb of Jefferson, to whom we 
 are indebted for it. Jefferson thus taught, and practical experience has 
 proven, that in National and State politics the proper issues to be submitted 
 to the suffrage of the people are those which arise from the advocacy of certain 
 principles— principles which underlie the relation of man to man, and of 
 man to the governing organism, while in municipal government the proper 
 principle is the advocacy and support of men who, by their virtue and ability, 
 the uprightness of their lives and their public integrity guai-antee the enforce- 
 ment of every principle of right in municipal affairs; the character of the 
 men proposed for office becomes in itself the vital principle. True to this 
 motto, set for us by the great Virginia statesman, has the Club here repre- 
 sented ever been, and here at his old home we pledge its faithful adherence 
 for the future. If we have had any measure of success in the past it has 
 been because we have stood for political principles in National and State poli- 
 tics and for the proper individual in municipal politics. 
 
 Sir, the men that you see around you from Missouri are pilgrims who 
 have taken this journey of nearly nine hundred miles, at a sacrifice of time 
 and money, that by their presence here they might possibly attract the at- 
 tention of many of our fellow citizens to the great fundamental principles of 
 government which thej advocate. You will find among us men from all 
 walks of life; the lawyer, the doctor, the manufacturer and the laborer, all 
 equal and all intent upon attaining the same object. This is as it should 
 be. This is as Jefferson would have it to be. All men equal where they 
 are equal in intellect and virtue, all men equal in their right to a free ex- 
 pression and a free participation in the political affairs of our country. 
 
 Missouri comes to Virginia as the younger daughter of the Old Dominion. 
 The struggles and the triumphs of the men of Jefferson's day perfected the 
 early training of our sires, to whose teachings we owe the greatness of 
 Missouri. They left the old home many years ago to build new ones and 
 
II ox. HAHKV U. JIAWES. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 9 
 
 great States in the West. Coming, as we do, justly proud of and with love 
 for our fair homes, this, the first home of our forefathers in the wilder- 
 ness of the New World, is still to us a sacred place, and in our journey back 
 to the mother State we come with hearts filled with filial love and devo- 
 tion. We look around us and conjure to our minds the scenes of the 
 Revolution. It is an easy task for us to picture the days of Jefferson, and 
 to see him trampling upon traditions, fighting for a new government built 
 on the foundation principle that all men are created equal. 
 
 We came for a purpose, and that purpose is to cause a renewed interest 
 in the study of the principles of government taught by Thomas Jefferson. 
 We would have every citizen to read and understand his immortal work, the 
 Declaration of Independence. We would have the people know that some 
 of its simple lines contain the political wisdom of the ages. We would have 
 them know that when the spirit which dictated those lines, and the spirit 
 which threw off the tyrannical yoke of the Old World is dead, then, too, will 
 die this Republic. 
 
 We would have them view political questions as Thomas Jefferson did. 
 We would not have them believe there is magic in a number; we would 
 have them know that conditions change, but principles never change; that 
 the great party of Jefferson is not, nor ever will be, dependent for its ex- 
 istence upon a condition, but that the principles upon which it rests are like 
 the rocks of this mountain — eternal and everlasting. Mr. Jefferson did not 
 believe that great truths should be lost sight of in the advocacy of a passing 
 political issue. The beauty of the principles of Jefferson consisted in their 
 soundness and strength, and they have never been dependent upon oratorical 
 skill nor demagogical art to force a conviction of their truth. They v/ere 
 the same in his day as they are now. 
 
 The broad lines of the fight to be made by the followers of Jefferson are 
 the same as those created by Jefferson and Hamilton. The political issue 
 is the same now as it was then; the followers of Hamilton and monarchy 
 and the followers of Jefferson and Democracy will always be pitted against 
 each other in the political arena. The next political contest must be fought 
 out on these lines. The fundamental principles upon which our government 
 rests must be the issues. The principles of Jefferson were not tied and 
 strangled by a money ratio in his day, and they cannot be tied and strangled 
 by a money ratio in ours. The question will be whether the party of Hamil- 
 ton has been right in its recent acts. The people will be called on to 
 preserve our institutions as they were organized and founded by our fore- 
 fathers. 
 
 We would invite the attention of the foreign born, and the children of 
 foreign born parents, to the work performed by Jefferson in opening for them 
 homes in the New World, for it was he that first introduced in the legislature 
 of his State and carried through it a bill for the naturalization of foreigners. 
 This was the first move in the direction of the naturalization of foreigners, 
 which set the precedent for subsequent National legislation. Later, 
 when President, in urging legislation on this subject, he not only 
 displayed the ability of a statesman but the kind heart of a citizen when 
 he asked: "And shall we refuse the unhappy fugitives from distress that 
 hospitality which savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers who 
 arrived in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on this 
 
10 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 gloBe?" Whenever the down-trodden, no matter from whence they came, 
 presented their claims to Jefferson they were sure to find a i-eady champion 
 in the kind-hearted Virginian, who was prompt to extend to them that sym- 
 pathy which made him great both in private and in public life. 
 
 Not only did Jefterson desire to prepare in his beloved country an 
 asylum for the oppressed of all nations, but he also declared that the rulers 
 and the governments of the nations from which they came could not detain 
 them against their will. 
 
 "I hold," he said, "the right of expatriation to be inherent in every man 
 by the laws of nature, and incapable of being rightly taken from him even by 
 the united will of every other person in the nation. If the laws have pro- 
 vided no particular mode by which the right of expatriation may be exer- 
 cised, the individual may do it by any effectual and unequivocal act of 
 declaration." 
 
 So our citizens who have lately owed allegiance to foreign jwtentates 
 may thank Thomas .Jefferson not only for securing the privilege of becoming 
 citizens of this country, but that they could, by a voluntary declaration, sever 
 their allegiance to the country from which they came. Let our friends 
 who have felt the blessings of these two declarations of Jefferson look further 
 into the teachings of the man. That done, and they will be added to the 
 millions of his followers. 
 
 We would call the attention of younger sons and daughters to what 
 Jefferson did for them in the abolition of the laws of primogeniture and 
 entail. He declared that the usufruct of the e.arth belongs to the living 
 and not to the dead, and that in annulling this privilege we would have 
 "instead of the aristocracy of wealth, of more harm and danger than benefit 
 to society, an opening for the aristocracy of virtue and talent." Tenancy 
 by fee-tail was abolished by him. Property came into the hands of its 
 rightful owners and the last prop was taken from under the rising aristocracy 
 when the law of primogeniture was removed. We. sir, would have the 
 people of this country think of these gi-eat accomplishments. We would 
 have the younger sons of families realize the Improvement in their condition. 
 They are now the equals of their elder brothers: then they were dependents 
 upon their bounty at the death of their fathers. 
 
 We would have every man who has a religion — and every man has — 
 know that it was due to the work and writings of Thomas Jefferson that 
 Church was separated from State, and if at this time he goes in peace to 
 his house of God, or stays away, or contributes to its support, or fails to con- 
 tribute, and worships in the manner and upon the day and under the guid- 
 ance of men selected by him, we would have him know that the first clear 
 and distinct declaration made upon this subject was that of Jefferson. 
 
 "No man shall be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, 
 ministify or place whatsoever, nor shall be enforced, restrained, molested or 
 burdened in his body or goods, nor shall otherwise suffer on account of his 
 religious opinions or belief, but all men shall be free to profess, and by argu- 
 ment to maintain, their opinion in matters of religion, and the same shall 
 In no wise diminish, enlarge or affect their civil capacities." 
 
 We would have the Protestant, the Catholic, the Jew and the infidel 
 know that if at this time they hold to their various beliefs, without fear 
 of molestation, and with that respect from the community which their own 
 
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THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 11 
 
 cccduct secures, it is because this fearless man boldly struck at laws which, 
 in his (lay, in their bigotry provided that a deist was punishable with im- 
 prisonment without bail; that a Catholic should not have the right to teach, 
 cwn a horse or a gun, or give testimony in a court of law, while in other 
 States men were burned at the stake, and women switched as witches, be- 
 cause religious intolerance said they were possessed by devils. On religion 
 Thomas Jefferson said, among other things: 
 
 "Compulsion in religion is distinguished peculiarly from compulsion In 
 every other thing. I may grow rich by an art I am compelled to follow. 
 I may recover health by medicines I am compelled to take against my own 
 judgment, but I cannot be saved by a worship I disbelieve and abhor. I 
 cannot give up my guidance to the magistrate because he knows no more 
 of the way to heaven than I do and is less concerned to direct me right than 
 I am to go right. The ma.gistrate has no power but what the people gave. 
 The people have not given him the care of souls because they could not. 
 They could not because no man has the right to abandon the care of his 
 salvation to another. No man has power to let another prescribe his faith. 
 No man can conform his faith to the dictates of another. I believe that 
 he who steadily observes those moral precepts in which all religions concur 
 will never be questioned at the gates of Heaven as to the dogmas on which 
 they all differ." 
 
 These were brave words in their day, and called forth much abuse and 
 vilification, but much that we now enjoy in liberty of conscience and liberty 
 of thought we owe to Jetierson, and we would have our people know these 
 things and do homage not only to the man, but also to the principles which 
 have been of such great benefit to them. 
 
 We would, sir, have our negro citizens know that it was not the men 
 of 1S30 and 1S60 who first taught and stood for the abolition of slavery. We 
 would have them know that a wealthy Virginia gentleman, himself a large 
 slave-holder, was the first to boldly proclaim, in a slave-holding community, 
 that "the abolition of domestic slavery is the great object of desire in these 
 colonies, where it was unhappily introduced in their infant state. But pre- 
 vious to the enfranchisement of the slaves we have it is necessary to exclude 
 all further importation from Africa; yet our repeated attempts to effect this 
 by prohibitions, and by imposing duties which might amount to a prohibition, 
 have hitherto been defeated by his Majesty's negative; thus preferring the 
 immediate advantage of a few British corsairs to the lasting interests of 
 the American States, and to the rights of human nature deeply wounded 
 by this infamous practice." And later: "The spirit of the master is abat- 
 ing, that of the slave rising from the dust, his condition mollifying, the way 
 I hope preparing under the auspices of heaven for the total emancipation, 
 and ITiat this is disposed in the order of events to be with the consent of 
 the maslers rather than by their extirpation." 
 
 And in the report, which he made for the government of the Western 
 Territory in 1784, we find that he would have, "after the year 1800 of the 
 Christian era, that there should be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude 
 in any of the said States otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof 
 the party shall have been convicted to be personally guilty." If this course 
 had been adopted at the time it was proposed by Jefferson slavery would 
 have been excluded from all the admitted States of the Union, but it failed 
 of adoption by one vote. 
 
12 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 In writing from Paris on this subject, he said: "What a stupendous, 
 what an incomprehensible machine is man! Who can endure toil, famine, 
 stripes, imprisonment and death itself in vindication of his own liberty, and 
 the next moment be deaf to all those motives whose power supported him 
 through his trial and inflict on his fellow man a bondage, one hour of which 
 is fraught with more misery than ages of that which he rose in rebellion 
 to oppose? But we must wait with patience the worliings of an overruling 
 Providence, and hope that this is preparing the deliverance of these, our 
 suffering brethren. \'iTien the measure of their tears shall be full, when 
 their groans shall have involved heaven itself in darkness, dou"btless a God 
 of justice will awaken to their distress, and by diffusing light and liberality 
 among their oppressors, or at length by his exterminating thunder, manifest 
 his attention to the things of this world and that they are not left to the 
 guidance of a blind fatality." 
 
 He believed that the negro slave would be made free. "Nothing." he 
 said, "was more clearly written in the book of fate." Let our negro citizen 
 read and study the principles of Thomas Jefferson. They will find his state- 
 ments the first public declarations of importance made in their behalf by an 
 American statesman, and after reading and studying them they, too, like 
 us, will join in support of the great party, whose founder he was, and assist 
 in preserving and defending those principles which have accomplished so 
 much for their race. 
 
 We would have, sir, the poor man who has an education provided for 
 his children; we would have all those citizens who have an education 
 furnished them by the State know that the founder of the public school sys- 
 tem was Thomas Jefferson. He it was who first saw that a Democracy 
 could only survive if its people were intelligent, well informed and virtuous, 
 and that ignorance was not only the greatest foe of virtue, but the greatest 
 foe of liberty, and in presenting his bill for the establishment of free educa- 
 tional institutions in Virginia he laid the foundation for the great public 
 school system of this country and sent the happiness and the love of country 
 and the patriotism which follow an education, and which must after all be 
 the foundation upon which all successful governments rest, into homes all 
 over the land. In his bill for the diffusion of knowledge in 1779, he said: 
 
 '"It is generally true that people will be happiest where laws are best 
 administered, and that laws will be wisely formed and honestly administered 
 in proportion as those who form and administer them are wise and honest; 
 whence it becomes expedient for promoting public happiness that tBose per- 
 sons whom nature hath endowed with genius and virtue should be rendered 
 by liberal education worthy to receive and able to guard the sacred deposit 
 of the rights and liberties of their fellow citizens, and that they should 
 be called to that charge without regard to wealth, birth or other accidental 
 circumstances; but the indigence of the greater number disabling them 
 from so educating, at their own expense, those of their children whom 
 nature hath fitly formed and disposed to become useful instruments for the 
 public, it is better that such should be sought for and educated at the com- 
 mon expense of all than that the happiness of all should be confined to the 
 weak or wicked." 
 
 "Preach, my dear sir," said he to George Wythe, "against ignorance; 
 establish and improve the law for educating the common people. Let our 
 counfrymen know that the people alone can protect us against those evils. 
 
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 UON. JOHN A. LEE. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 13 
 
 and that the tax which will be paid for this purpose is not more than the 
 thousandth part of what will be paid to kings and nobles who will rise up 
 among us If we leave the people in ignorance." 
 
 We want our people to know, sir, and to point their attention by our 
 pilgrimage to the fact that through the wisdom and forethought and state- 
 craft of Thomas Jefterfon we came into the possession of what is now the 
 most fertile and desirable portion of the United States, that territory known 
 as the Louisiana Purchase, whose acquisition will be so fittingly celebrated in 
 the metropolis of the district from which we come. 
 
 The great subjects that I have but touched upon will be ably discussed 
 more fully and forcibly by competent speakers, and, I trust, will awaken 
 renewed allegiance to the teachings and the doctrines, and renewed rever- 
 ence for the memory of the man that gave them to his country. 
 
 But, although these speeches have not yet been made, we have, sir, 
 already accomplished part of the objects of our pilgrimage. Passing from 
 Missouri we have traveled over nearly nine hundred miles of territory. Not 
 one man who inhabits an acre of it but has felt the result of the works 
 of Jefferson. As we sped on our way many questions were asked, much 
 new knowledge gained. We passed over historic ground, climbed your 
 mountains and crossed your rivers — historical spots in the progress of our 
 country. Not a man among us but was affected by the scenes. We have 
 viewed your great university of learning. We know that it was the master 
 mind of Jefferson that planned it. We are here to-day for the worthy 
 purpose of learning more of this good and great man. We Missourians 
 love Virginia. We love her people. We love the memories that cluster 
 about her. We have, sir, at home a stalwart race of men. Our women 
 are beautiful, our homes are our sacred institutions. Our State is gifted 
 with all the sweet blessings that nature can bestow. Our horses are fast, 
 our beeves are large, our wheat fields are yellow with a golden glow that 
 reflects the warm colorings of the hearts of our people. We love good men. 
 Wc admire brave deeds. We hold our statesmen in veneration, and respect 
 the free and hardy citizens who selected them. We do not forget, sir, 
 however, that in sounding the praises of our State you will glory with us in 
 the success of Virginia's daughter. Our pride is the pride of the dutiful 
 daughter. Your pride in us, wc know, is the pride of the mother which says 
 that the children who come back after long years are of the same blood, 
 and have the same love of country, and the same love of liberty that the 
 parent has. We are one, and the righteous pride of one is but the righteous 
 joy of the other. The success of Missouri's sons is the success of the chil- 
 dren of Virginia. 
 
 Following President Hawes, Hon. John A. Lee, Lieutenant- 
 Governor of Missouri, responded in behalf of the State of Mi.ssouri to 
 Mr. Levy's address of welcome in the following compact address: 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Our Distinguished Host, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 The welcome of Virginia which has been so eloquently and earnestly 
 extended to us, the men of Missouri, is one which we most gladly accept 
 and most gratefully appreciate. 
 
14 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Virginia has been called the mother of States and Missouri is proud to 
 bear testimony to the maternity of Virginia and to appear here to-day as 
 a daughter, coming home to receive a mother's welcome and blessing, and 
 Missouri now kneels at the feet of Virginia, the mother of States, and pays 
 tribute, not only to her great son, Thomas Jefferson, but renders homage 
 to the grand principles of liberty, of right, of humanity which Virginia, 
 through her early struggles for existence, her glorious history and grand 
 achievements, first implanted In the mind and heart of Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 Missouri brings not only a monument to be erected to the memory 
 of Jefferson, but she brings in the hearts of her stalwart sons, who repre- 
 sent her on this occasion, sentiments of affection and esteem for the mem- 
 ories of Washington, of Patrick Henry, of Madison, of Monroe and of Robert 
 E. Uee, Virginia's brilliant constellation of great men. 
 
 We come to you to-day, not only with loving reverence, but with con- 
 sistency and pardonable and justifiable pride, for has not Missouri for many 
 years steadfastly adhered to the principles of right and justice as taaght 
 and advocated by Thomas Jefferson? 
 
 The ten successive names of Missouri's Jeffersonian Democratic Gover- 
 nors — Woodson, Hardin, Phelps, Crittenden, Marmaduke. Morehouse, Francis, 
 Stone, Stephens and Dockery, soHnd to Missourians like the call of the sentry 
 from the ramparts of liberty — "Ten o'clock and all is well." 
 
 In adherence to the principles of simplicity, economy, justice and equity 
 taught by Jefferson, we, of Missouri, have built a great State. It is now 
 fifth in population in these United States, but in many industries and 
 especially in the variety of its resources and development we are easily first. 
 
 Its more than three millions of people are free from unjust or oppressive 
 burdens of local taxation, its laws are administered with equality and justice, 
 its people are orderly, peaceful, happy and prosperous. 
 
 Missouri is to-day busily engaged in preparing to exhibit to the world, 
 not only her own growth and greatness, but that of all her sister States of 
 the Louisiana Purchase, and in 1903 she will display to the world the grandest 
 and most glorious tribute ever rendered to the memory of mortal man In 
 honor of Thomas Jefferson, who, in the face of great difficulties and opposi- 
 tion added the grand galaxy of States included in the Louisiana Purchase 
 to the group of stars which glorify and emblazon the flag of our country. 
 
 Our State now extends an invitation to the world to visit her at Chat 
 time and to participate with her in the celebration of the one hundredth anni- 
 versary of that memorable event. 
 
 And now, having developed a great land, founded a gi'eat government 
 and maintained it for thirty years as a Jeffersonian Democracy, Missouri's 
 sons come to Jefferson's home and tomb in old Virginia to renew their alle- 
 giance to the principles which he taught and which they love. 
 
 We do not come in lowly humility, as do those who have faltered and 
 failed, but we come as those who wear upon their brows wreaths of victory, 
 with banners and songs of joy. 
 
 We do not come as conquerors in war, heralded by the sounds of the 
 clanking chains of our captives, and followed by the wailing cries of widows 
 and orphans; but we come as those who know that "Peace hath her victories 
 no less renowned than war." 
 
PROF. HENNING W. PRKXTIS. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 15 
 
 We come to sing no dirges at the tomb of Jefferson, but rather to sing 
 above his remains songs of victory and enforcement of the right. 
 
 Missouri is to-day, sir, practically the center of this country, geographi- 
 cally, practically the center of its population, and practically the center of 
 political power and organization along Democratic lines. 
 
 She is the leader In this country of Democratic political sentiment; for 
 where Missouri takes her stand upon gi'eat political issues, there comes clus- 
 tering around her that unselfish, patriotic, incorruptible element of the 
 Democratic party which stands for principles, not men, for patriotism, not 
 policy. 
 
 And in conclusion, my countrymen, as a public servant and representa- 
 tive of Missouri, I dedicate this day and occasion to Virginia and Missouri, 
 to principles and patriotism, to Jefferson and the Louisiana Purchase, to 
 wise government, according to the principles of Democracy, to God, our flag 
 and our country. 
 
 ¥ ¥ ¥ 
 
 At the conclusion of Mr. Lee's address the assemblage moved 
 from before the house to the vicinity of the site of the monument. 
 Arrived there, the Jefferson Club Quartette rendered feelingly the 
 hymn "My Country, 'Tis of Thee," after which Mr. Henning W. 
 Prentis, of St. Louis, stepped forward and delivered the address 
 upon the deposit of the sealed records of the pilgrimage in the base of 
 the monument. Mr. Prentis spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen: As chairman of the Monument 
 Committee it is now my duty and pleasure to unveil and present this memor- 
 ial stone from the Jefferson Club to the Hon. M. E. Benton of Missouri, who 
 will in turn dedicate it to the State of Virginia. 
 
 It will not lessen your interest to know that the speaker spent his boy- 
 hood and early manhood in this old county of Albemarle. Our old home 
 at University, formerly the home of President Monroe, still looks across this 
 beautiful valley as it has done for nearly a century. My heart swells with 
 pardonable pride as I recall how I stood almost upon this spot with my father 
 on a great "muster day," July 4, 1858. I cannot forget how, in the dark 
 hours of the Confederacy in 1S64, my father, colonel of the Home Guards, 
 encamped with his command upon the lower slopes of this mountain. This 
 is indeed sacred and historic ground to me, a great-grandson of one of Jeffer- 
 son's friends and co-workers. 
 
 Glad is my heart that the sons of "Imperial Missouri" have come to pay 
 homage to Thomas Jefferson, the political saint, whom freedom and humanity 
 have canonized forever. 
 
 Whatever the detractions of calumny — the narrowness of contemporaries 
 — the blind venom of political prejudice — the muse of history at last rights 
 most wrongs, and binds the fadeless laurel upon the glorious brow of the 
 immortal dead. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was the kingliest man that ever defied a king. An 
 aristocrat by birth, he was essentially a Democrat. He threw himself with 
 superb courage against the pride and bigotry of his age. A great tribune 
 of the people, he represented all rights, but denounced all wrongs and abuses. 
 
16 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Not with shot and shell and battleship did he storm and carry the 
 strongholds of error and superstition, entrenched and guarded by prescrip- 
 tion and special privilege. He appealed with irresistible conviction to the 
 reason and conscience of men. His deathless words have illuminated the 
 mind and heart of all civilized nations, and have recast and reformed the 
 constitutions of the most puissant peoples of the earth. 
 
 His teachings are based upon the decalogue and the golden rule of 
 Christ — upon the universal love and eternal justice of the All-Father. This 
 was the secret of the power and of the success of our forefathers who found- 
 ed this magnificent republic. They overthrew the "vested wrongs" of the 
 few; they claimed and maintained the "inalienable rights" of the many. 
 Noble, priest and king — feudalism, ecclesiaslicism and royalty, must yield 
 their ill-gotten powers to the sovereign will of the people. 
 
 Jefferson wrote: "All men are created equal." Equal in the sight of God, 
 they must be equal before the courts of men. This reaffirmation of the in- 
 dividuality of the human soul — of personal dignity and responsibility, roused 
 men like a trumpet blast. It has been the most dynamic factor In 
 the marvelous uplift of the past century. 
 
 Speech must be free — thought must be free — education must be free — 
 the ballot must be free — the press must be free — the conscience must be 
 free — the church must be free — all men must be free! 
 
 Jeffereon wrote: "All governments must derive their just powers from 
 the consent of the governed." The people, then, shall choose their own 
 rulers! 
 
 South America has heard — Europe has heard — hoary Asia has heard — 
 dark Africa and the islands of the Orient Seas are listening with straining 
 at their chains, as they hear the jubilant songs of freedom, and see the tri- 
 umphant march of America's sons, up and down and through the highways 
 and the seaways of the world! 
 
 Let us now unveil the monument which we have brought from the granite 
 strength of Missouri, almost a thousand miles from its native bed near the 
 waters of the Mississippi. 
 
 Happy, indeed, was the thought of our honored president, Mr. Hawes, to 
 make this pilgrimage to Montlcello. It was his suggestion that a memorial 
 stone be placed near the tomb of Jefferson to testify our reverence for his 
 memory, and to recall this splendid event to all who visit this historic spot. 
 
 As chairman of the committee it is my privilege to place beneath this 
 shaft a copper box containing the records of this day's visit. We place 
 herein the Constitution and By-laws of the Jefferson Club of St. Louis, 
 Missouri, a short sketch of Jefferson's life, copies of the daily press of 
 various cities, a photograph of the monument and its inscription, a sum- 
 mary of the trip, a programme of the exercises of this day and evening, with 
 the names of the speakers and committees, and an illuminated legend and 
 roster upon parchment of those who have come upon this pilgrimage. 
 
 We have made this memorial simple, sturdy, and strong; rugged and 
 massive in outline, it is emblematic of the man it honors — that Jefferson, who 
 contemned the panoplies and pomps of power, and despised the gaudy dress 
 and hollow forms of royal courts. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 17 
 
 By authority of the committee your chairman has written and placed 
 upon its polished face this modest inscription: 
 
 THOMAS JEFFERSON, 
 
 Citizen. Statesman. Patriot. 
 
 The Greatest 
 
 Advocate of Human Liberty. 
 
 Opposing Special Privileges. 
 
 He Loved and Trusted 
 
 the People. 
 
 To Commemorate His 
 PURCHASE OF LOUISIANA. 
 
 Erected by 
 
 THE JEFFERSON CLUB 
 
 Of St. Louis, Mo., 
 
 On Their Pilgrimage, Oct. 12, 1901, 
 
 To Express Their 
 
 Devotion to His Principles. 
 
 We have not written an epitaph, for this is not a tombstone. We have 
 tried to put into as few words as possible the essence of Jefferson's political 
 principles. 
 
 In the highest sense he was a citizen, a far-seeing statesman and a sincere 
 patriot. History concedes that, though not an orator, his gifted pen makes 
 him "the greatest advocate of human liberty." 
 
 The central, primal thought of his long life was "equal rights to all, 
 special privileges to none." Tyranny, despotism, feudalism, orders of nobil- 
 ity, abuses of power, king-craft in its varied phases — all have been founded 
 upon "special privileges" granted to the few. Jefferson made unrelenting 
 •war upon the "divine rights of kings." and upon every other custom that 
 Infringes upon the rights of the people. 
 
 The experience of the past proves to every candid mind that such en- 
 croachments are dangerous to the liberties and rights of all. Our beloved 
 country has been cursed by giave departures from his teachings. Hence 
 we place upon this stone these words: "Opposing special privileges, he 
 loved and trusted the people." 
 
 This sentence covers the tariff question, the trust issue, the ship- 
 subsidy bill, and all other special legislation which seeks to rob the people 
 under the protection of statute law. It is probable tSat the chief line of 
 cleavage between the great parties in 1904 will be upon "special privileges." 
 
 This inscription harks back to the true Democratic faith of our fathers, 
 and rests upon the Declaration of Independence, whose inspired words will 
 echo "to the last syllable of recorded time." 
 
 Our memorial of red Missouri granite comes most appropriately from 
 that princely domain which Jefferson purchased from Napoleon a century ago. 
 
 Let me quote the resolutions of the General Assembly of Virginia, Febru- 
 ary 7, 1S09, when Mr. Jefferson was about to retire from the Presidency to 
 this beautiful home: 
 
18 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTlCELIvO. 
 
 "We have to thank you for a vast and fertile region added, without 
 the guilt or calamities of conquest, to our country — far more extensive than 
 her original possessions, bringing along with it the Mississippi and the port 
 of Orleans, the trade of the West to the Pacific ocean — and in the intrinsic 
 value of the land itself, a source of permanent and almost inexhaustilsle rev- 
 enue. This is a point in your administration which the historian will not 
 fail to seize, to expand, and to teach posterity to dwell upon with delight." 
 
 Therefore, we Missourians have carved upon this shaft — "To commem- 
 orate his Purchase of Louisiana." We shall celebrate, in St. Louis in 1903, 
 that bloodless but gigantic transaction with the most splendid World's 
 Exposition ever held^whose colossal scope shall hardly be commensurate 
 with his heroic deeds and his undying fame. 
 
 Many of you have visited Mount Vernon, and have stood upon Arlington 
 and have gazed with pride upon the generous valley of the Potomac, upon 
 whose bank rests in queenly state our Nation's Capital. Standing now upon 
 Monticello, with this vast and beautiful panorama of field and farm, of 
 stream and valley- — girt round with sapphire skies and mountains blue- 
 spreading like an artist's dream before our melting eyes — I cannot but feel 
 that these men — Washington, Jefferson, and Lee, and their peers — -who built 
 their homes upon the mountain tops, and who daily saw the majesty and 
 loveliness of our Maker's handiwork — had a breadth of vision, a singleness 
 of purpose, a loftiness of ideals, a love of humanity, a moral fibre, a grace 
 of life, a chivalry of deeds — that we who must live in crowded cities and 
 upon the low places of the earth do not oft attain. 
 
 We have come to Virginia to breath the air, to see the sky, to tread the 
 soil, that begat such men. We Missourians have not faltered — we have been 
 true to the faith of your fathers and ours. May Virginia ever remain loyal 
 to her godlike men of the past! We leave this stone, as imperishable as the 
 mountains that guard this tomb, to breed Democracy, we trust, for centuries. 
 
 Let all of us apply resolutely the principles of Jefferson to municipal. 
 State, and National affairs, and thus strive to lead all men to true Democracy. 
 
 Decent manhood constrains us to oppose all bossism, jobbery and 
 boodle legislation. There should be no private barter and sale of public 
 franchises or privileges; they should be held for the benefit of the whole 
 community. 
 
 Jeffersonian Democracy sets its face against the political pessimism of that 
 radical Senator who wrote "The purification of politics is an iridescent 
 dream. The Decalogue and Golden Rule have no place in practical politics." 
 
 We must oppose the creed and practices of those who have easily per- 
 suaded themselves that the tremendous aggregations of ill-gotten gains and 
 watered stocks are the natural evolution of commerce. They are based, not 
 upon honest business, but upon the lowest and most sordid passions of our 
 weak human nature — greed and avarice. These tyrants of trade and manu- 
 facture are mostly shameless cormorants and vampires who are seizing the 
 substance and sucking the blood of the people. We must grant no quarter to 
 the political pirates who "hold up" legislatures and congresses and thus levy 
 unjust tribute upon every profession and every industry. 
 
 Away with this sham philanthropy based on five and ten per cent 
 monthly dividends while their faithful employes — men, women and children 
 — struggle and strike for living wages! 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 19 
 
 Their travesty of justi<:'e— their corrupt purchase of immunity — their 
 subsidizing of the venal press— their conscienceless crushing of competitors— 
 their secret compacts in trusts and traffic— their "grinding of the faces of the 
 poor"— their "public be damned" spirit— their indecent and reckless display 
 of enormous wealth— these abuses lead to greater lawlessness among the 
 unthinking masses, and sow desperate discontent and thus breed devilish 
 anarchy. 
 
 Unfair, unmanly, and often merciless — these combinations throttle indi- 
 vidual competition, "the life of fair trade," and by their dazzling successes 
 encourage the crafty and unscrupulous to still greater outrages upon their 
 fellow-men. By their machinations and malign influence an insidious moral 
 "blood-poisoning" has infected the social and business world. A fierce and 
 consuming Fust for uncounted wealth and despotic power has usurped the 
 place of manhood and justice. 
 
 This poison — this virus of uncontrolled greed, has not reached the great 
 heart and conscience of the masses of our people. They will not turn deaf 
 ears to true Democracy's appeal to their intelligence and reason — to their 
 sense of fairness, equity and love for humanity. 
 
 We, followers of Jefferson, do not wish to sacrifice our youth upon Mam- 
 mon's shrine, nor to conquer the weaker peoples of the earth with the fiend- 
 ish instruments of "horrid war." 
 
 Let us here, to-day. at this shrine of Thomas Jefferson, pledge ourselves 
 anew to desist from the unholy slaughter of our fellow-beings. We would 
 offer them the arts of industry and peace — the blessings of education and 
 Christian love — but, r.bcve all, we would guarantee to them the priceless 
 heritage of freedom. 
 
 These, we believe, are the principles and practices of our patron-saint— 
 whose face we proudly bear upon our standard, and whose spirit looks down 
 fi'om supernal heights upon these ceremonies with approval and joy. 
 
 Let us emblazon upon our peaceful bauners, and let us carry in our hearts 
 and lives, these sublime thoughts: 
 
 True Democracy is Christianity! True Democracy is civilization! 
 Democracy is progress! Democracy is liberty! 
 
 T> ^ » 
 
 The sealed records of the pilgrimage, with a roster of those com- 
 posing the party, copies of the constitution of the United States and 
 of the State of Missouri, copies of the St. Louis daily papers, the 
 constitution and bj--laws of the Jefferson Club, the Jefferson Club's 
 resolutions upon the recent death of President William McKinley were 
 inclosed in a copper box, and with them was stored away in a cavity 
 in the base of the monument, the appended brief statement by Mr. 
 John T. Fitzsimmons of the motives and purposes of the trip, inscribed 
 on parchment : 
 
 On this 12th d.ay of October, in the year 1901, and of the Independence of 
 the United States the one hundi-ed and twenty-sixth, this monument was set 
 here in Monticello, Va., and dedicated to the memory of Thomas Jefferson, 
 whose home in life and death this beautiful place has been. 
 
20 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 The "Jefferson Club Association" ot St. Louis, a Democratic political 
 organization, composed of five thousand citizens, anxious to walk in the 
 footsteps of the great American Commoner, reared this rugged block ot 
 Missouri granite in testimony of the devotion of its members to the teach- 
 ings of Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 Those principles which safely guided this Republic in the trying and 
 dangerous days of its infancy have been assailed in the hour of the nation's 
 triumphant youth; the doctrines of Alexander Hamilton, which were re- 
 jected in Jefferson's time, find advocates in high places. 
 
 This monument is a protest, designed to be as everlasting as the eternal 
 hills of stone from which it was hewn, against a departure from the rules 
 of national life laid down by Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 This monument was erected while Theodore Roosevelt occupied the 
 chair of Washington and JeHerson as President of the United States, and 
 whfle the whole nation was mourning the death of President William 
 McKinley, who succumbed to the bullet of an assassin and anarchist, on 
 September 14th last past. The members of the Jefferson Club, in common 
 with all American citizens, deplore his foul assassination. 
 
 Alexander Monroe Dockery, a Democrat, who has rendered distinguished 
 service to his State and country, is Governor of the State of Missouri, and 
 Rolla Wells, also a Democrat aud a citizen of the highest type, is Mayor 
 of the City of St Louis. 
 
 Harry B. Hawes is President of the "Jefferson Club Association," and he 
 and those whose names are hereto appended, made the journey from St. 
 Louis to Monticello to place this monument in position. 
 
 V ¥ ¥ 
 
 After another appropriate selection by the Jefferson Chib Quar- 
 tette, the gathering moved away from the monument back to the 
 mansion, and there listened to the formal presentation of the monument 
 by Hon. Macaenas E. Benton, Member of Congress from the 
 Fifteenth District of Missouri. Mr. Benton spoke as follows: 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: Thomas Jefferson is the political Colossus of the 
 ages. What Paul the Apostle was to the Christian religion, Jefferson was 
 to individual liberty and local free government. Jefferson's first Inaugural 
 was and is a protest against "Man's Inhumanity to Man." It is yet the pole 
 star of American Democracy. It is an "old, old story," but it is still fresh 
 and sweet to all patriotic Americans. 
 
 Virginia's "Glory Scroll" is crowned with the names of scholars, states- 
 men, jurists, orators and warriors. At the beginning of the Revolution the 
 "trumpet notes" of her Demosthenes crying for liberty were heard around 
 the world. The Father of his Country has a place in all history above the 
 arrows of envy. Her contribution to American statecraft by the fourth 
 and fifth Presidents sheds wondrous lustre on her glorious record. Her 
 war captains of the sixties are the great soldiers of the century. But of 
 all her sons, Jefferson stands apart. His splendid genius arose to every 
 occasion. His learning was the wonder of his time. 
 
HON. MACAENAS K. BEXTON. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 21 
 
 But, Virginians, lie is not yours alone; he is ours in Missouri; he is 
 America's; he is the world's, wherever honest human endeavor claims its 
 rights. 
 
 Missouri, the child of Tennessee and Kentucky, and the grandchild of 
 old Virginia, comes with her votive offering to the tomb of Virginia's most 
 remarkable son and deems herself proud to be known as a product of 
 his splendid genius. 
 
 In the Louisiana Purchase, Jefferson carved out the real republic. Mis- 
 souri is the chief sovereignty of that splendid domain made possible by 
 Jefferson's foresight, diplomacy and courage. In these times when so many 
 Americans have forgotten Jefferson's teachings, the Missouri Democracy is 
 devotedly true to his precepts. The virile people of Missouri always, at the 
 ballot box, show how well they have learned the lessons given by this master 
 Democrat, and the most prominent political club in Missouri, and in the 
 West, bears the honored name of Jefferson. 
 
 One hundred years ago Missouri was French territory. To-day she is 
 the fifth State in the Union and one of the very few with more than one 
 large city. Her wealth is more than a hundred times larger than the price 
 paid by Jefferson for the whole purchase. In the greatest city of the 
 Louisiana Purchase — St. Louis — there is soon to be held a World's E:xhibition 
 in honor of the stupendous results of Jefferson's far-sighted statesmanship, 
 and the Jefferson Club will make strenuous effort to have reproduced as a 
 permanent structure, yonder Pantheon, Jefferson's own creation. We in 
 Missouri honor Jefferson; we admire his genius; we love his courage and 
 avouch his political principles. 
 
 The first stone erected to Jefferson's memorj' now stands on the campus 
 of i\Iissouri's great State university. The Jefferson Club, for itself and 
 the Missouri Democracy, presents to Virginia another. It is meet that * 
 Missouri, the greatest sovereignty in the Louisiana Purchase, should carve / 
 a stone from her everlasting mountains of granite and plant it in Virginia ( 
 at the resting place of him who made her sovereignty a possibility. 
 
 From these sunny slopes, overlooking with paternal affection the home 
 of Learning and retreat of Science which its master spirit founded and fos- 
 tered, the Democratic children of this land were first tutored 
 in the wisdom and lore of individual liberty and constitutional law. 
 From the blossoming banks of the Roanoke, where lie the bones of John 
 Randolph, comes the voice of an early pupil of Jefferson. A splendid disciple 
 was the old lion-hearted Ajax of American Democracy whose ashes rest amid 
 the cedars of the Hermitage; and in recent years, we in Missouri have given 
 to the house of the conscript fathers and to the country another worthy 
 exemplar of Jefferson's tenets in the person of our own peerless Vest, lov- 
 ingly claimed as a son by two States. In the history of our country, learned 
 and brave Democrats have everywhere been found who have worshiped with 
 almost idolatrous devotion the basic principles of Jeffersonian Democracy. 
 Here in Virginia the sons of the fathers have been true to the faith "once 
 given to the saints." 
 
 Accept for old Virginia this modest Missouri monument It is the love 
 offering of Missouri's Democracy at the shrine of her political creator. 
 
22 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELIvO. 
 
 According to programme the acceptance of the monument by the 
 State of Virginia was to have been made by Hon. J. Hoge Tyler, Gover- 
 nor of Virginia. The Governor of Virginia, however, was ill at the time 
 and could not appear, but there was a worthy substitute present in 
 -the person of Ex-Governor and General Fitzhugh Lee, who spoke to 
 the audience extemporaneously and in strains of exalted Democratic 
 patriotism. General I,ee, unfortunately, could not furnish to the 
 historian of the pilgrimage even so much as an abstract or synopsis of 
 his address, and it is with the most sincere regret that the recital of 
 the proceedings must be marred by the absence of a report of an 
 utterance that so thrilled and moved his auditors. 
 
 General Lee was followed by Ex-Governor William J. Stone, of 
 Missouri, in an address upon "The Declaration of Independence." 
 Mr. Stone's address was as follows : 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: Jefferson lived in an age distinguished for 
 many things, but for nothing was it more distinguished than for the num- 
 ber of remarkable men it produced. It was an heroie age — an age in which 
 occurred many of the most important, as well as many of the most tragic, 
 events of history. With the history of that generation are associated some 
 of the most famous names of all time — revered, mighty, immortal names. 
 This is true of both Europe and America, but especially true with respect 
 to the English-speaking peoples of both hemispheres. It was then that 
 those events occurred that led up to the Revolution and precipitated that 
 long death-grapple between the Crown and the Colonies, resulting in the 
 independence of these States and the establishment of the Republic. Of the 
 actors in that momentous period not one bore a more conspicuous and 
 honorable part than Thomas Jefferson of Virginia. Contemporary with him, 
 in England, were such men as the Pitts, Fox, Burke, Sheridan, the iron Duko 
 of Wellington, and others almost as illustrious. Besides these men, famous 
 for state-craft and martial prowess, the British Islands in that age were also 
 prolific of men renowned in law, science and letters. And our galaxy of 
 American names, contemporary with Jefferson, is as glorious as that of 
 Britain. Virginia alone could stand her sons before the world and challenge 
 comparison with these great men of England. Washington, Madison, 
 Monroe, Marshall, Randolph, Patrick Henry — what age or country can sur- 
 pass that array of immortals? Add to these the Adamses of Massachusetts, 
 Hamilton, Franklin, Jay and others of equal note from the other States, 
 and there you have a company, made up of sage and orator, statesman and 
 warrior, almost unparalleled in the annals of any nation. Towering high 
 among these, if not above them all, was Thomas Jefferson. For a man 
 to be the peer of any one of these was to make him great, but to stand 
 among them as a leader was to make of him 
 
 " — A combination and a form indeed, 
 
 Where every god did seem to set his seal 
 
 To give the world assurance of a man." 
 With me Thomas Jefferson is to politics what the blessed Saviour is to 
 religion — a supreme authority. Taken all in all he is to my mind incom- 
 
<;K\. FllAWiiiM l.KK 
 
 OF VlHfil.VI A. Al* IJHKSSJ .\<i rHK FIl-(iRIAIS. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 23 
 
 parably the greatest man in American history. When I come to speak of 
 him there is so much that might be and ought to be said, that, in a brief 
 address like this, it is difficult to determine what to leave out and what 
 to put in. Almost any one of the many great things he did and was instru- 
 mental in having done, would furnish an ample theme for an oration by 
 any man. 
 
 On this occasion the Declaration of Independence has been assigned to 
 me as the special subject of my discourse. But before I come to that I 
 want to say a few words of a general nature about the life and character of 
 Jefferson as a public man. I wish, in a few sentences, to speak of his public 
 character from three standpoints, namely: Jeilerson as a demagogue, Jeffer- 
 son as a politician, and Jefferson as a statesman. 
 
 His political opponents, or many of them, considered him to be aa 
 arrant demagogue and denounced him as such. He was the avowed friend 
 of the common people, the champion of popular right, the bold defender of 
 the weak against tUc strong; he was the unyielding antagonist of the mon- 
 archist and the aristocrat, the open foe of every form of special privilege. He 
 believed in the capacity of men for self-government; he believed in repub- 
 lican institutions and trusted the people, saying: "I am not one of those 
 who fear the people." He was jealous of power and afraid to trust too much 
 power, or arbitrary power, in the hands of a single man or body or class of 
 men. He guarded the rights of the people and the States with unceasing 
 vigilance and defended them with unflinching courage and unrivaled ability. 
 For what he said and did in this behalf he was held in deep aversion by 
 many and savagely denounced as a dangerous demagogue, being in principle 
 but little better than an anarchist. Jefferson was the demagogue, but those 
 who were foremost in opposing his theories, who believed that a few should 
 enjoy special privileges and rule the many, who fear»d the people and sought 
 to put power into the hands of their servants to restrain them, were the 
 statesmen. And what was true in Jefferson's day is still true in our day. 
 The men who speak now as Jefferson spoke then are the "demagogues" of this 
 day as he was of that And the men who speak now as Hamilton and his 
 confreres spoke then are the "statesmen" of this day as they were of that. 
 There are men of this day and generation who call themselves Democrats, 
 and really think they are Democrats — men who would swear by the ashes 
 of Monticello's sainted dead that they are Democrats — who yet denounce 
 those who preach the Jeffersonian gospel as demagogues. Let me illustrate: 
 Suppose one of us should say of national banks something like this: "We 
 are completely saddled and bridled, and the bank is so firmly mounted on 
 us that we must go where they will guide. I deem no government safe 
 which is under the vassalage of any self-constituted authority, or any other 
 authority than that of the nation, or its regular functionaries." What do 
 you think the wise, select and virtuous "statesmen" of the land would say 
 of us, or have said of us through the unpurchased columns of an unsubsidized 
 municipal press? And yet what I have quoted is what Jefferson said in 
 opposition to national banks. He was denounced as a demagogue for say- 
 ing it, as you would be for repeating it. Suppose one of us should say 
 of the federal judiciary something like this: "One single object, if you 
 can attain it, will entitle you to the endless gratitude of society, that of 
 restraining judges from usurping legislation. They are now practicing on 
 
24 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 the constitution by inferences, analogies and sophisms as they would on an or- 
 dinary law." What do you think these same wise, select and virtuous states- 
 men and editors would say of us? They would ring all the changes on 
 demagogy, and we would be denounced for attacking the Supreme Court and 
 as foes to public order. And yet what I have quoted is from a letter of 
 Thomas Jefferson to Edward Livingston. It is the utterance of that sainted 
 king of demagogues who founded the Democratic party. But he was de- 
 nounced for it then, as you would be now. Suppose, again, that one of 
 us should say something like this about the great corporate trusts and cor- 
 porate influences of this country: "I hope we shall crush in its birth (now 
 more properly in the strength of maturity) the aristocracy of our moneyed 
 corporations which dare already to challenge our government to trial, and 
 bid defiance to the laws of our country." What would these same statesmen 
 and editors, and all their lackeys, big and little, throughout the State and 
 Nation, say of us? They would say of ua just what was said of Jefferson, 
 from whose writings the quotation I have made is taken — we would be in- 
 veighed against as dangerous demagogues attacking the vested interests of 
 the country. 
 
 I would like to go on along this line if time permitted, but I have said 
 enough to point the moral I had in view. Conditions have not materially 
 changed in this respect from what they were in the days of Jefferson. With 
 this great man's life and works before you, I pray you be not afraid to be 
 called a demagogue if you are only sure you are not one. 
 
 A word now as to Jefferson the politician. The most successful public 
 men and statesmen are the best politicians. By the "best politicians" 1 
 mean those who successfully engage in politics for beneficent ends. Thu 
 statesman originates and develops theories and outlines policies. The poli- 
 tician takes and deals with conditions as he finds them, and organizes forces 
 to accomplish results. The statesman represents the force of ideas; the pol- 
 itician the force of action. Every politician is not a statesman, nor is every 
 statesman a politician. The man who combines statesmanship with a high 
 order of political sagacity is greater than the man who is only the one thing 
 or the other, for, in one sense, he is the equal of both the others. The man 
 who is only a statesman, without the organizing and dynamic force of the 
 politician must rely chiefly upon others to give effect to his ideas; but the 
 man who is a politician as well as a statesman can put his own ideas In 
 motion and achieve results without being too dependent upon others; and 
 the politician can not only accomplish results in the line of his own concep- 
 tions, but he is better prepared than the mere negative statesman to oppose 
 and even to thwart the machinations of his enemies. In this higher view 
 of the term Jefferson was the most accomplished politician of his day and 
 generation. It was with the view of carrying out his ideas of government 
 that he bent his wonderful genius and talents as a politician to the or- 
 ganization of the Democratic party. That party was the creation of Jef- 
 ferson the politician, and was the instrument used by him to carry forward 
 the purposes of the statesman. 
 
 The name of Jefferson, the statesman, is associated with so many works 
 of consequence to his country that it would be hard to separate them and 
 say which was the greatest of all. Judged by the epitaph he wrote for him- 
 self, it is fair to say that among his public works he estimated as the great- 
 
KX-GOV. AVILMAM J. STOA'K 
 
 OF MISSOURI. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 25 
 
 est the authorship of the Declaration of Independence and the Virginia 
 statute for religious freedom and the founding of the great university in the 
 sight of which he is buried. But to my mind he achieved other things equally 
 noteworthy and momentous, chief among them being the acquisition of the 
 Louisiana territory. I cannot enter upon a discussion of these various 
 achievements, nor would it be proper under the circumstances for me to 
 do so, as other gentlemen have been delegated to treat separately the more 
 important results of his masterful statesmanship. It is sufficient for me 
 to say in general terms that he ranks above all other American statesmen, 
 living or dead, in breadth and grasp of conception and iu the generally suc- 
 cessful execution of his exalted purposes. 
 
 This brings me to the subject I was assigned especially to discuss — the 
 Declaration of Independence — which I reach just as I am ready to stop and 
 ought to stop. The greater part of that instrument, as you know, is a por- 
 trayal of the wrongs done to the Colonies by the government of King George, 
 and a statement of the causes which moved his American subjects to re- 
 bellion. But in it also are several declarations of principle, which were 
 afterwards made the basic stones of the republic. Among these were the 
 declarations that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by the 
 Creator with certain inalienable rights, among those being the right to life, 
 liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that all governments derive their 
 just powers from the consent of the governed; and that taxation without 
 representation is wrong. Upon these principles as a foundation, with pop- 
 ular sovereignty as the corner stone, the republic was reared in spite of the 
 fears, protests and opposition of those powerful influences that strove to 
 form a national government after the English model. In that great struggle 
 betv/een the republican and monarchical forces as to the form the govern- 
 ment should take, Jefferson was unquestionably the most conspicuous and 
 potent individual force working for republican institutions; and I believe 
 that the greatest work he ever did for his country and for mankind he per- 
 formed during that momentous contest in the initial period of our history. 
 He made the principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence the 
 basis of the republic. Forces are at work now, as they have been through- 
 out our history, to change the spirit, if not the form, of our government. 
 The miners and sappers are ever at work, and he is a careless or inditferent 
 observer of passing events who fails to note how fast we are drifting from 
 the foundation principles of the republic. The old things of Europe are 
 coming around as new things to us, and are apparently growing more and 
 more attractive from year to year. With conscienceless greed of pelf and 
 power we commit deeds we once avenged with the sword when done to us, 
 and flippantly justify our conduct by sophistries we formerly refuted and 
 condemned. Whenever the self-evident truths written by Jefferson into the 
 Declaration of Independence cease to exercise a dominant Influence on 
 American public opinion, then the republic Jefferson did so much to build for 
 his countrymen and their children is doomed to fall. What might in the 
 course of time grow up in its place I can not tell, but when, if ever, it shall 
 happen from any cause tLat our people shall become indifferent to the Dec- 
 laration, the republic, as Jefferson made it, will soon disappear and become 
 only "a school-boy's dream, the wonder of an hour." Standing here by 
 the tomb of the man who wrote that immortal instrument, and who con- 
 
26 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 secrated his illustrious life to the government he founded on its principles, 
 I beseech the members of this Club, which bears his honored name, to renew 
 their vows of fidelity to the great Democratic principles he enunciated and 
 espoused, and to go hence fully determined to be at all times and in all 
 things absolutely and loyally Democratic. 
 
 ¥ ¥ ¥ 
 Next came the address of Hon. Charles F. Cochran, member of 
 Congress from the Fourth District of Missouri, upon the subject of 
 "Abolition of the L,aws of Entail." Mr. Cochran spoke as follows: 
 
 Ladies and Gentlemen: It has been justly said that man is the creature 
 of environment. In trying to analyze the character and estimating the 
 value of the services of public men we must take into the account their 
 surroundings and the circumstances attending their career. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was a lawyer and a scholar of profound learning. His 
 fine comprehension of the law was supplemented by mastery of political econ- 
 omy and thorough familiarity with history. He was a practical farmer. 
 The cares of the husbandman entered into his daily life. He was a man 
 of incomparable intellect and remarkable capacity for work. Inherently a 
 lover of liberty and the enemy of privilege, pretension and despotism, his 
 natural propensities were all the more pronounced and deep-seated because 
 he was reared far from the pomp of courts. He reached manhood with no 
 genuine conception of the idea that the accident of birth could justly invest 
 any human being with hereditary power or hereditary privileges. Long 
 before the outbreak of the Revolution he scoffed at the pretensions of the 
 hereditary monarchy and longed for the downfall of a system, the corner- 
 stone of which was the hereditary transmission of political power. Thus 
 he entered upon his glorious career thoroughly equipped for the work he 
 did so well. 
 
 Who that is familiar with the history of the Revolution and the early 
 formative period of the republic, has not many times fallen Into reverie, 
 filled with love, reverence and veneration for the founders of our govern- 
 ment? What age — what crisis in human affairs — what country — has pro- 
 duced in a single generation, a galaxy of lawyers, statesmen and philoso- 
 phers, equaling in solid attainments and moral worth the great men who, 
 with Thomas Jefferson, affixed their names to the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence and who, later, established this indestructible union of sovereign States? 
 
 This great work could not have been done — nay, it never would have 
 been undertaken — by statesmen or politicians versed in the intrigues of Euro- 
 pean capitals or vitiated by association with those who regarded the gov- 
 ernment of men as a prerogative, public offices and emoluments filched from 
 the workers of society as the legitimate spoils of a titled aristocracy, and the 
 people as mere subjects of hereditary masters. 
 
 Even as the evolution of the modern European monarchies out of 
 medieval barbarism and tyranny had saddled upon the people a privileged 
 aristocracy and dedicated the old world to the monarchy, so the evolution 
 of modern Democracy out of the necessary application of its principles to 
 the improvised governments of the colonies, predestined the dedication of 
 the new world to liberty and the republic. 
 
HON. CIIAKLKS F. ('(K IIRAX. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 27 
 
 The broader lives and more natural environment of the colonists had 
 produced a people incapable of accepting serfdom at the hands of royalty, 
 and it only required the stirring appeal contained in the Declaration of 
 Independence to evoke universal, outspoken repudiation of the dogma of the 
 divine right of kings. 
 
 Institutions, however obnoxious, endure and gi-ow strong as long as 
 the people believe in them, then linger a while pending some incident or 
 accident calculated to elicit the popular judgment of condemnation which 
 is called 'revolution." 
 
 Thus when blood was shed at Lexington and Bunker Hill, anger so pro- 
 found thrilled every heart that the colonists, without counting the cost, 
 boldly went to war. When Jefferson wrote the creed of modern 
 Democracy — the Declaration of Independence — the Americans interpreted its 
 principles as of world-wide application and so was launched a movement in 
 the direction of the emancipation of the race which for a century never 
 halted . 
 
 It was the inspiration of the French Revolution, and the forerunner of 
 the Democratic movement throughout Europe which, it it has not destroyed 
 the monarchy, has everywhere curtailed its prerogatives. 
 
 I forego directing attention to the recent new departure, which, at the 
 dawn of a new century, seeks to arrest this onward march of Jeffersonian 
 Democracy, by a reactionary movement, aiming at nothing less than the 
 transformation of this great republic into an empire, to be devoted hence- 
 forth, not to emancipation, but to conquest. My task to-day Is to hold 
 up to my countrymen the lofty virtues and glorious achievements of the dead, 
 and I prefer not to mar the recital by recurrence to the mistakes and crimes 
 committed by the living. 
 
 And pleasant and wholesome is the duty we discharge, in rehearsing the 
 words and invoking Heaven's blessings upon the works of the illustrious 
 men who achieved our independence and founded our republic. 
 
 Permit me to observe in passing that not one of them was a person 
 of small consequence or meager attainments! Ah, no! Look around you, 
 gentlemen, for assurance that the great man we are here to honor was one 
 of a galaxy of patriots — statesmen, orators, philosophers, diplomats and sol- 
 diers — the peers of the best of Europe's nobility in gentility and good breed- 
 ing — wealthy, some of them — a company of gentlemen too proudly conscious 
 of their own powers and of the noble qualities of their countrymen to brook 
 the thought of vassalage. 
 
 We are assembled at the tomb of the noblest Roman of them all, the 
 sage of Monticello — Thomas Jefferson — author of the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, the keystone of the arch of our Constitutional Government — the 
 greatest boon, next to Christianity, tlaat has ever blessed the race — the Magna 
 Charta of universal Democracy. I use the term universal Democracy ad- 
 visedly, for it should be borne in mind that Jefferson's doctrines relate to 
 all men. He did not believe — until lately no American has ever professed 
 to believe — that the principles enunciated in the Declaration of Independence 
 apply only to this country and our own people. It was the mission of 
 Thomas Jefferson to embody the bedrock principles of Christianity in canons 
 of municipal law. He taught that all men are created free and equal and 
 endowed with certain inalienable rights which may not be taken away by 
 
28 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 the hand of power without offending God's and Nature's laws, and that 
 just governments derive their powers from the consent of the governed. My 
 friends, this is the creed of universal Democracy. 
 
 I need not direct attention to the differences between the institutions 
 and ideals of the ancient republics, whose armies ceaselessly preyed upon 
 defenseless peoples, filling the world with horrors, and loading millions with 
 captives' chains, and the institutions and ideals cherished by our grand- 
 sires, who began their work by publishing abroad this propaganda of univer- 
 sal liberty and consummated it by instituting a government in which the 
 people are sovereigns and those for the time being invested with power are 
 servants and not masters of the country. 
 
 Happy indeed was the conception of the mission of this free country 
 which led the great Bartholdi to typify it in the colossal statue which stands 
 as a sentinel in the chief harbor of our Atlantic coast, an inspiring reminder 
 of the immortal words and works of our forefathers — the statue of Liberty 
 Enlightening the World. I never look upon that imposing figure without 
 saying to myself, the face and form should be that of Jefferson — his hand 
 first kindled the torch — his efligy alone should hold it aloft. 
 
 In reviewing the career of the founder of modern Democracy, it is diflicult 
 to name one particular achievement and say, "this was his masterpiece." 
 A better way to make the appraisement is to view his life work, as one might 
 view a vast edifice, faultless in architectural beauty and built of imperishable 
 adamant. To remove a single stone would impair the whole structure. So 
 it is in contemplating the great achievements of Jefferson. What notable 
 act or utterance could be effaced without threatening the fair symmetry of 
 our republican system? The Declaration of Independence — the Constitutional 
 amendments which safeguard popular liberty — the statutes of Virginia guar- 
 anteeing religious liberty and abolishing primogeniture and entail — the pur- 
 chase of the Louisiana territory! These are some of the achievements of 
 the great man whose services to mankind so far outshine those of any 
 lawgiver or publicist of whom history speaks, that by their contemplation 
 Jefferson is lifted head and shoulders above, not only his contemporaries, 
 but above all whose names have reached enrollment in the list of the world's 
 immortals. 
 
 When assailing the established order he demanded, not temporizing 
 reforms, but the destruction of the accursed system in which the accident 
 of birth determined the social and political status of the individual, investing 
 a limited number with hereditary authority and inalienable estates and con- 
 signing to social and political vassalage the millions upon whose shoulders 
 were imposed all the burdens of society. In proposing a substitute for this 
 monstrous system he repudiated the contention that the monarchy which had 
 been cast aside must necessarily be superseded by a strong government — 
 a government nominally Democratic, but essentially aristocratic and more 
 or less inaccessible to what his Federalist contemporaries denominated as 
 "the mob" — and demanded a government responsive at all times and in all 
 its departments to the popular will as expressed through the medium of 
 the ballot box. Fundamentally, he differed from most of his contem- 
 poraries and particularly Mr. Hamilton, the leader of the opposition, in 
 this: that whereas many were tainted with devotion to the monarchy and 
 plainly said so and sought therefore to minimize what they denounced as 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 29 
 
 "the evils of unbridled Democracy," Jefferson trusted the people and de- 
 manded a government in which all power should be invested ultimately in 
 the electorate. 
 
 And what a battle of the giants was this contest which resulted in the 
 formation of the Democratic party, the triumph of Jeffersonian principles and 
 the realization of the dream of the ages — the establishment of a republic 
 in which the equality of all men before the law is accepted as a heaven-bom 
 principle — a republic in which the liberties of the citizen are guaranteed as 
 inalienable — a republic in which privilege and caste are reprobated as mon- 
 strous and unnatural. 
 
 It should be borne in mind that it was not the mere fact that kings 
 and the nobility, instead of presidents and free parliaments, had for centuries 
 dominated states and controlled the destiny of nations that excited Mr. Jef- 
 ferson's resentment. He was equally opposed to the laws which in England 
 and in this country guaranteed to families perpetual enjoyment of emolu- 
 ments arising from the ownership of vast and constantly increasing estates, 
 inalienable and handed down from generation to generation — in some cases 
 by the law of primogeniture, in others by entailment. 
 
 His war upon this system was no less relentless than his assault upon 
 the divine right of kings. The Declaration of Independence was an ar- 
 raignment of the monarchy and everything pertaining to the monarchy. 
 The success of the revolution banished the monarchy, but left engrafted upon 
 our institutions many of its most obnoxious features, and upon them 
 Jefferson waged relentless war. The divorcement of Church and State, the 
 statute of religious liberty and, most important of all, the abolishment of 
 primogeniture and entail were so many deadly wounds inflicted by the 
 founder of Democracy upon the monarchical principle. These enactments, 
 all placed on the Virginia statute book by Thomas Jefferson, were so many 
 milestones marking the progress of a political revolution in this country 
 so complete that hardly a vestige is left of the accursed system under which 
 heredity determines the status of the individual, the laws of society and the 
 destiny of nations. 
 
 Without disparagement of others who labored in the same field and won 
 deathless fame by works of inestimable value to their country and the world, 
 and rejoicing in the knowledge that during the fateful period of Mr. Jeffer- 
 son's public career scores of his compatriots deserved and earned imperish- 
 able renown, I believe that the sage of Monticello will live forever in history 
 as the first civilian of the world. 
 
 Only a brief century has elapsed since his retirement from public life — 
 and behold how the leaven of his ideas has modified political institutions 
 throughout Christendom. Let not the advocates of strong governments 
 indulge unreservedly the illusion that because, forsooth, the new century 
 dawned amid an orgie of blood and violence, with vast armies marching 
 hither and thither, bent on schemes of conquest and preying everywhere 
 upon the weak and defenseless, that therefore we are entering upon a new 
 epoch, in which Jeffersonian Democracy can have no place. Let not the 
 promoters of the wicked policy, which in South Africa, in the Orient, in 
 Finland and in China has perpetrated and is perpetrating crimes against 
 humanity rivaling the meanest deeds of medievalism, that therefore hu- 
 manity has concluded to renounce the maxims of Jefferson and again how 
 
30 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELI/O. 
 
 its neck to the yoke. No, my countrymen. If unhappily the reactionary 
 forces which ever have opposed and ever will oppose true Democracy shall 
 for a while hold sway, they can only obscure for a brief period — they can 
 not extinguish — the torch. The enemy may have captured the outposts, but 
 let us not therefore surrender the citadel. The triumph of error witnessed 
 in the recent success of the imperialists at the polls was a mere episode in 
 the tedious and stubborn conflict by which mankind is being steadily lifted 
 to a higher plane. Here, to-day, on this consecrated ground let us dedicate 
 our lives anew to the cause of liberty and Democracy. 
 
 ¥¥¥ 
 Hon. R. T. W. Duke, of Charlottesville, was next introduced, and 
 responded to the subject of "Distinguished Sons of Albemarle" in a 
 manner that brought home to all present with startling vividness to 
 what an extent the very soil on which they stood was sanctified by the 
 memories of men of high thoughts and gjeat deeds. Mr. Duke's 
 speech was as follows : 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Fellow Democrats of Missouri and Virginia, Ladies and 
 Gentlemen: 
 
 Standing to-day upon this mountain where dwelt in life and sleeps in 
 death the great Virginian whose chart of freedom first mapped out man's 
 course across the dark sea of superstition and tyranny, we can realize to its 
 fullest extent that the mountains have ever been the most conspicuous feature 
 in the story of the nations, and that beneath their shadows have been born 
 the makers of history. 
 
 Historians have dwelt upon the influence of the sea and the power of 
 navies has been sung by the poet and made the theme of the romancer, yet 
 few writers have cared or endeavored to show that near the backbone of the 
 continents freedom has ever made her stronghold, and that the birthplaces 
 of great men have been in most instances close to the mountains. 
 
 So fascinating is the theme that I may be pardoned a moment's departure 
 from the subject allotted to me, and bid you from this high eminence look 
 east and west and north and south and see how momentous in our history has 
 been the Appalachian chain which, like a great fortress, has stretched itself 
 along our coast. Every great warrior — well nigh every great statesman — this 
 continent has produced, has been born within the limit of one hundred miles 
 of this system — and he who stands upon the Highlands, the Green Mountains 
 and yonder Blue Ridge range needs only the excursion of a day at almost any 
 one point to put himself in touch with all that has made our country great. 
 
 And here in this county whose most extreme point north rests upon a 
 mountain range, and whose lowest level cannot in the east and south lose 
 sight of the blue peaks that frame its picturesque beauty, have been born 
 those to whose memory every admirer of gi-eatness and patriotism should 
 pay homage. 
 
 Walk to the edge of this green lawn, glance across the valley through 
 which our little river winds its way, and upon yonder Jiill, only two miles 
 off, was born George Rogers Clarke, to whose intrepid valor, to whose un- 
 tiring energy, to whose unflinching heroism Virginia and the American 
 nation owes the gift of an Empire, and in the same home was born his illus- 
 

 
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 ^^~^^:. 
 
 ^iBl 
 
 / 
 
 HON. R. T. AV. DUKE. JR. 
 
 CHARLOTTESVILLE, VA. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 31 
 
 trioiis brother, Wm. Clarke, who, with Lewis, won the great Oregon and 
 Washington territories to the Union. Follow the stream at the foot of the 
 hill as it meanders to the north, go but a few brief miles, and follow one of 
 its larger branches, and in less than ten miles you can stand upon the hill 
 where first drew the breath of life Gen. Thomas Sumter, who gave to South 
 Carolina the fruit of his maturer years and whose name, linked to the im- 
 perishable fame of his Revolutionary services, has added to it a connection 
 with the commencement of another struggle out of whose grief and bitter- 
 ness were born the sublimest heroes and the most deathless heroism the 
 world has ever known. 
 
 Cross the mountain range back to Sumter's birthplace, and ere you have 
 gone an afternoon's ride you behold the house of one of Albemarle's most 
 remarkable men — whose career is too little known outside of his own county. 
 
 Dr. Thomas Walker, who. with Washington, saw the disastrous end of 
 Bradduck's expedition— who, with tireless energy, tracked the wilderness of 
 his native State and stood, the first white man, within the forests of Ken- 
 tucky; whose wise counsel in the House of Burgesses aided in her inde- 
 pendence — who was the father of three sons, all of whom served in the 
 Revolution, one as the confidential aid of Washington, subsequently a 
 Senator of the United States from Virginia, and another a member of both 
 the Continental and the American Congress, all born and reared and buried 
 at the homestead here, whence at a later time came William C. Rives — Sen- 
 ator of Virginia, Minister to France, statesman, author, orator and patriot. 
 Leave his home, turning to the north, and you pass in half an hour the home 
 of Thomas Mann Randolph, the Governor of Virginia, the son-in-law of 
 Jefferson, and the father of the staff of the statesman's old age. the distin- 
 guished Thomas Jefferson Randolph, who brought down into my own gen- 
 eration the tradition of the grander days of the fathers. Walk now but a 
 short half mile, and on yonder spot, which your eyes can easily see from 
 wliere we stand, Jefferson himself was born. I need not speak another word 
 of him. Ford the river at Shadwell yonder in the valley, and a few miles 
 more will bring you to where were born Geo. Nicholas, captain, major and 
 colonel in the Revolution, member of the Virginia Convention to ratify the 
 Constitution and first attorney general of Kentucky, and his Illustrious 
 brother, Wilson Carey Nicholas, United States Senator and Governor of 
 Virginia. 
 
 Turn your face north from the Nicholas homestead and a Sabbath day's 
 journey brings you to the birthplace of Edward Coles, first Governor of the 
 Territory of Illinois, the gift of Virginia to the Union, and subsequently 
 Governor of the State when admitted to the Union. Come but a mile or so 
 further east and you pass the house of Andrew Stevenson, Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives and Minister to England, and the birthplace of his 
 son, John W. Stevenson. Senator of the United States and Governor of 
 Kentucky. Within a few miles of this home sleeps In his native soil 
 Thomas Walker Gilmer, Governor of Virginia and Secretary of the Navy, 
 who was killed upon the Princeton when he had passed but a little over four 
 decades of his life. Cross the mountains and yonder, now almost in the 
 limits of our little city, was born Meriwether Lewis, the intrepid pioneer 
 who. with Clark, first explored that far Northwest "where rolls the Oregon," 
 subsequently Governor of Louisiana; and on the farm adjoining was born 
 
32 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 that brilliant genius, Francis Walker Gilmer, the friend of Jefferson, selected 
 by him to choose in England the professors for the University, and who died 
 in his brilliant manhood ere three decades had rolled above his head. 
 
 These ai-e a few of the sons old Albemarle has given to her country. 
 These stand pre-eminent of old time; but that these old red hills have not 
 ceased to produce men equal to them I do not hesitate to affirm. We are too 
 close to the age of many others waiting to be enrolled with them, and time 
 does not permit me, nor would your patience, to call over the list of judges 
 and Governors and Senators and Congressmen and soldiers and statesmen 
 who have gone forth from their old mother county or, mayhap, in the last 
 few years have had the clods of their native valley fall upon them. Little 
 avails it to call over the bead roll of fame, lest it might seem to be idle 
 boasting or the vanity of a people passing from their prime. 
 
 The names I have mentioned are a part of, and belong to, our common 
 country. You of Missouri can claim them as well as we, for they gave 
 themselves to you as well as to us, and are yours as well as they are the 
 property of all America. 
 
 We are proud that they had this as the home of their nativity, but our 
 pride is only the mother's pride in the achievements of her children. 
 
 Not only of them are we proud. Not only of those whose names are 
 the heritage of the American nation. I cast my eyes over yonder smiling 
 landscape. I see its stately homesteads, its humble cabins, and thank God 
 that Albemarle needs not to boast alone of those whose greatness is en- 
 rolled on Fame's imperishable tablets. Under yonder sods, aye yet walking 
 upon our hills and in our valleys are those whose deathless valor and whose 
 glorious self-sacrifices have no niche in glory's temple, but whose lives make 
 up as great a tribute to their country, though their names are forgotten. 
 For them I bid you recall the stirring lines of George Eliot: 
 
 "For the growing good of the world is partly dependent on unhistoric 
 acts; and that things are not so ill with you and me as they might have 
 been, is half owing to the number who lived faithfully a hidden life and rest 
 in unvisited tombs." 
 
 ¥ ¥¥ 
 
 The concluding address of the ceremonies at the tomb was 
 assigned to Hon. Frank M. Estes, of St. L,ouis, and his subject was 
 "Jefferson and the University of Virginia," which he dealt with as 
 follows: 
 
 Mr. Chairman, Democrats, Ladies and Gentlemen: 
 
 The richest treasure house in the world is Westminster Abbey. 
 Its treasures are only memories of great men, not the representatives of 
 any faction, party or policy, but the heroes of all parties, all policies, all 
 ages. There rest the ashes of the Saxon Confessor amid the tombs of the 
 Norman Conquerors; there are Plantagenet, Knights of the White Rose and 
 of the Red; Tudor, Stuart, Hanoverian, Puritan and Cavalier, Catholic and 
 Protestant. 
 
 We have two treasure houses in America, one at Mt. Vernon and the 
 other at Monticello, and our people of to-day realize in the memories of 
 
HOX. KKAXK M. KSTKS. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 33 
 
 these treasure-houses the glorious achievements of Washington and the im- 
 mortal declarations of Jefferson. One created this republic by his sword; 
 the other constructed it by his pen. 
 
 To-day we bring a monument of granite from the Empire City of that 
 territory west of the Mississippi given us by the statesmanship of Jefferson, 
 to place upon this sacred gi'ound in commemoration of our appreciation of his 
 teachings, and we bow our heads in reverence at the grave of him who pro- 
 mulgated the doctrines that men are created equal, and that each individual 
 is endowed with the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of hap- 
 piness, and that the common people are the only source of legitimate power. 
 
 These doctrines, when first announced in 1776, amazed and angered the 
 rulers of the old world and dethroned the reason of a king. 
 
 The memories of the deeds of most men fade with years, but the words 
 of Jefferson grow brighter with the flight of time, and he is better beloved 
 and more appreciated as the world becomes more enlightened. 
 
 The work of most great men has been done for glory and for the present, 
 the great works of Jefferson were done for the future, and for the glory, not 
 of the man, but of mankind. 
 
 The three greatest treasures of his memory, monumental in their char- 
 acter, are, the Declaration of Independence, the Statute for Religious Free- 
 dom and the University of Virginia; typifying liberty, religion and educa- 
 tion; one, that every man might have freedom and equality before the law; 
 one, that he might worship God according to the dictates of his own con- 
 science, and one, for the higher education and the more complete enlighten- 
 ment of his fellow-man. 
 
 Man rises in glory as he sinks in pride. These three monuments have 
 nothing of selfish glory or vaunted pride connected with them, but were 
 conceived and wrought out by Jefferson for the betterment of the human 
 race. 
 
 These works were not done by a seeker for fame. Fame is an inheri- 
 tance, not of the dead, but of the living. It is we, his descendants, who 
 look back with lofty pride upon his great deeds and drink of that flood of 
 glory as of a river, and refreshen our wings in it for future flight 
 
 Jefferson constructed a government which will last as long as free men 
 shall determine to be their own masters. 
 
 We, from Missouri, love him, because he sounded in his immortal Dec- 
 laration of Independence the first call to arms of the patriots of America; 
 we love him, because he was the author of a law guaranteeing to each man 
 the privilege of worshiping God as best suited him; we love him, because 
 he gave us our great State, and an Empire in the West; we love him, be- 
 cause he had incorporated into our organic law the first ten amendments 
 to the Federal Constitution, guaranteeing the freedom and individuality of 
 each of our citizens; we love him, because he successfully fought for the 
 doctrine, that a subject of a foreign government could forswear allegiance 
 to his king or emperor and become a citizen of our republic; we love him, 
 because with his pen he constructed the fairest fabric of human government 
 that ever rose to animate the hopes of clviUzed man. 
 
34 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 After constructing a government, he turned his attention to the con- 
 struction of an institution of learning where his principles of the rights 
 of the individual in governmental and civic affairs should be taught in the 
 class room, and exemplified in the freedom of action given to each student. 
 
 In this great university is carried out Jefferson's idea of individual free- 
 dom; there is no set rule of action, no requirements as to a curriculum of 
 study, no restraint placed upon the conduct of the student, no demerit marks 
 for missing a lecture, but each student is put upon his honor to deport him- 
 self as a gentleman, and it is an essential prerequisite to graduation, that 
 a student should make a certain percentage in his examinations, and the 
 percentage required is higher than that of any university in the world. 
 
 Jefferson believed in the imperialism of equal rights, and that great 
 university was founded on absolute principles of equal rights. Justice and 
 equality. 
 
 To have been a student at the University of Virginia is a source of 
 distinction in this country, and all of the alumni of the institution are con- 
 stantly singing paeans of praise to their Alma Mater. 
 
 The university was an inspiration of a great man, and its teachings have 
 been an inspiration to all that have sojourned within its walls. From 
 its portals have issued forth men who have become famous in literature, 
 science, art, law and statecraft. 
 
 Jefferson proclaimed himself the father of the University of Virginia, 
 and his children, the students of that institution, have most nobly realized 
 the fruition of his fondest hopes. 
 
 The students of the university have ever drawn inspiration from the 
 learned professors, and the lantern of science is held out by that institution 
 to guide the footsteps of the seeker after knowledge. 
 
 I am proud of the fact that I was a student at the University of Vir- 
 ginia, and while I drank but lightly of the Pierian Spring, yet the inspiration 
 and incentive to exertion which I received from the examples and precepts of 
 my old professors has served me to fight life's battles boldly, and to be 
 ambitious to reach the plane of success. 
 
 The students of the university have ever been so ambitious they would 
 be willing to run the race of life with an Atalanta, and they would not stoop 
 to gather the golden apples if only fame should be awaiting them at the goal. 
 
 Jefferson, as the founder of the University of Virginia, was actuated 
 by the most unselfish motives that ever determined human conduct; his 
 work in this regard, as is universally conceded, was not to satisfy a vain- 
 glorious pride, but that he might uplift and enlighten future generations of 
 young men, whom he wanted to be so educated that they could debate the 
 great problems, constitutional and otherwise, of our government, and by 
 virtue of the knowledge acquired in the lecture rooms, they might be quali- 
 fied for leadership in their respective States and communities. 
 
 Because of her great work, may the realization of the future of the 
 University of Virginia be as great as her past has been glorious. She is 
 a fixed star in the firmament of education, and may that star grow more 
 brilliant as the years go by, till at last she may so light up the pathway of 
 education as to make it luminous to Jove. 
 
ilR. .lOirX II. IK)()(;iIKH. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 35 
 
 THE BANQUET. 
 
 After the ceremonies in the morning on the mountain, the pilgrims 
 spent the afternoon in exploring the grounds of the university, 
 inspecting the library of the institution and the Jefferson papers and 
 relics there enshrined. The university impressed the pilgrims more 
 than all else. It did so because it so tangibly showed the scope 
 of Jefferson's thought and so excellently realized in its management 
 and effort to-day the thought and aspiration of the great man who had 
 conceived and projected it so long ago. There were not a few among 
 the pilgrims who had spent their later youth at the university, and 
 were therefore eminently fitted to explain to their associates the 
 meaning of it all, many historical incidents and associations, and how 
 the great institution had developed, almost without a single variation 
 from its founder's plan, into the typical democratic seat of learning of 
 this country. 
 
 In the evening the pilgrims gathered in the great gymnasium, 
 where was spread a sumptuous banquet. The hall was decorated with 
 American flags. Seated at the table of honor were the president and 
 such members of the faculty as could attend. In the hanging galleries 
 were many of the ladies of Charlottesville, interested spectators and 
 auditors of the scene. The band and the quartette enlivened the 
 entrance with appropriate selections, and at intervals during the 
 evening contributed to the spirit of the occasion their quota of 
 enthusiasm and sentiment. 
 
 Mr. John H. Boogher was at the head of the table as master of 
 ceremonies and toastmaster, a post in which he acquitted himself as 
 became an enthusiastic supporter of the scheme of the pilgrimage from 
 the beginning, and a loyal alumnus of the university. When Mr. 
 Boogher arose he introduced the proceedings happily, thus : 
 
 Members of the Faculty and Students of the University of Virginia, Citi- 
 zens of Charlottesville, Members of the Jefferson Club. Ladies and Gentle- 
 men: 
 
 After a most memorable day upon the mountain top, whereon lies bur- 
 ied all that was mortal of the great Jefferson, in honor of whose memory 
 we have made this pilgrimage of a thousand miles, we are gathered round 
 the banquet table in one of the halls of the University of Virginia, an in- 
 stitution that was the idol of the declining years of our great patron saint, 
 to recount the memories of the day and to recite again the story of the in- 
 fluence upon our lives, our growth and our prosperity, of the life and 
 works of the immortal Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 All of us have read to-day, carved upon the monument erected over 
 his grave, the last line of the inscription, penned by his own hand, and 
 directed by him to be placed thereon, "Father of the University of Vir- 
 ginia." 
 
36 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Gentlemen of the Faculty, many of the sons of this institution, now 
 citizens of Missouri, have accompanied us on this pilgrimage; they have 
 loitered through your classic shades, have lived and breathed again this 
 atmosphere of splendid thought, and they shall return to their homes with 
 soals enriched by the experience. 
 
 A college professor once told a class that had not spent its time in 
 study, '"Twere better to have come and loafed than never to have come 
 at all." Needless to say. it was not said of any class at the University of 
 Virginia. Those of us who were so fortunate as to carry away the pre- 
 cious diploma of the University can bear testimony that we worked faith- 
 fully for them. But there are many here to-night who for the first time 
 have entered your portals. They are impatient to learn more of the grand 
 old institution, and. gentlemen of the Jefferson Club, you are not to be dis- 
 appointed. There is one here to-night as our distinguished guest who can 
 charm you with its story. So my first toast shall be "The University 
 of Virginia," and for a response I shall call upon the Chairman of the 
 Faculty of the University, Dr. Paul B. Barringer. 
 
 ¥¥¥ 
 
 Dr. Barringer's appearance was the signal for prolonged applause, 
 at the conclusion of which he spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Jefferson Club Association of St. Louis: 
 As pilgrims to the grave of Mr. Jefterson. you have seen for 
 yourselves to-day the simplicity of the monument with which he chose to 
 mark his last resting place, and also his unique epitaph. The faculty of the 
 university have been much pleased that so large a number of you also took 
 occasion to view the university which Mr. Jefferson founded. Unfortunately 
 it has only been possible to show you its body — its concrete form of brick 
 and mortar, its equipment and apparatus; the best part of the university — 
 its soul, its spirit — we have not been able to show you as this can not be 
 seen by the sojourner: it is visible only to those who live, and live for quite 
 a while, within the lengthened shadow of its great founder, and breathe the 
 atmosphere of the institution created by his genius. 
 
 You will recall that in his epitaph Mr. Jefferson mentioned the Univer- 
 sity of Virginia last, and if you will follow me for a few minutes I believe 
 I can show you why this was done. The first of the things by which he 
 wished to be remembered was the so-called Declaration of Independence which 
 was simply a declaration of his belief in the capacity of man for self-govern- 
 ment — a thing until that time almost unknown in the old world, the land of 
 emperors, kings, princes and feudal lords. 
 
 The second of those things by which Mr. Jefferson wished to be re- 
 membered, which he calls his Statute of Religious Freedom for Virginia, 
 involved his belief that the final arbiter in each man's religion or creed 
 should be his own conscience. This does not mean that he should be with- 
 out religion, but that his religion should always arise from his own convic- 
 tion of right and wrong, and should not be imposed upon him from without. 
 
 Naturally Mr. Jefferson saw that these two cardinal principles of free 
 existence could only be carried into effect and preserved by an intelligent 
 
DR. PAFT. I?. I5AKRIIVGER, 
 
 CIIAIKMAN Oi' 1-ALU t, TV , U X I \- i; H S IT V OF VIRfJlXIA. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 37 
 
 and enlightened community, and hence he concerned himself throughout his 
 entire life with public education, devising a common school system of educa- 
 tion for Virginia among the earliest acta of his public life. 
 
 As the means of preserving and at the same time illustrating his first 
 great principles of self-government under the sanction of conscience, Mr. 
 Jefferson determined to create for his native State a university in order that, 
 through the enlightenment shed upon her life by such an institution, his first 
 work might be made perfect. This, gentlemen, is why the father mentioned 
 his best loved child last. 
 
 The University of Virginia has always endeavored to carry out the views 
 of its founder. His university should be a pure Democracy, and it is. There 
 Is self-government in large measure even for the students, and there is ab- 
 solute religious freedom. This has not produced absence of religion from 
 the University of Virginia, hut it has widened and broac'iened its type of 
 religious thought until it may be said that the leaders of religious thought 
 in the South, in every denomination, have come from the University of 
 Virginia. I will only mention here Bishop Doggett, Bishop Dudley, John 
 A. Broadus and Robt. L. Dabney for the four best known of these teachers. 
 That this early training in self-government fits for after life is shown by the 
 fact that the University of Virginia, despite its relatively small numbers, has 
 always had a larger representation in Congress and in the Senate than any 
 of the larger institutions like Harvard, Yale. Princeton. Pennsylvania or 
 Michigan. 
 
 It is a singular fact that in spite of all that Mr. Jefferson has done 
 for America and mankind, in all the broad territory acquired through his 
 influence, not a single mountain, or river, or lake, or other great natural 
 object bears his name, and among the artificial divisions of the score or more 
 States, whose creation he made possible, not one is named after him. It is 
 time that this neglect was atoned for. I am glad to see that the Louisiana 
 Purchase Exposition will pay due honor to his memory, and the members 
 of this organization should see to it that some permanent memorial is placed 
 on the grounds of that exposition, which shall remain to all time a reminder 
 that St. Louis, at least, is grateful to the man who did so much for her. 
 
 Not least among the accomplishments of Mr. Jelierson was his knowledge 
 of classical architecture. All the buildings on the old lawn were designed 
 by him after classical creations preserved by Palladio, but the chief archi- 
 tectural glory of the university, the one around which the memory of Mr. 
 Jefferson most fondly lingers, is its library building — our rotunda. This is 
 an architectural reproduction of the Roman Pantheon made by Mr. Jefferson, 
 and it is considered one of the masterpieces of classical reproduction. How 
 fitting it would he, in view of what has been said, that the move originated 
 by the University of Virginia alumni in St. Louis should be carried through 
 and that a reproduction of this building, to contain as its central figure 
 a monument to the great Virginian, should be erected on your World's Fair 
 grounds to remain for all time a reminder of the fair itself and of him whose 
 foresight made it possible. 
 
 That this may be done is the desire, not only of the University of Vir- 
 ginia, but of all Virginia. The Old Dominion furnished no small part 
 of the blood of Missouri, and the spirit of those Virginians of the heroic age 
 represented by Mr. Jefferson played no small part in forming the character of 
 
38 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO 
 
 your people. And this old commonwealth would look upon such an act of 
 honor to his memory and that of his creation as a fit recognition of the bonds 
 which so firmly unite the two States. 
 
 if** 
 
 At the conclusion of Dr. Barringer'.s address the toastmaster was 
 moved to request an addre.ss by President Hawes on "The Jefferson 
 Club," according to the printed programme, but the president arose 
 and simply said that those present had heard enough of him in the 
 morning and he would afflict them no more. This sentiment was not 
 approved by the banqueters in the least, but the president was obdurate 
 and persistent in declining to make an address. Upon the president's 
 refusal to deliver a speech, the toastmaster, in a few sentences, pictured 
 the conditions in St. Louis prior to April, 1901, when the Jefferson 
 Club, in the cause of reform, mustered all its .strength to drive the 
 Republicans from power, and succeeded in electing to the mayoralty 
 Hon. Rolla Wells. Then he introduced Mayor Wells to the 
 assemblage, and there ensued such a demonstration as made the 
 building tremble. When quiet had been restored the Mayor of St. 
 Louis addressed the gathering as follows in response to the toast, "The 
 City of St. Louis:" 
 
 Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: At the home of the Nation's g:-eat states- 
 man, it is difficult. If I may use the expression, to localize one's thoughts to 
 speak on an occasion like this upon any particular spot of this country. The 
 surroundings stir the heart of the most indifferent, for we literally stand 
 upon the ground once bravely trod by those who established this great repub- 
 lic. The world has never seen a group of men who exhibited in the origin 
 and all through the formative period of our government such powers 
 of constructive statesmanship. I thought to-day as I stood by the tomb 
 of the immortal Jefferson, and read the inscription which he caused to be 
 placed thereon as his claim to fame and the gratitude of his countrymen, 
 how little he valued office, save as the instrumentality for accomplishing 
 some good for his country. There is no suggestion that he had filled nearly 
 every office that the State or the Nation could give him, from a seat in 
 the House of Burgesses to the Presidency of the United States. There are, 
 however, volumes unfolded to us in the triumph of a free people and the 
 establishment of their independence upon the basis of the declaration he 
 wrote, in his great work in breaking down the barriers of religious proscrip- 
 tion, and building the foundation of religious freedom, and finally in the 
 establishment of this great institution of learning as a tangible evidence 
 of what he so eloquently proclaimed, that education is one of the corner 
 stones of a free republic. 
 
 What an example to us! It is not the office, it is the manner in which 
 it is filled and the good wrought for the people that alone can bring honor. 
 We also should not forget that sitting with him around the council board of 
 this university were his gre^t coadjutors, those illustrious Americans, Madi- 
 son and Monroe. Nor should we, who come from the West, forget that 
 
HOX. ROI.LA WKI.LS. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 39 
 
 almost within a stone's throw of where we stand was born George Rogers 
 Clark, whose conquest of the Northwest is one of the most thrilling stories of 
 our history. 
 
 Will you indulge me in the mention of another citizen born in your coun- 
 ty, not BO widely known but as fervent in his love of country and as faithful in 
 the discharge of every duty to it as those I have named. I am reminded 
 that this was the birthplace and early liome of the late Colonel James O. 
 Broadhead, and that this university was his Alma Mater. He was my friend; 
 1 admired him, as we all did. He lived among us for nearly half a century, 
 and St. Louis never had a more worthy or loyal citizen. 
 
 This is not the time or place to eulogize St. L«uis, or tell you the source 
 of our present greatness or future prospects. St. Louis is to-day, and will be 
 for the next two years, largely in the public eye. You will probably hear 
 more about it than any other American city. It has undertaken to give, 
 and I assure you that it will faithfully carry out the undertaking, a World's 
 Fair as the most befitting manner to celebrate the centennial of the Louisiana 
 Purchase, which, measured by its far-reaching results to this country, 
 would. If all else he did were wiped out, immortalize the name of Jefferson. 
 
 The task is a tremendous one and was not of our seeking. A convention 
 composed of delegates from all the States of the Louisiana Purchase re- 
 solved that a World's Fair was the best means of commemorating the cen- 
 tennial, and they further resolved that St. Liouis, the largest and wealthiest 
 city within the geographical limits of the purchase, should be the place of 
 the celebration. 
 
 We appreciate the honor, but we do not underrate the responsibility we 
 have assumed. We went to work at once with the result that, though pri- 
 vate subscriptions and a bond issue, we have raised ten million dollars as 
 our share. And in addition to the money, citizens of public spirit, repre- 
 senting the best business and professional talent of our city, are freely 
 giving their time and energies to see that the work undertaken is crowned 
 with success. We, who are connected with the city government, feel that 
 a herculean task is before us to put our municipal house in order, so that we 
 may properly receive the strangers who will enter our gates. And this 
 leads me to merely suggest, for I have not time to elaborate, that in my 
 judgment the most serious problem that confronts us to-day is the govern- 
 ment of our large cities. 
 
 Mr. Jefferson continually referred to the fact that the strength of the 
 Government lay in the agricultural districts. He was exceedingly pessimistic 
 about the government of large cities. If in his day the problem struck him 
 as difficult, think of what it now is. In ISOO our urban population was four 
 per cent of the whole; now it is thirty-three and one-tenth per cent. But 
 the limited time alloted me would not permit, if I were so disposed, to go 
 into the intricate questions involved in municipal government. 
 
 In our complicated modern civilization nothing can be done without or- 
 ganization. It is likewise necessary to have party organization, which I 
 firmly believe in, for we are impotent to accomplish much without it. Those 
 who give of their time and means to build up party organization as a prac- 
 tical method of reaching the best results for the public good, deserve well 
 of their country and of their communities. 
 
40 THR PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Party organization fails in its riglitful mission when it sacrifices prin- 
 ciples in giving itself up to a mad rage for spoils, or worse still, in using the 
 machinery of government to build up classes in obedience to a commercial 
 spirit moved, not by patriotic, but avaricious ends. 
 
 It is well for us in the midst of these scenes, hallowed to us who are 
 followers of Jefferson, to renew our allegiance to the principles he taught. 
 He was the great expounder of the doctrine of local self-government. No 
 one better than he taught the philosophy of having the power in each com- 
 munity to govern itself. The watchful eye of the tax-payer and the voter 
 is the best source of correcting abuses which the community alone suffers. 
 And it is well for us to remember the standard he raised for official service. 
 You will recall his reply to a committee of merchants from New Haven that 
 the test for appointment to public office should be, "Is he honest? Is he 
 capable? Is he faithful to the Constitution?" If this standard should be 
 required of those called to the service of the General Government, where 
 great questions of public policy have to be worked out, it is even more Im- 
 portant to apply the test of honesty and capability to those who must be 
 the agents to administer municipal government, the success of which de- 
 pends upon the adoption of correct business methods. 
 
 And now, my fellow citizens, let me say that the pleasure of this visit 
 is enhanced by the thought that never before has this country been so 
 umted. We are one people, neither divided by geographical nor sectional 
 lines. When, a few days ago, as Mayor of St. Louis, I was called on to join 
 in the cortege at Canton that followed our honored President to his last 
 resting place, nothing touched my heart more than the sight of the veterans 
 of our Civil War, representing both sides, marching arm in arm with bowed 
 heads and tearful eyes, to testify to their great sorrow. This common 
 sorrow over the loss of our President seemed to bring us all closer to- 
 gether, and to recall the fact of his splendid work in unifying our country 
 and wiping out all sectional divisions. It is a matter of congiatulation 
 that his distinguished successor is not only following in his footsteps, but 
 has gone one step farther as evidenced by the appointments recently made 
 in the South. 
 
 And now, gentlemen, I want to thank you one and all for this cordial 
 Virginia welcome you have given us. St. Louis is proverbial for its hospital- 
 ity, but. in 1903. among the millions who will come to our city from every 
 part of the country, I may say from every part of the world, none will re- 
 ceive a more cordial welcome than those who will come to us from the 
 home of Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 The toastniaster again displayed his knack of happy introductions 
 in presenting to the feasters Hon. James A. Reed, of Kansas City, 
 to respond to the toast of "The State of Missouri," a task which the 
 eloquent Kansas Cityan performed to the delight of all, in the 
 appended stirring utterance : 
 
 Americans: To stand within these temples of learning, and to address 
 this brilliant assemblage, I deem the greatest of honors. But to be called 
 
HO.\. JAMES A. HKKU. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 41 
 
 upon to proclaim the fidelity of Missouri to the teachings of that illustrious 
 man who gave her soil to liberty, and dedicated her future to civilization and 
 progress, is to have honor crowned with pleasure. 
 
 On April 30th, 1803, Jefferson achieved immortality. The signing of the 
 treaty of cession was the vastest single forward impulse given the car of 
 progress since history has recorded the story of man. Without loss of 
 blood or life, by peaceful negotiation and unsurpassed strategy, more than 
 one million square miles of territory was wrested from the dominion of 
 European powers and brought within the jurisdiction of the young republic. 
 A marvelous and unpeopled empire; farm lands bursting with the imprisoned 
 wealth of wondrous crops of corn and rye, of cotton, wheat and hemp, anx- 
 ious for the deliverance of the plow; forests illimitable and vast, that rocked 
 and tossed impatient for the woodman's ax; mountains glittering with gems, 
 shining with veins of silver, yellow with gold, enough of wealth to fill the 
 pockets of avarice through all the centuries that are yet to come, waiting the 
 miner's enterprising pick. 
 
 Out of this princely expanse have been carved fourteen great States 
 and territories. But, as Jupiter dominates the other planets, so does Mis- 
 souri, brightest star in the constellation Louisiana, by her regal glories, 
 eclipse the light of all her sisters. 
 
 If from shadowy shores of the eternal seas the sage of Monticello ever 
 turns his eyes toward this "bank of time," proud may he be of Missouri, 
 whose sons have come a thousand miles to wreathe his tomb with reverential 
 flowers, and from the eternal granite of their State to build to him a monu- 
 ment of deathless love. 
 
 When the colors of France were struck upon the fortress of St. Louis 
 and the Stars and Stripes were run up. never again to come down, they 
 floated over the extremest outpost of civilization. To the west lay the un- 
 certain, the unexplored, the unknown. The storm king, riding the many- 
 footed winds, beheld only the solitude of tremendous forests — the isolation 
 of limitless prairies — the rush of mighty rivers — the savage front of unknown 
 mountains. 
 
 The teeming brain of Jefferson could scarcely have conceived, nor his 
 prophetic eye beheld, the Missouri of to-day. Her territory greater than that 
 island — England — which broke the scepter of the mighty Napoleon; one-third 
 as large as that Germany, whose marshalled hosts shake Europe as they 
 march; more than one-third as large as that France, which sold her for a 
 drink of absinthe. Sixty-five thousand square miles of territory — a kingly 
 domain, vast — splendid — imperial. Within her borders the Mississippi and 
 Missouri — father and mother of rivers — meet in marriage and mingle the 
 snows of the Rockies with the waters of Lake Itasca. Hundreds of lesser 
 streams rush from her bosom. Thousands of creeks running across her 
 plain murmur songs of happiness 'mid grassy banks. Countless rivulets 
 whisper the music of content in woody dells, and all her valleys shake with 
 the liquid laughter of myriad springs. Tremendous forests — endless — bound- 
 less—where grows each tree, from graceful pines, that tremble at the faintest 
 breeze, to giant oaks, that stand like sentinels, grimly defying the wild wrath 
 of storms. Wonderful expanses of prairie, covered knee deep with blue 
 grass. Blue grass— bridal costume of the blushing spring; richest robe of 
 gorgeous summer; fadeless mantle of dying autumn; warmest cloak of win- 
 
42 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 ter that 'neath the ice and trosts of death retains its color of Imperishable 
 green, and keeps aglow the spark of life within the bosom of the frozen 
 earth. Blue grass — that lifts the borders of winter's snowy shroud and 
 prophesies that vernal suns again will shine. Blue grass — in which, through 
 summer morns, innumerable cattle stand and shake their shining sides, 
 ■while countless flocks of sheep drink from its tender blades the drops of 
 jeweled dew. Hillsides, gorgeous with the glow of purple gi-apes — crimson 
 in the brighter blush of growing apples — rosy with the mingling cream and 
 pink of ripening peaches — shaded with the delicate russet and green of pears 
 that bend the trees on which they grow. Broad valleys filled with endless 
 fields of wheat, that bow, and sway, and swell before the summer's breeze 
 like waves upon a shoreless yellow sea. Corn lands that stretch to the 
 horizon's brim, where kindly skies bend down to kiss the tasselled heads. 
 
 Beneath this surface of panoplied splendor. Mother Earth has garnered 
 the sunshine of the ages, and stored it in vast banks of coal, enough of coal 
 to warm the hearths of all the shadowy hosts that yet shall come to fill the 
 world. And the great chemist, Nature, has laid away measureless beds of 
 lead and zinc and iron — inexhaustible — sufiicient for the wants of all mankind 
 through centuries of time. And over all, skies painted by Magic's match- 
 less brush with wondrous changing shades of softest blue, through which 
 the flood of yellow sunlight falls like drifting waves of powdered gold. And 
 field and forest, mountain top and plain swept by invisible spirits of the air, 
 bearing upon their scented lips the breath of countless flowers. 
 
 What marvel then that, standing on the borders of a laud that held 
 within its womb so fair a future, the Saxon race — prophet of progress — torch 
 bearer of civilization — builder of States — paused not to consider, but like a 
 tidal wave rolled over the fair face of Missouri, dotting her templed hills 
 and rose-girdled valleys with happy homes. What wonder that churches 
 and school houses, twin blossoms of civilization, at touch of the resistless 
 Saxon, sprang from the soil. What wonder that the mighty St. Louis, count- 
 ing her population at three-fourths of a million, adorns her eastern line; 
 that St. Joseph, queen of the central counties, wields her scepter over more 
 than one hundred thousand souls; that Kansas City, numbering her people 
 at two hundred thousand, shines like a star upon her western borders; that 
 more than thirty cities of from five thousand to twenty-five thousand, and 
 forty-two towns of from five hundred to five thousand population, form an 
 appropriate setting for the three great centers of population, wealth and 
 culture, and that embraced within the borders of the State are more than 
 three thousand hamlets and villages — clusters of refinement, learning and 
 progress, gems in the bosom of Missouri. Nor is it wonderful that the sons 
 of these Saxon sires have builded railroads that clasp with bands of steel 
 all portions of the State, and make a neighborhood of its remotest parts. 
 Nor that the holy trinity, religion, law and education, hold universal and 
 uninterrupted sway. 
 
 In such a land, living beneath such skies, reared amid such influences, 
 their veins swelling with the blood of such an ancestry, the sons of Missouri 
 could not be less than brave, nor fall short of the full measure of patriots. 
 A bravery which has won laurels on many a crimson field — a patriotism 
 which is unchallenged and unsurpassed. 
 
 Loyal in all things. Missouri has above all else been loyal to the teach- 
 ings of the illustrious Jefferson. In him she sees the statesman whose mind 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 43 
 
 compassed the entire philosophy of government; the iconoclast of politics, 
 who shattered all the idols of the past, and from the temple of the mind 
 drove the foul bats of ignorance and fear. 
 
 For a thousand years the people had been taught the divine right of 
 kings; Jefferson taught the divine right of man. For a thousand years the 
 people had been taught the superiority of the classes; Jefferson taught the 
 superiority of the masses. For countless centuries the doctrine that all 
 powers descended from the government to the individual had been accepted 
 as the perfection of human reason. Jefferson reversed this dogma, and de- 
 clared that all powers ascended from the individual to the government. 
 Prior to his day it had never been doubted tliat, from king to con- 
 stable, all holders of public offices were rulers. Jefferson denounced this 
 legal falsehood, and declared that all office-holders were merely the servants, 
 agents and employes of the sovereign people. He described the horizon of 
 human liberty in two sentences: "that all men are born free and equal," 
 and that "governments derive their just powers from the consent of the 
 governed." 
 
 Standing upon the intellectual heights and looking back upon the story 
 of nations — every page of which was red with the blood of oppression — 
 stained with the tears of innumerable millions — he saw that in all the centu- 
 ries of time the instrument of tyranny, the one great engine employed by 
 kings to destroy the liberties of the people, had been vast standing 
 armies, and gazing into the future, and reading its dangers by the light of 
 the torch of history, he anathematized all efforts to fasten a standing ai-my 
 upon the citizens of the young republic. 
 
 He declared that the true strength of free nations was to be found in 
 the sturdy bosoms and patriotic souls of its citizens, and that, as long as the 
 blood of patriotism glowed within the hearts of all the people, the fires of 
 liberty would never expire upon the watch towers of American inde- 
 pendence. 
 
 He believed, further, that European nations, unable to conquer us in a 
 conflict of arms, would seek to enervate and destroy the spirit of inde- 
 pendence by entangling alliances, which would eventually sap the founda- 
 tions of the Government. 
 
 First of all American statesman he clearly saw the necessity for the 
 dominance of the North American republic over the Western Hemisphere, 
 and declared that the aggressions of European nations upon this side of 
 the Atlantic should forever cease, and from these two propositions he de- 
 duced the logical corollary, expressed in the hope, "that the time will soon 
 come when a meridian of partition shall be drawn through the Atlantic 
 ocean, on the hither side of which no European gun shall ever be heard,, 
 nor an American gun upon the other." 
 
 He was opposed to all legislation granting special privileges to corporate 
 bodies or individuals. He had read the history of all civilizations, and 
 he knew that if once the doctrine were admitted that it was proper to grant 
 special privileges to individuals, to classes, or to corporate bodies, these 
 special privileges would descend upon and be used by those least in need of 
 governmental aid, and in their hands would become instruments of op- 
 Eression. 
 
 Above all, he knew that no government could be successful unless wisely 
 conducted, and that in a government of the people, intelligence was the great 
 
44 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 prerequisite to success. Accordingly, lie urged upon every hand the universal 
 education of the masses. So dear was this thought to his heart, that he 
 regarded the founding of the great University of Virginia, and the drafting 
 of the Declaration of Independence as works of almost parallel importance. 
 And Missouri has learned well these lessons. She has scattered her 
 school houses on every hill and in every valley. She has erected great 
 seminaries of learning, and that the light of education may never go out 
 within her borders, she has endowed her free public school system with 
 the enormous and constantly increasing sum of ?13,000.000, devoted to the 
 education of all classes of her children. 
 
 Missourians believe in the lessons Jefferson has taught. They do not 
 belong to that class who seek to construe the Constitution to suit the pur- 
 poses of the hour. They regard the Constitution and the Declaration of 
 Independence as twin Gibraltars of liberty, as inflexible and fixed monu- 
 ments, which do not bend to every breeze of caprice, or melt to fit the mold 
 of political expediency. Missourians have never adopted the geographical 
 method of construction, nor the doctrine of migratory morals. They be- 
 lieve that truth is eternal, and universal, and does not change with the 
 crossing of the red line of a map. They believe that the declaration that 
 "all men are born free and equal," "that all are entitled to life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness," and that "all governments derive their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed," mean the same thing in the 
 Orient as in the Occident. 
 
 These great principles of government announced by Jefferson, have been 
 the fundamental rocks upon which the Democratic party has always stooa, 
 and to that party is due the retention in our laws, in our customs, in our 
 civilization, of not the mere shadow, but the substance of liberty. In all 
 the years that have come and gone since Missouri was adopted into the 
 sisterhood of States, she has never wavered in her allegiance to these doc- 
 trines of government. In the hour of triumph, she leads the van; in the day 
 of disaster, withstands the shock, and forms the rallying point of scattered 
 hosts. What the old guard was to the legions of Napoleon; what the thin, 
 red line was to the army of Wellington; what Jackson's wall of living stone 
 was to the Confederacy; what Thomas' corps was to the Federal forces, the 
 Democracy of Missouri is to the Democracy of the nation. It is an inflexi- 
 ble granite wedge driven into the domain of Republicanism. Citizens of 
 other States may have abandoned the old banner of Jefferson; disaster and 
 rout may have befallen the Democratic armies, but in the hour of defeat, 
 Missouri is standing upon the firing line, and on the night of catastrophe 
 her sons are found bivouaclng upon the field, and burnishing their arms for 
 other frays. 
 
 The day may come when the people of this land shall finally adopt the 
 doctrine that the Constitution is a rope of sand, to be broken at will, and 
 that the Declaration of Independence is a meaningless and idle story, told 
 by the lips of dotards for the amusement of children. The day may come 
 when arrogant and enthroned wealth will set up an hereditary moneyed aris- 
 tocracy, and the tramp of standing armies shall shake our soil. The chil- 
 dren of the future may be reared within the shadows of fortresses, built by a 
 government relying upon the strength of cannon to sustain its power over the 
 people. The day may come when the voice of the fathers of the republic 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 45 
 
 will no longer be heard in the ears of the children of men; when the Stars 
 and Stripes shall cease to be the emblem of hope and liberty. But, if that 
 day does come, I venture the prediction that the sons of the grand old 
 commonwealth of Missouri, touching elbows with the chivalry of Virginia, 
 will be found ready to die upon the bloody ramparts of liberty. 
 
 But, sons of Virginia and Missouri, that day will never come. The peo- 
 ple of the United States may malce mistakes; they may be led aside by false 
 logic; their eyes may be dimmed for a time;the shadows and clouds of de- 
 ception may obscure their vision, but the clear sunlight will at last break 
 upon them, and, before irretrievable disaster shall have fallen, the people 
 will discover the danger which menaces, and will turn again to the eternal 
 doctrines, to the indestructible truths taught by the mighty Jefferson, 
 whose sacred tomb makes holy all the soil of this fair State. 
 
 The day will never come when the American people will abandon tie 
 fundamental teachings of the Democratic party. We know that the history 
 of Democracy is the story of the struggle for human liberty, which began 
 when man first oppressed his brother. We hear the voice of the oppressed 
 calling to us from out the night of time, and in the shadows of the past be- 
 hold humanity's uplifted face turned toward the sun of hope. We know 
 that through all the centuries liberty haa been the dream of poets, philos- 
 ophers, sages and statesmen, and that in every age, condition and clime, its 
 fires have burned within the breast of universal man. To gain the boon 
 of liberty, myriads have offered up their lives; that we might all be free, 
 thousands have, with uncomplaining lips, endured the torture of collar, rack 
 and wheel, and amid the red embraces of the flames of martyrdom, with 
 parched and blistered lips proclaimed the rights of man. We behold the 
 Cyclopean struggle as it raged amid the valleys of the Alps, and on 
 their frozen peaks, swept along the bloody dykes of Holland, rolled through 
 lie passes of Switzerland, gorged the streets cf Paris with black and clotted 
 gore, transformed the lovely dells of Ireland into ghastly catacombs of death, 
 and sowed the sodden plains of Europe with bleaching bones of men. It was 
 to gain this priceless boon cur fathers left their native shores and builded 
 here a temple in the wilderness; a temple dedicated to human liberty. They 
 poured their heart's blood on its sacred altars. They swore to defend it 
 with their fortunes and their honor, and, on a hundred bloody fields, from 
 Lexington to Yorktown. they maintained it with their lives. And we have 
 faith that the sons of sires like these will still keep bright upon the ramparts 
 of freedom the holy fires lit by their patriotic hands. 
 
 We believe, and we know, that the flag of our country in the future, as 
 in the past, will be the banner o^ hope, floating ever in the heavens of Lib- 
 erty, towards which the eyes of all the oppressed of earth will turn with con- 
 fidence and love. We have faith in the American people, faith in her in- 
 stitutions, faith in that government the great Jefferson thought out in his 
 brain, and the mighty Washington wrought out with his sword, and we will 
 entertain the undying confidence that when the last sun sets behind the hills 
 of time, it will light up the homes of the countless children of freedom, and 
 its dying glories will paint the spires and minarets of marvelous American 
 cities, and kiss them till they glow with crimson, and the last breeze that 
 ever fans this earth will lovingly caress the silken banner of our country, 
 then, as now, the emblem of liberty, equality and progress, and we can hear 
 
46 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 the shadowy lips of unborn generations join with us in tlie patriotic prayer. 
 Float on! float on! thou glorious banner of liberty! float! float forever o'er 
 the brave and the free! for every star of white that shines from out thy 
 field of blue has cost a million lives, and every crimson stripe is dyed with 
 patriots' blood, and in thy warp and woof is woven all the hopes of man! 
 "The pilgrim spirit has not fled. 
 
 It walks in the moon's broad light, 
 And watches the bed of the glorious dead 
 
 With the holy stars by night. 
 It watches the bed of the brave who have bled. 
 
 And shall guard the ice-bound shore, 
 'Till the waves of the Bay where the Mayflower lay 
 Shall foam and freeze no more." 
 
 *** 
 
 Mr. Joseph W. Folk, Circuit Attorney of the City of St. Louis, 
 arising to respond to "The Louisiana Purchase," was handsomely 
 greeted, and handsomely acquitted himself in the following succinct 
 and strong treatment of his subject : 
 
 When Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence he lighted 
 a beacon that will shine for the lovers of liberty in all the world, through 
 all the ages. In securing the passage of the Virginia statute for religious 
 freedom he marked an era in the progress of civilization and the happiness 
 of mankind. When he founded the University of Virginia he gave a hand- 
 maid to science and contributed Intellectual vigor to coming generations. 
 But great and glorious as were these, the most memorable and sublime thing 
 Jefferson achieved was doubling the area of the United States while he was 
 President, by the purchase of Louisiana. By this act he brought into being a 
 world power destined, as it is even now beginning to be, the mistress of 
 the nations of the earth. 
 
 It Is appropriate that we, hailing from the chief city of the territory 
 united to the Nation through his influence, should come as pilgrims to this 
 sacred ground to pay our tribute to his principles and obtain inspiration 
 from the hallowed place. 
 
 No government ever had so much contiguous territory added to it at 
 one time without war or bloodshed as the United States in the purchase of 
 Louisiana, In a single step an empire was gained, giving the means for 
 future greatness and power. It was Jefferson who first conceived the thought 
 of purchasing that vast territory. He long cherished the dream that the 
 United States might some day control the Mississippi. To this end and the 
 ultimate acquisition of the territory lying west of the river he labored from 
 the beginning of his Presidential administration until the marvelous achieve- 
 ment was accomplished. 
 
 I^uisiana began to figure prominently in our National affairs when, in 
 1800, Spain secretly ceded the territory back to France, from which nation 
 Spain obtained it as a result of the French and Indian war. Jefferson con- 
 sidered Spain a dying nation and believed that no harm could come to us 
 by her owning adjoining territory, but he learned with alarm of the clan- 
 destine act by which France obtained Louisiana and thought it fraught 
 
HON. JOSEPH W. FOLK. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 47 
 
 ■with the gravest danger to the peace and welfare of the United States. As 
 soon as he learned of the transaction he instructed Livingston, the Minister 
 to France, to urge strongly upon Napoleon the purchase by the United States 
 of at least the Island of New Orleans, and if possible, all of the territory. 
 Jefferson diplomatically availed himself of the precarious state of the for- 
 eign relations of France at the time. "The day that France takes posses- 
 sion of New Orleans," he wrote Livingston, "fixes the sentence which is to 
 restrain her forever within her low water mark. It seals the union of two 
 nations who. in conjunction, can maintain exclusive possession of the ocean. 
 From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and na- 
 tion." 
 
 Livingston found the scheme of Napoleon to colonize Louisiana an im- 
 pediment to the success of his commission. In January, 1803, Jefferson sent 
 James Monroe to France to join Livingston, with instructions to close ne- 
 gotiations for part of Louisiana, at all hazards. By what seems a dispensa- 
 tion of Providence events so shaped themselves just then as to bring about 
 the consummation of Jefferson's fondest hopes. The French army that had 
 been sent to Santo Domingo was destroyed and control of the island was 
 wholly lost to France. To recover the island would cost more than it was 
 worth. Without Santo Domingo Napoleon could not make the use of Louis- 
 iana he had intended, and could not hope to hold it in a war against Eng- 
 land. With new wars impending and with a treasury depleted he consented 
 to sell Louisiana, and agreed on the price of fifteen million dollars. 
 
 Much has been said and written as to the motives of Napoleon in agree- 
 ing to this sale. Some would class him with Jefferson as a benefactor to 
 the United States. Jefferson himself, however, never gave Napoleon credit 
 for generosity or friendship in the act. On the contrary, he often referred to 
 Napoleon, both before and after the purchase, in harsh terms. He regarded 
 Napoleon as the agent of despotism, representing everything obnoxious to 
 freedom. 
 
 In the purchase of Louisiana Jefferson has been severely criticized on 
 account of the seeming inconsistency of his act with his frequently ex- 
 pressed Constitutional beliefs. He had always advocated a strict construc- 
 tion of the Constitution and held that the General Government had no pow- 
 ers except those expressly given by that instrument. There was no author- 
 ity in the Constitution for the acquisition of territory. Jefferson's idea was 
 to meet the difficulty by a Constitutional amendment, but he found the 
 treaty had to be ratified at once or Louisiana was lost, as France showed 
 a disposition to withdraw from the bargain. To a member of Congress he 
 wrote: "The Constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign 
 territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations into our union. The 
 Executive in seizing the fugitive occurrence which so much advances the 
 good of their country have done an act beyond the Constitution. The Legis- 
 lature, in casting behind them metaphysical subleties and risking themselves 
 like faithful servants must ratify and pay for it and throw themselves on 
 their country for doing for them unauthorized what we know they would 
 have done for themselves had they been in a situation to do it." Without 
 changing his views Jefferson allowed the magnitude of the interests at stake 
 to overshadow all other considerations and submitted the treaty to Congress 
 without suggesting the Constitutional trouble, and the action taken has been 
 
48 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTI CELLO. 
 
 approved ever since by an overwhelming majority of the American people. 
 The treaty was ratified after a short but bitter contest in Congress. Some 
 of the arguments advaaced against accepting the Louisiana territory, while 
 no doubt serious then, to us, looking back from the distance of a hundred 
 years, seem amusing. It was argued that the people of the territory were for- 
 eign and would be a source of weakness rather than strength, and that the 
 territory was so far away they could never be reached by the laws of the Gen- 
 eral Government. They could not lift the veil of the future and see how 
 space and time were to be annihilated by steam and electricity. In actual 
 time St. Louis is nearer Washington to-day than Charlottesville was then. 
 Electricity has brought the ends of the earth in almost instant communica- 
 tion with each other. All of the United States, including the thirteen States 
 carved out of the Louisiana purchase, are now more compact and more in 
 touch as a whole than were the counties of Virginia a hundred years ago. 
 
 The importance of the acquisition of Louisiana grows as the years go by. 
 In population and wealth the States that constituted the territory have now 
 reached a point beyond even the dreams of Jefferson. The acquisition of 
 Louisiana is the most important event of our national life. Who can say 
 but that we might have, ere this, passed off the stage as a nation had some 
 great foreign power continued to own all the vast domain of the West? 
 
 It is peculiarly appropriate that the one hundredth anniversary of this 
 great event is to be commemorated by a World's Exposition, to be held in a 
 part of the purchase, now the imperial State of Missouri, the fifth State in 
 the Union, and in the great city of St. Louis, the fourth city in the United 
 Statec. This celebration will cost nearly twice as much as was paid for 
 all of Louisiana and will mark the industrial development of the United 
 States and of the world. The St. Louis World's Fair has behind it more 
 money, more brains and more enterprise than any like undertaking ever 
 had. It will be an exposition of such grandeur and splendor as has never 
 been seen before in all the world's history. In vastness it will be in keep- 
 ing with the great event it celebrates. All the nations will there show their 
 progress in industry and art and science. All the States of the Union will 
 there display their wonderful resources. No State should feel more inter- 
 ested In this stupendous enterprise than Virginia, for it will signalize the 
 glorious achievement of one of her sons. 
 
 Let Virginia come, the proudest of all the States, with a State building 
 an exact counterpart of Monticello, the home of Jefferson, whose genius con- 
 ceived and whose statesmanship brought about the purchase of Louisiana. 
 
 We hear a great deal said of late as to the propriety of erecting a statue 
 of Napoleon on the grounds of the exposition by the side of a like statue 
 of Jefferson. Some oppose and some advocate the idea. Whatever the mo- 
 tives of Napoleon may have been in selling Louisiana, whether need of 
 money or fear of losing the territory to England, or both, we can afford to 
 give all the actors in that gi-eat drama of our national career a place in 
 the Louisiana Purchase Court of Honor. I would suggest a group of statuary 
 with Jefferson as the central figure, rising above the rest, and around it 
 the others who were most conspicuous in that transaction — Talleyrand and 
 Napoleon, who conducted the negotiations for Prance, and Livingston and 
 Monroe, who represented the United States of America. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 49 
 
 How wonderful has been the development of our country since the pur- 
 chase of Louisiana. A mighty inspiration seems to have led us on. As we 
 stand beneath an unclouded sky on a summer's night and. raising our eyes, 
 survey the heavens all aglow with the splendor of flashing suns, v/e are 
 filled with an admiration inexpressible, but when we remember that for 
 ages unknown these self-same stars have pursued their way through a track- 
 less space, never ceasing in their motions, never swerving from their orbits, 
 but always forging on and on in obedience to a stern and unyielding law, 
 cur admiration gives place to a deeper feeling of awe and adoration, and 
 we know that we are indeed in the presence of a Being Infinite and su- 
 preme, whose glories are sung by the grand harmonies of the universe. 
 Even so, as we contemplate the greatness of our country, the trials, the 
 wars and the vicissitudes it has passed through so triumphantly, we must 
 marvel, and when we consider the miraculous progress our nation has made 
 in the past century, in population, in wealth and in territory, we can but 
 feel that the hand of God is guiding our destinies! 
 
 ¥¥¥ 
 
 Next appeared Prof. William M. Thornton, LL.D., member 
 of the Faculty of the University of Virginia, who had been named 
 as the first speaker on the regular programme, and, when the Jefferson 
 Club pilgrims had royally greeted him, that gentleman delivered an 
 address on "The State of Virginia" that was listened to with 
 the closest interest and was brought to a conclusion amid a scene of 
 enthusiastic approval all the more striking because of the intense 
 attention that had been given his words from the opening sentences. 
 Prof. Thornton spoke as follows : 
 
 Mr. President: I am called upon to speak in eulogy of the noblest com- 
 monwealth of all the ages — of the "Mother of Statesmen" — of the "Mother of 
 States" — of a land so fair that the golden sun shines on none more beau- 
 tiful in all his circuit of this mighty globe — of a people who have given to 
 humanity the purest patriots that ever adorned human history, the most 
 stainless soldiers that ever fought for human liberty, the wisest law-givers 
 that ever fixed the moulds of human destiny. How can I — a Virginian — 
 keep silent? How can my lips neglect the noble oiiice you have placed upon 
 them? 
 
 Virginia, sir, was ever great. Her birth was royal. James the First 
 granted to her founders by charter a domain extending: 
 
 "From the point of land called Cape or Point Comfort all along the sea 
 coast to the northward two hundred miles, and from the said Point or Cape 
 Comfort all along the sea coast to the southward two hundred miles, and 
 all that space and circuit lying from the sea coast of the precinct afore- 
 said, up into the land throughout from sea to sea, west and northwest." 
 
 From this Imperial domain of one million square miles, even the prodi- 
 gality of the Stuarts made but trifling deductions. When the other colonial 
 grants were subtracted, Virginia still remained mistress of all south of the 
 Potomac, all west and northwest of Pennsylvania. 
 
50 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 To a native Virginian is due the glory of conquering actual possession 
 of this vast paradise. George Rogers Claric was born, sir, almost within 
 sight and sound of the spot where I now stand. He it was who, in his 
 lonely journeys through that wilderness, in his conflicts with the Indians, 
 in his solitary midnight vigils by the banks of mighty rivers and beneath 
 the shade of virgin forests, first dreamed the dream of empire. He laid before 
 Patrick Henry — the Governor of Virginia — the audacious plans. He organ- 
 ized and led the hardy band of warriors, equipped and paid from Virginia's 
 depleted treasury, which wrested control of the great Northwest from Brit- 
 ish usurpation, conciliated the French settlers, and finally presented to his 
 native commonwealth this richest conquest of all the ages. To Clark we 
 owe it that Virginia could in the fullness of time become the "Mother of 
 States." But back of Clark stood the old commonwealth, impoverished by 
 the long war for independence, burdened with the cares of domestic gov- 
 ernment, perplexed by the dissensions of national politics, but ready still, 
 through the voice of her great Governor, to promise to the settler in that 
 dim region "assistance and protection against all enemies whatever," and 
 to declare that "the commonwealth of Virginia is pledged to accomplish 
 it; for it is certain that they live within her limits." The material great- 
 ness of America is founded upon Clark's brilliant exploit, and that was made 
 possible by the sagacity and the patriotism of Virginia's great executive. 
 
 But, sir, this contribution to the material greatness of our country is 
 the least of Virginia's claims upon the gratitude and honor of a great nation. 
 Her generous gift of the public dominion to the Federal Government will 
 never be forgotten. But greater far than this gift of lands has been her 
 gift of noble men. The lands were but the gold of the imperial diadem 
 with which she crowned the goddess of American liberty. The men were 
 Che jewels in that sparkling coronet — set to glow there till the last syllable 
 of recorded time. 
 
 The decent limits of your patience would be surpassed if I merely made 
 the roll call of these illustrious names. Our fancy calls them up — a long 
 procession of soldiers and patriots, of law-givers and statesmen, of jurists 
 and diplomatists. They pass before us with noble mien and kingly aspect, 
 gracious and benignant figures, whose lives were benedictions to mankind, 
 whose memories are precious in the sight of humanity. 
 
 I see in the van of our national history a massive figure dressed in 
 black, a white stock about the neck, and over his shoulders thrown a rich, 
 red cloak. The brow is noble, the eyes calm and introspective and the 
 great mouth is solemn and sensitive and impressive. Such was Patrick 
 Henry as he moved among men, pleaded in our courts, thrilled our legisla- 
 tures, filled our gubernatorial chair. Thomas Jefferson called him "the 
 greatest orator that ever lived." Randolph of Roanoke applied to him the 
 words of Holy Writ: "He spake as never man spake." In a crisis of human 
 history never surpassed in momentous interest, he seemed the predestined 
 leader of his people. His victory in the famous Parsons Cause was the 
 first effectual blow struck in Virginia for religious freedom. His defeat of 
 the Stamp Act sounded the first note of defiance to the tyranny of George 
 the Third. The oration sustaining his resolution before the convention of 
 1775 that the "Colony be immediately put in a state of defense" culminated 
 in the Revolutionary War. His intuitive genius seized in each case the 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 51 
 
 fated moment for action, and the torrent of his impetuous eloquence swept 
 Virginia on into her sublime career of suffering and of victory. All hall to 
 thee, great Apostle of American Independence, leader and commander of 
 thy people! Men who love liberty more than life will in all ages rise 
 up to call thee blessed! 
 
 And again our gaze fastens upon a kingly figure, lofty, erect and martial 
 — the very type and mould of the Virginia gentleman. In George Washing- 
 ton the best currents of Saxon and Norman blood met and mingled. That 
 clear and sagacious brain which could neither be misled nor overawed; that 
 serene courage, which illumined his being with a like steady light in vic- 
 tory and defeat, in battle and in council; that great, true heart in which 
 love for the new born nation was first begotten and cherished justify Wash- 
 ington's title to the proudest of human sovereignties — "The Father of his 
 Country." So great is he, so broad in nature, so catholic in affection, that 
 even now we scarce dare claim him for our own. We gave him to our 
 country and all Americans feel that they share with us in his glories and 
 his benediction. Mount Vernon has become the shrine of a nation's rever- 
 ence, and the greatest of all Virginians is also the greatest of all Ameri- 
 cans. Shall any gainsay us if we caU him the greatest man of modern his- 
 tory? "To endure," wrote Thackeray, "is greater than to dare; to tire out 
 hostile fortune; to be daunted by no difficulties; to keep heart when, all 
 have lost; to go through intrigue spotless; to forego every ambition when 
 the end is gained^who can say that this is not greatness, or show the 
 other Englishman who has achieved so much?" 
 
 But, sir, it was not enough that our common country should receive from 
 Virginia the tongue of the greatest American orator and the sword of the 
 greatest American warrior. From the exhaustless treasure of her bounty thene 
 came with these, another gift — the pen of the greatest American statesman. As 
 the aspiration for political independence culminated in Patrick Henry, as 
 the vision of national unity was perfected in George Washington, so the sa- 
 cred ideal of human freedom was revealed to modern thought by Thomas 
 Jefferson. The Bill of Rights, which he promulgated in the great Declara- 
 tion, "is of rights," says Bancroft, "that are older than human institutions, 
 and spring from the Eternal Justice." Liberty and Education were the twin 
 stars of Jefferson's skies. Each was the gift and guardian of the other, and, 
 like heavenly angels, they were to carry their winged benedictions over all 
 our land and make humanity celestial. In the Statute of Virginia for Re- 
 ligious Freedom and the founding of the University of Virginia he gave to 
 his native State the fruition of his highest thoughts and desires. In the 
 Declaration of Independence and the ideas contributed to the Ordinance of 
 1787, he built into the fabric of our National Government the same ever- 
 lasting corner-stones of Liberty and Learning. This great Ordinance, out 
 of which have grown the government of the rich and populous States carved 
 from Virginia's imperial gift to the Union, provides for religious freedom, 
 for civil rights, for universal education, for free trade between the States, 
 and for the perpetual exclusion of slavery. Each clause is a triumph of 
 Jefferson's ideas. Each cycle of prosperous and happy civic life passed 
 beieath them is a memorial to his sagacious foresight. What he could not 
 do for Virginia he resolved, at least, to do for that new and greater Vir- 
 ginia, which was to dwell in peace and plenty on the banks of the Ohio, and 
 the shores of the Great Lakes. 
 
52 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 But. sir, I dwell too long upon the gloi-ies oi that heroic epoch. Time 
 fails me to do more than recall to your recollection the names of Jeffer- 
 soii's two illustrious friends — James Madison and James Monroe. Intimately 
 associated with him in public life, they shared his ideals and labored for 
 the same great ends. In Madison the new Constitution found its most acute, 
 sagacious and successful defender. In debate he was clear and copious. 
 His gentleness and suavity conciliated his opponents. The force of his logic 
 and the breadth of his wisdom silenced adversaries. The robust patriotism 
 of George Mason and the fervid eloquence of Patrick Henry were alike van- 
 quished by the sweet reasonableness of this great Virginian. The name of 
 Monroe is permanently attached to one of the great doctrines of international 
 politics. The passing years serve only to augment our confidence in its jus- 
 tice, our admiration for the sagacity which carved it upon the monuments 
 of our public policy. Madison unveiled to his countrymen the divine linea- 
 ments of this new born goddess of American nationality. Monroe, like the 
 knightly herald of some mediaeval princess, sounded to all foreign nations 
 the clarion blast of the new-comer into the field of world politics. 
 
 One more exalted memory comes up before us. Twice in his career it 
 was the fate of that noble patriot, John Adams of Massachusetts, to select 
 the man who was to make history. When the call to arms came thrilling 
 down from Concord, it was he who arose in the Continental Congress and 
 nominated George Washington of Virginia as Commander-in-Chief of the 
 American forces. When the Constitution had been drafted and adopted 
 and yet the instabilities of federal politics threatened to nullify all the 
 hopes which had centered in it. it was again John Adams, who, as the clos- 
 ing act of his administration, placed John Marshall of Virginia at the head 
 of the Supreme Court of the United States. No poor speech of mine can 
 do justice to the genius and the labors of this incomparable jurist, this 
 great expounder of the organic law of America. No man ever dealt with 
 questions of such far reaching significance in national, aye, in human his- 
 torj-. No man ever left a more enduring monument to his own patriotism, 
 his own wisdom, his own genius. "Even if the Constitution of this country 
 should perish," said Story, "his glorious judgments will still remain to in- 
 struct mankind until liberty shall cease to be a blessing." 
 
 Can we wonder, Mr. President, that Virginians remember with grateful 
 pride the gifts of Virginia to our country? Where can a roll so illustrious 
 ho called? 
 
 Henry, the Apostle of American Independence, 
 Washington, the Father of his Country, 
 Jefferson, the High Priest of Human Freedom, 
 Madison, the Defender of the American Constitution. 
 Monroe, the Herald of American Nationality, 
 Marshall, the Oracle of the American Law. 
 Yet these are but the stars of the first magnitude, each in its constella- 
 tiou of lesser lights. Nor are the great measures of public policy in which 
 Virginia statesmen have borne conspicuous part, less worthy of commem- 
 orating. 
 
 The cession of the Northwestern Territory to the General Government, 
 with its guarantees of civil and political liberty, of personal freedom, of 
 popular education, and of free domestic trade, fixed eternally tlie character- 
 
THK PILC.RIMAGK TO MONTICKTJ.O. 53 
 
 istics of American political and iucliistrial life. Our present greatness in 
 population and production, the final abolition of slavery, the American de- 
 votion to the cause of popular education, come all from this root. 
 
 The Louisiana Purchase secured to the Union undisputed pre-eminence 
 in the western continent, opened to Anglo Saxon civilization and American 
 industry the riches of the Pacific coast, fulfilled the ideals of those early col- 
 onists who planted the tree of liberty on the shores of the Chesapeake, and 
 in the fullness of time made of this people a great world power. 
 
 Upon the only conspicuous elevation of the confines of the old city of 
 Paris stands a grand modern structure erected by France to the memory of 
 her illustrious sons: 
 
 "Aux grands hommes la Patrie reconnaissante." 
 
 Kuch is the inscription upon its pediment. The stately portico, the soaring 
 dome are familiar, at least in picture, to us all. It stands upon ground once 
 consecrated to Sainte Genevieve, the patron saint of Paris. Within, the 
 v/alls are a glory of modern fresco painting. The great artists of France — 
 Puvis de Chavantles, Laurens, Hebert and others — have there given their 
 genius to exalt the story of French patriotism. The life and miracles of 
 Ste. Genevieve, the noble history of Jeanne d'Arc. the story of the educa- 
 tion and reign of the pious King. St. Louis — all the romance and heroism 
 of French legend — are depicted with the grace and force of those consum- 
 mate masters of modern painting. I am told that in your city of St. Louis 
 it is proposed to erect a reproduction of Thomas Jefferson's rotunda — itself 
 a copy of the Roman Pantheon — to commemorate the Louisiana Purchase 
 and its momentous consequences. 1 can conceive of no memorial to that 
 sreat man more beautiful, more just, more dignified. Build it, gentlemen, 
 and, if possible, in the full proportions of the great Roman original. Adorn 
 it with marble statues of Jefferson and his illustrious compeers. Line its 
 portals with immortal bronzes, in which the splendid story of American civ- 
 ilization may speak forever to instruct mankind. Glorify its walls with 
 frescoes, where our children and our children's children may read the les- 
 sons of patriotism and of piety, of courage and of wisdom. 
 
 ■When the great Fair, which you are now organizing, shall be a dim 
 and forgotten memory; when the triumphs of the industry of our own day 
 shall have been eclipsed by the glories of even greater epochs; when the 
 American republic shall itself perhaps be numbered with the empires of 
 the past, that building will still stand. As Hadrian's great temple stands 
 to-day to tell us what the Roman Empire could dare and do. so will your 
 colossal dome tell the story of the American republic and of the men who 
 built its walls upon the corner-stones of civil and religious liberty and en- 
 lightened its dome with the lamps of learning and of truth. 
 
 Mr. President, it is good for us to study the lives of these noble men, 
 to meditate upon their characters, to cherish and revere their words. It is 
 doubtless true that no vesture of human thought can remain for all ages 
 the expression of its various phases. It may be that the very Constitution 
 under which America has become great will give place in those coming cen- 
 turies to a wider and higher organic law for a greater America. But in the 
 lives, the actions, the words of our great Virginians, men discover, and 
 
54 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO 
 
 will ever discover, ideals and convictions which are just and true and 
 hence are immortal. And to no ideal were they more faithful, one and all, 
 than to the ideal of national patriotism. 
 
 Washington himself summons us to feel ourselves "citizens of a com- 
 mon country," which "has a right to concentrate our affections," and, as 
 his best legacy, bequeathed to us the noblest ideal of the state which man 
 has ever attempted to realize — "a free, enlightened and great Nation, always 
 guided by an exalted justice and benevolence." 
 
 What theory of national power and responsibility could be more salu- 
 tary amid the perplexities which now surround us? To maintain freedoim, 
 to spread abroad the light of knowledge and of truth, to consolidate great- 
 ness and power, to do all this with justice as guide and benevolence as 
 counsellor, that is to learn the lesson of true statesmanship. 
 
 To-night, sir, we are all Virginians. America is but a greater Vir- 
 ginia, for in the soul of the Nation live and reign the thoughts, the ideals, 
 the hopes of our great Virginians. To them we pledge undying allegiance 
 and perpetual faith. Virginia and the Union! Not one and inseparable, but 
 rather one and the same! 
 
 ¥ ¥ ^ 
 
 Among the notable addresses of the entire pilgrimage was the 
 next one, by Mr. Cornelius H. Fauntleroy, of St. Louis, his subject 
 being ' 'The vStatute of Religious I^iberty. ' ' This earnest and thought- 
 ful and brilliant address was closely listened to, because of its exposi- 
 tion of perhaps the dearest principle, to mankind in general, with 
 which the name of Jefferson stands immortally associated. Mr. 
 Fauntleroy's address was as appears herewith : 
 
 Mr. President, Fellow-Members of the Jefferson Club, and Fellow-Citi- 
 zens of Virginia and Missouri: 
 
 Dr. Johnson once said: "Far be it from me and my friends, such frigid 
 philosophy as would conduct us unmoved over ground which has been dig- 
 nified by wisdom, virtue, and patriotism. That man is little to be envied 
 whose patriotism would not gain force upon the plain of Marathon, or 
 whose religion would not grow warmer amidst the ruins of lona." 
 
 We stand here to-night upon ground made famous by the greatest 
 achievement of the genius of Jefferson— the University of Virginia— the 
 darling child of his old age. It is indeed to me a pleasure and an honor 
 to stand within the walls of this noble institution of learning and address 
 you, for here I spent seven of the happiest years of my life, sitting at the 
 feet of the distinguished professors, who by their able and conscientious 
 work have placed and kept this university in the fore-front of the seats of 
 learning on this hemisphere, and during tour years of these seven I had 
 the honor of being a teacher in this institution. 
 
 It has been the custom to say that the Magna Charta is the foundation 
 of our Federal Constitution and the Declaration of Independence. It is 
 true that many of the principles of the Great Charter are shadowed forth 
 in the Constitution, and the Declaration of Independence, but there is not 
 one feature of Jefferson's Virginia Statute of Religious Freedom that is laid 
 down in, or can be deduced from, the Magna Charta. That charter says. 
 
HON. COH.NKI.U S 11. FAl r.\ ri.EROY. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 55 
 
 "Sit libera Angliae ecclesia," the Cliurch of England shall be free, but it 
 nowhere says that the people of England shall be free to believe in the 
 doctrines of any other church than those of the Church of England, and 
 that they shall not be burdened in their goods and estates to support that 
 Establishment. I would not detract one iota from the merit of the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, which Abrp.ham Lincoln said was the only platform he 
 stood upon, and the only platform that any other public man needed to 
 stand upon, so comprehensive and true are its declarations; but I do say that 
 Jelferson's Statute of Religious Freedom is less declamatory, and less dis- 
 cursive than the Declaration of Independence. We are so accustomed to 
 enjoy the benefits of our gi^at American Charters of Personal and Political 
 Freedom — we enjoy them l^much as we enjoy the air we breathe — that we 
 are apt to lose sight of the tremendous difficulties, and apparently insupera- 
 ble obstacles the framers of those instruments had to overcome. 
 
 Let us take a brief survey of the attitude of the world towards religious 
 freedom when Jefferson drew his famous statute. All Europe (not to men- 
 tion the other continents) was plunged in the deepest gloom of religious 
 bigotry, fanaticism and darkness. Even in England, the birthplace of the 
 Magna Charta, Roman Catholics were disfranchised and proscribed. The 
 noble act which emancipated them from that proscription did not take place 
 until 1S25. Moreover, Protestants who dissented from the Establishment, 
 were compelled to subscribe to oaths of obedience and fealty to doctrines in 
 which they did not believe, and were burdened in their goods and estates to 
 support a religious establishment which they cordially hated. 
 
 The attitude of the American Colonies towards religious freedom was. 
 at the time Jefferson drew his statute, not much better than that of the 
 mother country. Everyone in New England who favored the Episcopal form 
 of church government was disfranchised. According to the Pilgrims' code 
 it was freedom for everyone who favored the Congregational form of church 
 government, but political and religious slavery for those who did not. Roger 
 Williams, the great Baptist, was driven forth by his fellow Puritans into a 
 horrid wilderness, to meet death from an Arctic winter, or at the hands or 
 bloodthirsty savages. The Protestants of Maryland having wrested the con- 
 trol of the colony from the original settlers, passed cruelly restrictive laws 
 against their Roman Catholic fellow citizens. Even here, in the Old Do- 
 minion, all who did not subscribe to the Established Church were com- 
 pelled against their earnest protests to support a form of religion they did 
 not believe in. Patrick Henry, the Demosthenes of the Revolution, won his 
 first laurels in defending those who were prosecuted for failure to pay tithes 
 to the Church of England established in Virginia. Men were even fined for 
 preaching contrary to the Established Church. Lord Baltimore, the founder 
 of the Maryland colony, deserves to stand in the front rank of statesmen and 
 Christians. At the time he founded Maryland, he and his fellow Roman 
 Catholics passed laws which breathed the broadest toleration, and the truest 
 Christian kindness towards their Protestant brethren. Yet. Lord Baltimore 
 did not go nearly so far as Thomas Jefferson. The Maryland colonists pass- 
 ed a law which made blasphemy of the Deity and the denial of the doctrine 
 of the Trinity punishable by death. It was Jefferson who first rent the 
 clouds of religious darkness and bigotry, and placed before the eyes of the 
 world the rainbow of Christian love and Christian freedom. While Madi- 
 
56 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 son is truly called the chief architect of the Federal Constitution, Jefferson, 
 though absent in Europe during the session of the convention which framed 
 the Constitution, is really responsible for many of the most important bless- 
 ings secured by that grand instrument. His Statute for Religious Freedom 
 was passed by the General Assembly of the State of Virginia two years be- 
 fore the meeting of the Federal Constitutional Convention, and that most 
 important declaration of the Federal Constitution, that "Congress shall 
 make no law respecting an establishrsgVM religion, or prohibiting the free 
 exercise thereof" was brought about by, and is merely an echo of, Jeffer- 
 son's Statute. The Magna Charta, the Declaration of Independence, and the 
 Virginia Statute for Religion Freedom constitute the grand trinity of hu- 
 man charters, and two of them were the Vifork of the immortal man whose 
 memory we are met here to glorify. As long as we faithfully follow them, 
 we shall always be a free, happy and prosperous people. If we wander from 
 them, however so little, we shall be in constant turmoil, only to end in 
 horrid anarchy or dreary despotism. 
 
 Thomas Jefferson was the most destructive, and at the same time 
 constructive statesman the world has ever produced. His principles hare 
 all the force of axioms. Oliver Goldsmith said of Edmund Burke: 
 "Born for the Universe he narrowed his mind. 
 And to party gave up what was meant for mankind." 
 
 Not so with Jefferson. His teachings are meant for all parties, all ages, 
 all men. Called by his enemies and slanderers a timid, shifty doctrinaire, he 
 was in reality the boldest man who ever stood at the helm of State. His 
 enemies ignoring the laws of logic and consistencj', have accused him of 
 going to the very verge of anarchy, so hateful to him were all unjust re- 
 strictions of human liberty. Unlike the great military despots of the world, 
 he never waded 
 
 "Through slaughter to a throne. 
 And shut the gates of mercy on mankind." 
 
 He was a man "whose glory was redressing human wrong." 
 
 Our study of Jefferson's works will do us little good unless we derive 
 profit from them, and endeavor by their aid to find the proper solution of 
 existing evils. Let us see, then, how Jefferson's Statute of Religious Free- 
 dom can help us to-day. We see many thousands of patriotic, earnest, 
 American citizens proscribed by secret societies solely on account of their 
 religious principles and affiliations. If we honestly believe in Jefferson's 
 Statute this ban will be lifted. Again, we have seen for many years differ- 
 ent religious bodies making application to Congress for appropriations of 
 governro«Tit money to support their own sectarian institutions. While this 
 may be excused on the plea of religious zeal and enthusiasm, it is none the 
 less a direct and dangerous violation of the Constitution of the United States, 
 and of JeTei son's Statute for Religious Freedom. Every applicant to Con- 
 gress for government aid to a religious institution should be met with the 
 answer, we cannot disobey the Constitution we have sworn to defend, nor 
 forsake the precepts of our prophet, Jefferson. 
 
 Some here to-night will possibly say, why emphasize this subject of Re- 
 ligious Freedom? Are we not a free people? Fellow citizens, never were 
 the fundamental principles on which this government was founded, and on 
 which it has been run until the year 1899, been so much in danger as now. 
 
11 ox. FRAMv H. KAKMUS. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 57 
 
 During the past two years we have seen the Declaration of Independence spit 
 upon, and fhe Constitution of the United States trampled into the mire. We 
 have seen five members of the Supreme Court of the United States violate 
 the solemn oaths they took to preserve, protect and defend the Constitu- 
 tion, and practically abolish that instrument, because, forsooth, the exigen- 
 cies of a political party demanded that the National Government should be 
 pulled oui of the pit into which unscrupulous men had put it. It is indeed 
 high time to go back to the fountain sources of our Great Republic, and 
 drink deep and refreshing draughts from the hands of those who founded 
 it. This is the reason why we are here to-night in this great university, 
 the creation of Jefferson. This is why we came from the interior of this 
 vast continent, and went this morning in stately pilgrimage upon the moun- 
 tain to lay our wreaths upon the tomb of Jefferson, and rear and dedicate 
 there a stately monument to his memory, which shall endure as long as his 
 own loved and lovely Monticello. Let each of us, then, with our love of 
 country strengthened and quickened by the inspiration which we have drawn 
 while standing at his beautiful home and beside his mountain tomb, sol- 
 emnly swear that, as long as we live, we will dedicate all the powers of body, 
 mind and soul to perpetuate his teachings in this country, and hold them 
 up as torches of light to guide the weary footsteps of those who grope in 
 the darkness and groan under the cruel despotisms of the Old World. 
 
 ¥¥¥ 
 
 "The Ladies' ' was the subject assigned to Hon. Frank H. Farris, 
 State Senator of Mi.ssoiiri, and that gentleman dealt with it from the 
 .standpoint of the philosopher, the poet, the statesman, the Democrat, 
 in a manner that justified fully the great expectations that had been 
 aroused by the neat introduction by the toastmaster. Mr. Farris' 
 address was as follows : 
 
 "Woman is the glory of man." 
 
 "A virtuous woman is a crown to her husband." 
 
 What particular reason inspires the subject of our toast to us is not 
 apparent, for information was given that no ladies would be expected to 
 participate in the pleasures of our pilgrimage from Missouri. If it is in- 
 tended that your speaker is to make apology for all, and by giving expres- 
 sion to glowing compliments in profusion, is to pave the way for our easy 
 approach and orderly reception upon our return, then, indeed, is our task 
 a very delicate and difficult one to perform. 
 
 For in this respect every man is truly "the architect of his own for- 
 tune," and while many of you may be astute politicians, this campaign you 
 can manage only by taking the open field. 
 
 Webster, however, says "that a lady is a well-bred woman," and surely 
 our absent companions will not so far forget themselves as to allow any 
 angry passions to arise, but will recall that little couplet they learned in 
 youth: "Speak, gently; it is better far, to rule by love than fear." 
 
 T& speak of the ladies is no doubt a pleasant task, but we prefer to 
 broaden the scope of our investigation and to address ourselves to the 
 "women." And if we were required to express our thought, sentiment and 
 feelings in one brief sentence, we would but repeat the lang^uage of that 
 
58 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 rough, unpolished Missourian, who for many years represented Boone county 
 in our State Legislature, when, in a moment of heart-bursting passion, he 
 exclaimed: "The women! God bless them! If it were not for them heaven 
 would be a desolate place, the earth a wilderness and man a wanderer." 
 
 It is amusing to sometimes see ourselves as others see us. For look 
 yonder in that mirror and behold the "Lord of Creation." A man of un- 
 conquerable pride, with an indomitable spirit and a consciousness of his own 
 greatness — and made so seemingly upon the authority of Holy Writ, than 
 which there is no higher. For there we read how God, after He had created 
 the heavens and the earth called into existence the day and the night, brought 
 forth the mighty deep, established the movements of the planets, filled the 
 waters with living creatures, covered the mountains with the stately pines, 
 and the plains with the waving grass, filled the air with flying fowls and 
 the trees with warbling birds; made the beasts of the forest and herds of 
 the prairies. He crowned His efforts and finished His plans by the creation 
 of the long foretokened man, made in the likeness of the creating logos, 
 irtbued with the wisdom that cometh from above, empowered with the right 
 of dominion, as lord of all below, and with the injunction to replenish the 
 earth and subdue it. 
 
 Thus was Adam made Ihe Lord of Creation, and none of us has as 
 yet forgotten it. But He who created man did nothing except by a well 
 considered and perfect plan of arrangement, and He did all things well. 
 For our Divine Creator, after these manifold creations, wonderful as they 
 are great, beautiful as they are wonderful, mysterious as they are beautiful, 
 and sublime as they are above and beyond the conception of finite man, 
 recognized, that the music of the seas, the laughter of the brook, the sweet 
 song of the birds, and the sighing of the pines would touch dull and unap- 
 preciative ears, and that the resplendent colors of the rainbow, the varied 
 hues of the sky, and the green sward in the far-away landscape might be 
 seen by none whose eyes were open to its grandeur. He knew that the sub- 
 jugation of the earth and all things therein was a task that man alone 
 could not and would not perform until He had made "an helpmeet for him." 
 
 We imagine now, as He beheld, with that infinite eye, the dazzling 
 brightness of the sun. the soft and mellow radiance of the stars, the bub- 
 bling waters from the crystal fountains, the delicate flowers clustered and 
 hanging from the mountain sides, the precious stones scattered In profusion; 
 in fact, all nature's lavish wealth and beauty, as He beheld man, created 
 peifect in symmetry and form, strong in power, intellect and wisdom, and 
 as He looked forward with penetrating eye into the pale dim vista of the 
 centuries then to come, and saw Bethlehem and Marj-, the mother of Jesus, 
 as He moved to form this last of all creations. He gave her luster greater 
 than the sun, kindness softer than the radiance of the stars, virtues purer 
 than the waters of the crystal fountains, character more precious than the 
 diamond, charity In nature's fullness, intellect and wisdom equal to man, 
 hopes and ambitions as strong as life's cord and high as heaven's dome, and, 
 it could be, a never-ending, undying and sublime love. 
 
 This is woman — and of this woman we love to sing. She is the mother 
 of us all; the maternal parent of all true greatness, of all storied heroism, 
 ana of all uncompassed learning; and for her we have this night touched 
 the strings of our harp. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 59 
 
 The history of womankind has been varied and sometimes crucial. Yet, 
 in most all the ages of our history, and especially when unmolested by the 
 CHStoms of barbarism, the superstitions of ignorance and the whims of ar- 
 rogant and idiotic rulers, woman has, in great measure, met the purpose 
 of her creation, and attained the highest standard of true and constant com- 
 panionship. And while the circuit of her hopes, aims and ambitions, and 
 the sphere of her employment and labor are circumscribed and Umited, yet 
 she has accomplished what man has accomplished, gone where he has gone, 
 braved the dangers that he has dared to meet, moved in the domain of sci- 
 ence, literature and art wherever man has wandered, and lived at rest upon 
 heights of virtue and purity which man has never ascended. 
 
 We, with just cause, revel in the glorious achievements of man, but we 
 must not forget that some of the grandest epochs in the history of the 
 world have been made when the leading powers thereof, both civil and 
 military, were guided and directed by woman's head and hand. 
 
 But the women of our own civilization, who are now developing from 
 our religious, social and educational advantages, a common sisterhood, is 
 the one who is nearest and dearest to us. 
 
 In this age, when the world is no longer governed alone by physical 
 force, but by the influence which mind exerts over mind, if you will place 
 your hand upon the mighty beating pulse of the nations, you will find 
 woman's mind and heart throbbing through them all. And while there are 
 some spots where the cathode rays of our civilization have not yet pene- 
 trated, even there ignorance and superstition are destined to flee as the mist 
 before the sun and womankind the world over to receive her just reward 
 and consideration from man and government, wherever they are found. 
 
 Woman's influence has been especially felt and recognized in those gov- 
 ernments that have established for their motto: "Equal and exact justice 
 to all, and special privileges to none." And so potent a factor has she be- 
 come in all free countries that the impress of her culture, refinement and 
 character is plainly seen in all the branches of government, and she is recog- 
 nized as the true leader of social functions, intellectual training, moral re- 
 forms, and religious advancement. 
 
 American womanhood has not only wrought wonders at home, but her 
 heart has gone out in tender sympathy and love for the oppressed and suf- 
 fering people of all lands, until her reputation for sacrificial love has become 
 world wide. 
 
 Our own history, in all its epochs and in all departments, would, it seems, 
 be a weary and unattractive story if it did not sparkle with the heroism, 
 patriotism and thrilling adventures; the wonderful productions in litera- 
 ture, music and art, and the unsuspected progress in business pursuits of 
 the American woman. Once each year the people of our great land, from 
 center to circumference, rejoice to celebrate our National Birthday, and the 
 establishment forever of Constitutional government and Constitutional lib- 
 erty. Onae each year we rejoice in the perpetuity of our Union and weep 
 at the tomb of many a fallen countryman in an unnecessary and mistaken 
 war; and our orators, great and small, in words of burning eloquence, re- 
 view the deeds of heroism and patriotism of our beloved countrymen; but 
 too often they forget the good old mothers and the faithful wives, who en- 
 dured untold hardships and privations, who were left at home, not secura 
 
60 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 in the repose of law, but surrounded by the forests, iu which crept the 
 bloody savage, or open to the attack of thieves and murderers. These 
 women, who, in the silent hours of midnight, in hushed and tremulous tones, 
 "told the children of their father who had gone to the cruel war and would 
 sometime return all covered with glory and honor." 
 
 In war, in peace, in the era of our great National development, in the 
 age of steam, electricity and kindred powers; in the epoch of great busi- 
 ness enterprise, bustle and progress; in fact, sirs, in all times, under all 
 conditions, surrounded by whatever circumstances, confronted by whatever 
 obstacles, and even now, standing as we do upon the threshold of an era in 
 which it seems "that distance has been annihilated, time made as naught, 
 and we are waiting to behold the invisible, to hear the inaudible, to speak 
 the unspeakable, to feel the intangible and to accomplish the impossible," 
 Woman — American woman — stands by the side of man, as his companion, 
 to do and perform equal share in bringing about these expected results. But 
 there are some fields of labor which are peculiarly the work of woman — and 
 they are purely labors of love. She was "last at the cross and first at the 
 grave of our Saviour," and she is yet the moving spirit of all benevolent, 
 charitable and religious service. It is her hand that soothes the aching 
 brow and cools the parched lips. It is her heart and purse that opens freely 
 to the demands of penury, want and distress. It is the glory of her pres- 
 ence that brings Joy and gladness to the many dark places of earth. 
 
 And as the crowning purpose of her life she stands now, as she has 
 through all the ages of the past, as the guardian angel of man's spiritual 
 destiny. The great need of the world is not that woman should become 
 more like man, but more like woman. 
 
 "For woman is not undeveloped man. 
 
 But diverse: could we make her as the man 
 
 Sweet love were slain, whose dearest bond is this. 
 
 Not like to like, but like in difference, 
 
 Yet in the long years, liker must they grow: 
 
 The man be more of woman, she of man; 
 
 He gain in sweetness and in moral height, she in mental breadth; 
 
 More as the double natured poet each, 
 
 Till at last she sets herself to man. 
 
 Like perfect music unto noble words; 
 
 And so these twain, upon the skirts of time. 
 
 Sit side by side, full summed in all their powers, 
 
 Dispensing harvest, sowing the "To be," 
 
 Still reverent and reverencing, each distinct in individualities. 
 
 But like each other, e'en as those who love. 
 
 Then comes the statelier Eden back to man. 
 
 Then reigns the world's great bridal, chaste and calm. 
 
 Then springs the crowning race of human kind." 
 
 But individual woman is the one we most admire, and to whom we 
 are most devoted. Do you ask who she is? She may be the leading woman 
 of our Nation or our State; she may be the leader of fashionable society, and 
 the possessor of wealth; she may be the healthy, vigorous and unassuming 
 woman of the country; she may be the pale-faced, care-worn occupant of 
 the tenement house; she may be this night sitting quietly at ease, in the 
 
KEV. JAMES J. Fl Kl,0.\(i. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 61 
 
 repose of luxury, with no care for the morrow; she may be sitting by the 
 cabin door, listening to the wild strains of the night bird's songs; she may 
 be fitfully dreaming in dark and dismal quarters in the alleys of our cities; 
 she may be at rest in that humble cottage nestled among the mountaini of 
 Virginia or Missouri, but wherever she be, and you know best, she is the one 
 in sunshine or storm, in sorrow or Joy, in sickness or health, in success or 
 failure, in obscurity or fame, to whom we can pour out the burnings of our 
 heart, and know we have a patient and sympathizing friend. She is the 
 sheet anchor to our frail bark, the foundation to good society, and th* bul- 
 wark of our free institutions. The wife, the queenly ruler of our homes. 
 And there is that other woman who is known to and of us all. She is our 
 ideal woman. To forget her would be to forget we live. To neglect her 
 would be to goad a guilty conscience until it sought refuge among the 
 damned. To deny her would be to condemn our own existence. To fail to 
 recall her would seem that we have forgotten that name around which clus- 
 ters so many sacred and hallowed memories — the name of mother. It may 
 be that she yet has roses on her cheeks and gladness in her eyes; it may 
 be that her hair is silvered o'er, and her face wrinkled with age and care; 
 but be that as it may, the time will come when she like others will be quietly 
 sleeping in the churchyard, above her standing a cold, white marble slab, 
 which will repeat that story she so often told, "from nature's womb we 
 came, to nature's tomb we all return." A.ad, sirs, we speak the sentiment 
 of all when we say, regardless of our station and position in life, with all 
 of our success, honor and glory, all that we have, all that we are, all that 
 we may be, and all that we hope to be. we would freely give to call back 
 the time when, as innocent boys, we played around our mother's knees. For 
 there was mother, wife and sister and with them all a home. 
 
 And what is home? It is not the house, though it may have its charms; 
 nor the fields carefully tilled, and streaked with your own footpaths, nor 
 the trees, though their shadow be as a rock in a weary land, nor yet is it 
 the fireside, with its sweet blaze play, nor the pictures which tell of loved 
 ones, nor the cherished books, but more far than all of these — it is the Pres- 
 ence. The lares of your worship are there; the altar of your confidence 
 there, the end of your world, your faith is there; there you are beloved, 
 there you are understood, there your errors meet with gentlest forgiveness; 
 there your troubles will be smiled away; there you may be entirely and joy- 
 fully yourself. And all of this is so because woman makes it so. 
 
 To the good mothers, patient wives and lovely and accomplished daugh- 
 ters of Virginia, we bring the warmest greetings, and assure you that our 
 respect and admiration for you is measured by the same standard by which 
 me mete out love to those we have left in Missouri. 
 
 And to you all we renew our faith and make new promise of ever at- 
 tendant care, protection and love, and assure you that, though absent, you 
 forever live in our memories, hearts and lives. 
 
 ¥^¥ 
 
 The more important of the letters of sympathy with the purpose 
 of the pilgrimage, and regret over inability to participate in the exer- 
 cises, which were read by Hon. William Jefferson Pollard, of St. Louis, 
 will be found in the appendix to this history of the significant event. 
 
62 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 To "The Press," Mr. William Marion Reedy responded with 
 brevity, touching only on Jefferson's attitude of prefering newspapers 
 without government, to government without newspapers. 
 
 This having concluded the regular programme, there were calls for 
 other addresses, and the responses were all neat and to the point. 
 Rev. J. J. Furlong, of New Madrid, being among the first to be 
 called to his feet, arose and made an address marked by the same 
 happy spontaneity that had marked the call upon him. Father 
 Furlong's little speech was as follows : 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 
 
 I come here to-night from the Capital of Upper Louisiana — the city of 
 New Madrid, Mo. We are glad to-night to pay our respects to the memory 
 of one of the world's grandest sons, Thomas Jefferson. He deserves most 
 richly every honor we can bestow. The United States owes much to the 
 early Fathers of our country, to Washington, Jefferson, Patrick Henry and 
 their brave companions. Our minds go back to Valley Forge. We see the 
 army suffering from want of food and clothing, we note that the snow is 
 blood-stained with the foot-prints o£ the revolutionary heroes. Peace to 
 their grand souls! 
 
 It takes able statesmen to make good laws for the present time. Em- 
 inent statesmen like Jefferson make laws not only for the present, but even 
 for future generations. Wisdom like this is the heritage of the few. 
 
 The love of Virginians for their native State is proverbial. You have a 
 noble history, you have a great State. I have always heard it said that peo- 
 ple from the hills and mountains have a special love for liberty. 
 
 The history of the grand galaxy of your illustrious sons certainly proves 
 that this rule applies to the natives of old Virginia. Our country has made 
 wonderful progress in its few years of existence. It was given a splendid 
 foundation by the early fathers. We are erecting the superstructure. I 
 believe there is a grand future before our beloved country. I think there 
 is no certain guide for the future, but the light of the past Citizens of 
 Virginia, you have heard a large number of our sons from Missouri address 
 you to-day. I feel sure you were pleased with their orations. They are 
 rightfully numbered amongst our ablest representatives. They did their 
 best, they were standing on hallowed ground, they stood at the tomb of 
 Thomas Jeiterson to whom we all owe so much. We. too. love our Missouri 
 home. It is a grand State; it is almost all the world to us. Sometimes a 
 child asks me, "Which is the nearest place in this world to Heaven." I 
 have no hesitation in answering, "Son, Missouri is the nearest place in this 
 world to the Kingdom of Heaven." I wish to add, I think Virginia is a 
 close second. We thank you for your splendid hospitality. We promise to 
 return your kindness when you come to our World's Fair. Our fathers in 
 St. Louis, whose remains rest in Calvary and Bellefontaine to-night, laid 
 the foundation of hospitality deep and strong. They told us, their chil- 
 dren, to be ever kind to the stranger within the city's gate. Our friends 
 say we have ever been loyal to this command. 
 
 May we live to have a grand reunion at St. Louis in 1903, when we 
 commemorate one of Thomas Jefferson's grandest acts, the signing of the 
 Louisiana Purchase. 
 
11().\. .1 A MES T. l.KOVD. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 63 
 
 Congressman Lloyd, of Missouri, having come down from Wash- 
 ington, was honored by a demonstration, and a speech being insisted 
 upon, he arose and held the audience for just the proper duration of 
 an after dinner speech at the late hour, and set forth the sentiments 
 the occasion inspired in the following felicitous remarks : 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 
 
 You have well said that I am not one of those selected to respond to 
 toasts on this memorable occasion. I hope that I may even be subject to 
 your indictment for modesty and a disposition to find place amongst the 
 common people. As a believer in the Democracy of Jefferson I would be 
 recreant to my duty if I did not in some way, from my humble place, re- 
 spond to your call at this time. 
 
 When the immigrant from across the ocean seeks refuge in this coun- 
 try from the oppressions of fatherland the first object that catches his view 
 is the Statue of Liberty in New York harbor erected in memory of the pa- 
 triotic struggle for freedom in 1776. When he leaves the great metropolis 
 for the Nation's Capital and has about spanned the distance between, he 
 observes, towering above all else, a marble shaft. This is Washington's 
 monument and serves to impress him with the truth that high over all is 
 our gratitude to him who was "first in war, first in peace and first in the 
 hearts of his countrymen." 
 
 From Washington he observes across the Potomac th© beautiful home 
 of Gen. Robert E. Lee, which appears as a sentinel at the gateway of the 
 city. A little further down this historic stream is found Mt. Vernon, sa- 
 credly preserved as the home and present resting place of the body of Wash- 
 ington. 
 
 The pilgrim may start across Virginia, but he does not go far until he 
 reaches Appomattox, where Gen. Lee laid down his sword and pledged to 
 Gen. Grant loyalty again to the Stars and Stripes. 
 
 At Richmond is found the resting place of Presidents Monroe and Ty- 
 ler, Chief Justice Marshall and many other distinguished and honored dead. 
 At Montpelier, not far from Charlottesville, may be seen the resting place 
 of President Madison, but yonder Monticello. elevated 900 feet above the 
 level of this city, presents nature's monument to the memory of Thomas 
 Jefferson. On its crest near the attractive home place of him in whose 
 honor the pilgrimage from St. Louis was made, his body lies buried. What 
 an inspiring scene! The beautiful hiils and valleys beneath on every side 
 seem only to look upon the entrancing view, while the mountain stands 
 apart in its grandeur to do homage to the memory of him whose dust it 
 holds. I have often wondered why Virginians in Missouri were so wedded 
 to their native State, but a little travel within its borders soon explains 
 this attraction. Every hill and valley, every town and count! y place is so 
 fraught with historic interest, so memorable for its associations and so 
 vitally connected with national achievement that its glory swells the heart 
 with pride. 
 
 Much has been said about this great institution of learning, the Uni- 
 versity of Virginia, and its noble founder. I rejoice in its accomplishment 
 and fully concur in all that has been said to its praise, but as a Missourian 
 I take pride in the fact that within our own borders is a gi-eat educational 
 institution, one of the best in the West, and destined, as I believe, in the 
 near future, to rank with the greatest in the nation. I have reference to our 
 own State University. 
 
64 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 In the East and sometimes in Virginia we hear statements derogatory to 
 the intelligence and civilization of our Western States. Many belieye that 
 law abiding and cultured people are seldom found within our borders, but 
 we ask you Virginians to come and see for yourselves what has been the 
 success of your child. 
 
 We can take you to a Monticello, not an attractive mountain fraught 
 with so much of National interest, but to the county seat of Lewis county, 
 situated on its many hills and remembered as the home of Senator Green 
 and the place of legal combat of some of the State's greatest men. We can 
 show you a State larger than Virginia in population and with several times 
 its material wealth, with mountains, valleys and plains, not so historically 
 great, but laden with the riches of field and mine. We can show you a city, 
 the largest west of the Mississippi river, and in which, in 1903, may be seen 
 the greatest Exposition the world ever saw. 
 
 But, fellow pilgrims, in conclusion, shall this day's labor pass a mere 
 sentiment or shall its inspiration help to make us stronger in the race of 
 life and more determined to contend for the mastery of those principles for 
 which the sage of Monticello contended? I hope the latter may be true and 
 that v/e may go home from this festal board endeared to historic Virginia and 
 impressed with the righteousness of true Democracy. 
 
 * * V 
 
 The Jefferson Club faithful called, and called again ou Dr. John 
 H. Simon, of St. lyoui.s, and he was finally induced to arise and 
 address himself to the sentiment of "The Doctor in Politics," a 
 subject which he handled in the strikingly attractive manner set forth 
 as follows : 
 
 Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: ■ 
 
 I am hardly prepared to say anything after the masterly responses we 
 nave just heard, and, besides, it is the first duty of a physician to alleviate 
 pain, not to inflict it. When you consider how Much indigestion there will 
 he to-moiTow, how dyspepsia and her twin sister, headache, sallow-cheeked 
 and gaunt, hand in hand, will go stalking over "the green fields of Virginia," 
 you will agree with me that the surgeon general of the caravan should be 
 dispensing to the weary pilgrims fresh pepsin rather than stale jokes. Not 
 that the people of Missouri are unaccustomed to rich viands and choice old 
 liquors, but they like to be fed in English. The harrowing uncertainty of 
 what is going to happen to you after you have put away your bouillon en 
 tasse is alone sufficient to bring on nervous dyspepsia. Who can tell whether 
 after having consumed this fearfully constructed French decoction we shall 
 ever see grand old Missouri again, there to feast on smiling cakes of good 
 old Pike county corn bread and bacon gravy. Do not think for a moment, 
 gentlemen of Virginia, that our classical education has been neglected, or 
 that we are ignorant in linguistics. French is the court-language where we 
 hall from. There is hardly a policeman in St. Louis who could not regale 
 you for hours with pure Delsartean French, if he chose to do so; but he 
 usually does not choose to do so. It Is not Democratic. Good English is 
 the language of Democracy; and the plainer and more simple it ie, the 
 more Democratic it is. 
 
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 UH.JOllA Jl. SJMOA. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 65 
 
 That great Democrat, upon whose shrine we have wandered these many 
 hundred miles to lay our laurel wreath, was the type and embodiment of 
 this simplicity, not only in speech, but in manners. 
 
 We physicians as a rule are Democrats by force of environment and ne- 
 cessity. If true Democracy consists of being in touch with the people and 
 guarding their welfare, then the physician above all other men should be 
 a Democrat. He is being thrust constantly into the very lives of the people. 
 Their Interests are his interests. When they fail, he fails; when they are 
 prosperous, he too is prosperous. He is bound to them inseparably; and, 
 if he has any of the milk of human kindness in his being, upon their ills 
 and upon their misfortunes he builds that sublimest of virtues, which alone 
 and in itself. all-sufBcient. constitutes Democracy — the love of the common 
 people, 
 
 Standing here upon the soil of old Virginia, made holy by the ashes of 
 the iUustrioas Jefferson, where every leaf seems to exhale the spirit of good- 
 fellowship and the universal brotherhood of man, I can not think of Jeffer- 
 son as the great apostle of Democracy without thinking of him at the same 
 time as the great physician of the people. 
 
 When signs and symptoms of political disease were in the air he felt 
 the Nation's pulse and knew where she suffered. He lived and breathed 
 with the common people. Their ills were his ills; when they wept he wept. 
 When they were happy, he, too, rejoiced. And if, when ages have gone by, 
 when this great Nation shall have given birth to other illustrious men, 
 when the halls of fame shall have become crowded with the names of great 
 Americans, if all other good deeds of Thomas Jefferson shall have grown 
 dim to the vision of those generations yet unborn, this one fact will stand 
 forever, branded upon the Nation's memory — that he loved the people. 
 
 As as unworthy representative of the medical profession of Missouri 
 and especially of the medical gentlemen of the Jefferson Club, I desire to lay 
 one laurel upon his shrine. He was a physician in the truest sense of the 
 word, for though he held no idle medical certificate and mixed no nauseous 
 physic for his neighbors, he had learned to alleviate the sufferings of his 
 fellow men by suffering their ills himself. 
 
 That one laurel is this sentiment, and may it cling to the memory of 
 this pilgrimage as the perfume follows the rose, whenever we hear the 
 name of fair Virginia — he loved the people. 
 
 This was the distinctly pleasant conclusion of the oratorical 
 features of the evening. The gathering immediately elected all the 
 members of the faculty of the university members for life of the Club, 
 and the entire assemblage left the hall singing "Home Sweet Home," 
 boarded the train at the station, and in less than half an hour was 
 bound west over the Chesapeake & Ohio and Baltimore & Ohio roads, 
 reaching Cincinnati Sunday evening and arriving in St. Louis Mon- 
 day morning without an unpleasant incident or an unhappy accident 
 to enter upon the record of the pilgrimage, but with a store of pleasant 
 memories and a livelier sense of the deeper meaning of the life and 
 deeds and doctrines of the Father of Democracy, who, being dead, 
 yet lives in every heart that beats for liberty. 
 
UK ■• WKMKMISKKKD J KFKK |{SO.\. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 67 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 THE MONUMENT. 
 
 The monument, for the unveiling of which the pilgfrimage was 
 undertaken, is of Missouri red granite from the quarries of Messrs. 
 August and John C. Heman, members of the club, at Doe Run, 
 Mo. , on the Bonne Terre railroad. The base is four by three feet by 
 twenty inches, resting on a concrete foundation four by three by four 
 feet. The shaft is three by two and a half by four and five-sixths feet. 
 The total height is six feet six inches. The actual weight of the 
 monument is 9,900 pounds — almost five tons. 
 
 The monument was designed by H. W. Prentis, Chairman of the 
 Monument Committee, in whose charge was placed all the details. 
 Mr. Prentis also composed the inscription on the monument. 
 
 The execution of the work upon the monument, including the 
 carving of the inscription, was in charge of Mr. John Grant, foreman 
 of the Missouri Granite Company, and, in 1900, President of the St. 
 Louis Building Trades Council, composed of sixty labor organizations. 
 
 The copper box containing the records deposited in the monu- 
 ment was presented by Mr. Frank P. Higgins, leader of the Jefferson 
 Club Drum and Fife Corps, and the illuminated legend and roster of 
 the pilgrimage, in India ink upon parchment, was wrought in ex- 
 quisite penmanship by Mr. James Post. 
 
 The monument, from the rough block in the quarries to the final 
 placing of the stone in position, was handled exclusively by members 
 of tlie Jefferson Club. 
 
 ¥¥¥ 
 
 LETTERS. 
 
 LETTKR FROM UOX. F. M. COCICRKLL. OF MISSOURI. 
 
 The following letter was received from Hon. F. M. Cockrell, 
 Senator from Missouri, in response to an invitation to participate in 
 the ceremonies : 
 
 UNITED STATES SENATE. 
 
 Washington, D. C, Sept 26, 1901. 
 
 John H. Boogher, Esq., Acting Chairman Programme Committee, Jefferson 
 
 Club. 
 
 My Dear Sir: Please accept my sincere thanks for your very kind favor. 
 I regret that my duties already assumed will deprive me of the pleasure of 
 being with the club at Monticello on October 12. I am closely engaged in 
 
68 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 committee work here under oi-ders of the Senate, and will be so engaged up 
 to the time I must leave here to get to Vieksburg, Miss., on October 14, as a 
 member of the commission to designate positions of Missouri soldiers in the 
 siege of that city on the Vieksburg National Military Park grounds. Hence 
 I must forego the pleasure and honor of being with the club. Wishing the 
 club in its entire membership and all guests a most interesting and pleasant 
 time. Yours sincerely, F. M. COCKRELL. 
 
 ¥^¥ 
 
 I-ETTER FROM HOX. GEORGE G. VEST, OF MISSOURI. 
 
 The following letter, expressing regret at inability to join in the 
 pilgrimage, was received from the Hon. George G. Vest, Senator 
 from Missouri : 
 
 Sweet Springs, Mo., August 29, 1901. 
 
 Mr. John T. Fitzsimmons, Chairman Publication Committee, Jefferson Club, 
 
 St. Louis, Mo. 
 
 My Dear Sir: It affords me great pleasure to learn through your letter 
 and statements in tire public press that the Jefferson Club of St. Louis has 
 organized an excursion to Monticello. 
 
 It is an appropriate time for all believers in free government to gather 
 around the tomb of Thomas Jefferson, the great Apostle of Liberty, and re- 
 new their allegiance to the principles he advocated. 
 
 It is useless to deny the fact that the dominant party in this country 
 has eliminated the great truth upon which our government is based, that 
 we live imder a written Constitution containing limitations on power in 
 every department and that these limitations cannot be disregarded without 
 placing the United States side by side with monarchies and empires, in 
 which despotism is supreme. 
 
 The paramount issue in 1800, when Jefferson defeated John Adams for 
 the Presidency, was whether this government was one of absolute and un- 
 limited power, or a Constitutional government iu which absolute power had 
 no place; the people alone having the right to amend the Constitution as 
 they please. We now hear it announced, without any concealment, and I 
 am sorry to say, in some instances by so-called Democrats, that the United 
 States has all the power of any other government and that Congress can 
 do whatever is necessary for what they believe to be the welfare of the 
 people, regardless of all Constitutional limitations. 
 
 All that the true followers of Jefferson can do now is to wait and steadily 
 endeavor to bring our people back to the honest support of human rights 
 and Constitutional liberty. 
 
 I believe that ultimately the principles of Jefferson will again be dom- 
 inant in this country, but even if I am mistaken, it is our sacred duty to 
 stand by the truth as we see it. 
 
 I hope your visit to Monticello will be a pleasant one and that you may 
 have a safe return to the State whose capital bears the name of Jefferson 
 and in which a majority of its citizens will always be true to his doctrines 
 and teaching. Your friend, G. G. VEST. 
 
TH?: riLGRIMAGK TO MONTICKLLO. «0 
 
 LETTER FRO]\t HON. DAVID B. HII-L, OF NEW YORK. 
 
 Tlie appended letter of regret from Hon. David B. Hill, of New- 
 York, was read by President Hawes towards the end of the ceremonies 
 at the unveiling of the monument. 
 
 Albany, N. Y.. October 9th, tSOt. 
 Hon. Jefferson M. Levy, Monticello, Virginia. 
 
 My Dear Mr. L«vy: Your invitation to visit Monticello upon the occa- 
 sion of the approaching pilgiimage of the Jelterson Club of St. Louis has 
 reached me and I regret to say that a pressure of professional engagements 
 will compel my presence in this city during the entire week. 
 
 I am conscious that no word of an individual can bespeak as high a 
 tribute to the memory of Jefferson as the very mission of the visiting 
 Democrats of Missouri. The custom of Democrats to journey to Monticello 
 began more than a century ago. During the lifetime of JeK'erson, in the 
 years of his retirement froK official activities, the leading public men of 
 Virginia and prominent Democrats from all parts of the country turned to 
 Monticello, whenever a perplexing problem of national affairs demanded 
 the wise and calm counsel of a master mind. 
 
 Madison and Monroe, as well as other distinguished contemporaries of 
 his age, were the warm personal and political friends of Jefferson and em- 
 braced every opportunity to secure his liberal and enlightened opinions upon 
 the great public questions of the day. His Virginia home was the Mecca 
 toward which all Democratic steps were constantly turned. 
 
 The wisdom and truth of the teachings then promulgated by him are 
 eloquently attested by their continuation through many years of conflict 
 as the fundamental principles of the Democratic party. The pilgrimages to 
 Monticello did not cease with the death of Jefferson. Democrats, proud of 
 their ancient political lineage, have continued to journey many miles to 
 (he historic Virginia home to revere the memory of the party's founder. 
 
 The visit of the Missouri Democrats to Monticello, after the lapse of 
 nearly a century since the death of Jefferson, renders mere verbal eulogies, 
 in their presence, superfluous. 
 
 A party founded on the principles of Jefferson cannot be dismayed, ter- 
 rified or destroyed. The Democratic party has survived the political vicis- 
 situdes of a hundred years and defeat has neither impaired our belief in 
 the rightfulness of its cause nor diminished our confidence in the ultimate 
 supremacy of its principles. 
 
 Kindly express to the visiting Democrats my regret at being unable to 
 personally greet them. 
 
 With assurances of my appreciation of your courteous invitation, I 
 remain, very truly yours. DAVID B. HILL. 
 
70 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO 
 
 HISTORY OF THE JEFFERSON CLUB. 
 
 The Jeflerson Club is a true child of American political institu- 
 tions. In nine years it has developed from an infant in swaddling 
 clothes, not known beyond the limits of St. Louis, to a young giant 
 famed throughout the United States and having over five thousand 
 members. It fills a long-felt want of the Democratic party in St. 
 L,ouis, and hence its marvelous growth. When the Jefferson Club 
 was organized the Democracy of St. Louis had grown sick of the dom- 
 ination of self-seeking leaders who obtained personal benefits at the 
 expense of party success. As a result discipline, system and united 
 action were unknown and the party stood defeated even before election 
 day. 
 
 The leaders who misled the party at that time owed their posi- 
 tions to their years rather than to their brains. Hence, young Demo- 
 crats, who were more ambitious for the success of their principles and 
 tickets than mindful of ancient titles to leadership, protested. Their 
 protest took shape when the Young Democracy of St. Louis was organ- 
 ized July 24, 1892. The founders of this organization were young 
 men who had devoted much time and energy to political study and 
 work. The old time bosses who could not read the handwriting on 
 the wall, took no heed of the youthful club with its few score members. 
 But the Young Democracy represented the principle of organization, 
 intelligently directed, as opposed to personal strife within party lines. 
 After years of struggle, organization gained a signal triumph in the 
 redemption of St. Louis from Republican ring rule. 
 
 The ofiicers of the Young Democracy, in the charter year 1892, 
 were as follows: 
 
 THOMAS M. KNAPP, President. 
 
 H. B. HAWES, First Vice-President. 
 
 Dr. H. W. BOND, Second Vice-President. 
 Dr. N. W. SHARPE, Secretary. 
 
 B. M. THOMPwSON, Assistant Secretary. 
 VIRGIL RULE, Treasurer. 
 
 C. P. SENTER, Sergeant-at-Arms. 
 
 EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE. 
 
 DAVID FENTRESS. T. P. McCORMICK. 
 
 D. W. ROBERT. L. D. LAWNIN. 
 
 BENJAMIN H. CHARLES. A. M. FORLINE. 
 
 R. B. HAUGHTON. E. G. YOUNGBLOOD. 
 
 C. V. BAKER. 
 
"A 
 
 ;5 
 
 o 
 
 a: 
 a: 
 
THE PILGRIM AGK TO MONTICELLO. 71 
 
 CAMPAIGN COMMITTEE. 
 
 J. A. SENTER. J- J- CORKERY. 
 
 Dr. H. W. LOEB. C. C. BRECKENRIDGE. 
 
 EDUCATIONAL COMMITTEE. 
 
 B. H. CHARLES. Dr. JOSEPH GRINDON. 
 
 T. R. HARRIS. Dr. N. W. SHARPE. 
 
 MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE. 
 
 JAMES FENTRESS. A. G. BERNOUDY. 
 
 E. O. SHOTWELL. C. DUNCAN. 
 
 In 1893 W. E. Garvin was President of the Young Democracy 
 and he wa;? re-elected in 1894. 
 
 On March 28, 1895, the name of the Young Democracy was 
 changed to the Jefferson Club, and on May 28, 1895, the organi- 
 zation was incorporated as the Jefferson Club A.ssociation, which has 
 remained the official title. 
 
 The Presidents of the Jefferson Club, from 1895 to the present 
 year, have been as follows: 1895, Benjamin H. Charles; 1896, Virgil 
 Rule; 1897, John C. Roberts: 1898, Joseph W. Folk; 1899, 1900, 1901 
 and 1902, Harry B. Hawes. 
 
 In its infantile days the Young Democracy held its meetings in 
 Vandeventer Hall, but when the membership grew the Club rented 
 a well-appointed building, 3022 Olive street. The roster roll of the 
 Club grew rapidly under the wise administration of its officers and be- 
 cause the need of a thorough party organization was becoming more 
 apparent each year to the Democrats of vSt. Louis. In July, 1899, the 
 Jefferson Club had four hundred and iifty-five members. The officials 
 believed that the time was ripe for the expansion of the Club's field of 
 influence. It had devoted itself largely to preaching and teaching 
 Democracy. It must now take up the task of systematically register- 
 ing voters and getting citizens to the polls on election day. The 
 arrogance and indifference of bosses had brought party discipline to 
 a low- ebb in St. Louis and the well organized Republicans won 
 easily. 
 
 The Jefferson Club, for the rea.sons here stated, altered its constitu- 
 tion in the summer of 1899, in order to provide for a Ward, Precinct 
 and Block organization. The effect was instantaneous. Democrats 
 flocked under the standard of the Jefferson Club and the membership 
 grew so rapidly that in the fall of 1899 more commodious quarters had 
 
72 THE riLGRlJNIAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 to be obtained. The present large club house at the southwest corner 
 of Grand avenue and West Pine street was accordingh- leased. The 
 membership continued to grow like a green bay tree. As many as 
 three hundred applicants were passed on at the monthly meetings. 
 To-day there are over five thousand names on the muster roll of the 
 organization, which, two years ago, had only four hundred and fifty- 
 five members. The successes of the Democratic party in St. I,ouis, 
 in November, 1900, and in April, 1901, were due to the sj'stcmatic 
 work of the Jefferson Club. 
 
 V » * 
 
 COMMITTEE CHAIRMEN. 
 
 The successful outcome of the pilgrimage was due, in no small 
 measure, to the work of the various committees, the chairmen of which 
 were as follows : 
 
 General Chairman. . . . L,T. - Gov. John A. Lee. 
 
 General Secretary, . . Cornelius H. Fauntleroy. 
 
 Assistant Secretary, Tom L. Anderson. 
 
 Programme and Ceremonies, . . John H. Boogher. 
 
 Invitations to Distinguished Men, 
 
 Gov. Alexander Monroe Dockery. 
 
 Non-resident Invitations, . James Monroe Seibert. 
 
 City Invitations JOSEPH W. Folk. 
 
 Finance, Breckinridge Jones. 
 
 Press R. F. Coombs. 
 
 Monument Henning W. Prentis. 
 
 Publication John T. Fitzsimmons. 
 
 Train and Transportation, . . . JerE M. Hunt. 
 
 Commissarj- Wm. J. Flynn. 
 
 Decorations, Jerry J. Sheehan. 
 
 Historian, Wm. Marion Reedy. 
 
 Photographer Geo. E. Baker. 
 
 ROSTER OF THE JEFFERSON CLUB FIELD BAND 
 ON THE PILGRIMAGE. 
 
 Frank B. Higgins, Captain. 
 
 Dr. H. P. Mack, Lieutenant. 
 
 W. Ford, Drum Major. 
 
 James J. Moran. Quartermaster. 
 

 X 
 
 
 ■s. 
 
 W 
 
THE PILGRIMAGK TO MONTICELI^O 
 
 DRUMMERS. 
 
 John J. Vahey 
 
 R. Gallagher 
 
 F. Morrissey 
 
 Edw. F. Creed 
 
 J. J. Thornton 
 
 Michael O'Malley 
 
 W. Harding 
 
 W. J. Ratchford 
 
 Jos. Tighe 
 
 H. E. Mack 
 
 H. A. Boone 
 
 Clem Kentzinger, Jr. 
 
 P. Kavanaugh 
 
 J. Sauer 
 
 Peter Laurie 
 
 Thos. W. Morris 
 
 BASS DRUMMERS. 
 
 V. T. McCormack 
 Frank Mulderig 
 
 FIFERS. 
 
 John T. Mathews 
 J. St. L,. Maher 
 
 D. J. Cronin 
 John T. Hunt 
 J. P. McGrain 
 
 E. Schofield 
 John D. Rj'an 
 Jerry J. McGrath 
 J. H. O'Connell 
 Edw. Shea 
 
 F. E. Bergen 
 Thos. Brady 
 John J. Ward 
 John J. Healy 
 
 TRUMPETERS. 
 
 Clarance Coff 
 E. A. England 
 E. A. Burkhardt 
 W. F. Sheehan 
 J. P. CahiU 
 W. J. Lonergan 
 J. J. Cook 
 L. W. Zierlein 
 
 ¥ ¥¥ 
 
 ROSTER OF PILGRIMS TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Anderson, Thos. L. 
 Auer, Reno A. 
 Alexander, M. H. 
 Anthony, W. S. 
 
 Farmington, Mo. 
 Anthony, L. A. 
 Aubuchon, T. S. 
 Aull, Wm., Lexington, Mo. 
 Atkins, Ben. 
 Adams, J no. 
 Alexander, M. H.,Jr. 
 Brown, R. F. 
 Ballard, T. R. 
 
 Bohlinger, Arthur S. 
 
 Brank, R. S. 
 
 Brennan, Jas. P. 
 
 Boogher, Jno. H. 
 
 Brennan, Martin S. 
 
 Boyd, V. J., Farmington, Mo. 
 
 Boyd, John, Esther, Mo. 
 
 Burke, Walter F. 
 
 Bland, Ewing C. 
 
 Butler, A. J. 
 
 Boogher, Simon L. 
 
 Benton, M. E-, Neosho, Mo. 
 
 Butler, J. R. 
 
THE PILGRIilAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Bloiig, A. F. 
 Baker, G. E. 
 Brown, S. B. 
 Collins, John P. 
 Casey, D. J. 
 Carmody, P. J. 
 Combs, R. F. 
 Curran, Con. P. 
 Conway, T. J. 
 Chapman, Geo. J. 
 Conley, Thos. A. 
 Cunningham, D. F. 
 Cochran, Chas. F. 
 
 St. Joseph, Mo. 
 Colbnin, E. D. 
 Clack, Jas. M., Nevada, Mo. 
 Collins, T. E. 
 Culbertson, Jerry, 
 
 Harrisonville, Mo. 
 Chinn, Dr. E. H., 
 
 Rocheport, Mo. 
 Clifford, P. J. 
 CuUea, M. J. 
 
 Craig, D. T. M., Nevada, Mo. 
 Crews, Gideon 
 Corcoran, Dan'l 
 Casey, Rev. E. A. 
 Cullinane, M. J. 
 Canty, T. Joe 
 Cone, W. C. 
 Calcutt, W. S. 
 Devoy, Joseph 
 Doran, Lawrence 
 Drown, P. S. 
 
 Drum, T. B., Sedgwickville 
 Dicknian, Jos. F. 
 Dwyer, Phil. 
 Dolan, John P. 
 Daus, Aug. F. 
 Dunvvoody, J. S. 
 Duffy, J. L. 
 Dooley, Rev. Pat'k 
 Dempsey, Rev. Timothy 
 
 Edwards, Waller 
 
 Edwards, Dr. J. C. 
 
 Estes, F. M. 
 
 English, Jno. T. 
 
 Folk, J. W. 
 
 Fauntleroy, C. H. 
 
 Fitzsimmons, J. T. 
 
 Flynn, W. J. 
 
 Fletcher, Jno. 
 
 Farris, F. H., Steelville, Mo. 
 
 Fitzgibbon, P. R. 
 
 Frazer, Dr. T. F. 
 
 Frye, W. G. 
 
 Furlong, Rev. J. J., 
 
 New Madrid, Mo. 
 Gilfoil, J. J. 
 Gan-igan, James 
 Gorman, R. E. 
 Gallaher, M. J. 
 Geraghty, Chas. L. 
 Guion, E. E. 
 Gallagher, Augustine 
 Garrigan, Thos. A. 
 Harty, A. 
 Haunemann, J. F. 
 Hawes, Harry B. 
 Hennings, Thos. C. 
 Hudson, O. B. 
 Hart, Thos. 
 Hagerman, James, Jr. 
 Heffernan, J. W. 
 Hennessy, T. J. 
 Hart, T. F. 
 Hannegan, J. D. 
 Hammer, L. F., Jr. 
 Hiller, F. A. J. 
 Haughton, C. H. 
 Harkrader, E. T. 
 Kane, Patrick 
 Kloess, Nich. 
 Keaney, Bart. D. 
 Keane, Thos. F. 
 Kolp, A. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 75 
 
 Klaiber. F. M. 
 
 Kemp, J. R. 
 
 Love, Jno. E. 
 
 Lee, Jno. A. 
 
 Langenecker, Chas. 
 
 Lewis, M. D. 
 
 Lysaght, T. J. 
 
 Lansberg, F. J. 
 
 McCarthy, J. R. 
 
 McGuire, Thos. S. 
 
 Maroney, A. C. 
 
 Mallard, O. P. 
 
 McHose, J. A. 
 
 McNamee, Owen 
 
 Murphy, W. P. 
 
 McMahon, Jno. J. 
 
 Moore, B. C, Commerce, Mo. 
 
 Morris, Thos. 
 
 McCaffery, James 
 
 Mockler, Geo. F. 
 
 McCaffery, J. T. 
 
 Murray, Jno. 
 
 McClauahan, J. H. 
 
 Mahonej', Wm. 
 
 Newmark, Hy. 
 
 Norman, Asa, Bloomfield, Mo. 
 
 Nordmeyer, C. J. 
 
 Nichols, John 
 
 Neville, Geo. 
 
 Newton, Emmett, 
 
 Springfield, Mo. 
 O'Brien, John J. 
 O'Brien, M. J. 
 O'Brien, D. P. 
 O'Connor, Wm. 
 O'Connor, D. W. 
 O'.Sullivan, T. L. 
 O'Gorman, Dr. Dan'l D. 
 Pollard, Wm. Jeff. 
 Prentis, H. W. 
 Priesterbach, Aug. 
 Phillips, Hiram 
 Peterson, Geo. 
 
 Perkins, David J. 
 
 Phillips, Chas. 
 
 Pudvitr, A. J. 
 
 Pope, E. B. 
 
 Quinn, Edw. 
 
 Rj-an, J. J. 
 
 Ratican, W. 
 
 Rassmisser, B. M. 
 
 Rinkel, Geo. W. 
 
 Rabbit, Jno. 
 
 Rumsey, H. S. 
 
 Ryan, James D. 
 
 Rutledge, Thos. G. 
 
 Reed, Jas. A., Kansas City, Mo. 
 
 Rice, J. P. 
 
 Reedy, W. M. 
 
 Soraghan, Dr. J. T. 
 
 Sheehan, Jerry J. 
 
 Spaulding, Jas. J. 
 
 Shaner, J. C. 
 
 Strode, Garard 
 
 Swift, R. B. 
 
 Starke, L. B. 
 
 Short, Joel, Mountain Grove, Mo. 
 
 Stevins, A. J. 
 
 Stewart, Alex. 
 
 Senter, Chas. P. 
 
 Sartorius, Jno. 
 
 Stone, Wm. J. 
 
 Stapel, H. L. , Rockport, Mo. 
 
 Simon, Dr. Jno. H. 
 
 Sanders, W. H. 
 
 Smith, Jas. 
 
 Taff , W. R. , Steelville, Mo. 
 
 Thomson, Geo. B. 
 
 Taaffe, B. P. 
 
 Truitt, W.H., Jr., Columbia, Mo. 
 
 Terr>', Albert T. 
 
 Tapley,J.R. , Bowling Green, Mo. 
 
 Von Wedelstadt, R. Park 
 
 Ward, T. J. 
 
 Westbrook, Dr. Geo. W. 
 
 Walsh, Peter 
 
76 
 
 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Watke, Frank M. 
 
 Wengler, T. O. 
 
 Williams, Brent. T. 
 
 Walsh, Dr. E. J., St. Joseph, Mo. 
 
 Wells, Rolla 
 
 Wray, R. M. 
 
 Wylie, E. S. , Commerce. Mo. 
 
 Welch, Aikman 
 
 Winters, N. J. 
 
 Ziesse, Otto 
 
 V ¥ ¥ 
 
 XJST OF DONORS TO PILGRIMAGE FUND. 
 
 Acuff, L,ouis 
 Adler, Ben 
 Adler, Sam'l 
 Adreveno, T. 
 Alexander, Jas. 
 Allen, Wm. 
 Almon, T. T. 
 Anderson, Wm. 
 Atmore, Chas. 
 Auer, Andrew 
 Baker, S. E. 
 Baunerman, Jas. 
 Badger, Geo. W. 
 Barbee, J. N. 
 Barry, Jas. 
 Battersby, Chas. 
 Behm, Fred 
 Bernays, A. C. 
 Biggs, C. O. , Dexter, Mo. 
 Bilhartz, Chas. 
 Blankenship, L. D. 
 Bradley, Richard T. 
 Brady, Thos. F. 
 Buck, H. A. 
 Burriss, Geo. M. 
 Burton, J. A. 
 Butler, Edward 
 Cafferata, Frank A. 
 Campbell, James 
 Canty, T. Joe., Jr. 
 Canty, T. J. 
 Carroll, A. J. 
 Carleton, Murray- 
 
 Carroll, John S. 
 Casey, M. J. 
 Clifford, Eugene 
 Corcoran, James 
 Cordell. F. W. 
 Cosgrove, Dan J. 
 Danaher, Dan'l 
 Danaher, Timothy 
 De Moss, T. W. 
 Devoy, Edward 
 Devoy, Eugene 
 Donegan, T. J. 
 Douglas, Walter B. 
 Dixon, Jas. 
 Dougherty, Wm. 
 Doyle, Jas. P. 
 Druhe, Wm. 
 Drummond, H. I. 
 Dula, R. B. 
 Dundon, Michael 
 Dvvjer, Jno. 
 Eichhorn, Edw. E. 
 Emerson, Chas. S. 
 Finn, Louis I. 
 Fogarty, Thos. 
 Folk, Jos. W. 
 FitzGerald, W. S. 
 Fontana, Jno. R. 
 Francis, D. R. 
 Finnerty, Thos. 
 Fisher, Gus A. 
 FitzGerald, Patrick 
 FitzGibbon, P. R. 
 
THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Finley, Hy. F. 
 Fuldner, Alb. 
 Fuiikhouser, R. M. 
 Galvin, Dave 
 Gaiiahl, Louis 
 Gannon, Jos. P. 
 Gannon, Michael 
 Garrett, R. P. 
 Gartland, Eugene 
 Gavigaii, W. J. 
 Gibson, C. E- 
 Gill, Edw. 
 Girard, Paul 
 Gunn, F. E. 
 Haegele, Herman 
 Hagerman, James 
 Hawkins, J. S. 
 Higgins, Jno. 
 Hanley, Wm. J. 
 Hanna, Rob't A. 
 Hannegan, Jno. P. 
 Hayes, John J. 
 Helm, Gustav 
 Hogan, John 
 Heman, August 
 Hickman, Jas. 
 Holmes, Jno. M. 
 Howard, John 
 Hufsmith, Gus 
 Hughes, Wm. 
 Huttig, C. H. 
 Israel, Jos. A. 
 Johns, F. D. 
 Jones, Breckinridge 
 Joyce, Peter 
 Kane, Patrick 
 Keating, Felix 
 Keeman, Daniel 
 Kelly, Thos. E. 
 Kennard, S. M. 
 Kennedy, Jno. J. 
 Kern, R. H. 
 King, John 
 
 Lally, E. J. 
 Lanz, Fred 
 L,avin, John J. 
 Lawlor, A. J. 
 Lawlor, S. F. 
 Eightholder, Jas. G. 
 Lionberger, I. H. 
 McAliney, P. 
 McCauley, Wm. 
 McConkey, Jas. G. 
 McCormack, Phil 
 McDonald, Jesse A. 
 McDonnell, R. 
 McDowell, Edward 
 McSherry, Chas. 
 McSherry, Jos. 
 McCaini, Peter 
 McMahon, John C. 
 Mackle, Edw. 
 Maginnis, W. T. 
 Maguire, Thos. S. 
 Marshall, F. E. 
 Matthews, W. H. 
 Moran, T. P. 
 Moorman, Guj^ F. 
 Monrotus, Peter 
 Nickolaus, Hy. 
 Nolte, Eouis 
 Nugent, Thos. 
 Odium, Wm. J. 
 O' Fallon, E. P. 
 O'Keefe, Jno. D. 
 O'Keefe, T. 
 O'Leary-, Dennis 
 Owen, Jno. J. 
 Pasquier, Jos. 
 Pauley, P. J., Sr. 
 Player, James Y. 
 Pearson, Frank 
 Pelser, Hy. 
 Percival, Fred 
 Phillips, R. H. 
 Powers, David 
 
78 
 
 THE PILGRIMAGE TO MONTICELLO. 
 
 Priest, H. S. 
 Purcell, Thos. 
 Quinn, Thos. H. 
 Reardon, Jno. T. 
 Retagliata, A. 
 Reynolds, Peter 
 Rhodman, John 
 Roberts, John C. 
 Rolfes, John R. 
 Richardson, James 
 Ryan, Jno. J. 
 Ryan, Thos. F. 
 Seibert, J. M. 
 Sommers, H. H. 
 Stack, Thos. D. 
 Staed, John 
 Steinbiss, H. W. 
 Stevison, Edw. 
 Stewart, A. C. 
 Scott, Wm. F. 
 Sedevic, Wm. J. 
 Schaefier, Wm. L. 
 Schulte, Wm. R. 
 Shea, John M. 
 Shea, Patrick 
 Shepley, J. F. 
 Smith, James A. 
 Steele, Geo. C. 
 Stuever, A. C. 
 
 SuUens, Jos. E. 
 Sullivan, S. J. 
 Tansey, Geo. J. 
 Tate, W. H. 
 Taylor, Dan G. 
 Taylor, Sam'l R. 
 Telken, J. H. 
 Thompson, A. R. 
 Timke, Wm. 
 Tracy, Dan'l O'C. 
 Turner, C. H. 
 Van Sant, R. S. 
 Volmer, Theodore 
 Von der Ahe, Chris 
 Wade, Festus J. 
 Walsh, Dan'l 
 Walsh, John 
 Walsh, Patrick 
 Weber, Richard 
 Wells, Rolla 
 Whalen, Thos. P. 
 Wiggenhorn, Ben F. 
 Wolf, Casper J. 
 Wood, Jno. M. 
 Woods, J. W. 
 Wray, John H. 
 Zanone, J. L. 
 Zipf, A. 
 
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