CIass_f Book i'H js nsaasicT ifiswKa ttix NEW FORM OF GOVERNMENT,. THE ADMINISTRATION VINDICATED. THE S4,000,000 LOAN DEMANDED BY THE HIGHEST INTERESTS Of THE PE0PLB. SPEECH BY HON. N. P. CHIPMAN. WASHINGTON CITY: McGILL & WITHEEOW, PEINTHBS. 187 L ) MfL SPEECH Delivered ai the Republican Mass Meeting in the Fourteenth District, held to ratify the ■notaination of Son. Peter Campbell, candidate for House of Delegates. MY'PlUBKDa: ' We havo had here in the District of Columbia many very exciting political contests, and many that were of great moment to our people; and while this is not, and will not be, am "exerting contest, there has, perhaps, never been one fraught with such momentous interest to the present and future welfare of the District of Columbia. Its importance io not derived from any political questions at issue, nor can it be said to be in any sense' wholly national, but it lies in the fact that we are just emerging into the- enjoyment of the new form of government for the people, which, with but few exceptions, was regarded, when given us by Congress, as possessing great promise in our future development. You do not need ta.be reminded of the practical workings of our former municipal government', and yet you l?vft' pardon me a word in regard to it. TEE OI.T> FORM OP GOVERNMENT NOTICED. This District of Columbia was ceded net to the people cf the District, but to the United' States, with a view of becoming a permanent seat of government. It was regarded at the time as settling what had hitherto been a disturbing source of sectional bitterness and party strife, and took our capital off from wheels upon which it rested, and gave it fixed and permanent foundations. No one, looking back over the experience of our local govern- ment, can doubt now irt was a grave and serious error to give to various portions of the District distinct forms of government. If some of the wise men of those times could have fore- seen, with that prescience which guided them in many other questions regarding our national prosperity, what the National Capital ought to be, and what, doubtless, must havo been ' vaguely contemplated in the cession of the Ten Miles Square for the purpose of a capital, wc would to-day be where we hope, under honest and progressive management of our affairs, to be at the end of twenty-live years. The District of Columbia ought to have been improved as the Nation's Capital from the first as it is proposed to improve it now — that is, ai a unit. Situated more beautifully, per- haps, than, I may say, any other space of ground of the same dimensions, and better adapted to .the residence of a great capital than any other portion of our Union, it ou»ht to have been improved at the beginning with reference to the great future of this country, of which we now only begin to catch glimpses. If this territory, ceded for the purpose of a capital, had been improved as a unit, and ■ with reference to the future; if the expenditure of public moneys within this District. both by the general and local government, had been with reference to a general pic v. ! comprehending the improvement of the whole District; if there had been such harm nidus relations existing between our. local government and our National Government would have secured a hearty co-operation in the execution of this plan; if this unity V' design had been faithfully carried out, both by the national and local government, thi> National Capital would to-day present at once one of the most beautiful and comely cities i ■ look upon, one of the most delightful as a residence, and one of the most prosperous L ; all of its inhabitants, which could be pointed out on the surface of this globe. 'From tb very beginning, however, this chosen spot was fatally divided against itself, and fatally ' divorced from its parent and natural protector — the General Government. Washington city, as a corporation, was given a sort of hybrid form of government, with ' something cf control over its internal affairs, and yet with sufficient reserved to the General Government in the management of its details to utterly emasculate it and destroy its po\veri However much it might desire to extend the plan of improvement to the beautiful surround- ing amphitheatrical hills, it could not stretch its arm beyond the limits of your Boundary street; however much it might desire to join hands with that picturesquely located city, . Georgetown, there was no provision by which the two cities could co-operate in any plan of improvements, and they have consequently remained to this day almost as distinct from each other as Alexandria and Washington; while all these charming and delightful ;on sent to the use of, any of the money authorized to be raised bj* this act, contrary to its provisions, he shall be liable to criminal proceedings in the District courts, and punished by fine and imprisonment in the jail of the District for the term of not less than three nor more than twelve months. The remaining portion of the act relates to its submission to the people for ratification. As I understand the objection which I am now considering, it is, first, because the Board of Public Works are unrestrained as to the plan of improvements to be carried out by them; and, second, tliat they give no bond for the faithful disbursement of the funds in their hands — or, to put these two branches of the objection in one, and to express it as you hear it, expressed up»on the streets, the objection is, that we are to give thi3 Board ef Public Works $4,000,000 to use as they please. A. word now, Mr. Chairman, with regard to there being no plan submitted fo tho people to be voted upon in connection with this act. Any plan which would bo submitted in connection with this act for the approval of the people, to be any hotter than the act itself, must be definite in all particulars. It must proscribe definitely the streets, avec ties, alleys, and roads which are to be prepared or improved; the 6ewers and bridges which are to be constructed; together with the detailed plans of construction or repair, and this particularity must extend even to the specifications in those plans, or the system would be defective. For it must be perceived, that if you say the Board of Public Works Shall construct a sewer along a particular street or avenue, and do not prescribe the man- ner in which it is to be constructed, you leave as dangerous discretion with them almost as to allow them to locate the sewer themselves, and the same is true of any other im- provement that might be suggested. Again, it would be almost impossible to prepare a detailed plan of improvements for the District of Columbia, which should bo carried out without variation; and, if apian were submitted to the people and voted upon, the Board would possess no power to make any changes however important theso changes might Afterwards seem to be. But suppose it possible to prepare such a plan, can you conceive it to be possible that the masses of our people, who vote upon this proposition, would be able to inform them- selves -as to its merits within any reasonable time. Perhaps not one in ten of our best- informed citizens have the technical knowledge which would enable thorn to judge c-f the details entering into any general plan. I doubt very much whether one in ten of the voters in this District have carefully read the act in question, brief as it now is: how many of them, then, would read and study it with sufficient care to understand the very elaborate and lengthy plans and details which our opponents insist should be affixed to the act. The main facts the people understand perfectly well. These are, that we propose to raise $4,000,000, with which to commence a system of improvements in this District; that wc propose to pay for these improvements by issuing four millions of bonds, payable in twenty years, and that the interest amounts to a particular sum ; and that a certain sum is to be also raised as a sinking fund, with which to pay ultimately the principal of the bonds; and that the Board of Public Works, composed of the Governor and four associates, aro to manage the disbursement of the fund and the improvements to be made. The people have made up their minds to sustain the loan on this information, and have faith in our officers to properly disburse it. Without noticing further this branch of the objection, let me, say a word as to the second , that is, that there is no restraint upon the Board of Public Works in the disbursement of this fund. Some say that the Board should be bonded, should give a bond of sufficient security for the repayment to the District of such funds as they may improperly disburse. Lot us look at that. How would a bond given by the members of this Board secure the people further than the act now secures them? Any one familiar with tho form of such bonds will tell you, that the condition is the faithful performance of the trust undertaken by the principal of the bond. In this case the bonds would run with the condition, that A. B., a member of the said Board of Public Works, shall faithfully discharge the duties pertaining to his said office, and in default thereof shall pay, &c. Don't you perceive that, in thai case, the same discretion remains still with the members of the Board of Public Works, to act according to their best judgment iu the discharge of their official functions? And do you not perceive an honest, though mistaken, exercise of that discretion would nwb use a trust fund, is worse even than a common thief. What are the probabilities? In the first place, the gentlemen composing that Board are citizen3 whose whole pecuniary interest is in this District. Some of them, by careful busi- uess management, have amassed private fortunes ; one of them, at least, has a character and credit throughout the civilized world, the integrity of which is worth to him more than ten times four millions of dollars. It is above price. Not one of them, I believe, has the remotest anticipation of laying his bones elsewhere than in this District of Columbia. Your future is their future; and, sir, I cannot conceive it possible that these men dan ally write across their foreheads the word thief, and become- tho objects of scorn and contempt of all honest men. But there is great improbability of this, for tho further rea- son, that to be successful in any scheme for plunder, these five members of the Board of Public Works must not only conspire with each other, but they must also conspire with public contractors. And, sir, with the watchful eyes of this community upon them, such a conspiracy could not exist six months without its being manifest to all intelligent men. in that case, you know that the President of the United States, who appoints them to office, would remove them instantly. The fatal defect, which cost New York city so fear- ful a sum of money in its board of public officers, lay in the fact that they had so possessed ihemselvcs of power .as to perpetuate their own official existence, and thero was absolutely qo remedy whatever, but such an uprising of the people as we have recently witnessed. But we not only have the security which lies in the power to instantly remove the Board of Public Works from office through the President, but the act itself provides the punish- ment of any officer or employee of the District who shall use or consent to the use of any of the money authorized to bo raised by the act contrary to its provision. But, sir, I feel I need not say more upon this point. There must bo responsibility somewhere ; and, gen • erally speaking, among men of probity of character, which I believe the gentlemen of this Board to possess, penal bonds are not half so good a security as the honor upon which such men act. It is a delicate thing for me to mention, in this connection, any one member of /our Board of Public Works, or to mention any one individual among those who are opposing the loan ; and yet I feel that the gravity of this question, and the seriousness of the objection now being considered, which has been made in this community, will -.-.-ant me in departing from the wise rule in regard to personalities. I shall npfc dis- guise in this discussion, what we all know to be true, that Mr. Alexander R. Shepherd, a member of that Board, has been attacked, in his personal and business integrity, to egree that is almost fiendish, I do not believe that any considerable number of • fellow-citizens credit these aspersions upon his character, and yet they may have affected the minds of some. You and I have our own private opinion in regard to this matter; but I feel compelled to put upon the witness stand a gentleman who earnestly and rely opposes this loan, who differs widely and radically in politics with us and with Shepherd, but who has known him since childhood in this commuity, and has been i.-.?ociated with him in the closest business relations, where- he had the means of knowing the most secret motives which governed the business habits and management of Mr. Shep- herd, and the mention of whoso name anywhere in this District is the synonym of honesty uid probity of character. This witness is Dr. John B. Blake, a man. whom I honor and ect for his personal character — a man whom I may almost say I lovo for his personal qualities ; this man I heard remark recently, in a public manner, that whatever else may said of him, he would allow no man to question in his presence tho personal honesty .'ii-iness integrity of A. R. Shopherd. My friend Dr. Blake may not thank mo for statement, and Mr. Shepherd may be offended at it; but I feel, in view of all the facts, trained to make it, trusting that my motive in doing eo will shield me from their DISIH ■ has been a certain sort of unfairness and disingenuousness connected with tho op- tion made to this loan, or rather to the Board of Public Works, which is almost in credible. There never has been any fair criticism upon its plans; but the whole opposition has been so bitter, that it. would hardly seem to deserve candid treatment Long before the .rd came into possession of a cent of money, long before they had commenced operations, or had announced their plana or purposes, tho chief movers in this opposition were seek- ing by every means to poison the minds of tho community against the officers composing our District Government, and had oven thus, early begun to more than hint of a lack of personal integrity. Certainly this is nottha treatment they deserved,, and this fact should 8 lead all impartial minds to hesitate before following such dangerous lead. At this very time, while these slanderous insinuations were being thrown out in the community, the Board of Public Works, instead of organizing a close corporation or perfecting a conspiracy against the welfare of the District, invited an advisory board, to act with them, composed oFhigh military and civil officers of the Government. This board were Quartermaster General Meigs, Major General Humphreys, Chief of En- gineers, Surgeon General Barnes, General Babcock, Superintendent of Public Buildings and Grounds ; Mr Olmstead, of New York city ; and these gentlemen met with the Board of Public Works, and discussed, and I believe approved, with some modifications which were adopted, the plans of improvements, so far as were immediately contemplated. The Board also employed an Engineer, of great attainments in his profession, who had been connected with the public works of other cities, who could bring large experience to bear upon the rude condition in which our District is, and who could have no local feeling to subserve, and who could be charged with having no personal motives to gratify. The Board also called into their council Mr. Wm. Saunders, the Botanical Gardener of the Agri- cultural Department, a man of learning, and an author, and who takes a great pride in the future development of the District. It would seem to me these steps are utterly inconsistent with any purpose to combine against the interests of the people. ■ Then, too, the Board organized its office, and not only preserved the records of all its proceedings, but there has been no improvement undertaken of consequence which has not been published officially by the Board, and its proceedings from day to day have been presented through the daily press. I eay that no unprejudiced man, who simply cares to see our improvements r re- gress under an honest management, can reflect upon these facts, without concluding, as I have concluded, that until we have some evidence of dishonest management, we may feel perfectly secure in the hands of this Board. Certainly those who have contented them- selves with the form of government which obtained heretofore, and where all this vast power, of which the people are so jealous, was in the hands of one man, who performed his functions under no restraint whatever, ought not now to feel very solicitous with the guarantees which our present system furnishes. ,V MPETBSfCT OK THF, BOARD OF PUBLIC WOEKii. A word now in regard to incompetency. Men tell me they have perfect faith in the Board of Public Works, they believe them to be honorable and honest gentlemen; but they ask, what fitness have ihey for the peculiar duties devolved upon them? As to that, sir, I can only say, if there is not ability enough in the Board of Public Works, as at pres- ent constituted, to execute the present plan of improvements — improvements all must admit are necessary — then I do not believe that five men could be found in the Distrid ©f Columbia who would accept the position, and who do possess the requisite ability. I do not claim for these gentlemen any extraordinary genius for the work they have in hand; but I do say, taken all in all, the Board could not bo substituted with five better men. I believe it is generally admitted that the management, under the Board, is such a vast improvement upon any system of management which wo hitherto possessed, that I believe all must' admit it to be a great gain. I will not stop to point out in detail these differences of management, but let me call your attention to a few facts: The wood pavement on Pennsylvania avenue, laid under the administration of Mayor Emery, cott $4 00 per square; the wood pavement being laid on Fourteenth street, tinder, a contract formerly made, costs $3 TO per square; for wooden pavement the Board of Public W< ks pay $3 00 per square — a saving of about 2.3 per cent. The pavement laid upon the av> i ■••- in front of the Arlington cost $4 00 per square ; the same is now being laid on Pennsylvania avenue for $3 20. Let me mention a fact right here which is highly honorable to the Boai ■ I of Public Works, and speaks much for their integrity, as well as for their business manage- ment. This asphaltum pavement certain prominent gentlemen, now opposing the loan, petitioned to be laid around La Fayette square, at $3 50 a square, and requested thai the contract be given to the gentlemen who now have it, and to whom the Board contracted to lay the pavement at $3 20 per yard. Here were gentlemen of high character, Mr. Cor- coran and Mr. Biggs among them — whom I mention to prove the truth of my statement — petitioning that a particular contractor should be allowed to lay a particular pavemec. at §3 50 per square. The Board could have adopted that price, and have felt themselves pro- tected by the responsible names attached to the petition; and yet we- have, by their econo- my and integrity, a saving of thirty cents a square over the price petitioned for, and eighty cents a square over the price paid for the Eame pavement laid a year ago_ in front of the Arlington Further, we are now saving from 25 to 40 per cent, in cost o( curbing; froln 9 15 to 2i> p*;r tent, m cost of foot pavement. Indeed, there is, I believe, uo item of e^pest*) of consequence in which the saving is not about the same and" in character of work as much cr more. Another fact yon will observe by the published plan, and it ia being closely carried out, Kofar as work now being done is concerned, that it contemplates improvements where they will benefit the greatest number, and they are so connected, that all parts of the city are brought in communication with each other by well-paved streets. These streets are selected with reference to the accommodation of those who live in the outer portions of the city with, the central and business part of it. For example: Seventh and Fourteenth streets, the main approaches from the northern and southern portions of the city, are to be improved in their full length; Pennsylvania avenue, which is the main artery of the eity leading from Georgetown to the Navy Yard, is to be improved ; New York avenue, extending from the heart of the city diagonally into the northeastern portion of the city, is to be improved; Georgetown and the northern por- tion of the city ana to be connected also by a well-improved street; and both in Georgetown and Washington lateral streets, intersecting thoroughfares, where the population is most dense, are to be improved at once; and throughout the city, as fast as necessities require it, connections are to be made with the main streets and avenues leading to the center and circumference of the District. A 3G-inch water-main is to be laid from the Reservoir at Georgetown to Capitol Hill, which will give the whole city an abundant supply of water. Sewers are being laid in principal streets and avenues to accommodate our rapidly-increas- ing population, and all these improvements are being made with reference to a well digested plan, and are harmonious with that plan. Work done to-day will not have to be done again when other improvements become necessary. Wherever improvements are being made, they are done so as not to bo disturbed in the further execution of the plan. This was never done before, and to neglect to make improvements under some such idea as this heretofore has cost us many thousands of dollars, and has not always secured to us those improvements which were most needed. It will bo observed, too, by those who care to notice the progress of these improvements, that they are done under the most careful super- vision and inspection, and in the best possible manner. This careful and intelligent man agement may be illustrated by calling attention to one single precaution, which I believe was never heretofore taken in the improvement of the streets: the Board of Public Works lays no permanent pavement, except where they have first laid water and gas-mains and sewers, and have connected water and gas with the curb in front of the bordering property. This saves the constant annoyance of disturbing the pavements as property- holders from time to time conclude to introduce water or gas to their premises. Under the present man- agement there need be no occasion, except some unforeseen accident happens, to disturb the pavement once laid, until it becomes necessary to repair it from long use, I believe, sir, that any person who will carefully examine the work proposed to be done, and the manner in which that is done which has already been commenced, will have- no doubt as to the fact, that we are largely benefited as property-holders in placing the management of our affairs where they now are. Mistakes are made, doubtless ; but wo must not judge of a general plan, ia the main wftll executed, by mistakes in detail, which are inevitable. STJUSfCTTJOK SUIT. I have hinted at seme of the embarrassments under which the Board of Public Works have labored ; but there is one, chief «f all others, I must not omit, and which explains much of the fault-finding against the Board, and relieves them from any responsibility arising from the fact that the working season is nearly over, with comparatively little done. I refer to the injunction which was Bued out to enjoin the Go%'ernor from negotiating the bonds authorized by the Legislative Assembly. The first loan bill was approved and be- came a law July 10 last. It is well known in this community that the Governor had provided for the negotiation of these bonds, even before the act passed, as soon as he could deliver them, at 97A- on the dollar, as low as national bonds could be hypothecated ; .but, before he could execute the law, certain persons, denying their validity, "brought the injunction pro- ceeding, and tied up the hands of your Governor, so that we were left with no provision for carrying on our improvement':. This course made it necessary to submit the question to the people, but, under our organic act, that could be done only upon the submission ©f the question at a general election, and no provision could be made- for a general election sooner than the middle of November; and hence, inevitably, the government must remain inactive until the people should authorize the negotiation of the loan. Over four monthn of the most desirable season for woik were wasted, and, when this loan is authorized nest BO Wednesday, we shall find ourselves upon tho verge of winter, an i pe •■],',.-. • i kkap] auy extended improvements. There is a responsibility, Mr. Chairman, resting upon the gentlemen who brought about this result, which I am glad does not rest upon my shoulder*. The damage to you interest is, perhaps, not irreparable; but, sir, it is to be computed in no small sum of money, and I trust these gentlemen may be made to feel this responsibility in a suit upon their bond. It is no small thing to stop tho wheels of any government; and a half dozen or down l>sopi8 in a community ought not to be permitted to place themselves in a position to thwart the wishes of the great masse.?, without understanding fully the rftiponsi&ility they take upon themselves. Tho highest judicial tribunal in this District has pronounced in favor of tho validity of that act; but the case still remains pending, and may bo appealed to the Supreme Court of. the United States, in which event we would be, if relying entirely upon that measure, de- layed still further at least two years. It is our duty, then, to see that no further embar- rassment is thrown in the way of carrying oat the improvements which a great majority of the people demand, and to that end we should vote for the loan now pending. If the injunctionista should dismiss their suit, or if, ultimately, it should be decided, as [ believe it will be, favorably to tho validity of the law, our Legislature could at once, ■■Mid would, in deference to the wishes of the people, repeal the act, and leave the Board iu its disbursement of the four million now proposed to be given them. EXPENSE OP THE NEW AND OLD GOVERNMENTS COMPAUKU Another objection, Mr. Chairman, which I have heard mentioned, and which has been, I think, untruthfully urged, is the gross extravagance of this Government as compared with the previous ones. I think it can be shown the expense of conducting the District Government is not enough greater than the expense formerly of managing the affairs of the City of Washington, Georgetown, and the county, to overbalance tho increased advantages of the new; and I think, laying tho question of greater advantage out of view entirely, that tho difference is in favor of the new government. I would follow this to a demon stration, but I will not occupy your time now in doing it. I have looked into the records and speak advisedly . THE FOPH-MILLION LOAN THE BEST MEANS OF RAISING MOj) Another objection which I have heard urged, and which deserves notice, is this: That it is more expensive to the District to raise $4,000,000 at once, to make it a charge upon tho District for twenty years, than to appropriate from year to year the money necessary to make the contemplated improvement. This objection I have heard made by those who do curt object to the expenditure which is proposed to be made, but prefer the latter plan. I shall not now attempt to elaborate the theory upon which the present proposed loan ! gets, and will only suggest a point or two. No one who will reflect a moment upon the present condition of the District will say that our improvements are up to the age in any thing, or up to the necessities even of a provincial town. We are behind in architecture; behind in comforts-; behind in our appreciation, indeed, of what we really need; and wo- fully behiad in the possibilities of our city, and in realizing a faint idea of its future. Wo have been plodding along unconscious that our population has been increasing at the rate of from five to eight thousand each year during the last decade; and now that these increasing numbers are demandiug greater facilities for doing business — greater comforts in their home life — greater means of development in every way — we aro startled at the beggarly progress we have made, and the obvious improvements necessary. Aroused sud- i-enly from our stupor, many of us cannot and others will not comprehend tho new depart- ure proposed. Your new administration is made up of men who have personally kept pace with our ■ -iih, while most of U3 were asleep. They see what we have been, in what proportion we have grown, and they look to the future growth as a mathematical certainty. With data the solution is easy. Certain radical and somewhat expensive improvements are needed now, but we cannot afford to make them by immediate payments. These improve- ments look to the future and to our posterity ; and it is this certain future, and this certain increase of population upon whom it is proposed to casta part of the burden. Upou this Iciple all great cities have been built, ail great railroads constructed — indeed, most enterprises, great and small, are carried on. This idea looks to a largo increaso in the aggregate wealth of the community, the advance in the value of real property, and the development and building up of the waste and vakioless portions of toe District., Admitting, as all mu-3t, that the outlay proposed is necessary, is it not better to postpone payment at 7 per cent, interest than pay all now, when money is worth 10 and 12 per cent? Ten years have doubled our population. In ten years we have seen property advanco from 10 cents per foot to $1 50 per foot. We have seen rows of stately dwellings whore there were morasses. It is this past which promises our splendid future, on the faith of which rests our loan. Again: We place this loan on the sound principle, that with such data we may surety invest our proportion of the tax on the income it assures. We are but wisely preparing for the coming population, out of which our investment is sure to be made up to us four, yes, tenfold. If we will but think a moment that the idea is the simple one upon which private busi- ness is conducted — that it has received the sanction of the ages — I think we may feel re- assured of its wisdom. Look at our recently devastated sister, Chicago. It has a population of 300,000; we, of 130,000. That city has recently lost by absolute destruction $150,050,000; and iu this great conflagration wa3 swept away every means of doing business. There was really nothing left but the "good will" of the people; and yet we are confidently told that, in ten years, Chicago will rise, Phcenix-like, prouder, more prosperous, and more wealthy than before. Can this be done by "paying as they go?" Such a policy would not restoro tho city to its former glory in a century. Washington is not without its promise of more than aggregated population. Wo have at our hand the most magnificent water-power in America. We are situated so as to eom- Eel the utilization of this vast source of wealth ; and when we emerge from the pall which aa overspread us, and come to the front line of leading cities, this will be developed. Behold Chicago, rising out of a great conflagration, stronger than ever. $150,000,000 swept away, and gone forever; yet the people are not daunted. While we here, a large oity of great promise, are higgling over the expenditure of $1,000,000, which does not even reave thecommuniiy, but is made to exchange hands, and iniits transit add many millions to our permanent wealth. SPECIAL TAXE3 UNDER OLD 6TSTEM AND NEW COMPARED, In this connection I desire to present iu a compact form, mathematically stated, the difference between the old system of special improvements here and that of the new. Under the old system, the whole special taxes for improvements were assessed against the property, which may be stated, then, as 100 per cent. Under the new system, one-third of the special taxes for improvements are assessed against the property say 33i per cent. ; saving two-thirds, or G&§ per cent. Now, the special tax for improvements in the city has averaged, during the past few years, from $1,000,000 to $1,250,000. Tho saving of two-third3 of this amount in special taxes, therefore, would be from $668,000 to $840,000 per annum, say $750,000. Under the loan plan an annual tax of three per cent., as a sinking fund sufficient to ul- timately pav the bonds, and seven per cent, for interest, in all ten per cent, on the princi- pal, $4,000,000, will give $400,000 to be levied. Deduct this $400,000, paid on account of loan, from the $840,000 saved in the direct special tax, and the net saving of tax >:nder the n-ew system, as compared with the old, amounts to $440,000 per annum. But this is not all the saving. Under the old system there was levied annually a tax of about .$500,000 for street im- provements in wards, known as the " ward-fund improvements," in addition to the special taxes. This tax is entirely dispensed with under the new system, and goes to swell the aggregate of gain in the new over the old. It eeems almost incredible, in view of the fact that we arc getting more and better im- provements than before, that this statement can be true; and yet I am unable to discover any defect in it, and so also is Governor Cooke, to whose courtesy I am indebted for this form of putting the two systems in comparison iu so terse a manner. It may be suggested that, if the property holders pay but one-third of the tax, still tho ©flier two-third3 must be paid from the general tax fund ; and thus, while wo would save in one direction, we must lose in another. But when we consider that tb.3 general taxes are ten cents upon a dollar lean than they were last year, even that suggestion loses its weight. I cannot account for this v/ondorful result, except upon the hypothesis that we have an economical and intelligent management of our finances, and that the experience of the gentlemen at tho head of our Government, in. their private business, is making itself ; felt ia conducting our public interests. . 12 ARE TAXES ISCft EASED ? I hear it stated that the taxes are being largely increased under the present system, both general and special taxes. Our general tax last year was $1 80 on the $100; under the act of our Legislature, approved August 23, 1871, the general tax for this year is $1 70, being 10 cents less than formerly. In the matter of special taxes property-holders are grearly benefited by the present law, which provides that they shall pay but one third of tho cost of improvements ; and it will be seen, that as this ono third is to be levied upon property abutting upon tho streets improved, the property upon each side of the street pays really but one sixth of the cost. Formerly the whole of the special taxes were as- sessed against the property improved ; and although the whole District was more or less benefited by these improvements, the cost was assessed against but few. Now, the cornrnu nity at large, who are generally benefited by the improvements, pay, as they should, tho greater proportion. And if this can be done, as it appears it will be by levying a less general tax than heretofore, it is plain that tho people at large pay less towards the general improvement of the city than formerly, while they pay much less towards the special tax fund. I can attribute this saving in both directions to no other cause than that of oi.r improved financial system. Again, in making these improvements, the observing citizen must have noticed that a large saving is made in tho system of parking and in reducing the width of the streets. I have often heard anxious fault-finders suggest that this was adding great expense to the people, in compelling them to make wide sidewalks, for ex ample; but a little reflection would have taught them that the pavement of a sidev/ali costs but about one third or one fourth of the pavement of a street; and, further, that the 6pace in front of the building line and the curb is not intended to be paved wholly, Sni a portion of it is to be sodded and ornamented, according to the taste of tho proprietor, which may be done at a much less cost even than paving the sidewalk. Aside from the practical advantages of these changes and the beautifying of the margins of the streets in front of the houses, there is a very large saving in the ultimate cost, both to the property holder and the city at large. LAW WITH UEGAED TO FOBFEITUEES IP SPECIAL TAX IS NOT PAID. 1 havo been asked by many anxious property-holders what the law is with regara to the collection of this special tax, and what are the forfeitures in case of default of payment. Some of our small property-holders, who are not familiar with the law, have been told by the opponents of tho law that, unless they pay for the improvements made in front of theh property within thirty days, they will be sold out. Now, the law upon that subject, ] think, is more liberal in this District than any similar law I have ever examined. The act of August 10, provides: That after the expiration of thirty days from the completiorj of the improvement, the Board of Public Works shall issue a certificate of indebtedness- against the property, which shall bear ten per cent, interest per annum, and, if it is not paid within one year, tho Board shall, upon application of the holder of the certificate, proceed to sell tho property against which the certificate exists. The sale to be first duly advertised for three successive weeks in some daily newspaper in the district, and the deed shall be given by the Governor, if the certificate is not paid; but the owner has the right of redemption, by paying fifteen per cent, per annum, at any time within two years from the date of the sale. The owner, then, has thirty days in which to pay without interesl, and then has a year more by paying ten per cent, per annum, which is the legal state oi .interest in the District, and lower than money can generally be obtained for, and he may still have two years in which to redeem it, at fifteen per cent, interest, so that the ownei may, at any time within three years, discharge his indebtedness, and remove any cloud apon his title by reason of this tax. Certainly this is very far from justifying the state ment that the property -holder who neglects for thirty days to pay his special tax mray be sold cut and dispossessed. Now, Mr. Chairman, I believe 1 have noticed about all the serious objections I have heard urged against this loan. There are perhaps many other minor matters of complaint against the present administration, but they do not really touch tho question as to the policy of indorsing tYis loan, and I believe the facts will refute even these objections. After all, we come back to the main proposition, which is: Can we trust the Boa^d c.i Public Works? And, upon this point, 1 believe all candid men, who will for a momec' forget their passions and prejudices, and allow the facts to take the place of vague sus- picions and rumors, are prepared to trust them. If this is not true, then whom can we trust? There must be an ultimate responsibility tomewhere, and where better than within.. this Boaxd. You may change this plan, you may matittftfc oilier systems, you may relapse again to tho one-man power ; but therewould always be about the same number of persons opposing yotr: there would always be a certain portion of tho community who would differ with you , and I doubt whether there would ever be a condition of things more acceptable to fl\& people. s DAMAuEb 10 raOPEHTV BY IMPROVEMENTS. 1 want here to express my views with regard to damage to property, resulting from changes in grades. These changes have been the means of almost ruining some property, while greatly benefiting other. I think wherever the grade has been once established by authority of the old governments, payment should bo made for all damages accruing by reason of any change now carried out. This payment should come from tho property bene- fited, in part, and in part from the general funds of the District At present I believe we have no law to cover this case, but I. trust the Legislature will soon give ua on-e. . ASSESSMENTS t'NDEll OLD LAW OH rHESKNT IMPROVEMENTS. I have been asked whether the assessments against property for improvements made uuder the new government, which were authorized by tho old government, would be made under the new or old law? If under the old. the property must pay all the tax; if under the new, but one-third. My belief is, that the assessment must be made under the new rule, and that the Board wjIIbjq construe the law. If not, then it :.- the duty of the Legislature to make provision for payment on the one-third principle. This is fair and just, as we get the benefit of the improvement the same now as from Jinprovemerits ordered and made now. For example: The property bordering on Foe r- toeuth street, where wooden pavement is being laid under an old contract, there is no equitv in compelling the property-holders to pay for all the improvements, while on Fif- teenth street, improvements made at the same time are charged against the property under (-.hp> one-third rule. THE DUTY OF GOOD CITIZENS TO UPHOLD THE CONSTITUTED AUTHORITIES. I'uere is a duty, Mr. Chairtrain, which 1 think devolves upon all good citizens, and it is that duty which has led me to my conclusions in this matter. I believe, sir, that all good citizens should uphold the constituted authorities, whether elected or appointed, until they have given some good ground for distrust, either of their integrity or their ability. I am not ah advocate of any man or set of men, nor do I sustain any relation to the Board of Fubh: Works which would either require or induce me to state to the people of this Dis- trict what I do not myself believe to be true I could not serve you as I hope to, with a single eye to the welfare of the wholo people, if I were to declare it my purpose to stand by the Board of Public Works right or wrong ; and 1 do not hesitate to say, that whenever I shall 6ee any sufficient evidence that theso gentlemen are abusing their high trust, and are using their positions for personal aggrandizement at the expense of your interest, I s'l.tli not be tho last one to make known that fact to you. But, sir, as one having faith in this present administration — as one believing in its in tegrity of purpose, its public spirit, and its general determination to conserve the good <■>!' the whole people — I shall defend this Board against all falsehood, and against all lactiou.i opposition, which may tend to impair their usefulness and to destroy their influence for good in this community. This is no less my duty as your public servant, than it is yours aa citizens. A WOT.D TO REPUBLICANS. One word more to the Republicans of this District and I shall have done. I look upon this loan as a Republican measure. It was devised by a Republican administration. It was passed by a Republican Legislature. And the early opposition to it emanated from, and was confined almost exclusively to, the Democrats of the District. While I regard it as a Republican measure, and while I would look upon its defeat as a Republican defeat, and believe it would be so regarded throughout the country, yet I make this distinction that it is not a political question. Democrats may honestly vote for it, consistently with party fealty. This they may do upon its general merits, and because they believe it will subserve their 1 :rt interest: but I cannot perceive how a Republican can contribute to its 14 defeat without giving direct aid to the party seeking ascendancy in this District, and wueh we believe at this time could not come into power without impairing seriously the interest; of our people. The officers of our new government have labored under many disadvan- tages. They have been compelled to act upon considerations, in certain details of admin- istration, which you jxnd I may possibly have decided otherwise, but which have in noi affected the leading idea upon which they came into power; that is, that-the administra- Lion should bo managed upon Republican principled. And, sir, I cannot regard that - as a true friend of our party, in this effort to establish itself firmly in the hearts of frM people, who shall proclaim publicly the treachery of the- officers controlling the DfetrWi Government. • Whether all the appointrhenta made have been grven to earnest working Republican-', eft not, I do not know ; for many of the appointee's are unknown to me personally, a? are also their antecedents. But I think I speak truthfully, when I say that, generally, trU ap- pointments have not only been unexceptionable in point of political conviction, bi I als< in the capacity and integrity of the appointees. I doubt whether those of our party iind fault with some of the appointments made would have themselves committed. 1 .... mistakes, or come nearer satisfying the general sentiment of. our party. However, . do not believe it wise to discuss publicly this question, and I have orly mentioned it beca some more or ress prominent in local politics have animadverted in the most public man- ner against the prqeent administration. The people of the District decided last May i the issue distinctly made, that they prefer a Republican administration to a Democ:. administration. I believed then, and I believe now, that the best interests of the District can only be secured by such an administration. I believed then that, if we were sneses - ful in electing our Representative to Congress and our Legislative Assembly, that, we would have an unqualified Republican administration'; and this I believe we to-day have! There is no officer connected with the District Government, to my knowledge, possessing any influence or control whatever in shaping the principles upon which the administration is to be managed politically, who is not a sincere and devoted Republican, if this be true, we have attained oixrat as near to a Republican administration as it is -perhaps possible to do. Mr. Chairman and fellow-citizens, I have confined myself, as far as was possible, to a careful and candid statement of facts. I had no intention, when I began, to attempt, to arouse you to any particular pitch of feeling. I preferred rather to make this a familiar talk with you, in the hope that I might secure for the issues presented to the people now a careful aud attentivo hearing, If I have contributed to this result, I shall be content. Since you have placed in my hands to some extent the welfare of this people, my thci<. have been to work for the future of Washington as well as the present. I have the greatest faith in that future. I believe, sir, that most of us will live to see this one of the grandest centres on this globe. I believe that within the next five years we will win thousands of warm supporters and friends in the remotest parts of our country, who are now either utterly indifferent to their National Capital or are openly hostile to its present location. I believe that within that time we will have gained such hold upon the hearts of the people, that Congress will be compelled to yield to a public sentiment which will demand that the General Government shall take upon itself a just share of expenditure^ in making this Capital a type and exponent of American institutions and American idea*. J sbaij werk unselfishly to that end, and I aik your aid in it? consummation. Endowment of Public Schools in District of Columbia, SPEECH OP HON. N. P. CHIPMAN, OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 27, 1872. The House having met for debate as in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union- Mr. CHIPMAN said : Mr. Speaker : For the first time in the history of our Government, the people of the District of Columbia are permitted to make known their wants to the country through a represent- ative chosen by themselves. There are many questions, of vital interest to the people whom 1 represent, which I hope to bring to the atten- tion of Congress for favorable action, and at the proper time I shall address myself to them. It has not seemed to me that Congress has in late years comprehended the true relations which the District of Columbia bears to the nation. While Congress has fostered educa- tion, internal improvements, and almost every variety of local enterprise elsewhere in the country, the capital has received scarcely any attention, not even to the extent of providing for the convenient discharge of public duties by the officers of Government ; while the splen- did plans and designs which were matured by the founders of our capital, looking to its develop- ment into a fit exponent of the advancing civil- ization of this great people have languished and been forgotten. Patriotism, national pride, every consideration must point to our national capital as the focal point of America which shall exemplify, in every essential element, the American character ; and in this view the whole people are deeply concerned in its future welfare. Mr. Speaker, the duty of Congress to take upon itself in some fair proportion the cost of this great national work, its duty to improve our long-neglected harbor, and, in brief, to work out the problem of making a capital city which shall be commensurate with the needs as well as the pride of the greatest Gov- ernment and people on the globe, furnish a theme which I hope to treat in due time. I rise now, sir, to speak briefly upon a meas- ure pending before this House, which lies at the foundation of the superstructure we are to erect at this seat of Government. I refer to the bill donating-public land scrip in aid of free schools in the District of Columbia. Popular education is at once the glory and safety of this Republic. No man will dispute now that this is axiomatic. Our fathers laid the foundation and their children have steadily built upon it until the free school has become as sacred as liberty itself. Wherever we may travel throughout this broad land, from the frozen regions of Alaska to the orange groves and perpetual summer of Florida, with one exception, we find the generous hand of the nation blessing, protecting, and sustaining pop- ular education. Public lands, money, land scrip, and aid of various kinds have been given upon the asking, with one only exception and, Mr. Speaker, with shame, and in humiliation I speak it, that exception is at the heart of the nation, the seat of its political power. Here, where the magnificent donations to popular education have originated and passed into law ; here, where millions of treasure and millions of lands have been bestowed upon the great work of educating the youth of the country; here, in a territory consecrated sacredly to the whole people, and over which the Constitution has given exclusive jurisdiction to Congress; here, where the children of parents, coming from every quarter of the Union, are to be reared and educated; here, in this capital, we are struggling to-day under grievous taxation to establish common schools without an acre of land or a dollar of appropriation from the Gen- eral Government. Sir, I shall not insult the intelligence of this House by arguing that this exceptional and anomalous condition of things should no longer exist. I am here rather to point out the evil and suggest a remedy, believing that this Congress will no longer discriminate against a community, at Wst as deserving as any other in the country of the nation's aid. Let me then, sir, present some of the con- siderations which, I think, demand the pas- sage of the bill to which I have alluded. In doing so I shall bring together facts of record, and submit them with little comment. PROVISIONS OF THE BILL. The bill asks an appropriation of two mil- lion five hundred thousand acres of land scrip for the purpose of endowing to that extent the public schools of the District of Columbia. The proceeds of five hundred thousand acres are to be used in the construction of buildings ; the remaining two million to be invested in United States bonds, and to be set apart for- ever as a permanent school fund, the interest of which is to be used annually iu support of public schools. SOME PACTS IMPORTANT TO THE DISCUSSION. Preliminarily it is important to know some- thing of the condition of our schools, the num- ber of children attending, the number unable to attend, &c. I will give such facts as would seem pertinent. I submit in this connection a table which I wid read, and which is made up from reliable data : Number of children in the District of Columbia between the ages of six and seventeen years. White. Colored. Total. Georgetown 17,403 2,086 1,688 8,532 796 1,166 25.935 2,882 2,854 Total 21.177 10,494 31,671 Numbe r attending publia school ». White. Colored. Total. AVashington Georgetown 6,663 500 556 3,638 333 674 10,301 833 1,200 Total 7,719 4.615 12,334 Number not often ding public schools for tt> are provided. hom no seata White. Colored. Total. Washington Georgetown 10.097 1,586 1.132 4,894 463 422 14.961 2,049 1,554 Total 12.785 5.779 19,554 These tables disclose the frightful fact that 19,564 children are deprived of all means of attending school. I will now give iu some detail further facts which I deem important as to schools for white children in Washing- ton. ACCOMMODATION FOR WHITE CHILDREN IN •WASHING- TON. Number of school buildings owned, 11; num- ber of school-rooms in same, 07; number of school-rooms rented, 06; number of seats for pupils, 7,336 ; amount paid for rent, 1870 and 1871, $15,370; value of school sites owned, $111,125 ; value of buildings owned, $291,650 ; value of furniture owned, $30,925 ; total value of school property, $433,700; number of schools, 123 ; number of white children for whom no provision is made, 10,007. Fully one half of the school-houses consist of dilapidated sheds, abandoned churches, storehouses, work- shops, lecture-rooms, public resorts, old sta- bles, deserted market-houses, &c, wholly unfit for the purpose for which they are used. ACCOMMODATIONS FOR wniTE CHILDREN IN GEORGE- TOWN. The public-school rooms and buildings of Georgetown for white children consist of one old Methodist church, costing, with repairs, $3,000; one building built for school pur- poses, $6,000; one building built recently for $10,000. These buildings accommodate 720 children. Fifteen hundred and eighty-six white children are unable to obtain seats in public schools. ACCOMMODATIONS FOR COLORED CHILDREN .IN WASH- INGTON AND GEORGETOWN. Let me now present some facts as to the colored children of Washington and George- town. The number of school buildings owned by trustees is 8 ; number of rooms in same occu- pied by schools, 55 ; number of seats, 2,944 ; number of rooms rented, 9 ; number occupied without expense, 5 ; number of seats occupied not belonging to trustees, 592 ; total number of rooms occupied, 68; total number of seat3 provided, 3,538 ; number of children for whom no seats were provided, 5,790. ACCOMMODATIONS FOR WHITE AND COLORED CHILDREN IN THE COUNTY. I present also to the House some facts as to the schools for white and colored in the rest of the District. Number of school-houses, 16} number of seats provided, l r 200; number of children for whom no provision is made, 1,654. Now, Mr. Speaker, who is responsible for these inadequate accommodations? It may be suggested that if our facilities are now in- adequate it is the duty of our people to make provision at once for meeting present wants. 1 shall show as I proceed that the condition of things here as to schools is exceptional, and that the General Government, while not responsible altogether, probably, for these inadequate accommodations, still is properly chargeable with the duty of making some pro- vision for them. I now suggest only the fact that our people are paying a larger per cent, of tax for school purposes than probably any other city of our population. Mr. RITCHIE. I desire to know what the regulations in the school system of the Dis- trict are in regard to the common tuition of white and black children, and I desire to know further what the gentleman's views are in regard to the bill introduced by Mr. Sumner pertaining to that question ? Mr. CHIPMAN. As to the latter question, I do not consider it germane to the discussion here, and, perhaps, might properly decline to answer it. I have said to the people of this District, if I had a vote in Congress, I would vote for Mr. Sumner's civil rights bill. I believe that answers the gentleman. As to the question how the children are provided for in this District, as to white and colored, I answer that the schools are now 'separate. The appropriations made are made in bulk for the education of all the youth of the District. Under an act of Congress the colored children are furnished with a separate fund, in the proportion which the number of colored children bears to the number of white children, and that fund is set apart and placed in the hands of the trustees of the colored schools and administered by them under their own regulations. This is under an act of Con- gress. I believe that answers the gentleman's question. I submit, in this connection, a table showing the expenses of our schools and their gi-owth in the District in the last ten years. The rapid increase of expense has more than kept pace with the increase of population, while the system has advanced in efficiency a hundred fold. The expenditures for the public schools of Washington have been steadily increasing in amount from 1860 down to the present time. The following table shows in round numbers the sum expended each year: Year ending June 30, I860 „ $32,000 Year ending June 30, 1861 26.000 Year ending June 30, 1862 44. Olio Year ending June 30, 1863 50,000 Year ending June 30. 1864 68.000 Year ending June 30, 1805 82,000 Year ending June 30, 1866 76,000 Year ending June 30, 1867 121,000 Year ending June 30. 1868 125.000 Year ending June 30, 1869 245,000 Year ending June 30, ]870 240.000 Year ending June 30, 1871 373,000 Year ending June 30, 1872. (estimated) 482,000 This table, Mr. Speaker, presents an exhibit every way creditable to our people ; but, sir, it has been at no little cost to us. Our taxes have increased steadily until we are now paying sixty cents on the hundred dollars of taxable real property. Now, sir, consider this tax with that paid by other cities : Cents. Chicago pays on the hundred dollars 16.1 Boston pays on the hundred dollars 17.9 Baltimore pays on the hundred dollars 23 Philadelphia pays on the hundred dollars 23 Cincinnati pays on the hundred dollars 35 Saint Louis piys on the hundred dollars 40 San Francisco pays on the hundred dollars 40 To appreciate this consider further : that in Boston, with a school population of forty-six thousand three hundred and one, they have a valuation of property of $584,000,000, while we with thirty- one thousand six hundred and seventy-one school population, have but about eighty million dollars. San Francisco has less school population than we, with more thau double our property valuation, while Balti- more, with but little more school population, has four times our property valuation. This showing would seem to acquit the District from any charge of illiberality in taxing her citizens in support of schools. But we have reached the limit of our capabilities. Our school tax now is over one third of the whole tax upon real property. These are some of the facts, Mr. Speaker, necessary to be considered in connection with the argument. And, sir, it must not be over- looked that the District of Columbia cannot hope to rival in solid wealth the other lead- ing cities of the Union; her population, in the nature of things, must always be largely in excess of her wealth, as compared with other cities, and hence we cannot look forward to that wealth which constitutes the basis of tax- ation. But in support of the bill I submit further : 1. ThattheGeneral Government should assist in the support of our public schools, for the reason that a large per cent, of the children here are the children of parents in the service of the Government, whose domicile is else- where, whose property interests are elsewhere, and who, in most cases, pay no taxes in support of our schools. Professor Barnard, in his special report to Congress while Commissioner of Education, placed this per cent, as high as fifty. In the report of his successor, Mr. Eaten, for 1870, the per cent, is put about one third. In the report of our superintendent of schools, Mr. Wilson, he estimates this per cent, at twenty-eight. It may safely be assumed as twenty five per cent. My point is, that these children should be educated, and that the whole of the burden should not fall upon the tax-payers of the Dis- trict. Our own children are excluded from the schools by the presence of this class, and we here have an explanation, in part, of the large number of children unable to obtain seats in the schools. 2. I suggest a further point, that a large proportion of our children are the children of oar colored citizens, who, I think, are pecu- liarly the wards of the Government. The con- clusion to be derived from this fact is so well stated by General Walker (Superintendent of Census) in an address recently delivered by him at the dedication of one of our fine school edifices, that I quote it as giving the argument in a nutshell : " Still another reason why the school necessities of "Washington are found to be more burdensome than those of any other city in the United States (and it is also an additional reason why the General Gov- ernment should contribute largely and freely to- ward these expenses) is, that far more than one half of that element in the present population of the city, which makes the largest demand for such expenditures, without having the ability to con- tribute, in any appreciable measure, to the public funds, is properly to be regarded as the direct crea- tion of the policy of the General Government. That is the plain truth of the case. Washington, as acity, is not legitimately responsible for these people. They came here by virtue of acts and laws of the General Government which looked to the interest of the whole country ; and the whole country, there- fore, should help to bear the burden. We rejoice in that policy ; we glory in emancipation ; but that only creates a stronger reason for relieving the tax- payers of the District from the inevitable hardship of such an unexampled influx of unprovided and uninstructed freedmen. These people came here for the same reason that the army of General Lee tried to come here, because the word ' Washing- ton' was synonymous with ' freedom ;' because Washington was the capital of the nation that slavery sought to destroy; because "Washington was the home of the great emancipator. '" In 1850 the number of colored persons in "Wash- ington was about ten thousand. In 1860, although the white population had nearly doubled, the num- ber of the colored was still below eleven thousand, and no reason appears for believing that their num- bers would have been greatly increased from 1860 to 1870, but for the political causes to which allusion has been made. If this is so, twenty or twenty-five thousand colored people are here in obedience to no social or economical laws, but as the result of political forces and the direct acts of the General Government. The General Government, then, more than the city, is responsible for them, and should help to provide for, at least, their intellectual and moral needs." I may state another fact, drawn from the census, which shows that this class of our citi- zens are here as the direct result of the war. Since 1867 the number of increase of colored children was only one hundred and forty-one; the increase of white population since 1807 has been many thousands. These colored peo- ple flocked to our capital to enjoy the freedom and the ballot and the protection of the Gov- ernment, where they felt it would be given them freely and amply. The war ended; they settled down, as the other population have, where their interests seemed to guide them. These people cannot leave us, nor would we have them. They are industrious, frugal, law- abiding, good citizens; but they came among us, many of them, in a condition of illiteracy and poverty which had been enforced upon tuem by the nature of our laws, and being directly responsible for their condition, as the General Government is, it is plainly its duty to make provision for their education. General Sherman at this same dedicatory meeting spoke of our debt to these people in the matter of education as a part of our na- tional debt, which he believed would not be repudiated. The colored youths of the District number about one third. The white children whose parents contribute nothing to the support of our schools, we haveseen, amountto about one fourth ; thus we have more than half of our children a burden upon the the tax-payers of this District, for whose education the General Government is directly responsible. If what we are asking here were to be given in money, instead of lands or land scrip, as a permanent endowment of our public schools, the interest upon it would be but a fraction of what the Government ought really to do to place our schools upon a prosperous and creditable foot- ing. Two and a half million dollars at six per cent, will give $150,000 annually, while we are taxing ourselves at present about a half mil- lion dollars annually. But we are not asking money; we ask only the kind of aid which the Government would feel least, and which it has extended to every State and Territory except the District of Columbia. 3. But, Mr. Speaker, aside from these special considerations, I urge this bill upon the House for the further reason that it is in pursuance of the policy already wisely estab- lished by the Government. This idea of en- couraging public schools by congressional aid dates back to colonial times, and began by act of Continental Congress, March 20, 1785, which granted the sixteenth section in each township in support of popular education. Upon the admission of Oregon to the Union, Congress added to the sixteenth section the thirty-sixth section, and since that time, when- ever any State was admitted or Territory organized, a similar provision was enacted, setting apart the sixteenth and thirty-sixth sections of each township as an endowment to public schools. (See the several organic acts.) This splendid endowment covers one eighteenth of the whole public domain. Under this one grant 67,983,922 acres have been set apart. (See "report of Commissioner Land Office, 1869, p. 28.) Congress also, by general law (act of July 2, 1862) granted to each State 30,000 acres for each Senator and Representative to which the State is entitled. Under this law no State got less than 90,000, while some of them, New York for instance, received nearly 1,000,000 acres. This grant has amounted to 9,510,000 acres. (Ibid, page 28.) By act of Congress admitting the States and erecting the Territories, there was also granted a university endowment which amounts thus far to 1, 882, S80 acres. By these general laws there have been appropriated for school purposes 78,576,794 acres. Now, Mr. Speaker, let me illustrate by show- i ing the grants to the several Territories which, * ^ rz %^ r?crL though not available now, set apart lands against the time when the Territories shall become States. The table which I now sub- mit is made up from the report of the Com- missioner of the Land Office for 1869, and advance sheets of the census for 1870: Territories. Population. Acres, Washington 23,955 2,438.675 New Mexico 91,874 4,309,368 Utah 86.786 3,003,613 Dakota 14,181 5,363,451 Colorado 39,864 3,715,555 Montana 20,595 4,050,350 Idaho 14.999 3,063,281 Wyoming .-. 9,118 3,480,281 Total 311,030 34,544,559 District of Columbia 131.700 0,000,000 Montana, with a population of 11,000 less than the number of our children, has over 4,000,000 of acres. Dakota, with a still less population, has over 5,000,000. To illustrate further, I have shown that one half of ©ur children, or 15,000, should be provided for by the General Government; but we have no aid. Yet, Dakota, with less whole population than this 15,000, has over 4,000,000 acres. Sir, I would not take from these Territories one acre ; on the contrary, I would make the grant to the Territories available at once ; but I do submit, that in this bounty which I have shown toward the States and Territories, the District of Columbia should have some share. It may be suggested that these lands in the Territories are not available, and there- fore my illustration fails. Still it is true that the Government places a value of $1 25 per acre upon them, and if the grant is inadequate for the purposes originally intended it is the duty of Congress to supplement it so as to establish public schools in these Territories. But consider some of the States. Nevada, for instance, receives school lands under the sixteenth and thirty- sixth section grant to the amount of 3,985,428 acres; of agricultural college lands, 90,000 acres; of university lands, 40,080 acres; total, 4,111,508 acres. The population of Nevada is 42,491 ; number of children between the ages of six and eighteen, 3,293. (See report Commissioner of Education, 1870, pp. 213.) Here is an ample endowment for all .time, sufficient to meet the entire expenses of common schools inthe State. Again : Oregon, with a population of 90,923, has a total land grant, under the three general laws to which I have referred, of 3,465,786 acres; Nebraska, with a population of 1,229,- 930, a total land grant under these laws of 2,838,124 acres. This endowment is esti- mated to be worth to the State to day more than ten million dollars. Now, sir, I cannot believe that I can strengthen the argument by any further com- ment in this connection. Here is a magnificent endowment which will stand out in all time to the credit of the far- seeing men who made it. But, sir, it is marred by one blot, and that I ask shall be here and now effaced forever. Do not let it be said any longer that an obliquity of vision or of con- science has shut out from all participation in this gift a community which of all others is the most needy, and, I was about to say, deserving. But, Mr. Speaker, I must not leave the argu- ment here. I must show this House still fur- ther the policy practiced by Government. SPECIAL AID BY CONGRESS TO SCHOOLS. Leaving these general laws, notice some of the special acts fostering education in the coun- try. I could not present a complete showing of the vast sums which have been contributed by Government, by way of special acts to the various States, without a careful examination of all the statutes from the begining of our Government. Some of these have been in the form of resolutions, some have been embodied in acts of a general nature for other purposes; and to determine them all would be a work of great labor and much time, which I have not been able to give, but I shall call attention to a few which I have discovered. 1. I learn upon inquiry at the War Depart- ment that there have been expended through the Freedman's Bureau since its organization, for educational purposes to the freedmen of our country, $5,262,511 26. 2. Under the head of special legislation in aid of education, I may mention that given to the Indians. There have been over eight million dollars expended in that way. We have an In- dian population, including Alaska, of 380,629 persons ; about ninety-five thousand of these are within school age, while probably not one tenth could be reached by any system of schools. But one hundred and fifty-three schools are known to be in operation, with 6,904 pupils to support, for which Congress appropriated, in the year 1869, $246,418. (See report of the Commissioner of Education for 1870, pages 23 and 24.) 3. By joint resolution of Congress, April 10, 1809, certain lands were secured to the State of Kansas for the support of public schools, in addition to lands conveyed by gen- eral law, comprising a total of 220,665 acres, which, it is estimated, will realize to the school fund over one million dollars. (Ibid., page 141.) 4. Upon the admission of Missouri as a State in 1820, Congress gave two townships of the best land in the State for the support of a seminary of learning, which were estimated to be worth in 1832, $500,000. (Ibid., page 203.) And in the city of St. Louis the public schools rest largely on the donations made by Congress while Missouri was a Territory. This • 6 property is estimated at $2,000,000. (Ibid., page 205. ) 5. In the admission of Texas to the Union I believe the whole domain of that State, which is an empire in itself, was reserved to the State, enough to develop all the material interests, and to secure to the people a princely endow- ment for their schools. These are some of the many special acts of Congress which go to illustrate the growth of education in this coun- try, and the policy of the Government to foster it wherever it is possible to do so in the dis- tribution of these munificent endowments to public schools. 6. Among the special acts of Congress ex tending aid to the States I mention the swamp- land grants, which have been used largely for educational purposes. The number of acres thus transferred amount to 61,071,350.03. (Report Commissioner of Land Office for 1871, page 38.) 7. Nor must I, Mr. Speaker, overlook the fact that about the year 1836 Congress directed that $37,000,000, the proceeds of public lands then in the Treasury, should be distributed to the several States, which also went to swell the large endowment to public schools. I have thus, Mr. Speaker, presented the points upon which our claim to this land-dona- tion rests, and submit them with confidence in the belief that they must impress you as they have impressed us. Let me, in conclusion, quote from Professor Barnard, in his special report to Congress, made at the request of Congress, upon the public schools of the Dis- trict of Columbia. (Page 140.) He says : " I need hardly remind the House of the liberality of the Government toward the several States in the disposition of the public lands. Out of more than 80.000, 0U0 acres of these lauds appropriated expressly for educational purposes to States and Territories already constituted, and S37.O0O.00O of the surplus revenue deposited with the several States in 1836, which could have been so devoted by the States receiving the same, this District received no portion." * * * * "In these magnificent endowments the District has had no share. An appropriation in land or money to this District at this time would greatly aid in providing necessary school accommodations to meet the ex- penses of an enlarged course of public instruction worthy of the capital of the country." I quote also from the report of the present Commissioner of Education, for 1870, pages 18 and 19: "'The white public schools of Washington can ac- commodate about one third of the white school popu- lation, and the colored public schools about one half of the colored school population. " Comments as to the sufficiency of the public school system under these circumstances are hardly nec- essary." * * * * " Whatever has been the sentiment of the people of the District of Co- lumbia in times past, it is manifestly growing rap- idly in favor of free publie schools elsewhere so suc- cessful. " Among its citizens, in its corps of teachers and its school officers, there have been some of the most ardent and competent friends of education. Their endeavors are worthy of commendation. The right and duty of Congress to take action cannot be ques- tioned. " Many special considerations enforce the duty: " 1. The influence of a model here would be ben- eficial everywhere else in the country, and especially in the South, now struggling for the establishment of efficient school systems. "2. Government is the largest owner of property here. "3. Twenty-eightpercent. of the scholars enrolled in the public schools last year belong to the families of those in Government employ." The Commissioner in this connection sub- mits the following comparison : Value of school property on each $100, actual valua- tion. St. Louis : 1.32 Cleveland 97 Cambridge 80 Chicago 7t3 Washington 76 Boston 72 Louisville 61 New Haven 50 Pittsburg 44 Providence : 43 Detroit 42 Albany 37 And adds : "According to this, the present endeavors made by the citizens of this city compare well with those of others. If this is correct, and there still remains a lack of school-houses and instruction, and a hick of means for this purpose, is it not fair to infer that the responsibility rests upon Congress ? " I wish I might explain to the House the management of our schools. I would be glad to show the unselfish, intelligent efforts which our boards of trustees and superintendents, white and colored, are making. But this is not here questioned, and I shall not take up the time of the House upon that subject. Mr. Speaker, it seems to me that I have but glanced at the reasons and stated in but small part the facts which demand of Congress the passage of some such measure as is here pro- posed. I know, sir, an idea is prevalent that the District of Columbia is a sort of barnacle upon the Government; that it draws its sustenance from the public Treasury, giving back nothing ; that we are a community of officeholders, and wholly devoid of public spirit or enterprise. I do not regard this as the time to vindicate the District against such aspersions, or to pre- sent the true relation which it bears to the nation ; but I must remind gentlemen of the fact that while we have received nothing from the Government to aid our commerce, our manufactures, or our schools, we have contrib- uted no little to support the Government. We have paid to the Treasury in revenue, exclusive of tax on salaries, since the establishment of the Internal Revenue Bureau, $4,344,695 SO. Compare this with the revenue derived from the other Territories, ten in number. They have paid $3,252,675 51 to the national Treas- ury ; and yet I have shown that they have received of the public domain for support of schools nearly thirty-five million acres of pub- lic lands ! And, Mr. Speaker, we stand in honorable comparison with some of the pros- perous States of the Union. Nebraska, which has a land grant for schools worth $10,000,000, has paid into the Treasury but about one fourth as much as the District of Columbia. Kansas has paid in but little more than Nebraska, and Minnesota but about half as much as the Dis- trict, and many other States have paid less. I mention these facts to refute the charge that we are leeches crying "Give, give! " I admit, sir, we have cried give, but our cry has not been answered. But, sir, rich as is this theme of education, splendid as have been the achievements of pop- ular schools in solving the problem of self- government in this country, gladly as I would pursue it into its relations with our republican institutions, I must forbeav. I have spoken and shall speak only to the single question — the du*;y of the national Government toward the national capital in supporting our common schools. I ask, sir, that we shall be treated at least as well as other of our citizens are treated. I say nothing of the desirability of establish- ing model schools here, which alone should plead our cause successfully. I say nothing of other considerations equally weighty, but have confined myself simply to practical, pal- pable, and self-evident propositions, and have planted myself on the broad ground that the Government cannot now turn away and refuse to apply the precedents itha^s already so wisely established, nor give a deaf ear to the petition of its own wards who are here either in its own service or by its own act. Mr. Speaker, I submit my case, which is the suit of over thirty thousand youths. If the District of Columbia is a part of the Union, it is entitled to the aid I am urging, or the Government should repeal all laws passed in support of schools ; if the exceptional condi- tion of our community, which I have pointed out, cannot find some response in these Halls, then must we either exclude all children from our schools whose parents contribute nothing to their support — which would be a blow at the very foundation of popular education — or you must compel us to educate others to the exclu- sion of our own children. Sir, I appeal to that broad catholic spirit which has characterized our national Legisla- ture ; I appeal to that enlightened public con- science which has dictated our school system ; I appeal to as just and wise a Congress as ever graced our capital to efface now and forever the cruel discrimination which has excluded the District of Columbia from any share in the royal bequests of the nation under which the common schools in every other State and Ter- ritory in this broad land are flourishing. And, sir, I make this appeal with an abiding faith in the justice of our cause, and in theprofound belief that the bill now under consideration will become the law of the land. Printed at the Office of the Congressional Globe. Extension of Capitol Grounds. SPEECH HON. NORTON P. CHIPMAN, OF DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, M A R C H 1 6, 1872. The House having met for debate as in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union- Mr. CHIPMAN said: Mr. Speaker: I desire to avail myself of the courtesy of the House for a few moments to speak of the importance of extending the grounds surrounding the Capitol build- ing, and fixing definitely, for all time, the boundaries to the same. I think my im- pression as a citizen of the United States may be mentioned as the impression of all persons who visit this great Capitol, that this Capitol building may be regarded as a great central figure in the plan of our city, representing to a certain extent the civilization of this country. While the beauty of this building in its exte- rior or interior is beyond comparison with any other building erected for the same purpose in the world, yet the moment the eye leaves the Capitol building itself, it rests upon surround- ings which not only diminish the beauty of the building, but present a standing reproach and disgrace to the whole people of this country. Here we have a structure which has cost not far from ten or twelve million dollars, and which is yet uncompleted on its original plan. The center must be projected eastward and improvements made at that point, with the pl?n of which we are all familiar, before it can be said that the Capitol building is com- plete. Then, when that is done, and you have here the forty additional members of Congress that have been added to the already large list, and when you have developed in this country, after ten or twenty years, vast interests the consideration of which will center in this great building, it will be discovered that the present Capitol, with the proposed extension in the center, and excluding from the Capitol build- ing the Supreme Courtand our great Congres- sional Library, and the Court of Claims, and, in short, all the offices of the Government whose duties are not directly connected with the legislative branch of it — I say, when these are all excluded, as they will be, from the Capitol building, it will be found that it is scarcely adequate to the needs of this grow- ing country. Now, sir, if you will take up a map showing the surroundings to the Capitol, and the limit of the grounds as now prescribed, you will perceive that squares 687 and 688, lying the one to the northeas' of the Senate wing and the other to the southeast of the House wing, are essential to the completion of the grounds, not only in an esthetic point of view, but in a practical point of view, as much so as it, is essential for a man to have proper grounds surrounding his residence to enable him to have free ingress and egress to and from it. You will perceive, by examining this map, that the distance at present from the north- east corner of the Senate wing to the south- west corner of block No. 687, now commonly known as " Whitney's," is but about one hundred and fifty feet. Then, if you will examine the plan further, it will be seen that the distance between the southeast corner of the House wing and the northwest corner of square 688, commonly known as "Sander- son's," is about the same. Thus it will be seen that by preserving in front of the Capi- tol, which must be done if the grounds are restricted to their present limit, a street of a hundred feet width, which is the ordinary width of streets in this city, there wdl remain surrounding those portions of the Capitol to which I have alluded a space of but fifty feet, and if reduced by the terraces and pavements that are necessary to the protection of this portion of the Capitol building, it will be found that this street of one hundred feet will run practically against the very Capitol itself. Now, 1 need not, I hope, Mr. Speaker, attempt to prove to this House that this building should not be confined by any such limits. The Government already owns the grounds inclosed upon the west front of the Capitol building, it also owns the ground extending to B street north on the north front of the Capitol. It owns the grounds extend- ing to First street east of the Capitol, and to B street south, south of the Capitol. By taking in the two squares which I have indicated the grounds will be embrace! in what I may de- scribe as a parallelogram ; but by excluding these two squares there is and always will be a disagreeable projection into the very heart, of these grounds, marring their harmony, and making ii impossible for ornamentation, except in certain directions from the Capitol building. I do not believe that it comports with the dignity of this nation j nor is it contributive to the good order of Congress, that private prop- erty should abut so closely to the national Capitol and be subject to occupation, as it now is, by saloons and restaurants. Bui without speaking further of the plan itself, or of its imponance to the Government in making this Capiiol something of an expo nent of the civilization of our people and illus- trating their appreciation for the beautiful as well as the useful, let. me suggest a few points wherein further delay upon this subject will work great injury to private property, and to the interests of private individuals as well as the public. I assume, sir, that no intelligent person in this House, unless it be some one who is innoculated with the idea of removing the national capital, a scheme at once mis chievous, and I think unpatriotic, will say that ultimately these two squares are not to be included within the Capitol grounds. It is then a question simply as to when this shall be done. This is not a new question. It has agitated Congress within my own obser vation for eight years, and the records of Congress will show that the idea was discussed for many years previous to 1861. Before speaking of the peculiar hardships to citizens residing upon Capitol Hill, let me call the attention of the House to the report of the district attorney of the United States for the District of Columbia, made under the authority of an act of Congress approved June 25,1860. This report will be found in Miscel- laneous Document, Senate No. 17, Thirty-Sixth Congress, second session. I call attention to this report, not for the purpose of giving it entire, although it cannot be found except upon the hies of the Senate, but more partic- ularly to show that this is not only not a new question, but that Congress and the nation are pledged to a certain extent to make this pur chase, and that the people living in the vicinity of the Capitol building who have abstained from improving their property have done it upon the faith which the Government pledged in this act of Congress that this purchase would be made. This report shows the total valuation of the property as assessed at the time by the corpo- ration authorities of Washington city. It also shows the actual valuation of the property as reached by nine of our most intelligent citi- zens, who under oath made an award and a report which the district attorney of that day submits with his report. The aggregate value was $417,574 90. The district attorney stated : " It may be safely assumed that the total cost of the purchase, including all expenses, cannot exceed $500,000, allowing the most extravagant margin pos- sible to cover such cases where the value named in the report of the commissioners may be refused and a resort to legal proceedings rendered necessary." I have had prepared within a few days by the District, authorities a statement showing the assessed valuation of these two squares with the improvements, and without giving it in detail 1 would state that the valuation of square No. 687 is $175,661, and of square No. 688, $202,820, making a total of $378,- 481. I think it may be assumed as true that owing to the peculiar situation of these two squares and the doubts which will always hang over titles in consequence of this proposed enlargement of the grounds, the assessed valuation which I have given would not be increased by an assessment of any jury, so that the total would exceed the sum of $500,- 000, from which, of course, should be deducted the value of the materials which would be re- moved from the squares. The value of the improvements as given by the report of the assessors amounts to about one hundred and forty thousand dollars. There are some other facts connected with the subject which I wish to give in this con- nection as tending to show the favorable side of this purchase. I find as an exhibit to this same report to which I have alluded, a state- ment made by Mr. Randolph Coyle, an old and skilled surveyor of this city for many years, from which I give the following facts: /the present area of the Capitol grounds is, 1,348.9 1 6 square feet, or 30.986 acres; the area of the proposed enlarged ground will be 2,450,578 square feet, or 56.257 acres ; the difference between the present and the pro- posed inclosure is 1,111,602 square feet, of which 254,986 feet is private building ground, and the remainder, 856,616 feet, public spaces, avenues, streets, and public alleys. Thus you will perceive, Mr. Speaker, that in a purchase of these two squares the Gov- ernment will come into possession by its right, to close the alleys and avenues, and including the public spaces about the Capitol, of a quan- tity of ground more than three times as great as that which it is proposed to purchase. litis statement will be varied probably somewhat in the total by excluding from the estimate two small squares which are not now included in the proposed plan of extension ; but the relative advantage which the Government will derive by this purchase by possessing itself of what are now streets, avenues, and alleys, will not be materially changed. This tends directly to reduce the cost of the purchase, and should be considered in that connection. Now, sir, one word with regard to the effect of this measure upon the present and future, not only of the improvements in the city of Washington at large but more immediately upon those contemplated upon Capitol Hill. /•There is at present, I may say truthfully, no decent, certainly no convenient approach to the Capitol from the west, which is the locality occupied by the great, masses of our popula- tion, and no such approach can be made with the present limited area of the Capitol grounds. The people of the District have made a loan of $4,000,000 for the purpose of beautifying and improving the capital of the nation. In the plan of improvement which is proposed to be adopted. Capitol Hill forms a part. Our people appreciate the importance of the Capi- tol building itself as the central figure in this great plan of improvements. l^' s . pl a " stretches in its extent from the limits of Georgetown in the west, to the limits of Washington in the east. Improvements are going on in the western portion of our city, but in this portion immediately surrounding the Capitol, those which are dependent to a certain extent upon the grade which may be established permanently about the Capitol are stopped and must remain suspended until this question is settled. Sir, it is the remark of all persons who visit this city that Washington should have been built upon Capitol Hill. Why it was not so built is a question unnecessary for me to an- swer, but certain it is that, Capitol Hill is one of tbe most desirable and delightful portions of the District of Columbia for private resi- dences: and must ultimately become one of the most popular and attractive portions of the city for that, purpose. It should be the wish of all who feel an interest in the devel- opment of the national capital that the im- provements in the city should be made as much as possible throughout the entire city and for the equal beneht of all, so that you, Mr. Speaker, who may prefer to live on Cap- itol Hill, or my friend who has just spoken, who may prefer to live in the western por- tion of the city, may have equal facilities and advantages of ingress and egress to the Government buildings in the various parts of the city, and especially to the national Capitol building. But, sir, so long as there remains a doubt about the boundaries of the Capitol grounds, so long will this beautiful part of the city remain unimproved to a certain extent, and unsought by investors in real estate. You will find, by passing around the two squares I have indicated, Nos. 687 and 688, that there is not a house which has been con- structed upon either of those squares since Congress authorized an assessment with a view of purchase. This plan of the extension of the grounds has hung over this property like a pall. The lots that are unimproved have remained vacant and useless to their owners, while houses have gone into dilapidation and decay, and have not produced a sufficient in come to warrant the owners in keeping them in even ordinary repair. Not only that, but the squares immediately opposite these, out- lying the present proposed limits to the Cap- itol grounds, have been affected by this same nusettled condition of affairs. Suppose that any man places a valuable improvement upon any one of these squares he may be said to do so to-day caveat emptor; so that if he puts an improvement there which would not be made with economy and prudence, he would be liable to loss in case the Goverument should dis- possess him. In his report to Congress, in 1861, the Uni- ted States district attorney said : " It may not be considered inappropriate to say that very many of the parties interested consider that they are justly entitled to a settlement of this matter at this session of Congress, as it has been in suspense for many years. They complain that they cannot rent their property for any fixed period of time, and that they feel unwilling to improve the vacant ground, or add to present improvements, in their state of uncertainty as to when the Gov- ernment may think proper to take it and at what prices." ^ You know, sir, there is a proposition made to reduce the grade upon the east front of the Capitol, so as to give the building a greater elevation, and repair to some extent the mis- take which was made in locating the Capitol building where it now is, instead of placing it about the line of First street, east. The doubt which still obtains upon the point of reducing the grade has retarded improvements upon those squares which would be affected by that change, which outlie the limits to the Capitol grounds which I have described. I can state, I believe, without violaiingany confidence, that there is a proposition to build a mammoth hotel upon the square immediately east of the House wing of the capitol, fronting on First street east and the Capitol grounds. This proposed hotel is to be fitted up more particularly for the accommodation of mem- bers of Congress and their families, visitors to the national Capitol, and the traveling public; and that negotiation hangs to-day unclosed in consequence of the doubts resting upon this question. Within the last year a fine block of houses, costing hundreds of thousands of dol- lars, has been erected on East Capitol street by an enterprising citizen, and they are to- day imperiled by this question of the change of grade around the Capitol building; nor can that fine row of houses be provided safely with any pavement in front of them until this question of the grounds is settled, and the grade, which is a necessary question involved in the extension, is settled. There is this consideration which may be mentioned also : the march of improvement in this city will not wait a great while the tardy action of Congress in securing proper protection to the public buildings. Whether the United States will complete its necessary work or not, the citizens of the District, of Columbia propose to do their part of it, and this will involve necessarily a large expendi- ture of money upon Capitol Hill for improve- ments which will ultimately have to be changed by the action of Congress itself. Those im- provements must necessarily enhance the value of properly upon Capitol Hill, as they are en- hancing the value of property in the western portion of the city, and they cannot fail to have their effect upon this measure and the squares which it is proposed to take in ; so that while we may to-day or this summer purchase, by the consent of the property- owners, these squares at less than their actual value, and less than the maximum figures I have given, $500,000, I do not believe that they can be purchased a year or two hence for much less than double the sum, so that econ- omy would dictate their purchase at this time. The rapid growth of Capitol Hill will astonish any one who has not watched it for the last, five years. This growing population, comprising our intelligent and enterprising citizens, should not be cut off from other portions of the city, as they now are practically, by this impassable ground around trie Capitol. This, Mr. Speaker, is not a local improve- ment. It is not an improvement which will materially affect the property interests of the people of the District of Columbia. I do not speak upon this question as the representative alone of the people of the District of Colum- bia, but I urge this measure upon the House as of national importance. We should not only protect the public faith and the public credit, but we should protect the nation from the disgrace and humiliation which will attend a postponement of this question of completing the surroundings of the national Capitol build ing. You may expend from year to year, ten, fifteen, or twenty thousand dollars, as you have been doing, but as was truthfully said by the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Butler,] the other day, in the discussion which was sprung upon the House upon this question, those appropriations are made only to fill up the places which are made waste again by the storms of the fall and winter. I ask any gentleman here if he has perceived in the last ten years any material improvement in the grounds surrounding the Capitol build- ing. Our citizens are beautifying and build- ing up the city several squares from these grounds, but they dare not expend money where you desire it, and they desire, for fear it will be lost to them. I came in here to day, Mr. Speaker, somewhat unexpectedly to say a word upon this subject, because the House will be called upon to meet the issue probably dur- ing the coming week. The Senate has for sev- eral years, and almost with unanimity, insisted upon making a sufficient appropriation to pur- chase these two squares and complete these grounds, and year after year the House, from a sense of economy, and doubting probably the propriety of making the purchase, have struck out the appropriation. I hope that this year the usual opposition will not be made to this extension. I do not believe the time will ever come when the Government can better afford to make this purchase, and I trust there win be no more delay in the matter. I am looking into a not distant future which shall pre- sent in Washington a city that shall illustrate the great characteristics of our people. If ahe Government of the United States would pay to the authorities of the District of Co- lumbia its fair proportion of the tax upon its own property, we would make this city a great one and a beautiful one without further cost to the United States, and would agree also to make this purchase which I am now urging. On this near future the people whom I have the honor to represent propose to make their impress. We ask that the United States shall not retard us in that work by refusing to do that which all must see is a necessity, and for the doing of which the United States has itself given its pledge. Let us, then, no longer, while we point with pride to this great building, and exhibit to our friends and visitors its beauties and the glory of its architecture ; let us no longer be obliged, as we conduct them from this splendid monument to American taste, to apologize for the shabby, mean, and dis- graceful condition of its surroundings. This is not in any sense a sectional ques- tion, and those who favor this measure are the representatives of no section. The discussion which was sprung upon the House the other day developed in a few minutes the fact that it has the support of Representatives from ocean to ocean. I hope, then, that no lalse economy, that no dread of the responsibilities of the presidential year, that no possible and not probable effect on the reelection of any member of Congress; in short, that no per- sonal reasons, will be urged against the meas- ure at this time. I had hoped, Mr. Speaker, to have secured time from my other duties to have prepared with some care the reasons for making this extension of the Capitol grounds at this time, and I had thought of presenting them in con- nection with a bill for this purpose which I introduced at the beginning of the session. But the probability is that the question will have to be met, coming to us from the other branch of Congress, before the bill can be reported which I introduced. This, sir, is my apology for stating in this cursory and pos- sibly disjointed manner the reasons in support of this measure. Printed at the Congressional Globe Office. The District of Columbia. SPEECH OT HON. NORTON P. CHIPMAN, OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, IN KEPLY TO HON. ROBERT B. ROOSEVELT, OF NEW YORK ; IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JUNE 3, 1872. WASHINGTON: P. & J. RIVES & GEO. A. BAILEY, REPORTERS AND PRINTERS OP TUB DEBATES OP CONORESS. 1872. The District of Columbia. The memorial of certain residents and tax-payers of the District of Columbia, complaining of alleged extravagance in the government of the District, having been referred to the Committee for the Dis- trict of Columbia, a majority and minority report were submitted. Mr. Roosevelt, who had signed the minority report condemning the acts of the District government, obtained leave to print some remarks i n favor of the resolution recommended by the minority. Mr. CHIPMAN obtained leave to print the following remarks in reply to Mr. Roose- velt: I had thought that upon the majority and minority renorts upon the testimony produced before the committee raised to investigate the affairs of the District of Columbia the judg- ment of Congress might be based, and that there would be no further occasion for incumbering the records of the Government in this matter; but the very extraordinary, and 1 think unne- cessary, speech of my colleague on the com- mittee [Mr. Roosevelt] compels me to go at some length into the merits of the case, and particularly to notice the glaring errors into which he has fallen and would lead the House, and to vindicate the officers of the District gov- ernment from the gratuitous and unwarranted assault which he makes upon them. I can understand how men may differ in their conclu- sions upon a given state of facts. I can also understand how men may differ as to what the facts are in a record of seven hundred and fifty pages ; but 1 cannot understand how a person who pretends to sit judicially can de- liberately write out a speech such as my col- league's. It is remarkable throughout, as well for its suppression of important facts, as for its statement of untruths. The committee of which he was a member knows that he was absent a great deal during the investigation, and especially while the evidence was being heard in defense, and before this evidence had been put in he had declared that he did not want to hear any more testimony, and became very impatient to close the investigation. It is not a pleasant thing to allude to these facts, but I think myself justified in staring them since he has opened an attack of such a character as to rob debate of all its amenities and has made it necessary to strip his speech of its high pretensions. A patient and an uninterrupted hearing was due the accused, as it was a trial for the very existence of our District government. This was not given by the judge whose opinion I am about to review, and this fact takes from it the weight of even dictum. I think it possible, as my colleague states, that he entered upon the investigation with some favorable impressions of our District government; but it was certainly manifest throughout the later part of the investigation that he lost his balance, unlike his colleague who joined in the minority report, [Mr. Crebs,] before the investigation was half over. It was early discoverable in the investiga- tion that he suspected, as the memorialists had charged, that there existed here a parallel be- tween the management of the District govern- ment and the mismanagement of the Tammany ring of New York, and being fresh from the work of overthrowing that tyranny, the present opportunity seemed to be a good one to sup- plement his reputation and give it a national character. I would not rob him of any of the laurels he won in New York. It was a virtuous act in him, having availed himself of the benefits of that ring, and having been let into its hid- den mysteries, to expose the corruption of those who had elevated him to position and join in the general cry of "Stop thief!" I commend him for that ; but when he sets his judgment up as the standard for official con- duct, and erects iu his imagination the coun- terpart of Tammany as existing in the District of Columbia, aud attempts by garbled extracts of testimony and misstatements upon his own responsibility to overthrow our local govern- ment, I think it my duty, in defense of the peo- ple whom I represent and the officers of the government of which I am a part, to defend them from such calumny. Let me endeavor to follow this remarkable speech and take up its points in order. FORM OP THE DISTRICT GOVERNMENT REVIEWED. He first reviews the organic act to show that the form of our government is what he terms a " mongrel affair," " neither flesh, nor fowl, nor good red herring;" that "the relation of the District of Columbia toward the national Government is changed;" the national prop- erty " converted into a Territory and given a territorial government instead of being under the charge of Congress as heretofore." He wholly misapprehends both the philosophy of the new government and the facts as to its powers. The relation of the District toward the national Government has not changed ; in no one particular is the national property affected by it. Congress retains the power to annul any of the acts of our Legislature, or to wipe out the local government utterly, as it did in abolishing the charters of our cities in establishing the new government. Not a foot of the national property is sub- ject to taxation or placed under the slightest control of the local government, except that the control of the streets and avenues was by the act turned over to the Board of Public Works as the agent of the national Govern- ment. Instead of going to Congress, as we heretofore did, for general legislation of a local character, Congress relieved itself by creating a Legislative Assembly with delegated powers, and authorized it to create such officers and pass such laws, with certain exceptions, as were necessary to operate the new government. I do not believe that a careful examination of the organic act will disclose any inharmouy, any necessary conflict of powers, any danger- ous or anomalous condition of things. I shall not analyze our organic act to show precisely the relation it established between the national and local governments; it was given to us by Congress after a careful and patient investiga- tion by the District Committees of the House and Senate, and after ample discussion as to its details and the theory upon which it was built. It may be improved — I think it can be — but it should at least have a fair trial, which it has never yet had, before beiDg tin- kered with by men who do not comprehend it. This much, at least, the evidence in the case will show : that the worst enemies of the new government concede in it a great improvement over the old, and there has been before the committee no one witness, however partisan and prejudiced, as I now remember, who desired to return to the old order of things. I quote from my colleague' s speech as follows : "Congress forced to order an Investigation. " The new government came into existence June 1, 1871, and in January, 1872, at the end of only seven months, so scandalous had become the con- duct of the Board of Public Works, so loud the complaints and notorious their proceedings, that Congress was forced, on the demand of over a thousand citizens, to order this investigation." If my colleague had kuown, as we of the District know, something of the persistent opposition which has been made to the new government from its very inception, how it was pursued at every step, and that the com- plaints of which he speaks arid the "thousand citizens " whom he arrays in judgment against the District were the same which were mus- tered against the new government and de- termined to break it down even before it came into operation, he would not have drawn the conclusion he has — that this investigation was the growth of the " seven months' scandalous conduct of the Board of Public Works." Let me say to him that if he expects there shall ever be a government in this District, however honest and pure or however beneficial, against whom there will not be arrayed at least a "thousand citizens," then he knows little of human nature, and certainly less of the char- acter of our people. ORGANIZED OPPOSITION TO THE DISTRICT GOVERN- MENT. Perhaps I ought to reproduce at this point a little of the history of this struggle. Our organic act became a law in February, 1871, and early in March the Governor, Board of Public Works, and other appoiutive officers were qualified. They began at once to organ- ize the new government, so that at the expira- tion of the old charter, which by the act was to take place on the 1st of June, there should be no interregnum and no lack of power to carry on the necessary functions of the new government. Steps were immediately taken to call an election, so as to complete the Legis- lative Assembly by electing a house of dele- gates, the council having been appointed by the President. Meanwhile the Board of Public Works were devising a plan of improvements embracing the whole District of Columbia, and called into their councils an advisory board, com- posed of Quartermaster General Meigs, Sur- geon General Barnes, General Humphreys, chief of engineers, General Babcock, in charge of public buildings and grounds, and Mr. Olm- stead, one of the park commissioners of New York city. The plans were completed and the gen- eral outline approved by members of the advisory board. They involved an expendi- ture of about six million dollars, one third of which being paid by the property abutting on the streets, left $4,000,000 to be raised by the Legislature. Immediately upon the organiza- tion of the Legislature the Governor sent, in a message to that body submitting the plans and suggesting a loan of $4,000,000 by creat- ing a bonded debt to run for twenty years, payable by a sinking fund. This bold inno- vation upon the old-fashioned way of raising fK money from year to year, and expending it without plan or purpose, startled the "one thousand citizens," who, according to my col- league, embody all the wisdom and virtue the District possesses, and they organized to put down this reckless encroachment upon ancient custom and upon this annihilation of the delights of fogyism. Every effort was made to defeat the legisla- tion, but without success, and the law passed July 10, 1871. Work had already begun in anticipation of this loan, but was provided for by specific appropriation. Determined that the will of the people should not govern, a select number of these " thousand citizens" sued out an injunction soon after the act passed, and opened war iu the courts. The great body of the work was stopped at the very season when it could be most profitably carried on, and only a limited amount could be done under appropriations made for the purpose. The Legislature, not disposed to surrender the rights and interests of one hundred and thirty thousand citizens to the whims and prejudices of one thousand, passed another four million loan act to be submitted to the people. This passed August 19, 1871, but could not under the organic act be submitted sooner than No- vember 21 following. Then began one of the most relentless and bitter attacks that ever dis- graced a community. These "thousand citi- zens," aping New York, and thereby seeking also to throw around the canvass the infamy of the New York Tammany ring, organized a "committee of seventy." Some respectable names were put forward as officers of the Citi- zen Association, and other decent people con- sented to go on the "committee of seventy;" but the dirty, disgraceful work was performed by men who had neither social, business, nor official standing in the community. A libelous sheet was started called the Citizen, and was supported by the money of persons who had not the courage to be responsible for its man- agement. Every issue of the paper was full of abuse, mendacious atiacks upou our local government, and scarcely a column that did not contain actionable slanders; but its editor was wholly irresponsible, and as exempt from suit as any other sewer- pipe in the city. If he had been a heap of dung he could not have been more pestiferous, but as he had the form and semblance of man there was no known precedent for abating him as a nuisance. This paper, encouraged and fed by these "thousand citizens," solidified the ranks of those who fa- vored the loan and disgusted those who doubted the method of raising funds and preferred ap- propriations from year to year rather than by a bonded debt. The result was that when the vote came the "thousand citizens" and a few recruits, making twelve hundred and thirteen, voted against the loan and fourteen thousand seven hundred and sixty for it, while a large number remained away from the polls. These I were composed of two classes : one who favored the loan but knew there was no doubt of its ratification, and did not want to lose a day in registering and voting ; the other class, not by any means large, did not believe in the loan but believed in improvements and in the integ- rity of our officers, and were indignant at the means adopted to embarrass the new govern- ment. They could nor. vote for the loan, but they would not vote against it under the cir- cumstances. I believe if there ever was an election in this District where the will of the majority was expressed, and where the intelli- gent judgment of the people guided a vote, it was the election which gave our city its "new departure " last fall. A word more to show the mendacity of the opposition and the blind madness which led them even to stab the credit of the District rather than see it succeed. While this warfare was going on, and while we were tied up by injunctions, the Legislature authorized the Governor to anticipate the loan by borrowing $500,000. I quote from Gov- ernor Cooke's testimony, (page 378:) "Question. Can you state to the committee why you negotiated through the First National Bank rather than through other banking-houses that have been named 1 "Answer. Yes, sir; because I got aid from them when I could not get it elsewhere. I applied for negotiating a very small loan, last summer, and had partially effected a negotiation for the money, at six £er cent., when rumors came of disaffection in the 'istrict and efforts were made that impaired our credit. Papers were circulated throughout New York which frightened the bankers, and they de- clined to take it. The First National Bank came to my rescue, and I succeeded in negotiating the loan, though I had to pay seven per cent., which I con- sidered a very good negotiation, and it was so con- sidered at the time, without any commission or discount." The injunction was dissolved, on appeal to the full bench, about the time the people rati- fied the loan, and there seemed to be no further impediment, but these " thousand cit- izens" still kept up their warfare here and elsewhere. To show still further the charac- ter of the opposition, I quote from a letter of the Messrs. Seligman, (page 192:) New York, February 1, 1872. Dkar Sir : We beg to draw your attention to the fact that while we have been successful in market- ing the six per cent, bonds of the District of Colum- bia, we have had to overcome one or more difficul- ties in the shape of adverse reports which some persons had endeavored to spread in Europe. They first intimated that there were injunctions still existing against the issue of the bonds. After we succeeded in removing this impression by sending out the certificate of judges of the supreme court that each and every injunction had promptly been removed, they endeavored to spread additional ad- verso reports in Europe, stating that the bond was not considered a first-class security. We have, for- tunately, been able to satisfy the public in Europe that all such reports, emanating, as they evidently did, from persons adverse to the interests of the District, were without any foundation. But the principal aid which we received was the almost unanimous vote of the people of your District in favor of the loan, without which we should have probably failed in negotiating the bond at all, and, at any rate, would not have been able to sell it 6 within two and a half or five per cent, of the price obtained, and we congratulate you and the District upon our success in placing the credit of theDistrict equal to that of any of the older States in the North. We deem it proper to make these remarks to you to put you and all good people of the District on their guard against the malevolent actions of some of your citizens. We are, dear sir, yours, very respectfully, J. & W. SELIGMAN & CO. Hon. Henry D. Cooke. Governor of the District of Columbia, Washington, D. C. Thus these men pursued the government here and abroad, trying by falsehood to ruin its credit in the money markets of the world, and by misrepresentation and calumny to shake the confidence of the people in it at home. Defeated and rebuked wherever they turned, they appealed to Congress as a last resort, with a result already known. And after this appeal and the petition were re- ferred to a committee for investigation, a sen- sational resolution was prepared by oue of these "thousand citizens," and caused to be introduced in the Senate, suspending the func- tions of the District government pending the investigation, thus paralyzing the District and destroying for the time all government. Nor will my colleague forget that all winter and pending the investigation there were laid upon members' desks the meanest possible anony- mous circulars and sheets, attacking the gov- ernment itself, and especially its personnel, and every etfort was made by personal inter- course with members to poison their minds against the District. If my colleague had desired to dip his pen in unadulterated wormwood and gall, if he had desired to relieve bis mind of pent-up wrath by writing a philippic against some im- aginary Tammany, he would have found an ample field here in showing how a good gov- ernment and an honest devotion to it may be maligned until even the elect, like my colleague, may be deceived and grow bilious in contem- plating it. My colleague proceeds with his indictment as follows: "Of the most flagrant acts I shall select only a few for consideration, commencing with the grad- ing of F street from Seventeenth to Twenty-first street, west of the President's grounds. This street has been cut down from two to twelve feet, involv- ing a proportional grading of the cross-streets and of G slreet, which is the parallel street north of it, and leaving the houses erected along the lines of all tluse elevated from five to fifteen or twenty steps above the sidewalk and roadway." I cannot follow the gentleman through all the mental vagaries his speech contains. I shall expose his fallacies sufficiently far to show how dangerous it would be to base any judgment of District affairs upon his opinion, and that done, I may be content to leave the matter with the majority and minority report, where it really belongs. Let us then see what there is of the F STREET IMPROVEMENT. This work was originally commenced under an act passed by the corporation of Washing- ton on the 25th April, 1871. At that time the new government had not gone fully into oper- ation, although by the organic act the Board of Public Works were authorized to assume the functions of their office. Technically there is no question but that the board, as the suc- cessors to the executive power of the mayor, were authorized to enter upon the execution of this act of the corporation, and they did so. The contractor for the work was Mr. Van- derburgh, and his authority for entering upon it the board found in the archives of the mayor's office, as follows: Mayor's Office, City Hall, Washington, D. C, April 2^, 1871. Mr. Auditor: Please issue order to J. V. W. Vanderburgh to proceed with the work under his contract of April 29. 1871, to grade and trim F street northwest between Seventeenth and Twentieth. Act approved April 25, 1871. M. G. EMERY, Mayor. Per M. P. Auditor's Office, City Hall, Washington, D. 0., April 29, 1871. Sir: You will execute the act of the corporation approved April 25, 1871. entitled "An act to grade and trim F street northwest between Seventeenth and Twentieth streets," under your contract of April 29, 1871. The work to be commenced within days, and completed within days from the date thereof. J. C MeKELDEN, Auditor. J. S. C, jr. J. V. W. Vanderburgh, esq., Contractor. The amount appropriated was $600. (Rec- ord, pages 31, 32.) It is neither truthful nor ingenuous to say that the work on Fand G streets, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Nineteenth, Twentieth, and Twen- ty-first streets, aud the filling up of streets south of F street, were all done under authority of this act of the corporation of Washington. The gentleman from New York says: " The cutting down of F street is justified under a resolution of the old city councils, passed in the time of Mayor Emery and just before the new govern- ment was established." No such justification is attempted that I am aware of. The history and reason for this improvement are so well aud clearly and briefly stated by the surveyor of the District, Mr. William Forsyth, then the assistant engi- neer of the board, that 1 quote from him, (pages 43, 44 of the record : "The work on the improvement of F street was comuifcnced under the order of the city government of Washington, in pursuance of the act of that cor- poration approved April 29, 1871, as appears by the copies of papers in the two communications of Gov- ernor Cooke to the District Legislature of May 31 and June 20, 1871. (Journal, volume one, pages 93 and 197.) "I was superintendent of streets under the city government, and also became the first assistant engineer of the Board of Public Works, May 17, 1871, and prepared for the board the general plan of improvements submitted June 2d, IS* 1. "I took charge of the F street work when it com- menced, and in accordance with the directions of the board 1 instructed the contractor, Mr. Vander- burgh, to lower the line of the street belnw the grade contemplated when the act of April 29 was passed. At a later period the board decided tc lower the line to the present grade, and I gave directions to the contractor accordingly. •'The change of grade as finally determined was thought advisable, among other reasons, in order to conform the grade of Seventeenth street to the new State Department buildings. It also relieves the steep grades on Seventeenth, Eighteenth, Nine- teenth, Twentieth, and Twenty-first streets, be- tween F street and the canal, by cutting down the summits and filling up the low ground at a regular grade, thereby removing in a great measure the uuhealthfulness of that section of the city, which has been an obstacle to all improvements for the twenty-three years during which I have resided there. "The change also greatly improves the surface drainage of that vicinity. It does not interfere with the sewers constructed by the city government, which I had located below the present grade-line of the streets, because, from my knowledge of the necessities of that section, I was certain that the grades of the streets would eventually be brought down to an improved line. " In my opinion, the improvement will be a suc- cess, and, when finished, I believe the property- owners will be very glad it has been carried through, at' owners have been in other localities where they have made great complaints and doleful predictions while the work has been going on, like the cases of the old improvements under the city, while I was surveyor, on Ninth street, between D and F; Thir- teenth street, between G and H; F street, between Seventh and Fifteenth; and Fifteenth street, at the Treasury Department. "No additional written instructions to or contract with Mr. Vanderburgh appear to have been issued. The act of the city, in terms, authorized the grading of the street, and, acting under directions of the Board of Public Works, which authorized and assumed the responsibility of extending the im- provement, I carried forward the same substantially in accordance with their general plans then adopted for the improvement of the District." My colleague gropes about in the records to ascertain why this improvement of this part of the city was made, and although there were probably twenty witnesses who gave opinions as to the reasons for the change, he says: "For all this injury of course it will be expected that some great gain was to compensate; but what will be the surprise of all who hear me when they ate told that to this day nobody knows why the change of grade was made." I might refute the gentleman who denounces this improvement as ''an act of supreme folly ;" who estimates the damage to property at ''half a million dollars;" who speaks of it as pro- ducing "ruin;" who, in another place, estimates the public and private damage of what he terms "this remarkable and indefensible perform- ance" as " little short of one million dollars," and the excuse for it a3 " little less than ludi- crous" — I say I might refute him by quoting a few paragraphs from the testimony. For example, Doun Piatt testifies, (page 317:) "Question. How have the improvements in that neighborhood affected that property, in your opin- ion? "Annoer. I think it has benefited the property; indeed. I know it has. Since the improvement there has been made, my wife has been offered 81,000 for her bargain. During the last summer we had in view two pieces of property to select from: one owned by Captain (iraut on Capitol Hill, ami the other this piece of property of Mr. Shep- herd's. At that time we rather inclined to the property otfered by Captain Grant, as it was on the same terms, on account of the condition of the cel- lar of the house on F street, which was damp, and the water evidently stood in it in the wet season. They had dug quite a well in the hope of draining the property. Since the street has been improved by cutting it down, the cellar is entirely dry and the appearance of the property has been greatly en- hanced in every way, so that I think any stranger visiting the city would regard F street as one of the most beautiful streets in the city." General 0. E. Babcock testifies, (page 631:) "Quextion. In regard to the grade on F street and the lateral streets ; have yon observed the grades there? ".Answer. Yes, sir. " Question. Will you state your opinion as to the present grade, whether you think it is a proper one? "Ansicer. I am of the conviction that it is the grade which should have been established years before. I think if there is any mistake in this ques- tion it is in the legislation. The problem given to the Board of Public Works has been one of engineer- ing. I think that the people would notobjectto these improvements, if there had been legislation to pro- vide remuneration for damages in full, and I think that the complaints raised arise from the fact that this was not provided for by legislation. Consider- ing it simply as a question of grade, for the purpose of drainage, the circulation of the atmosphere and easy communication, and the ornamentation of the city, I think the grade is the one that should be established there. As an illustration : going along Pennsylvania avenue you can now look right down these cross-streets to the river. It makes a beau- tiful effect in that way, which should be taken into consideration in the establishment of the grades of the city. " Question. Would not the grade have been more desirable for the purpose if it had not been cut down quite so much? "Answer. I do not think you could have accom- plished this without making it as deep as it is. " Question. What has been the effect, in your judgment, up to the present time, of the improve- ments in that section upon the value of the prop- erty in that vicinity? "Ansicer. I believe it will increase the value of the property. That is my feeling in regard to a small piece of property that i bought there before the improvements were commenced. The mass of the property is unimproved." But I leave my colleague to defend him- self against manifest ignorance or perversion of the facts in the face of the plain, blunt truth, given by a plain, blunt, honest man, who owns property affected by the change, who has lived in that neighborhood many years, who is a practical surveyor and engineer, Mr. William Forsyth, as already quoted. THIS IMPROVEMENT NOT A NEW IDEA. Another fact in this connection must not be overlooked. The grade as now established for this part of the city is no new idea, and if my colleague had been disposed to do the board justice he would have made some men- tion of the fact. The original plans for this improvement were the production of Ran- dolph (Joyle, one of the oldest and most highly respected public officers the city ever had. These plans were brought before the commit- tee and identified by Mr. Forsyth, who has had them in charge since they were made. The work was actually commenced nearly twenty ypars ago, and would have been completed upon the very plans adopted by the Board of Putdic Works but for an injunction sued out, which Mr. (Joyle did not seem to have the courage to push to final decision, as our board 8 had when interrupted by a similar proceed- ing. (Record, page 724.) The extent of this improvement, its cost, and the severe criticism to which it has been subjected by my colleague, are my justifica- tion for giving the testimony fully upon this point. I extract from pages 669, 670 : " Question. Have you the old plan of the grade of F street ? "Answer, Yes, [producing it.] "Mr. Chandler stated to the committee that the plan proposed was signed by Mr. Randolph Coyle, and he read the following extract from a note at the loot of the plan: " ' The resolution of the corporation which referred this matter to me restricted my examination to F street, and thence south to the canal, and to the streets from Seventeenth to Nineteenth, both inclu- sive. The changes suggested in F street can be con- sidered as an independent proposition. They con- stitute a valuable but expensive improvement, the adoption of whiuh, though very desirable, is not indispensable to the rest of the plan. At the junc- tion of F and Seventeenth, however, I think the change should be insisted on.' " Question. Can you state the age of this plan ? "Answer. There is uo date to it. It was prepared while Mr. Coyle was corporation surveyor. " Question. Do you understand it to be apian pre- pared by Mr. Randolph Coyle ? "Answer. Yes ; it has been filed in the surveyor's office. " Question. State the cutting indicated on the plan, at F and Seventeenth streets. "Answer. Three feet from these figures. " Mr. Crane. I object to the introduction of such a document, covered all over with pencil-marks. It was stated by Mr. Shepherd the other day. that he could tell nothing by the grade-books or grade-maps, they are marked over so many times. " Mr. Chandler. The older it is, and the more covered with marks it is. the better. I also put in this plan, signed by Mr. Randolph Coyle, and dated Washington, November 13, 1855 : "By Mr. Chipman : "Question. Are these plans on file as original plans? "Answer. Yes, sir; they are taken from the sur- veyor's office. "Question. Have they been changed by anybody in your office, that you are aware of? "Answer. No, sir; we never use them. " By Mr. Roosevelt : "Question. How do you know that this is the map prepared by Mr. Coyle? "Answer. I heard so from Mr. Forsyth. There is nothing on it to show. "Question. Bid you make up the estimates of expenses for the city, generally? "Answer. No, sir; I made up some of them; not all. "Question. What was the meaning of this deduc- tion of twenty per cent, for cash on these esti- mates ? "Answer. These were prepared before I had con- nection with the board. "Question. Did that, in your judgment, indicate the difference in the value of the old city certifi- cates and ready money, or cash? "Answer. I am not prepared to make any state- ment on that point. . " Mr. Chandler read and put in evidence the in- dorsement of Mr. Coyle, on the profile of Seven- teenth street, as follows : Washington City, November 13, 1855. Sir: I have constructed, for your information, this plan and profile of Seventeenth street west, from Pennsylvania avenue to the canal, on which I have shown the grades from the south side of New York avenue to tue canal, recommended by me to the corporation several years ago; and also, as I understand it, the grade established by an act of the corporation passed in September last. The blue grade-line is that which I recommended. The red grade-line is that which the corporation enacted. The black line, shaded thus -j — /— / — /- shows the surface of the ground along the middle of the street, as it was when, in compliance with the special re- quest of the corporation, I made my examination and report. There is in the city surveyor's office a map which accompanied my report, showing the ad- jacent streets and their grades, which will give you a more comprehensive view of the subject than can be had from this isolated plan. This, being drawn on a much larger scale, conveys a clearer idea of the par- ticular locality. I hope it will be satisfactory to you. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, RANDOLPH COYLE. John T. Towers, esq., Mayor. "Mr. Crane remarked that there was nothing to show that there was any act of the corporation authorizing this grade, and no evidence that the plan was signed by Randolph Coyle. "Mr. Chandler remarked that it came from the archives of the city. " Mr. Crane, after inspecting the memorandum above quoted, expressed the opinion that it was in Mr. Coyle's writing." We have, then, the living and the dead testifying to the value and importance of this improvement. But my colleague is guilty not only of mis- representing the facts he states, and suppress- ing others more important in the particulars which I have mentioned, but he sums up in a paragraph a most remarkable combination of errors which I deem it my duty to unmask. I quote from his speech as follows: " Whether there was actual corruption in this proceeding I will leave to inference. No money was paid for it to my knowledge. We can presume it was a,n act of supreme folly if we would be very charitable. It is true that the vice president of the Board of Works, who was mainly iustrumental in having the work commenced, (page 14,) owned a valuable row of houses on the street, and they alone of all the property affected were benefited, but this may have only been a coincidence — a strange one, and fortunate for the owner, but still only a coinci- dence." ******** " In this case, however, there was no benefit what- ever, but simple, unrelieved injury instead, not a single independent resident on either street approv- ing of the change or failing to reprobate and de- nounce it." My colleague sat as a judge, if at all — not as an advocate, nor as a champion of the thou- sand memorialists. He has no right to leave anything to inference. To do it is as cowardly as it is unjust. This House wants the truth, not inferences. He does not say that the ques- tion of corruption is matter of inference only; but he says, "I leave to inference," &c. The Board of Public Works are entitled to fair treatment at the hands of its judges, and I submit that such reckless use of power by one who stands in the relation my colleague does is wholly improper and reprehensible. What are the facts ? The inference which my col- league would draw or the corruption which he insinuates lies (I mean the corruption in- sinuated, not my colleague) in a total suppres- sion of the facts. I would not pursue the matter if my colleague had not compelled it. 1 quote from Mr. Shepherd's testimony, (pages 581 and 582:) "By Mr. Chandler: " Question. State with reference to the F street improvement. State the history of it, and what your opinion is with reference to its effect on prop- erty in that vicinity, and between F street and the river. "Answer. I have already stated, in my examina- tion by the other side, what my opinion is. At first I was bitterly opposed to the improvement; but after examining the matter thoroughly I became convinced that it was the only thing that would reclaim and redeem that section of the city. '" Question. The charge has been made that that improvement had a distinct referencg to the benefit and improvement of your property on that street. "Answer. That is a lie out of whole cloth. That is the way I answer that question. "By Mr. Harmer: " Question. When that street was cut down it was necessary to make costly improvements in front of the property. Was that made at your cost? "Answer. Yes, sir, even? dollar of it. The houses were about finished before the cutting began. As a consequence I was deprived of the rent of them for six or eight months, and besides had to pay the whole expense from my own pocket. " Question. In improving the front of other prop- erty on the line of that street, is that done at the cost of the Board of Public Works, or of the indi- vidual owners? "Answer. That is a matter to be determined. I think that where property is damaged there should be a betterment law by which the benefits and dam- ages may be assessed. Where tlie cutting is 30 deep as to seriously damage the property, both benefits and damages have to be taken into consideration. "Question. Has the Board of Public Works the power now to do that? "Answer. No, sir. " Question. You have power to determine what shall be treated as a special improvement to the property-owners ? "Answer. That will require further legislation. " Question. You say that you opposed the lower- ing of the grade on F street. Do you mean that you opposed any lowering of the grade ? "Answer. I wanted the street trimmed down, and had a bill passed by the councils appropriating $600 to have it trimmed eighteen inches or two feet. I supposed that that sum would be ample to do the work. " Question. State whether or not at that time you had any intention of lowering the grade to the point to which it is now lowered. "Answer. None at all; not the slightest idea of it. "Question. When was the idea first adopted of lowering the grade? "Answer. When Mr. Forsyth came to see me one day, and told me of the original grade of the street as established by Mr. Kandolph Uoyle. He stated the fact that about seventeen years before he had attempted to carry out the present grade, but was stopped by an injunction originated by a Mr. Mc- Kean, who lived on Seventeenth street. That was after the board was in operation. " By Mr. Eldredge : " Question. What was the condition of your houses at the time the lowering of the grade was determ- ined upon? "Answer. They were finished. " Question. How are those houses now with refer- ence to that grade; how are the water-tables with reference to it? "Answer. Instead of having eight or ten steps as I contemplated, the highest has now twenty-one or twenty-two steps. h "By Mr.HAKMER: " Question. Is the lower floor of your houses as far above the grade of the street as other houses on the line of the street? " Answer. Pretty nearly ; probably Mr. Lenthall's house is a little higher than mine; the cutting was deeper there; the hump in the street was greater at that point. " By Mr. Eldredge : " Question. Are your houses constructed as they should have been if the grade had been determined upon at the time when you commenced to build them? "Ans-w.r. Certainly not : I should have saved from eight to ten thousand dollars if the grade had been established before I commenced to build. " Question. State wherein they would have been differently constructed. "Answer. I should not have incurred the expense of terracing; I would have had another finished story to the houses at, less expense, and avoided steps, which cost from seven to eight thousand dol- lars. " Question. What difference would you have made in the formation of the houses themselves? " Answer. I would not have set them so high from the ground as to require twenty-one steps to reach them; I would have set them down so as to reach them by eight or ten steps, as the original plan, drawn by Mr. Morsell, shows. " Question. How long ago did you purchase that property? "Answer. I have owned the property some eight- een months or two years, and commenced the houses about two or three or four months after the pur- chase. " Question. What did you pay for that property ? "Answer. I paid for one hundred and fifty or one hundred and seventy feet of it eighty-five cents a foot, and for the other sixty feet I paid sixty cents. " Question. Who owns the property exactly oppo- site yours? " Answer. Mr. Alexander did own it. " Question. Is that unimproved property? " Answer. Yes. " Question. How much is it worth a foot? " Answer. I think it would be low at one dollar a foot. Did my colleague hear this testimony ; or has he read it; or does he doubt the veracity of the witness? Will he still insist upon his inference? Will he insinuate what he has not the courage to assert? Let me tell him what a life-time friend of this witness said on the wit- ness-stand. I quote (page 694) the testimony of Dr. John B. Blake. His name is the syn- onym of honesty here, and one word of his in this community is worth more than a mil- lion of my colleague's insinuations. "Question. Do you know Mr. Shepherd? "Answer. Intimately. "Question. How long have you known him? "Answer. I knew his father and mother long before he was born. "Question. Are you disposed in any way to ques- tion the integrity of his actions? "Answer. I should as soon think of questioning my own integrity. "Question. You think he is above suspicion? "Answer. I think so. He ought to be, from my knowledge of him." Dr. Blake is not the friend of this District government. On the contrary he has opposed its plans of improvement, and has contributed of his means to carry on the measures of obstruction to this government. But the contradiction to my colleague's in- sinuation does not rest alone upon Mr. Shep- herd's testimony. The evidence of other mem- bers of the board and of numerous witnesses shows that in the small paragraph which I have quoted from my colleague he is grossly unjust in his inference, and that the paragraph con- tains at least four palpable, and if I were as reckless as my colleague in deriving inferences I might say willfully stated errors. Let me articulate these errors: First. I have shown that the improvement was not an act of supreme folly. Second. My colleague cites page 14 to show 10 that Mr. Shepherd was mainly instrumental in having the work commenced, but page 14 gives the testimony of Mayor Emery to show the one thing which all admit, that Mr. Shepherd was instrumental in having an appropriation of $600 made by the corporation to trim F street. The subsequent improvement, against which complaint is made, was not thought of until long after, and was opposed at first by Mr. Shepherd himself. Third. The statement of my colleague that Mr. Shepherd's houses were the only ones benefited is wilder than any witness, however prejudiced against the board, had the hardi- hood to testify. This part of my colleague's speech only shows how a prosecuting attorney may let his imagination run away with the tes- timony and overreach himself in the extrava- gance of his presentation of it. I suppose my friend had some dim recollection of some tes- timony given some time in the early part of the winter by a group of pleasant old gentlemen who have lived for the past quarter of a century in that quiet and unfrequented part of Wash- ington which the Board of Public Works and my friend have brought so prominently into public notice. But if he had reviewed the tes- timony, or had been more scrupulous in stating the facts, he would not have done Mr. Shep- herd the injustice he has. I will quote from the testimony of Columbus Alexander, (page 27,) who is a fair specimen of this group: " By Mr. Roosevelt : "Question. In this sale which you have made, is the purchaser to pay the tax for the improvements? "Answer. Yes. " Question. Do you think that Mr. Shepherd's prop- erty is improved? " Ansxoer. I think his property is very much improved ; more so than anybody else's on the street." If my colleague had really, as he says in his speech, entertained at the beginning favorable opinions of the board, he would not have dropped this witness at this point, as he did. The witness had just stated that he owned vacant property immediately opposite Mr. Shepherd's, and it was already manifest from the testimony that the grading improved the vacant property much more than that upon which houses were already built. Mark the contrast now between the examination of this witness by my colleague, Mr. Roosevelt, and his examination by my colleague, Mr. Eldredge, who followed the investigation with a manifest determination to go to the bottom of the charges: " By Mr. Eldredge : "Question. How is it as to your property exactly opposite Shepherd's — is that improved ? "Ansxoer. I do not think it is. " Question. Why is it not as much improved as Mr. Shepherd's? "Answer. Shepherd's is cut down and terraced. " Question. When yours is cut down and terraced, will it not be as much improved as Shepherd's? "Answer. No; mine is on the wrong side of the street; I think that property on the other side is more valuable. " Question. Will not the improvements appreciate that as much in proportion as Shepherd's? "Answer. I do not think it will exactly; it mav, perhaps. " Question. If not, why not? "Answer. I do not say that it has not improved it proportionately. " Question. It was not worth as much originally as Shepherd's? " Answer. I do not think that his was worth any more. _" Question. I suppose you meant that the opposite side of the sti*et was more valuable ? " Answer. Rather more desirable, and perhaps some people think it a little more valuable. " Question. Aside from that, is not your property, exactly opposite his, as much improved, propor- tionately, as his ? "Answer. It may be. " Question. What is your opinion ? "Ansxoer. That is my opinion. " Question. Do you not think yourself that the property on that street has been appreciated in value by the improvements, take all together? "Answer. It may be so. " Question. That is your opinion ? "Answer. My opinion is, that I cannot see much difference in the value, judging from what I have asked for the property heretofore. " Question. Is it your opinion that the value of property in the whole street has improved or not ? "Answer. I cannot see that it has increased in value." Here is a witness called by the memorialists, who, in a short paragraph, explodes at least two of the imaginary charges of my colleague, and illustrates how the truth may be brought to the light or smothered just as the interro- gator is disposed to develop or obscure it. But numerous as are the proofs that this charge of my colleague is purely imaginative, I shall make but one more quotation from the testimony, which, while it settles the question, at the same time shows how much Mr. Alex- ander was mistaken, as well as my colleague. I quote from the testimony of K. M. Hall, (page 640,) who was Mr. Alexander's agent for the sale of this very property : " Question. Have sales been made at higher figures ? " Answer. Yes, sir; I know of one on that famous F street improvement. I had that property of Col- onel Alexander's a year ago, opposite Mr. Shep- herd's buildings, and offered it for sale for some time at sixty cents. I had written authority from him to sell at. that price. I suppose it was three months in my possession at that price. He afterward took it into his own possession, and I understand he has since bargained for it for one dollar a foot. I found no purchaser. I do not know when he sold it. It was since the street was cut down. I tried to sell it, but there was no application for it. I also had prop- erty on Connecticut avenue, which I offered for some time for fifteen cents. It has been sold recently lor twenty-five cents." * ***** " By Mr. Elduedge : "Question. When was that property of Colonel Alexander, on F street, sold? "Answer. It was after the improvements com- menced. He declined to sell it at the price for which he had previously offered it. Up to that time he was ready to sell it for sixty cents a foot. I think it was sold two or three months ago ; since these improve- ments commenced, certainly." Fourth. The fourth misrepresentation which I notice in the paragraph just quoted from my colleague is that not a single independent res- ident on either street approved of the change or failed to reprobate and denounce it. A sufficient answer to this is found in the testi- mony of General Babcock, already quoted, (pages 631, 632.) 11 It is not calculated to elevate the standard of morals in this House to find one of its mem- bers, who is just now building largely on his reputation for unearthing municipal corrup- tion, and is supposed to possess most of the cardinal virtues, so ready to ride to higher fan e at the expense of truth. The role of re- former is truly a grand one in these times of dishonesty ; but no man can achieve greatness in this character without having some small capacity to discriminate between the true and the false. I think no one can read the testimony in the record and not come to the conclusion that the improvement known as F street improve- ment was of great advantage to that portion of the city, and certainly no one who will take the trouble to make an ocular examination can come to any other conclusion. That quarter of the city will be remembered as one of the most unattractive and unsightly and disagree- able of all those portions which pretend to have been improved. Its unhealthiness has been proverbial. South of F street was an un- developed portion of the city, low and marshy, and for the purposes of residence totally worth- less. The grading has not only improved the streets which we have been examining, but the earth taken into this lower ground has brought into market these swamps and marshes, ren- dering them less unhealthy; and that whole part of the city is fast emerging into a valua- ble quarter for residences. As an evidence of this, the Superintendent of Public Buildings and Grounds has obtained from Congress an appropriation to fence and improve the public square lying south of F street aud west of Sev- enteenth, where hitherto no one would think of residing and where property had no appre- ciable value. Lots fronting upon that pro- posed square cannot now be bought probably for less than fifty to seventy -five cents a foot that two years ago could have beeu bought for fifteen cents. The improvement has been an expensive one, and the only practical question in this cdhnection is whether it was wise. The only pointof any significance which I have thought would be made against the board for this im- provement is whether the value of the property in that vicinity of the city would justify so large an expenditure in bringing it forward, aud I was inclined to a negative opinion upon this question utitil there was produced before the committee an abstract showing the assessed value of real estate lying south of Pennsylvania avenue and west of Seventeenth street, giving a total assessment of §4,215,551. (Page 679.) Furthermore, I believe it is a fair deduction from the testimony that the property in that part of the city will be enhanced by this im- provement in one year more than euough to replace the cost of it. MISCELLANEOUS MUBBISH DISPOSED OF. Leaving the F street improvement I cannot follow the gentleman in the next two or three pages of his flights of fancy. His description of the board "filling streets to the depth of thirty feet; " "burning houses to their roofs ; " " rendering worthless squares upon square* of dwellings and stores; " cutting down into the "bowels of the earth;" leaving Ileuses " perched upon pinnacles;' 1 "converting the mountainous country of Georgetown into a prairie," all of which " is a mere dead waste, a piece of heartless and blind cruelty " — I say I cannot follow him, for he must know that it is outside the record, and with the exception of individual instances of grading up or cut- ting down, where the evidence shows it was justified, there is absolutely no testimony from which to draw the appalling picture. Then follows another picture, equally fanciful, iu which it is attempted to show that the voters were brought up to the polls " in squads like a herd of hogs;" "threatened with punish- ment if they did not vote as they were or- dered ;" paid "• twenty-five cents each if they did as they were told; " that this "'suffrage was a lie," a "cheat," a "game," a "fraud," a " method for ruining the white man and Keiziug his property;" and all this tirade is based upon an extiact taken from the testi- mony of Mr. P. H. Ehiuehatt, (page 274 of the record,) and what is that testimony? Let any one read it as the gentleman quotes it, aud see it' it justifies any such attack upon the privileges accorded to our voters. The testi- mony was drawn out by the gentleman himself upon his own examination of the witness, and if my colleague had been disposed to look in any fairness upon this investigation, or to en- deavor to develop the truth, he never would have quoted this testimony to sustain his fear- ful indictment. The witness is questioned as follows: " Question. You had no safe information yourself? " Anstoer. No, sir. " Question. Do you know whether any intimida- tion or threats were used to compel voters to vote oneway or the ottier? ''Answer. To my own personal knowledge, I do not. " Question. You did not hear or see any yourself ? " Answer. I do not think that I remember seeing or hearing anything of it; I heard a good deal of general talk and charges. " Question, You did not hear threats to remove voters from work? " Answer. I have no personal knowledge of it. " Question. Did you see voters march up to the polls in bodies? " Answer. That has been a custom in this city since Mr. Bowen's campaign. On the Republican side we would have our meetings in each precinct the evening prior to the election, and in some instances we would go to the polls in bodies, and sleep there till morning, to await the opening of the polls ; be- cause it would sometimes take a man two hour? before he could get at the window to deposit his vote. "Question. Were the voters taken under some leader? "Answer. Only the ordinary officers of the asso- ciation. " Question. Were they given ballots by the asso- ciation? " Answer. We had our tickets all ready, and dis- tributed them. 12 "Question. AVere these leaders contractors under the city government ? "Answer. 1 do not know; I was not acquainted with men who were contractors under the late Wash- ington corporation. We have had but one election since this new government has been put in opera- tion; that was the last election. I did not take a very active part in the last campaign. "Question. Do you know whether officers under the city government acted as leaders of these organized bodies of voters, taking them up to the polls and seeing that they voted? "Answer. Yes, sir ; I think they did. "Question. Did they do that generally? "Answer. I do not know that every officer did it ; I know that there were some officers who were not at the polls that I visited; but a number of the subordinates did take an active part in the election. " Question. Were the leaders generally either con- tractors or officers under the government? " Answer. I do not know that I can say that that was generally the case; to a great extent, however, it was." (Page 274.) I submit that when a witness answers that he "knows nothing of his own knowledge," "has no safe information upon which to base an opinion," and "does not remember thathe saw or heard anything of intimidation or threats," no just judge would press him fur- ther, or would quote him afterward in any gossip which he might narrate under the press- ing inquiries to which the witness was sub- jected by the gentleman. My colleague also cites page 468 to prove this charge, and upon examining it I find that it is the testimony of Mr. Ruffin, who was dis- charged by the Board of Public Works for doing the very things which so arouse the ire of my colleague, and in reading the testimony of this witness I find his answer to the ques- tion "whether he knew of money being used to carry the election," as follows: " Nothing more than that I saw a man that morn- ing on the road who said that Mr. Lewis was stand- ing in his yard handing out tickets, and twenty-five cents with each ticket." What is to be thought of a person who reviews a record and attempts to place before the House of Representatives an appalling picture of heartless cruelty, vandalism, and fraudulent; management of elections based upon such utter lack of evidence as is here disclosed? Now I suppose that the gentleman has pro- duced all he was able to find in the record to sustain this charge of fraudulent voting, and we see what it is. The committee will remem- ber, and any one who will take the trouble to read the voluminous record in this case will discover, that from the very first to the close of the testimony a strong effort was made to show that the election was carried by intim- idatioh, threats, and by fraud. Witnesses, enemies of the Board of Public Works, dis- appointed persons, hangers on, such as are to be found in all cities, were raked together, and I challenge my colleague or any one to find in the whole record any evidence going nearer to sustain the charge than that which I have noticed, and which my colleague quoted. Witness after witness called by the memorial- ists testified directly the opposite to this. If I could hope to summarize the record on all points in any reasonable space, I would be glad here to show just how the election was conducted and the character of the voters. The contemptuous manner in which he alludes to the laboring men of the District, the super- cilious air which he assumes toward all who sympathized with the new government, illy becomes a man who is performing the very responsible office of enlightening Congress as to the results of an investigation placed in his hands. It ought to be sufficient to stamp his speech as totally untrustworthy as a review of the case to expose this vain attempt, to establish fraud in the elections and such a frightfully demoral- ized condition of things in this District by such totally incompetent evidence as that alluded to. The gentleman would not have his reputa- tion injured upon such proofs; he would not even have the hardihood to ask a jury to con- vict a man of petit larceny on such broken shreds of gossip and negative evidence. Is my colleague's reputation any dearer to him than the reputation of the officers implicated by his speech? Has he a right to defame the whole community, and speak of voters as "herds of hogs," upon such shallow founda- tion ? PAVEMENTS. Following my colleague's speech in its order, I am brought next to what he terms the prin- cipal cause of expenses in these so-called im- provements for which the people were earnestly invited to vote last November, namely, "the repairing of the old cobble-stone streets." He says: "Doubtless all who hear me will be surprised to learn that every pavement being put down in the city of Washington, except a few blocks of Seneca stone and Belgian blocks respectively, is either of wood or concrete. Further, every species of wooden and concrete pavement has been tried or is in pro- cess of being tried. Somefifteen different patents all come in for th.eirsh.are of the public money and their grabat the public treasure. Old worthless styles and new untested ones were alike favored." In support of this count in his indictment my colleague cites page 208 of the record. Turning to that page I find that it is the testi- mony of Thornton Smith. My colleague here, as elsewhere, utterly ignores the evidence in the case and seizes upon scraps of the record to sustain what I think the most glaring mis- representations with regard to what has really been done here in the District. I shall not assail the character of this witness in order to break the effect of his testimony in this con- nection, but I invite any member of the House to read the testimony of this witness and com- pare his reckless statements with the facts as developed upon this subject of pavements from other and better sources, and see whether the conclusions arrived at by the gentleman are at all sustaiued. I suppose, without going carefully over the record and estimating the number of pages devoted to this subject of pavement, that there 13 are certainly not far from fifty, and some of the testimony embracing that of the highest scientific character; and how any gentleman of the reputation which my colleague enjoys can lay that all aside and plant himself in his wild statement upon the evidence of Thornton Smith is beyond my comprehension, except my theory of his speech be true, that he has made it for other localities than this, and does not really hope to have it affect the minds of Congress. The gentleman's witness, upon whose testi- mony he relies for his broad assertions, esti- mates the cost of the concrete pavement being laid in this city at seventy-five cents per square yard. We are paying $3 20 per square yard for this pavement, including two feet of grading, which must be done at the contract- or's expense. If it be true that it can be laid for seventy-five cents, then the criticisms upon that pavement are just, so far as the price is concerned, and our board should call a halt before laying another yard. As this question of pavements is a very important one, and it seems to be in the view of my colleague the principal cause of expense in the city, and hence the principal question involved in the investigation, I feel called upon to further notice what the record shows in this regard. Before doing so I must reproduce another paragraph from the gentleman's speech to show how wildly he talks about pavements : " The rotten poultice of Fifth avenue in New i'ork is reproduced on Pennsylvania avenue in Washington ; wooden abominations that are proved utter failures, and strongly suspected of being gen- erators of typhoid poison, compete for favor with concrete plasters, which are lull of holes at one end of a block before they are completed at the other. Let the members of the House of Representatives use their eyes as they walk through the city of AVashington along the miles of public thorough- fares wantonly torn up, and now being coated with a thin layer of asphalt or coal-tar, and observe the stuff called a pavement, already disintegrated and brittle, crushing beneath the foot and almost be- tween the fingers, full of holes and so soft as to be easily indented by a boot heel, and determine for themselves whether such vile abortions should have been paid for at $3 20 a square yard. For all this work the contracts, when made at all, (which was not always by any means,) were totally disregarded ; a few inches of dry stone covered with a skin of tar and sand were accepted and paid for by a blind and confiding Board of Works in lieu of eight or ten inches of solid concrete. It seemed really as though these gentlemen were trying to see how reckless they could be in wasting the money of the people whom they were appointed to protect." It would be much more agreeable to me if, in reviewing this speech, I could feel assured that the gentleman really believes half he says. There would theu be some zest for the argu- ment. As it is, I can only look through his extravagant adjectives and unmask his mis- representations to save others from falling into his pit-fall of prejudice. Listen to the very calm and dispassionate description he gives this House of wood and concrete pavement. Concrete pavements here are " rotten poul- tices ;" "plasters which are full of holes at one end of a block before they are completed at the other:" l, thiu layers of coal-tar:*' " stuff called pavement " crushing under the foot; "vile abortions;'" "a few inches of stone covered wiih a skin of tar and sand.'" Wood pavements are " wooden abomina- tions;" "generators of typhoid poison." One would suppose that the honorable gen- tleman had been pursued by some monstrum horrendum, and was narrating his narrow escape from the beast. Either that or else our highways are direct roads to the bottom- less pit, and the officers of the District fiends luring the people to destruction. WOODEN PAVEMENTS. Now, what are these "wooden abomina- tions?" They are precisely what have been adopted as standard pavements all over the United States in all leading cities. Mr. Jona- than Taylor (page 556) says he has laid in vari- ous cities, from New Orleans to New York, over one million dollars' worth. He says he has known pavements in Chicago to stand ten years. Lake street was laid over after being down nine years. Upon the question of com- parative cost here and elsewhere I give an ex- tract from this witness's testimony. I quote page 557: " Cost of Wood Pavement. "The first pavement that I put down in Milwau- kee was in 1871, at $1 35 per yard; the lumber was $7 a thousand, and coal-tar $1 a barrel, and seventy- five cents per cubic yard for gravel. In San Fran- cisco we got $2 50, in gold. Lumber there was from $14 to $16 a thousand; the coal-tar, I think, was $3 a barrel. In Portland, Oregon, the prices wereabout I the same ; that was in 1865. The pay was in gold in ! both places, and the premium on gold was about | 45 at that time. At Williauisport, Pennsylvania, the price was 34 18 per yard; lumber cost Sit ia thou- sand; coal-tar, 84 50; gravel, $2 a ton, or three cubic yards, allscreened. Thatwas two years ago last fall. In Philadelphia the price was $4 a yard in 1867 or 1868; lumber delivered cost about $28 25. In Eliza- beth, New Jersey, the price was $4 50. In New York city I put down the first for $4 a yard in 1866. The next was $4 50, and then higher up to $5 50. Coal- tar was generally $3 50 a barrel there; but when I speak of coal-tar I speak of pitch mixed with it, about one half pitch. It is this compound that I mean in giving these prices. The lumber in New York was from $30 to $33 a thousand; gravel about $1 50 a ton, which takes about a ton and a half for a cubic yard. Grading generally runs from fifteen up to thirty or forty cents ayard. In Blmira, New York. I put down, in 1867, 15,000 yards, but did nothing to the grading. The price was $3 15 a yard. "Question. Have you ever known of any wood pavement put down at the East, at any time, for less than three or four dollars per yard? "Answer. I do not know of any. I do not know of anj; put down anywhere in the East for less than $4 to $4 50, except that piece I put down in Elmira for $3 15, without grading. The price must depend upon the price of material." Wooden pavements are no longer experi- mental. In cities where they have been most and longest used they are still being laid. What shall I say, then, to my colleague, who denounces the use of these pavements here as a reckless waste of money? In all eastern cities the price has been about four dollars per square yard, and under the old govern- ment of Washington that was the cost. This reckless Board of Public Works have con- 14 tracted for three dollars per square yard for untreated wood, and $3 25 for Burnetized or prepared wood. Did not my colleague kuow this, and has he not suppressed the fact? CONCRETE PAVEMENT. The testimony on concrete pavement is very full, and of the highest authority. This pavement is somewhat experimental as yet, but the best of results have come from the use of it. On pages 426, 427 is an official report of Mr. Kellogg, eugineer-iu-chief of public parks, New York, a gentleman of high reputation, and certainly disinterested. He gives the names ol streets and drives where it has been used satisfactorily. For pavement eight inches thick, such as is laid here, the cost in New York is $3 75 per square yard. The board pay $3 20. I invite a careful perusal of the testimony of L. S. Filbert, (page 558;) John 0. Evans, (page 559:) Francis Jewell, (page 562;) Sam- uel 11. Scharf, (page 563 ;) C. E. Evans, (page 538;) William B. Parisen, (page 545,) and the report of a commission of eminent engineers on the subject, (page 742.) I cannot quote this testimony; but I assert that no one can read it and not be astonished at the criticisms of my colleague. The cause of the breaking in the pavement last winter; the cost, which is about two dollars and seventy-five cents net per square yard; the profit to the contractor; the prices paid elsewhere ; the difference between the pavement laid here and the Fifth avenue ''plaster" referred to by the honorable gentle- man ; in short, the whole subject is fully and fairly presented. Upon this point the majority of the committee say : " The uniform testimony of all competent persons was that no good wood or concrete pavements can be laid lor less than three dollars per square yard." It would seem to me from the evidence that instead of the Board of Public Works being "blind and confiding," they have been ex- tremely cautious to protect the interests of the people, more so than the officers of any other city in the Union. Three dollars and twenty cents per square yard, including two feet of grading, is less than the same pavement is being laid for anywhere in the country. The pro- vision that the contractors must keep the pave- ment in repair three years is a precaution nowhere else taken, and, as the proof showi, secures a good pavement, for all agree that if the pavement is not well laid it will develop the fact before that time expires. It is known to Congress that a concrete pavement was laid in front of the Arlington Hotel three years ago. and it is apparently as good to-day as it was the first year, and no better pavement can anywhere be found. This cost the old city governmentfour dollars per square yard. The Board of Public Works have contracted with the builder of that pavement to lay the same at S3 20. This was the Scharf pavement. The gentleman says, "It seems as though the board were trying to see how reckless they could be in wasting the money of the people whom they were appointed to protect." Does it look like it, in view of the facts stated? Has the gentleman forgotten that the board were petitioned by George W. Riggs, James C. Kennedy, W. W. Corcoran, A. B. Stoughton, and J. W. Alvord to lay the Scharf pavement on Madison place and Fifteenth street at $3 50 per square yard, and that the board contracted to have it done for $3 20? Does this look reckless? Does this not look like protecting the interests of the people? This "plaster," "rotten poultice," "vile abortion," was good, enough for Mr. Biggs and Mr. Corcoran at a greater price than the board paid. And the petition also asks that the contract be given to Mr. John 0. Evans, the man the board engaged to do it. (Seepage 605.) Does my colleague forget another petition, sent the board by property-holders on F street between Nineteenth and Twentieth streets, praying " that a substantial concrete street pavement, be laid, believing it to be more durable and healthful than a wood pavement? " (Page 44.) This petition is sigued by witnesses of the memorialists and by some of the largest and best property- holders on the street. As further approval of adopting this pavement has not the Committee on Appropriations for the House recommended an appropriation of nearly two hundred thousand dollars to help pay for these " plasters?"* And still will my colleague insist that the board is acting in reckless disregard of the interests of the people ? May I not safely leave him here to the workings of his own con- science? DEET OP THE DISTRICT. My colleague next takes up the subject of the District debt. He says that nobody accu- rately knows what this debt is. I do not be- lieve that my colleague does, for it is evident that he has not examined the testimony upon that point. The record shows this debt as accurately at the time the showing was made as it is possible for any government, local or national, to show the condition of its debt. In treating this subject of the public debt, how- ever, my colleague deals in what seems to me almost unmitigated misrepresentation, and ar- rives at the conclusion that we have a grand total debt of the District of $13,429,377, and he states that over nine million five hundred thousand dollars of this has been incurred in seven months; and he asserts that taxes of the most onerous description must follow inev- itably. Let me treat these two questions : first the debt, and next the tax necessary to dis- charge it; and, in doing so, show how wildly my colleague groups assertions together to sustain his remarkable conclusion. He says that in six months' legislation over seventeen million dollars were appropriated, and in support of that submits a list of appro- •Congress subsequently passed the miscellaneous appropriation bill, including tko item, thus vindi- cating the Board. 15 priations made by the Legislature of the Dis- trict to which I invite attention for a moment. I shall not analyze this table throughout, but will go into it sufficiently to show the disingen- uousness of my colleague in its use. He has no right to leave the impression upon the minds of Congress that would follow from his remarks unless it is sustained by the facts, and that, it is not so sustained needs but a moment's examination. Take the first, second, and eleventh items in his table of the acts of the first regular session, making $755,000. These were not appropriations which went to swell the debt of the District, in any sense. The eleventh item of $500,000 was, as its title shows, to anticipate the revenue to be derived from the four-million loan, and was to be paid back from that loan. The first, and second items of that session, of $255,000. were not appropriations, but were in anticipation (as the title shows, and as the gentleman ought to have known) of the rev- enues to be derived from taxation, in order to pay the expenses of carrying on the govern- ment. His twenty- first item, the second four- million loan act, was not an appropriation in any sense, but was a proposition submitted to the people for authorizing a loan of $4,000,000 in the event the injunction should hold good against the first four-million loan. It was never the intention to use the second four millions in any otherevent, and at thetimethegentleman's speech was printed in the Globe there was a law upon the statute-books of the country, passed by Congress, validating the first four-million loan, and declaring the second one, which he arrays la the estimates, as void. His concluding item in this list of the first regular session, of four millions " to meet one third of the cost of improvements made under the two four-million loan acts, to be raised by a special tax to be levied upon the property improved," is wholly imaginary and exists only in the gentleman's brain. It is not an appro- priation at all, and he knows it, and forms no part of the District debt. The table which he submits shows that there was no act of the Legislature upon the subject, for he does not cite it; and even if it had any foundation it would be true only as to two millions instead of four, for the reason that but one four- million loan act ever was intended to go into effect, and only one did, iti fact, go into effect; so that we have in these five items to which I have called attention $8,255,000 which should be eliminated at once from his table ; and the same is true of many other items. It would seem to me, however, quite sufficient to show the utter untrustworthiness of his esti- mate to point out errors covering considerably more than half of the total at which he arrives. I have not much patience to follow further the remarkable financial fire- works which he has let off. TRUE STATEMENT OF TUE DISTRICT DEBT. The majority of the committee reported to Congress the exact indebtedness of the Dis- trict, and I here reproduce it as my answer to the gentleman. I give it in detail: " The indebtedness of the old corporation was as- certained by a board convened to audit and marshal the old debts. They reported, as the committee find : Washington, D. C $2,966,093 27 Georgetown. D. C 261,463 37 Levy court District of Columbia 28,825 S4 Total indebtedness of the late corpora- tions 13,256.382 48 " The board further report as additional indebted- j ness of the corporation of Washington the follow- ing: Trust funds. Special tax fund $22,874 04 Water fund 69,776 92 Canal fund 68,022 04 Ten-year bond sinking fund 125.C44 58 Total amount trust funds $286,317 58 " The last amount was misapplied by the corpora- tion of Washington by using trust funds to pay cur- rent expenses of the corporation, and thus it became a debt for which the new government is forced to provide. "In addition to the foregoing were certain uncom- jl pleted contracts which may be regarded us a debt i| imposed by the old upon the new government. These were for the construction of school-houses and paving of certain streets, and amount to $707,338 71. "There was also to be provided for certain overdue and current interest upon the bonds of the late corporations of Georgetown and Washington, which was paid by the new government, and thus went to swell the debt entailed upon the District. This amounts to $131,258 60. "The total indebtedness thus set forth, and for which the District government had to provide, amounts to $4,381,297 37. " The indebtedness created by the new government appears from the report of the comptroller as fol- lows: District of Columbia. July 10,1871. Permanent-improvement bonds — authorized, $4,000,000; not is- sued, $2,000,000 $2,0n0.000 HO July 20, 1S71. Water-stock bonds 450,000 00 August 23, 1871. Market-stock bonds- authorized, $300. 000... Not issued. October 18, 1871. Chicago relief bonds — authorized, $100, 000. ..Not issued. Total $2,450,000 00 The comptroller excludes the unissued bonds, but the committee regard the bonds as a debt, although not yet issued, which gives a total of, $4,850,000 00 Adding to this the amount of the debt of old corporation above given 4,381,297 37 Makes total debt of the District of Co- lumbia _..$9,231,297 37 RATE OP TAXATION. My colleague is equally wide of the mark in his estimate of the rate of taxation which would inevitably follow this large debt. It is probably true that if our debt was actually what he has imagined it to be, the rate of tax- ation would possibly increase neariy to the estimate which he makes, but it is not exactly fair to create an imaginary debt and then ex- 16 pect us to believe that it will require a particu- lar rate of taxation to meet it. There is such a thiug in logic as having one's premises cor- rect before reasoning from them. My col- league cannot be wholly unfamiliar with that fact. Let me quote my colleague's method of ascertaining the probable rate of taxation. He says the true estimate is as follows : For the District fund $0 70 Lighting the city 15 Metropolitan police 20 ike public schools 60 The ten-year bonds 10 Interest on four-million loan 37 Principal on said loan 22 New water-inaiu 6 Piedmont rail road 5 Interest on second four-million loan 37 Market- house bonds 7 For payment of the floating debt 30 Interest on the funded debt 15 The seven-thirty certificates 25 Chicago fire-bonds 4 Total tax on every $100 valuation $3 63 Where my colleague gets his estimate I do not know, but as it corresponds with one sub- mitted to the committee by Mr. W. W. Moore, Df this city, I infer he has taken it from that gtatement. Mr. Moore's estimate is found on pages 418, 419. My colleague ought at least to be willing to do his informant the justice to state what he said in relation to this estimate, if he is not disposed to be scrupulous so far as his own statements are concerned. It is due to Captain Moore to give him the benefit, at least, of his own computation. Turning to the testimony it will be seen that this table was made up upon a supposed state of facts which did not exist, and which wjould change the result very much. Mr. Moore's table sbows(part of whichhe says is hypothetical) a tax of $3 63 on every $100. Subsequently he submited a corrected state- ment showing it to be $3 15j. (Pages 674 and 676.) This matter I deem of sufficient importance to warrant me in placing before Congress in this connection as complete an auswer as can be made to this false estimate of our probable taxation. That answer I believe is completely made by the vice president of the Board of Public Works, Mr. Shepherd, who reviews Captain Moore's estimate in a letter to the chairman of the District Committee, and I give an extract from it. (See pages 676, 677.) After pointing out at some length Captain Moore's errors and eliminating several items which are manifestly wrong, Mr. Shepherd submits the following: Summary. " It is respectfully suggested that the aggregate of taxes to be levied during the coming fiscal year is to be determined, not by mere special pleading nor the distortion of facts, but by a careful computation and analysis of the current expenses of the govern- ment of the District, including the interest on its bunded debt. The following estimate of these is submitted for the consideration of your honorable committee: Estimated expenditures. Public schools $400,000 Fire department 75,000 Metropolitan police 90,000 Lighting the city with gas 70,000 Ordinary and contingent expenses of the government of the District of Columbia... 282,634 Interest and sinking fund on debt, esti- mated at .$8,000,000 600.000 Contingencies 100,000 Sl.617.6-J4 Estimated revenue. Estimated assessment, (in round numbers,) $90,- 000,000. This amount, at SI 70 per $100. will yield SI. 530,000 Estimated revenue from licenses 150.0(H) Estimated revenue from water fund 40,000 $1,720,000 " The estimates of receipts and expenditures above given are based upon the experience of the past year, and are, I believe, as nearly correct as it is pos- sible to make them. The allowance for the inter- est and principal of the debt (which I have placed at $8,000,000, and in which I have included the $450,000 water loan) is, in my opinion, not only ample, but in excess of what will actually be required. "Permit me to say that I have endeavored to make this statement as succinct, intelligible, and accurate as possible, in order that the allegation of excessive taxation, _ made to the detriment of the interests of the entire community and to the injury of our credit, maybe promptly met and emphatically disproved. It does seem to me that had Captain Moore, turning aside from his efforts to exhibit our local taxes in excess of their real rates, contributed his abilities toward strengthening our credit and aiding our people in their endeavors to keep pace with American progress, his action would have been more in accord with his high reputation as a citizen and a legislator."* I will remind my colleague of another im- portant fact which in his flights of fancy he seems to have forgotten, and that is that a month before his speech was printed Congress had passed an act, which represents the views of the District government, providing that the aggregate amount of taxes in any one year shall not exceed two per cent, on the assessed cash valuation of property. All the mental gymnastics of my friend, therefore, in attempting to create false impres- sions with regard to the condition of affairs here and the burdensome taxation which awaits us, were entirely unnecessary, and cal- culated to do much more harm than good. RATE OF TAXATION COMPARED WITH OTHER CITIES. Why my colleague seems to have become so anxious about the taxation of this District, when he knows that our taxes now are less than almost any other city in the Union, and in all probability will remain so, I cannot understand. If he would turn some of his attention to his own cities, and leave us, so long as we are doing well enough, to manage our own concerns, it would be quite as well. Perhaps I ought here in this connection to show by comparison the difference between our taxation and that of some of the other cities of the Union. 1 quote from a report of *By recent act of the Legislative Assembly of the District, levying taxes tor 1873, the rate is fixed at $1 70 on the $100; the same as heretofore. 17 the commissioners appointed by the Governor of his State (New York) to revise the laws for the assessment and collection of taxes, (pages 9,10:) Citv of New York $2 27 on $100 City of Brooklyn 3 87 on 100 City of Rochester 6 70 on 100 City of Albany 4 57 on 100 CifyofTrov 4 30 on 100 City of Cincinnati 3 19 on 100 City of Philadelphia 1 80 on 100 Our tax is 1 70 on 100 Considering that fully one third of the prop- erty of the city of Washington belongs to the United States and pays no tax, while the im- provements which are made here through- out the city generally contribute as much to advance the value of the Government prop- erty as our own, it is certainly very creditable to the management of our government that we pay a less tax on the hundred dollars than any of the cities named, and this fact becomes still more creditable when we consider that the improvements made by way of paving streets, laying sewers, &c, are not paid for by the property abutting on the streets improved wholly, as in other cities, but, that two thirds of this expense are assessed against the whole property of the city. I challenge the gentle- man from New York to find anywhere better management with lower rate of taxation, and I challenge him to show any reasonable ground lor his apprehension that our taxes will be increased to $3 63 upon the hundred dollars, as he states. NEGOTIATION OF THE FOUR-MILLION LOAN. In discussing this matter of debt of the Dis- trict my colleague refers to the manner in which the four-million loan was negotiated as not the least remarkable feature of our debt. Let me follow him through this branch of his speech, which is equally unfair and unjust, par- ticularly to the Governor of the District. The Governor, acting in the discretion which the Legislature gave him in the negotiation of the loan, sold the bonds in New Y^ r k city to the First National Bank at ninety-four cents on the dollar. He made no negotiation beyond that, aud had no connection whatever, as the testimony shows, and as I believe the gentle- man admits, with the transaction beyond that. But my colleague follows the bonds from the First National Bank into the hands of the syn- dicate which undertook their negotiation in Europe. He says that the First National Bank cleared $100,000 by their sale, and that the syndicate, represented by Messrs. Selig- man & Co., of New York, realized a profit of $426,920, making a profit of over half a mil- lion dollars, according to his statement. If we were not already prepared for almost any distorted view of the case which might be presented by ihegentlemau, this wouldseem in- deed remarkable when the truth is fully stated. Of all the remarkable injustice of the speech this is really the most cruel, and shows the least candor and fairness of any portion. When Governor Cooke went to New York to nego- tiate this loan it was predicted by the injunction- ists (I mean that class of men who were op- posing the District government) that the loan could not be negotiated at all at any fair figure. Efforts were made to discredit the District, and prevent the negotiation of the loan entirely. Papers were sent to New York containing the grossest misrepresentations with regard to the condition of our affairs ; they were also sent to Europe. I have already quoted from the record the testimony showing something of the difficulty which he encountered, and present- ing the advantages derived by the new gov- ernment from the management, which I regard as eminently wise, and which has reflected great credit upon the government, but which my colleague seems to look upon as little less than a fraud. The Governor says, (page 192:) "Some of the opponents of the loan did not con- fine their efforts to defeat it within the District, but extended them to several of the leading money markets of the world, and thus attempted to injure the credit of the District." Turn now to the evidence of Mr. Seligman, the agent of the syndicate. See what con- nection Governor Cooke had with him. Page 407 he says : "By Mr. Eldredge: "Question. What was this transaction between you and Governor Cooke ? "Answer. We had no transactions with Governor Cooke whatever. " Question. What was the transaction in which you became interested in these securities ? "Answer. We bought of the First National Bank of New York §1,500,000 of the District bonds at 95J- and accrued Interest, with the privilege of tak- ing the other $2,500,000, making $4,000,000 grand total up to the 1st of April. That is the bargain we made with the First National Bank. "By Mr. Crebs: " Question. You had nothing to do with Governor Cooke? "Answer. Nothing whatever. _ " Question. With whom did you make your nego- tiation ? "Answer. The president of the First National Bank. " Question. Did that in any way depend upon any bargain that they had made with the Governor of this District? "Answer. Not that I am aware of." The whole of his testimony is instructive, and shows that while there was apparently considerable profit in the negotiation of these bonds, there was great risk in agreeing to take so much of an entirely new loan unknown to the market, aud where the greater portion of it was to be delivered at the discretion of the holders of the bonds, and might be affected at any time by difficulties with Europe or other- wise, in which case the purchasers would be bound to take them whether they incurred loss or not. Mr. Seligman shows (page 508) how great was the expense of advertising in Europe, and says that the cost of advertising this loan in Germany was 160,000 florins and in Paris 75,000 francs. All this matter of expense and risk my colleague overlooks en- tirely, and foots up the total profits without any deductions whatever. In the course of his remarks he says that 18 the advertising of the loan in Europe is a false- hood and misrepresentation throughout. The evidence of Mr. Seligman, Governor Cooke, and two others upon this subject shows that the transaction so far as the District government was concerned was confined to the First National Bank of New York, and that the Governor had nothing whatever to do with any subsequent negotiation and knew nothing of it. My colleague does not quote the testimony, but relies upon the Galiguani newspaper, which was not brought before the committee, and cannot therefore be treated as evidence. Mr. Seligman did translate for the committee an advertisement, and upon this subject he was questioned ; and since my colleague has made such a parade of this mat- ter, I must quote from the testimony again, (page 409:) " By Mr. Chipman: "Question. That language, 'authorized by act of Congress, February 21, 1872,' does not relate to the act under which the District government was au- thorized—that Congress authorized the District gov- ernment, which subsequently authorized the loan? " Answer. That is the way I look upon it. " Question. Were you deceived in the purchase of these bonds by any statement that Congress had authorized these bonds? "Answer. Not at all. " Question. Did you ever authorize any one to state that Congress had authorized these bonds? " Answer. No, sir. It was necessary to show some authority whereby the District was authorized to make this loan. That was the meaning of the lan- guage, I suppose. " Question. Have you ever heard that any of the purchasers were deceived by the use of that lan- guage? "Answer. None have been that I am aware of. " Question. Have you had any complaints from the purchasers that they have been deceived by the lan- guage? " Answer. Not at all. " Question. Will you glance over this bond and see whet her that is the bond ? "Answer. Yes, sir. "Question. I see in this the following language: 'This bond is issued in pursuance of the act of Con- gress of the United States entitled "An act to pro- vide a government for the District of Columbia," approved February 21, 1871, and of an act of the Le- gislative Assembly of the District of Columbia, enti- tled "An act making appropriations for improve- ments and repairs in the District of Columbia, and providing for the payment thereof,'' approved July 10, 1871, and " An act relative to the interest on the loan or bonds authorized to be issued by the District of Columbia," approved December Iff, 1871.' Did you bet eve, or did your house on seeing this bond, that the United States had guarantied its pay- ment ? " Answer. Oh, no. If the United States had guar- antied it, we should have had a different price. " Question. Would the language have been dif- ferent if you had that guarantee ? " Answer. I think so, by all means." After all, the only question that is pertinent is whether Governor Cooke made a good sale of the bonds in New York. Upon this sub- ject 1 will quote from Mr. Seligman again, (page 410:) " By Mr. Chipman: " Question I want to ask your opinion as a banker, as to whether Governor Cooke, in negotiating this loan in New York city at 91 net. made a good or a bad bargain in that particular for the District; in other words, was it j, good negotiation or a bad one? " Answer. I should think it a very good one unuer the circumstances. " Question. Why? "Answer. Because there are so many American securities now offered, particularly in New York, that a bond of this kind at 94, a new bond, I should think it a very high price for it, and it was so con- sidered at the time. " Question. Do you know any other municipal bonds, of other cities in the United States, now quoted in New York as hi yh as 94? "Answer. Yes, sir; several of them, while there are a good many that are a great deal less." Let me also quote from the testimony of Mr. Riggs, an eminent banker of this city, and a gentleman who has no very kind feeling toward the District government, and would not be apt to misstate a fact in its interest, (page 691 :) "Question. Do you know the price at which the bonds of this city are said to have been disposed of by Governor Cooke? "Answer. I do not: I have forgotten. " By Mr. Chandler: "Question. The price was 94i to96L What is your opinion as to that price ? "Answer. My opinion is what I told Governor Cooke, that I thought it was very high. "By Mr. Chipman: " Question. You thought that a good sale ? " Answer. Yes; I thought, and still think so. "Question. What was it as compared with the val- uation ol indebtedness certificates of the old gov- ernment? "Answer. Within my recollection the rate at which the debt of the city has been sold has varied from above par to 50 and 60. Of late years it wa3 much higher. The six per cent, bonds were sold for 82 and 83. These are six percent, in gold. I mean to say that the bonds of the present city government sold higher than the old city debt." I quote also from the testimony of Dr. Blake, (page 694,) who is also a gentleman of large experience in banking, and president of one of the leading banks of the city, and a man not likely to misstate facts in the interest of the District government: "Question. Do you consider the sale of the $4,000,- 000 bonds at 94 as a good sale ? "Answer. I rely entirely on Mr. Riggs's opinion. "Question. You think that his opinion in that respect can be relied upon? "Ansioer. I should regard it as a good sale from what Mr. Riggs stated. I have heard him say so frequently before." HOW THE FOUR-MILLION LOAN WAS CARRIED. In connection with this discussion of the loan my colleague says: "It may create suprise that the 84,000,000 loan, when submitted to the people, was approved with such remarkable unanimity ; but this surprise will be lessened when the methods taken to make it popular are considered. In the first place, every appliance at the command of the Board of Works was used to force voters to sustain it. The poor were threatened and cajoled; they were prom- ised work if they supported it, and menaced with starvation if they opposed it. Thousands of men were plac< d on the pay-rolls just before election day ; voters were imported from neighboring States, and the blacks were organized into gangs, so much so that men of property gave up the contest in despair and allowed it to go by default." Now, I pronounce this paragraph one tissue of misrepresentation, and 1 challenge the gen- tleman to point out in the record any testi- mony to sustain him. It would be very difficult for me to go over the hundreds of pagjes of testimony and show the negative, but his statement can be shown 19 to be utterly untrue. This statement of ray colleague rests precisely upon that class of testimony which he quoted in the earlier part of his speech on the same subject, and where he relied upon a witness who said at the out- Bet that he had no safe information upon which to base an opinion, and who said that he knew nothing of his own personal knowl- edge. Not a single witness stated anything from which an inference could be drawn that he was promised work if he supported the loan or menaced with starvation if he opposed it. Not a single witness has testified that voters were imported from neighboring cities. The utmost that appears anywhere in the record upon which to base so vile a calumny was the s!atement of two or three witnesses that laborers came to the District of Colum- bia about the time of the election to secure work ; witness knew of no instance where a foreign laborer had voted, aud thinks the blacks were not organized into gangs for the purpose of voting ; and the only thing from winch this could be inferred is the fact ap- pearing in the record that the political clubs of the city maintained their organizations and met as usual on the morning of the election, and generally went to the polls in a body. In no single instance was a man shown to have been kept from the polls who desired to vote, and in no single instance was a man shown to have been coerced by phj'sical or moral force to vote a ticket which he did not desire to voie. The statement is equally untrue that thou- sands of men were placed on the pay-rolls just before election day, and, as my colleague in another portion of his speech intimates, were discharged after they had voted. Without resorting to the testimony to prove the incorrectness of the paragraph which I have just quoted, I will only do so in one in- stance, and I think it may safely be assumed that if the statement of my colleague is false in one particular it is false in others. On page 653 is an abstract of daily reports showing the number of men, carts, and plow teams employed under the direction of the superintendent of streets during the month of November, 1871, the month in which the elec- tion occurred, if my colleague will take the trouble to examine he will find by the testi- mony of the superintendent of streets that on the 20th of November, the day before the elec tion, there were on the pay-rolls eight hundred and nine persons, including the boys who were driving the carts, and who are below the voting age, aud that there were fewer the day of the election than the day before. He will also find that the largest number on any day was sixteen hundred and forty-nine and the smallest sev- enty-eight; and that this large number was on the 13thof November, and, as the wiaiesssays, constituted an extra force put on temporarily for clearing Pennsylvania avenue. Instead of being retained, as miglit have been done if it had been the purpose of the board, as my colleague intimates, to enroll them for the purpose of voting, the payrolls will show that there was a large discharge of laborers just before the election. Thu.-> it is that when this remarkable speech is brought face to face with the record it has not even the semblance of truth. He then adds as a climax to this part of the speech: "Subsidization of the Press. "But besides ail this the press oi the District was subsidized most shamelessly 1 Sheets never hoard of even by newspaper-men received thousands of dollars, and even the sole Democratic organ was induced to betray its principles.'' I am surprised to fiud my friend turning his back upon his guild (for he is himself a news- paper man) and exposing the newspapers to condemnation. There is not much to be said upon this sub- ject of newspaper advertising. The majority of the committee gave it as their opinion thai this was an extravagant expenditure. The amount was large, I will admit; but when there are deducted from it the amounts paid for advertising to the four leading papers of the city, which witnesses all agree should have been given this advertising, and when there is also deducted from the total the amount of printing, the sum will not seem so large as has been represented. 1 think this much may be said, however, that if there was any betrayal of principles by the newspapers it was con- fined solely to that paper representing the political principles of my colleague, for all of the other newspaper men who were brought before the committee to testify said that they did not change their principles by reason of the advertising, and that the utmost influence it had upon them was to quicken their zeal. And 1 think the gentleman will discover by examining the testimony that some of the pro- prietors of this one paper to which he alludes favored the loan, and that that was the cause of a rupture among the managers of the paper aud the change of its editorial management. The vote for the loan was not the vote of Republicans alone ; it was the vote of progres- sive men of both parties in the District of Columbia; indeed, there was scarcely any poli- tics in that election, there being in few ot the election districts any Democratic nominees at all, and in no instance was there a Democrat elected who opposed the loan. Mr. Dickson and Mr. Hogau, who were elected, both of them sustained the loan before the people and voted for it in the Legislature. They were Democrats, and were reelected, and reelected wholly on the loan issue. It also appeared in evidence that several of the papers copied the advertising without the order of the Governor and afterwards presented their claims to the Legislature and were paid. Indeed the whole printing bill was paid by appropriations of the Legislature, aud to that extent was approved by the people. A very instructive letter upon this subject of advertising and printing, written to the committee by the Governor, is found on pages 20 191 and 192, and I commend it to those who care to read the palliating circumstances con- nected with it. This letter will show that the amount of advertising and printing was fully doubled by the obstructions thrown in the way of the new government by the very men who now complain of the advertising. There was a new registration made necessary, an extra election to be provided for ; the advertising of the four-million loan act, and many other things went to swell this item of advertising which would not have been necessary had the government been permitted to run along smoothly without factious opposition. But to leave my colleague, without further comment upon this subject, to gain such lau- rels as he may by charging his own profession with shameless subsidization, I shall only add that if, as he says, this whole newspaper influ- ence was so easily purchased, it may show that there is some radical defect in the profes- sion itself, or some natural depravity in news- paper men that does not exist in others, and in this way I can account for my colleague going so wild in his attempt to portray the position of affairs in this District. EXPENSE OF RUNNING THE DISTRICT GOVERNMENT. The speech which 1 am reviewing proceeds next to notice the expense of running the Dis- trict government, and brings into comparison with the District of Columbia the expenses of several of the States of the Union for the pur- pose of showing that the District government is burdened with a large and useless number of officers, and that, its expenses are therefore much greater than is necessary. I shall not fol- low this table or attempt to show the fallacies of its comparison. It is enough to refute it by calling attention to this fact, that a municipal government is entirely a different affair from the government of the State or Territory. I suppose there are towns in many of the Ter- ritories of the West and cities whose expendi- tures are greater than our territorial govern- ment. The expenses of the city of New York are vastly more than the State of New York ; of Boston, more than Massachusetts; and so on of all the States that he names. He groups the expenditure of the whole Dis- trict of Columbia, including the government of the cities of Washington, Georgetown, and the county, but he fails to group in the expenditure of the States which he names the expenses of the different cities, counties, and townships of those States. He need only take his own State and his own city for an example. He puts down the cost of running the State government at $323,750. I observe in a published statement coming from the board of apportionment for the city of New Yoik that it has set apart over seventeen mil- lion dollars to meet the expenses of the city for the year 1872 Deducting every item not making a part of the cost of running the city government, and you will have an enormous difference between the cost of the State and the city. "uncle" george's bill of fari. Precisely why there is injected into the speech at this juncture the letter of the chairman of the board of registration I can- not see. I supposed if my colleague had any one distinguishing feature it was his relish for a joke, wherever perpetrated. In speaking of the officers of the District government the gentleman says : "And nothing can better or more pleasantly exhibit the easy views of these officers than the following letter in reference to certain 'free lunches," breakfasts, dinners, and teas which the board of registration had eaten at the public ex- pense, and of which even the servile Legislature complained as an outrage." And then follows the humorous letter of Mr. Gideon, which was received by the Legislature at the time in the spirit in which it was written, and which never entered the mind of any one but my serious colleague as anything but a bit of pleasantry. The fact is that the board of registration were as hard a worked body of men as ever attempted to discharge public duties. It was made up of persons from both parties, and sat for many days and nights con- secutively with scarcely any rest. It was deemed a proper thing that they should have such refreshment as would sustain life, and as they could not procure it for themselves the District government ordered the expense to be incurred. The whole amount was but $1,224 05 during two registrations, (pages 193 and 194;) and when the chairman of the com- mittee of ways and means of the house of del- egates called upon the chairman of the board of registration for a report giving a bill of the items of each charge which entered into this expenditure it occurred to Mr. Gideon, as it would naturally to any one, that the request was little less than ridiculous, as no one could be expected to give the items which go to make up a dinner or breakfast or supper. I have never heard that the matter made the slightest impression one way or the other, but it seems to have made a very strong one upon the mind of my colleague, who displays a remarkable faculty for treating seriously those things which are jokes and resolving serious things into sheer absurdities and playfulness. WASHINGTON CANAL. Among other of the nightmares which have disturbed the sleep of the thousand citizens has been that which came to them in the shape of the closed canal. "Inundation" and "pesti- lence" are set down as among the milder re- sults that must flow from this piece of vandal- ism and fool-hardiness. It would be hard to overstate the havoc which these thousand citi- zens and my colleague anticipate from filling the canal. To have sat day after day for three months, as the committee did, with the canal question intercalated about every third day, and to have watched the earnest faces of the junta who had charge of this branch of the case, one would have supposed some distin- guished citizen was on trial for his life and that all the family of relatives stood around 21 the body as mourners. I confess several times to have been cruelly shocked when members of the committee, after two mouths' inquiry, and after being taken to the bedside of the criminal, would express themselves profanely on the subject and show impatience to be in at the execution. I pitied from my soul the deep suffering of Mr. Severson, who may be said to be the incarnation of the canal, and on whose broad shoulders rested the defense of his adopted child. It was kind in my colleague to lift up his voice in protest after the verdict and wash his hands of the iniquity. I believe the sweet odors and the gentle lullaby of the waters of the canal will always accompany him as a ben- ediction for raising his voice in its defense. I had supposed that the latest posterity would link the name of our good friend Severson with the cherished memory of all that was lovely in the blessed old canal, but I did not think my col- league was emulous of sharing that imperish- able renown. But the canal question is not a great joke ; it has its serious aspect. It was a blunder at first, and for these many years, almost time out of mind, it has been an abomination and reproach that would have been tolerated in no city except where there was charity enough to tolerate its advocates and listen to their coun- sels. Washington that was will scarcely ever outlive the recollection of all its earlier fol- lies, but when all others are forgotten, the ghost of this Banquo will rise to plagus the posterity of those who plead with a congres- sional committee for three mortal months that it might live. I cannot hope to give the testi- mony upon this question. It covers certainly one hundred pages. If one desired he might make a plausible argument on either side, and have eminent scientific authority to support him. This, however, is to be said of the evi- dence submitted against filling the canal: the papers put in from General Meigs, General Humphreys, Captain Patterson, and some others were papers written not so much with reference to tilling or opening, but they rather assumed that the canal was to be kept open for commercial and drainage purposes. If it had been demonstrated to these gentlemen, asithas been to Congress, that the drainage of the city could be secured by parallel sewers, and that the commercial advantages were to be better sup- plied otherwise, I doubt very much whether they would come to the support of the memo- rialists. Commercially, all must regard the canal as an absurdity. Mr. Smith, botanical gardener, says for nineteen years the commerce of the canal above Four-and-a-half street consisted of fifteen wood-boats, (page 638.) Mr. Severson, who for some years has been canal engineer and commissioner alternately, says the revenue derived from the canal has been about $4,000 per annum, his salary vary- ing during the time from $800 to $2,000 per annum, (page 219.) Mr. Wise, canal commissioner from 1852 to 1858, says the revenue never exceeded $6,000 a year and the expenses were four or five thousand dollars, (page 657.) Back of these witnesses we find the strong common sense of President Jackson, anath- ematizing the commercial idea with his terri- ble "by the Eternal." Let me quote a pas- sage from Mr. Francis P. Blair's testimony, (page 738:) " By Mr. Chandler: " Question. How long have you resided in Wash- ington ? "Answer. I cauae here in 1830; about forty-two years since. " Question. State whether you had occasion to know the history and condition of the Washington canal since you came here. "Ansicer. Yes, sir; I have known a good deal of it. As I understand Dr. Hall, he thinks that filling up the canal will make it like a great sponge of morass, and that the feculent matter there will make the city unhealthy. I think the mode of fill- ing up should be to have it compact, as high as tho tide rises, and keep out the tide by water-proof walls at each end ; then the earth will not become a morass. The surface above tide- water may be made a sort of French drain, with rubble-stone. The filling completed with soil suited to the growth of trees would render the nuisance a beautiful addition to the park. " Question. How long have you been of the opinion that tlie true solution of the canal difficulty would be to fill it up? " Ansicer. General Jackson observed to me that it was the greatest folly in the world to bring a canal through the city; that we had a tide-water river, and that the commerce of the city should be earned on through that. " By Mr. Eldredge : " Question. What do you think of the canal for commercial purposes ? " Answer. 1 do not think it useful at all. " By Mr. Chandler: "Question. Thisstatementby General Jackson was made to you, was it? "Answer. Yes, sir. "Question. When? " Answer. I think in 1832 or 1833, somewhere along there. " Question. His opinion was very fixed? " Answer. Yes, sir; he spoke of it as the greatest absurdity in the world to attempt by a canal to supersede a tide-water river flowing along by a city, and make the canal the channel of its commerce. Wherever you see commerce along the shores of anyplace, it becomes dirty, unsightly, and sickly. The canal we see has come to this result. I>r. Hall concurs in this respect with the physicians of the Board of Health; yet I concur with him in the belief that if the canal were kept clean and deep by dredging, or a sufficient fall of water, it might not be so hurtful as hitherto to the city's health, though open in the midst of it; still its emanations would be unwholesome, and the noisome gatherings on its sides, in the name of commerce, would be a poor compensation to the people for the loss of the salubrious air, the reviving green turf, and cooling shades the park was meant to yield." It is sad to think how mountebanks and empirics have for over forty years made this cesspool the source of official salaries and the depository of hundreds of thou.-sauds of dol- lars, to the utter destruction of our beautiful park and the disgrace of our national capital. Mr. W. H. Plnliip, a very intelligent gentle- man, and an honest and earnest believer in keeping the canal open, drew before the com- mittee a very pretty picture of the canal dredged six feet below low tide, the lumber and coal yards removed from its banks, plant- 22 ing it with trees on each side, with a roadway and drive, throwing graceful bridges over it, &c, thus making it a thing of "distinctive beauty." (Page 226.) All this is very agree- able if practicable, and nothing better could be suggested. But this idea is incompatible with the commercial idea, for, as Mr. Blair well said, " wherever you see commerce along the shores of any place, it becomes dirty, unsightly, and sickly;" and if compati- ble, where are the millions to come from that are necessary to the realization of Colonel Phillip's dream ? Utility and beauty are some- times combined, but just how one would go about making a coal, wood, fish, and oyster wharf a fine, shaded, and grass-bordered car- riage drive is not easy to be seen. His grace- ful bridges would bother the skippers and their rough masts, and altogether it would seem to me the esthetics would become fear- fully entangled with the sterner and more real necessities of the water-course. But Colonel Phillip says : "I confess that if there had not been a Tiber there, and if it were an original question, I would not be in favor of making a canal through Washington;" or, in other words, "Better bear the ills we have than fly to those we know not of." Here is the great difficulty with all these opiuions. The Board of Public Works propose to make an original question of the canal and solve it accordingly. Nature made half of Washington city a morass, but that furnishes no reason for keeping it so. Nature gave us a Tiber, but must it always run an open stream through our city? Nature is very good in its way, but it does not build cities, aud it does not insist upon standing in the way of man in this necessity of our life. The fact is, the only questions connected with the canal worth considering are, first, whether, being filled, it will be more hurtful to health ; and second, whether sewers can be constructed to take its place for sewage. The first is a sanitary question, the second a ques- tion of engineering. On both the evidence is voluminous pro aud con; but the committee, summing it all up, concluded that both ques- tions should be answered affirmatively, and in this judgment Congress will probably concur by appropriating $68,000 to aid the board in filling the canal, as has been recommended by the Committee on Appropriations.* 1 look upon the filling the canal as the solu- tion of the park question ; it reclaims and adds to the park about twenty-five acres ; it renders necessary the removal of all that can- cerous class of people who occupy the border of the canal and make commerce of their bodies — the only commerce, in fact, known to the canal for years. It connects the park directly with any point on Pennsylvania ave- nue without shock to modesty or offense to the olfactories, and it unites the hitherto divorced sections, north and south Washington. If the * This amount has since been appropriated, and thus this important question is settled by Congress. new government were abolished to-morrow this one act would justify its creation, and in my judgment would entitle the Board of Public Works to the gratitude of posterity. SEVENTH STREET IMPROVEMENT. Among other work criticised in a general way by my colleague is the Seventh street improvement, which consists of making a mac- adamized roadway from Boundary street, at the present terminus of Seventh street, to the District line north. The memorialists sought, first, to show that there were blunders in the engineering; second, that it was an unneces- sary improvement; and third, that it cost too much. On the first I recollect no considerable testimony. One man was called who nad walked over the road once, and thought he discovered a blunder. He was not an engineer ; but that did not disqualify him for the purposes of the memorialists. The criticism was made before the road was completed, and he had not seen it since ; but then he would not have been so good a witness if he had seen the completed road. After dilating somewhat upon the point, and leaving an impression that some large waste of money was the result, the bub- ble is pricked as follows, (page 99:) " Question. What would be the cost of making that curve as it must have been made according to your idea; I mean, what would be the difference between that cost and what you think should have been the cost ? " Answer. 1 do not know. It would necessitate a little change in the road. I do not suppose the cost would have been very great. " Question. Would it be enormous ? " Answer. No more than twenty-five or thirty dol- lars, perhaps." And so it is throughout the record. Men are called, who have but casually examined work, unskilled and ignorant of what ought to bedone or is being done, prejudiced and enemies of the government, and generally wholly unreliable as witnesses ; unreliable from ignorance rather than a purpose to deceive ; day after day is taken up to show mistakes that are trivial, and the whole making a record of seven hundred and fifty pages that contain no more than two hundred of any value. As to the necessity for the. improvement there was a cloud of witnesses to show it, and all the witnesses of the memorialists said the road very much needed improving. The intel- ligent testimony need not all be given. I quote only from one witness, Mr. hrancis P. Blair, (page 740:) "Question. Please state your opinion of the neces- sity of the Seventh street improvement. "Answer, Seventh street is the great avenue to the country, which is to feed the city. The several roads in the country that coine in toward the city may be represented by the fingers on ray hands, all t*nding toward Seventh street as the fingers to the arm. All the roads from the country center in the Seventh street road. The whole country to the north is drawn into it. It is a high road, five huudred teet high, and the whole resources of the country for the city come in through Seventh, and Fourteenth and North Capitol streets. It is, in fact, the only outlet to tho north from the city, and is an easy road to the country west. "Question. Your residence is about six or seven miles out? 23 "Answer. Yes. sir, about six miles from the Center Market. The Washington county boundary-line runs through my gate. "Question. You have traveled over the Seventh street road for years. What has been its condition for many years past? "Answer. It is the worst road in the world. It is a light soil and cuts down to the hub. While it was a turnpike I had to lend my horses frequently to drag out teams from the mud. "Question. What was the width of it? "Answer. Not more than fifteen or twenty feet, and cut down to the hub. The carriage-ways were so narrow that there was great danger in crossing the ravines; every ravine was a trap. They had to be very cautious in driving, especially in the night. "Question. State your opinion as to the repairs that hava been made in the road, whether the char- acter of the road as a highway and the amount of travel over it justified it. "Answer. My son, Montgomery, spent SI, 000, and I spent as much to get. a road. We made the road for ourselves because this direct city road was so bad a road. I would have been willing to pay on the turnpike, butit was at times impassable. We made a new one. I gave the road off from my land and then paid for making it. "Question. I wish to know whether or not you think the necessities of the people required the ex- penditures that the District authorities have made? "Answer. I do; I think it is the most valuable improvement they have made. "Question. You think it wise and judicious to put the road in as complete repair as it is now in ? "Answer. I do." The true test of all these improvements is their utility and desirableness, and if witnesses of the character of this one can be relied upon the Board of Public Works may well rest their case here. The objection to this road on account of its cost is also exploded by the testimony. Doubt- less a cheaper road could have been made that would have supplied immediate wants, but a highway like this one could better be improved for all time, and true economy justified it. It is the principal pleasure drive to the country ; it is the thoroughfare for supplies to the city ; it is the main artery out of and into the city, and valuable suburban improvements skirt its borders. I will not weary the argument by quoting testimony, but will cite a few pages which sustain the outlay made, (pages 88, 621, 622, 644, and 740.) I have thus, Mr. Speaker, followed the speech of my colleague in all its deviousness, and have only to notice his conclusions. He " It is the duty of Congress, after having investi- gated the case and found it so black," * * * * "to pass some law to restrain the powers of this board. Not a day should be allowed to pass ere a stop is put to the outrages under which this city groans. The case is flagrant. The work performed, taken all in all, the entire outlay of millions of dol- lars, has resulted in a positive injury instead of a benefit. Here and there a few thousands may have been well laid out, although that is even doubtful, while as a whole it is far more injurious than bene- ficial. The city to-day looks as if a Vandal army had occupied it, and it will be years before the traces are removed. The citizens have suffered greatly, and will yet suffer more." I am not surprised at any conclusion short of condemning the board to be drawn and quartered to whicb my colleague may come after tracing the methods by which he reasons. He starts out by christening his speech "frauds of the District," and it bristles throughout with insinuations of fraud and corruption, and yet the counsel for the memorialists disclaimed that there was even an allegation of fraud and corruption, and submitted to the committee that it was "a fraud to represent that the in- vestigation has failed because the memorialist a have not proved what they never alleged." A sorry spectacle is it my colleague presents to this House in going further than the memo- rialists themselves, and iusinuatiug corruption which they not only admit was not proved, but which they assert they never alleged. The majority of the committee found distinctly that no fraud or corruption was shown, and my colleague failed to get his associate in the minority report [Mr. Crebs] to even insinuate fraud. The outrages under which the city of Wash- ington groans are the outrages existing in the minds of a class of men who are chronic fault- finders and professional grumblers. They are denouncing the Board of Public Works as ruin- ing them, and yet in the last year their real estate has advanced under the impulse of im- provements and the new order of government more than in any three years previously. The great body of our people repudiate all such opinions as my colleague expresses. They have no such forebodings; they have faith in the honesty, integrity, and capacity of our offi- cers; they breathe a fresher atmosphere and have caught a new inspiration under the "new departure" of the nation's capital. No man who says the improvements in this District are more injurious than beneficial can find many to believe him. The vast amount of informa- tion which the District investigation let into Congress only tended to contract and narrow the judgment of my colleague, as the light poured upon the eye contracts the pupil ; but the result was otherwise with members gene- rally, for in noyear within my recollection has Congress treated the District with greater lib- erality or confidence. With the awful load piled on to this investigation, enough to dis- gust Congress with the whole District without stopping to inquire whether the bundle con- tained truth or falsehood, we have gone stead- ily on, winning the respect and good wishes of thousands throughout the whole country. We hear of the new Washington wherever we go, and the whole people are awakening to a new interest in their seat of Government. The "thousand citizens," who have memo- rialized Congress and found one champion, it is hoped will cease their obstruction and oppo- sition. They have fought hard and pushed the warfare to the last resort ; they have failed miserably at every step. By examination of the tax-books four hundred and thirty-six of them are found to own no real estate in the District and pay no taxes whatever, (page 591.) It is found that the memorialists pay four and five eighths per cent, of the taxes of the Dis- trict and own four per cent, of the property, (page 597.) They have prored themselves to 24 be a powerful minority, for they have kept the District of Columbia in hot water for a year and have occupied a committee in Congress nearly an entire session. In looking back over this eventful period it is a source of deep regret to me that our citizens did not present an unbroken front in asking legislation for the District. Our harbor needs improvement ; our public schools demand and are entitled to a liberal endowment by Congress. We must and can enforce upon Congress the duty of sharing the cost of making Washington the finest city in the world by paying an amount in proportion to the Government property in the District ; indeed, there is much to be done which can only be accomplished by establish- ing cordial relations between the local and national governments. But these things can never be while this sensless feud is kept up among ourselves. We have one common in- terest, and it is closely linked to the national Government. Congress has given its verdict upon the indictment presented to it, and the District should now show its appreciation of this reciprocal good feeling, as I think I can assure the House it will. We lean upon the General Government be- cause we know this is the capital of the whole people of this Union, and that sooner or later the whole people will take a national pride in it. Sooner or later a public sentiment will grow up throughout the country which will demand of Congress the expenditure of money to beautify and adorn this capital. Sooner or later Congress must complete the Washing- ton monument, must complete the beautiful parks and avenues of the city, must add art treasures, must establish a national university, must make our schools models ; indeed, must make this the people's city instead of leav- ing it to be scrambled and quarreled over by local politicians and made a plaything by dis- appointed men who would regard it as a rural city and use it for personal gain. What this capital is and ought to be is so well portrayed by Mr. Francis P. Blair in his testimony that I must quote it here, (pages 740 and 741:) "By Mr. Chipman: " Question. I would like to have your views in regard to the obligation that the General Govern- ment owes to this District to make it a proper resi- dence and plice for the capital of the nation. "Answer. The Father of his Country laid out the city for the nation: ho never believed that a com- mercial people would live here. He judged wisely that these broad avenues were neoessary for the capital of a great people like ours; he laid them out so that they can be parked and the health ot the city secured. They are laid out so that the air can pass through the city in every direction. These broad streets are parks themselves ; and this will be the most beautiful city the earth has ever seen. _ " Question. You know something of the traditions and the history of the location of the capital here. Can you state what was the purpose of the found- ers? "Answer. It was designed that it should be the most beautiful city of the greatest continent of the earth ; and it ought to have the assistance of the whole nation. " Question. You regard it, and the founders of the city regarded it, as a matter in which the whole nation has an interest? " Answer. Yes, sir : for such a nation as ours. It looks back to the Old World and sees all those great cities of the past built on the sand ; but this city i3 built on an elevation. Paris is on a little stream, the Seine, not much broader than our canal ; but here is the broad Potomac ; and all these hills about the city are connected with the mountains, so that here is to be a city right at the falls of the Potomac which has the mountain air. Near my house you can see the Blue Ridge in Virginia, and Sugar Loaf mountain in Maryland. This region is elevated and healthy, above tide-water. At the District line it is five hundred feet above the ocean. It will not sink here like cities covered with the deserts of sand in the Old World. " Question. I want you to give us the traditions upon that subject for the use of the committee, and for other persons in Congress who think that the national Government has no obligations in this par- ticular. "Answer. I think the founders of the city enter- tained no such opinion. Congress has never acted upon that idea. Congress is the founder of this city, and made it what it is. It is the nation's city, and its very construction shows that it is made for a great people." These broad, statesmanlike views must commend themselves to all thoughtful Con- gressmen, and 1 hope to see them practically carried out in the next twenty-five years. The people of the District are doing their part. The officers controlling the affairs of the District in trust for the nation I believe to be inspired with some such national pride as I hope to see kindled in Congress ; they are earnest, honest, faithful, intelligent men. Their interests are locked up in the develop- ment of the capital ; they have every motivo to act with prudence and above all with fidel- ity, for the eyes of the nation are constantly upon them. They have gone unscathed through one of the severest ordeals to which any government was ever subjected. Mr. Blair but expresses the general judgment (page 739) when he says: "I believe the plans generally adopted by the city government the best ever suggested. They do honor to the taste and genius of those who designed them." I am proud, sir, of the small part I have taken in starting our beautiful city upon a new career of greatness. I am proud to have contributed somewhat to the overthrow of that spirit here which would forever keep the city in a slough of despond ; and more than all am I proud that when this work was brought before this House for approval or condemnation the American people, through their Representatives, pronounced the plaudit, "Well done, faithful servants!" I believe, sir, with these assurances, and this conscious- ness of duties honestly performed, I may leave my colleague and his speech to the judgment of the House. SPEECH HON. NORTON P. CHIPMAN Affairs in the District of Columbia. AT COLUMBIAN LAW COLLEGE BUILDING, A. mass convention: ^ CALLED TO RATIFY THE REPUBLICAN NOMINEES FOR THE HOUSE OF DELEGATES OF THE SEPTEMBER 30. 1372. WASHINGTON, D. C: REPt^LICAN JOB OFFICE rJSlNT. 1872. SPEECH OF HON. N P. CHIPMAN, AT COLUMBIAN LAW BUILDING, SEPTEMBER 30, 1872. Mr. Prtsident and Fellow.Citizens: If I comprehend the meaning of this large congregation of citizens, it is to take counsel together as to the higher interests of all our people- It is one of the healthy regulations of government, in a republic like ours, that requires public servants to appear before flue people at stated intervals to give an account of their stewardship, and to interchange views as to pending questions. I am not here to-night to discuss national politics. While it is a duty which all good citizens owe both tojhemselves and to the public, not only to entertain, but to express upon all proper occasions their political views, yet I have thought that ttie real matter of interest to us in this community is to determine what will most conduce to our material welfare. Candidates, here as elsewhere in the coun- try, must be placed in nomination by party machinery. However much we may desire a reform in this particular, we r-an hardly hope to avoid this necessity. At this moment we have three candidates asking the suffrages of the people for Dele- irate to Congress. One of these eaadidates, [Mr. Hine, J formerly, I believe, a Republi- can, has accepted ttie nomination of the so- called Greeley Democracy. Their convention was made up of delegates chosen by the Greeley Democratic clubs in the various dis- tricts. The prooeedings of the convention, as reported by the Patriot newspaper, was spoken of as the proceedings of the Liberal Democratic convention. The convention was called to order by the chairman of the Liberal Democratic Central Committee, [Mr. Dickson.] The chairman chosen by the convention [Dr. Baldwin] de- clared ki his opening remarks as follows: " We war against a combination of national otad territorial power." I suppose no one will question the fact, therefore, that in the person of Mr. Hine we have a candidate representing the Democratic party of the District, who is running as a Democratic candidate, and whose success if elected will be heralded throughout the coun- try as the success of the Democratic oarty. In the person of Mr. Boswell we 'have a candidate of the bolting Republicans, whose object in running, no intelligent person wilt question, is to contribute to the election of Mr. Hine. The evidences are too plain to be misunderstood. The first uominee of the bolting Republi- cans was Mr. LeBarnes. The convention which placed him in nomination repudiated Mr. Boswell's claim, and denounced him as unworthy of confidence, yet it was conscious of the fact, that to be successful a coalition with the Democracy must ensue, some trading might be necessary, or an exchange of candidates become essential, and it therefore di_d not adjourn sine die, as is the universal rule iu nominating conventions, but it ad- journed to meet at the call of the chairman. It is well known that since that adjourn- ment the manipulators of that convention have been in daily communication with the Greeley Democracy of the district, aud they were waiting only for an opportune moment te make an assignment of their strength ; assure the defeat of the Republican nominee. True to the original design of this bolting Republican movement, the chairman con- vened the delegates on the day fixed lor the assembling of the Democratic convention. When the convention met one of the" dele- gates presented the following letter : "You are authorized to announce at any proper time my withdrawal as a candidate for Delegate to Congress. "Yours, very truly, J. W. LeBarnes." The whole scheme was well understood, for immediately upon the reading of this letter a half dozen of the handful of delegates sprang to their feet to nominate Mr. Boswell. It is very difficult to hatch a political con- spiracy to which there are several pax ties without there being one in the number impru- dent enough to develop its purpose prema- turely. The leaky man in this cabal was Mr. O. D. Barrett, who arose immediately, and said that "he thought, iuas'muehas there wa- another convention" [alluding to the Demo- cratic convention J "in session in the city, that a committee should be appointed to confe> with that convention, to endeavor to select a candidate upon which both couventions could unite, and therefore moved that the motiou to nominate Mr. Bov.vell bv acclamation be laid on the table temporarily, and that a com- mittee be appointed to consult with the con- servative convention." It was manifest, however, to cooler heads that this would never do— that it would neces- sarily drive from their support conscientious Republicans who had attached themselves to the bolting movement. The convention, there- fore, rejected Mr. Barrett's proposition by a vote of 27 to 18, and at 3 o'clock took a re- cess to carry out the real purpose of Mr. Bar- rett'6 motion. The efforts which followed in the next few hours to consummate this politi- cal conspiracy were alike disgraceful to those who claimed to be Republicans as well as to those Democrats who tried to make common cause with them. I have deemed it to be my duty to strip this movement of its disguise in order that no person may be deluded by any pretence that either Mr. Hine or Mr. Boswell may set up. It is as absurd as fraudulent for either Mr. Hine or Mr. Boswell to present themselves lor support upon the theory that they are not running as party candidates. I leave them to reap such harvest as they may by such a course. I have not myself been in political lifelong enough to be able to distinguish any differ- ence between political dishonesty and any other dishonesty. I have an old-fashioned notion that a man who would attempt to cheat his neighbor out of his ballot is not too good to possess himself of other of his neigh- bor's effects. But, my friends, I despise a personal war- fare, and I shall make none. If the good people of the District prefer as their agent in Congress either of these gentlemen to myself they should so declare on the day of election. The question to be decided in this choice is a narrow one, and involves an answer to the one simple inquiry: Which of the three can- didates can probably, under all the circum- stances, be of the most service to the District of Columbia ? The Republican party, by a primary elec- tion held after due notice, have honored me with the nomination. To the principles of that party I have heretofore given and now give an unqualified adherence. But in accepting the Domination, I declared it as my belief that the paramount duty of your Delegate in Con- gress is to labor for the material welfare of all the people. His position is a peculiar one, and totally distinct from that of a Represen- tative in Congress who has a vote. It is re- garded as somewhat 6avoring of imperti- nence for a Delegate to mingle generally in the political discussions in Congress, or to participate in general debate. To be suc- cessful he must avoid antagonisms in the House of Representatives, and bend his whole efforts to the measures immediately concerning his constituents. He must not only avoid antagonisms in the House, but he must be in harmony with the national and local administrations. This is peculiarly true In the case of the Delegate from the District of Columbia. The interest of the general Government and our own are so closely in- terwoven that the one depends much upon the other. Appropriations made by the General Gov- ernment, to be expended here, are almost equivalent to appropriations made directly to the people of the District. Every public square and park that is improved, and every public building that is erected, is so much wealth added to the community, and your Delegate, if judicious, watchful and devoted to his duty, may contribute largely to this class of appropriations — more than any other member of Congress; but he will be power- less to aid in this direction if he has not the confidence and respect of the officers of the General Government, through whom the ne- cessity for these appropriations is brought to the attention of Congress. But this is much more true when we consider appro- priations that are asked for our own benefit, and in which the Government is only indi- rectly interested. This class of appropria- tions must originate with your local gov- ernment, and your Delegate is the. medium through whom the wishes of your officers are made known. If he goes into Congress in open hostility to the government of your choice and the officers selected to represent you, it must be plain to all that he can accomplish but little. We have had the bitter fruits in years past of attempts being made in Congress to secure appropriations for the District where there was no harmony or concert of action. A single instance will illustrate my meaning: Last fall the Board of Public Works, in lav- ing certain pavements and sewers, expended some $225,000 along and in front of Govern- ment property. They asked me to assist them in securing an appropriation to reim- burse the District for this expenditure. If, instead of uniting with the board to accom- plish this, I had done what certain memo- rialists to Congress last winter suggested, and had in my place denounced the board and the improvements for which they had charge* the Government this amount, the appropriations would undoubtedly have failed. I did not feel authorized to take such a course. I felt that it would have been a violation oi the higher interests of the whole people to gratify the feelings of a few persons who are inimical to the local government, and I could not refuse to act as the better judgment of all will admit was the right course to take. But I will not discuss further a position which seems to me self-evident. WHAT WAS ACCOMPLISHED IN ONE SESSION. I suppose, my friends, it is my duty as your candidate to present as strong a case for re- election as the facts will warrant. I beg you may not think that I am speaking of myself personally, but that I am rather speaking in behalf of one whom you desire to represent you in Congress. You want to know what has been sccom- plished, as well as what are the hopes of the future. Let me then remind you of some of the results which followed from your having a Delegate in Congress at the last session. . i have gone carefully over the appropria- tion acts for the year ending June, 1872, and compared those made in those acts for the District of Columbia with the appropriations made for the year ending June, 1873, at the. last session of Congress, and I find that the amount appropriated last winter in excess of that appropriated the year previous is $2,- 720.507.44. Without occupying your time by mention- ing the items of appropriations made to the j District which make up this difference, I will only say that an examination of the acts will show that a large proportion of this dif- ference is composed of sums appropriated directly to the District. We got for rebuild- ing a chain bridge, $100,000; for the reform school, $100,000; for a new jail, 8300,000; for the purchase of two squares from our citi- zens to extend the Capitol grounds, $400,- 000, to which will be added next winter $200,- 000 more, to complete the purchase; to reim- burse the District government for improve- ments made, $260,000; to complete the pur- chase of the Columbia hospital, over $50,- 000; in aid of the Columbia Institute for the Deaf and Dumb, $140,000; for the Freedman's hospital, $32,000, aud others which I will not mention. FUNDING BILL AND FOUR-MILLION LOAN. Among the things accomplished I may mention several acts of a general character, of more or less importance to the District. Among; these acts is one to fund certain lia- bilities of the city of Washington existing when the new government came into power. This was a very important measure to our peoplft. By its provisions several important questions were settled. It authorized the commissioners of the sinking fund of the Dis- trict to call in and fund the old floating debts, not exceeding $1,150,000; second, it limited taxes in any one year to two per cent, on the assessed cash valuation of property; third, it declared void one of the $4,000,000 loan acts passed by our Legislature, and ratified one of the acts; fourth, it declared that the debt of the District of Columbia shall at no time ex- ceed the sum of $10,000,000, unless previously authorized by Congress, This is a very important law to our people, and it is a complete answer to all charges made that the District government possesses unlimited power to increase our debt and our taxes, and I feel that it is due to the officers of our District government to say that they co-operated with me in securing the passage of this act. RIVER AND HARBOR IMPROVEMENT. Another important bill which I introduced, aud assisted in passing, was an act creating a board of survey to examine and report to Congress the condition of our river front, from the Navy Yard to the head of tide- water above Georgetown. It was well un- derstood, when the measure passed, that it was intended to secure a report from high officers of the Government to be used as a basis for a sufficient appropriation to con- struct a harbor along the front of Washing- ton and Georgetown. WASHINGTON MONUMENT. Another bill introduced by me was to make an appropriation of $200,000 to aid in the completion of the Washington Monument. At the expense of a good deal of labor and time I presented to the committee a complete his ry of the work upon the monument, aud the present condition of efforts to complete it. The committee considered the subject, and made a report, which was referred to the Committee on Appropriations, recommend- ing the passage of the bill. AID TO THE FIRE DEPARTMENT. I also introduced a bill making an appro- priation of $25,000 annually, to aid in the sup- port of our fire department. The House passed the bill after considerable discussion, and' it is now upon the calendar in the Sen- ate, with a favorable report from the Senate District Committee. ENDOWMENT OF PUBLiC SCHOOLS. I also introduced a bill making an appro- priation of two and a half million acres of public domain as au endowment of our pub- lic schools. I spoke at some length in Con- gress upon this measure, and presented what I think all will admit who will read the argu- ment a complete demonstration of our claim to this aid. My remarks upon that occasion have reached the people to some extent^ and I hope have received their approval. The bill is uow pending before three different commit- tees of (jongress, where I had it referred. I feel a stroug hope that with proper efforts we may be aole to pass it. INCREASING POLICE FORCE. A bill is also pending, which I introduced, upon tvhich much work was done, providing for an increase in our police force, which is much needed. Several other bills of more or Itess importance are also pending, upon which considerable labor has been bestowed in bringing them to the attention of Congress. I speak of these measures in this connection to show that the Delegate whom you select to manage your interests in the next two years will commence his labors with a large and important docket be- fore him. It would be difficult for any new man to take up this work where it has been left off, yet it may be your judgment that one of the other cindidates beside myself can do this work for you Letter than your present representative, and as one of those interested in the success of all measures of importance to our people, I desire that you settle the question without regard to personal prefer- ences, and seud the' best man to accomplish this work. THE TWO LEADING MEASURES NOW PENDING. The two measures now pending, to which I shall give, if elected, my special and par- ticular attention, are, first, the bill to endow our public schools, and second, that to im- prove our river front. Upon both these I have a large amount of valuable material, for which T am much indebted to the man- agers of our public schools in one case, and to Capt. Patterson, of the coast survey, in the other. These gentlemen have been untir- ing in their efforts to assist me in obtaining the facts necessary to a complete presentation of our case to Congress. In the matter of public schools its importance will be under- stood when we remember that over one third of our present tax goes to the support of pub- lic schools. We are paying sixty cents on the $109 on taxable real property, while Chi- cago pays but sixteen cents, Boston seven- teen cents. Baltimore twenty-three rente, ielphia twenty-six cents, Cincinnati -five cents. St. Louis and San Francisco - and while we are making this strain upon onr means the app fact stares us in the face that over nineteen thousand children in the District of Columbia are deprived of the t^eans of att-.. lie schools. I showed from the public records that about SO. 000, 000 acres of the public domain have - appropriated for public school u states and Territories, while not one acre e en appropriated to the District of Co- ia, I showed also that cur large school 'population was attributable in part to the presence of the capital of the nation here: ne third of our children attending schools are the children of Government em- : loyees, maDy of whom ray no taxes to the - -It. I also showed that while we have received nothing from the Government to aid onr schools, our commerce or oar manu- . s. that -vc Lave paid into the Govern - - : Treasury more revenue, exclusive of taxes on salaries, than ail the other Terri- tories combined, and i omen as the tcree great States of Kansas. .Nebraska and Minnesota, Much of the argnmei t q this su is equally applicable to the necessity for im- proving "our harbor. I believe tfe : irapresiion has been made upon the mh >f many members of Congress that we are entitled" to ample aid in this direction. I know that in many instance^ members have so expressed themselves to me. If tinne to present a stronir. consistent, de- ned and undivl I in urging these matters we shall obtain what we de- sire; I rat, if we are to continue this in- testine war among ourselves, and at each succeeding session of Congress shall : fer that struggle to the Kails of Ccn_ - we may at once abandon all hope c : But I will not longer trespass upon your in speaking of these matter?. L address myself a moment to some of the causes of irritation in our midst, and : some of the objections, as I have heard to my re-election. OUK DEE7. There are many in our midst who ha 1 indefinite fear that the District is becoming overwhelmed in a large debt, .vhich threatens ■■ankruptcy. depression of property, and gen- eral ruin. During the course of the in .ration of District affairs by Congress last winter the books and records of the District rnment were literally turned inside out and exposed to the committee. The matter r debt was particularly dwelt upx>u. In making their report to Congress, thecommit- •esented a clear and concise statement A our debt, presenting- every item. There has been no law increasing the debt since that time, and we may take that report ,s 1 resenting the exact condition of the debt a: present. I think it of sufficient import- ance to read that portion of the report : TBEE STATEMENT OF TEE DISTRICT MET. -The indebtedness of the eld corporation was ascertained by aboard convened to audit ate marshal the old de::s. They reported, as the committee find: Wasninctcn. U. C tZ,96S,eS3 27 G-eoreetown. D. C B,* Levy Court District o: Columtii ••.- - I . -. indebtedness of the lateeor- ; rati us * -'-' 382 4- "The board further re] art as i litional in- debtedness of the corporation Washington the foliowicg: i .. - . ,:-. Special tax fund $22,874 cu Y.'ater fund - " - Canal fund Ten-year bond sinking fund '—■- £-44 58 . amount trust fan is ---' -"-" ; - ••The las: amount was misapplied by the cor- poration of Washington by usIul- trust funds : pay current expenses of the corporation, and thus .: became a debt for which there^ govern- ment is forced to provide. ■•In addition to the forego :ng -were sertaii | completed contracts which maybe reu-arced as i - I imposed »y the old upon "the new govern- ment. These were for the cons:: I school- houses and paving of certain streets. and amount I J707 - ". '•There was also to be provided for certain overdue and current interest up ;n cue : c is the late corporations of G :-'. I _ n ana Wash- ington, which was paid by the new government. and thus went to swell the debl upon the District, This amounts to >: : . ••The total indebtedness thus se: forth, and for which the District covernmon: ::: I vide, amounts to A4.c;l,U'. " " . ••The indebtedness created by the new govern- ment appears from the report of the eomp treller asfc Uews : District of Coll- July 10, ISTl-Permanent-imprLvement bonds: authorized. V not is- sued. ► - 2,000,000 00 July 20, 1871— Water-stock bonds, 450,000 00 Angus! •- . 1871— Market-stock I authorized, f-3C-i. 1 sued • : • "1 — Chicago- relief t : - au:i {300,060. N't issued Total The comptroller exclude* tie unissued bonds. but the committee regard the bonds as a debt. although net yet issued, which gives .. - - of $4,860,000 00 Adding to this tlie amount of the debt of old corporation above given 4 3SL297 37 Making- total debt of the District cf unbia «:.;':. 29r_r: Thus it will be seen the amount is below the limit of $lO,O0Q,O00a£ placed .-res- in the act to which I have already called at- tention. This debt. I assort, cannot be in- creased beyond 8 10. C00. 000. except by act of Congress, and any increase that amount would be roid, besides involving all persons who should attempt to increase hopeless dishonor. It is agai? stalltl abilities of the case to suppose that the offi- cers of our District government -- : eld ?o in- volve th ems.. OCR TAXEi. The same class of persons who entertaii s as to an indefinite increase of our debt, very naturally c nclcde that a large increase of our taxes m : and lLat is doubtless true if the debt should be largely increased: but the mistake is in imag- ining the debt larger than it is. Tax-payers Lave noticed that the per cent. is the same that it was the year previous to the new government; that is. $1.70 upon $100, which is 10 cents less than during one year cf Mr. Bowec's administration. I think it redounds greatly to the credit of onr District government that it has been able, without increasing our taxes, to carry en such large improvements as are being made, and to do so much to lift our city into the lore-front of the great cities of the Union. We are to-day paying the sinking lend upon the $4,000,000 loan, with which to gradually discharge the principal. We are I aying the interest upon that loan; we are paying the interest on the old debt together with the sinking fund necessary to discharge a large portion cf its principal; we are pay- i . the interest and sinking fund on our water and market bonds; in short, we are carrying on tiie whole machinery cf goveru- oent, paying its debt gradually, and making a)] these improvements without increasing the tax one periny. I know that it is answered that while the per cent, on taxes is not increased, the as- sessment upon real property has been largely increased, and thus indirectly the taxes are increased. I think there is a great misap- prehension upon this point also. I desire in this connection to read you a communica- tion, which I have received from the superin- tendent of assessments and taxes. It is as follows: Office Supebjkx'x cf Assessm'.; s asm Taxes,; WASHttKIG.N, 1>. V., Aug. ill, 1672. > Bon. jv. r. Chfpman: Sir: In reply to your communication of this J&te, inquring in relation to the comparative value assessed upon the taxable properly of the District, 1 beg to state that the total assessment of taxable property for the current tiscal year is ij>85, 960,863. Total assessment for last fiscal year was as follows: .fleal estate £74,845,698 Personal property ft,267,5C2 $86,103,260 The bill imposing taxes tor the present fiscal year, approved June 2o, 1872, relieves all per- sonal property from taxation, thus necessitating the wtcle revenue to be raised from $85,960,863 cl real estate. The board of appeals adjourned after a session continuing over seventy days of active service, and 1 believe the acts of the board gave general satisfaction. Indeed, some gentlemen expressed themselves fully satisfied with the action of the board, that subsequently denounced the assess- ments both publicly and privately. It is possi- ble that in a few instances the assessmemt of property may be in excess of the valuation, but in my opinion the total assessment is not more tnan seventy-five per cent, of the cash value of the property. The new assessment will commence in a few wetiis, and any injustice that has been done any individual in making the last assessment can be readily remedied. 1 have an excellent opportunity to hear opin- ions of the representative men ol all our people in relation to the last assessment, and I hazard the opinion that ninety per cent, of the property- holders are fully satisfied that the last is the most equal, and therefore the best, assessment ever made in the District of Columbia. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, II. A. Hall. It will be observed that after all this talk about doubling and trebling the value of property there have been added less than •* 10, 000, 000 to its value, while on the other hand over $ 11,000,000 have been taken off by relieving personal property from taxation. " Major Hall's letter is a complete answer to those persons who are endeavoring to shov,> that the assessment has been improperly en- • larged, and I leave this branch of the sub- ject without further comment. SPECIAL ASSESSMENTS. There is still another branch of the sat] ject of taxes which should be mentioned in this connection. I refer to the special as- sessments. You are aware that under th» $4,000,000 loan act that loan was to cover two thirds of the cost of the proposed improve- ments, and in addition to that authority was given to levy a special tax upon all property improved, covering the other third, or, fn the aggregate, 82,000,000 more. Before the new government came into power property improved was assessed for the whole cost. Under our organic act, which cannot be changed except by Congress, prop- erty improved is assessed but one third. The advantage of this to all, I think, is sometimes overlooked; and if the people could be re- mitted back to the old system, and made to pay for these improvements, under that sys- tem they would, by comparison, appreciate, the difference. It is difficult to institute a. comparison between the improvements now being made and those of former years, for the reason that they differ in character essen- tially, and are generally upon streets not heretofore improved. One example, how- ever, will illustrate my point : Pennsylvania avenue was paved from the Capitol to tbe Treasury Department under the old law. It was paved with a wood pavement, and cost the property-holder nearly $20 per front foot. A wood pavement has since been laid under the new government on a po:tif e, of the avenue from Eighteenth street to Georgetown, at a cost of $4.40 per front fcot to the property-holders. This difference is. due, in part, to the fact that the Board of Public Works are laying the same pavement now for twenty-five or thirty per cent, less than the old corporation laid it ; but the change is largely due to the change in pro- portion of these assessments. The theory, of the present law is, that the paving of a. street is beneficial to the whole community, and the whole community should share in paying for it; and we must not forget that that proportion paid for by the whole com- munity out of the $4,000,000 Joan is paid withopt increasing our taxes ; so that the in- dividual property-holder gets these improve- ments for one third what he used to pay, and he pays no more, nor does auy one else pay more into the general fund. I am leaving out in this calculation the cos!- of laying sewers and making the necessary connections with the property. Without going further in this direction, I will venture to assert that in no instance where like im- provements have been made under the new and old governments will there not appear j- similar favorable result. THE MODE OF ASSESSMENTS. A large number of our small . property- holders are nervous lest these special assess- ments suall prove so oppressive that they will be compelled to sell their homes. I must remind these persons that if there is any- thing oporessive in the present mode of as- i essments, the people themselves are respon- sible for it. The law as it now exists was embodied in the $4,000,000 loan act. It was submitted to the people for their approval, and they approved the law by a vote of over thirteen to one. The subject was at that time fully canvassed, and, I suppose, was nuderstood by all. But let us take the matter as it is, and deal with it accordingly. Let me endeavor to make this plain. Under the present law, after the improvements are made and a cer- tificate of their cost is signed, the property holder has thirty days in which to pay with- out interest. At the expiration of thirty days the certificate draws ten per cent, interest per annum, and runs one year as a lien upon ihe property. After the expiration of one vear the property may be sold and a "deed given bv the Governor if the certifi- cate is not paid, but the owner has the right of redemption by paying fifteen per cent, per annum at any time within two yfears after the date of sale. Now, go back a moment, and let us see •whether' this law is really very oppressive. As a matter of fact, I do not believe there can be found a law in any of the States more liberal than this. In some of the States I know that if the taxes are not paid within a reasonable time, the property holder must pay twenty-five and thiriy-three and one third per cent, forfeiture. But take our own law and look at it. Money is always worth in this community ten per cent. per annum, so that if the property holder prefers not to pay his tax for one year, the Interest amounts to no more than he could get for his money any day, or than he would ■have to pay if he borrowed the money. At the end of the year the whole of the assess- ment must be "paid or he is liable to be sold out; but this assessment is only one third of the cost a£ the improvement. Now, under the old law he had three years in which to pay, at 10 per cent, paying one- third each year, so that in paying the whole of the assessment at the end of one year, under the present law he is really paying no more than he used to pay in discharging one- third of the assessment, while there still re- mained over his property a debt of twice this amount; in other words, if the assessment, under the old law, was 8100, to be paid in three years, in annual installments of ySV, at the end of one year he paid as much, in discharging one-tkirdbt his indebtedness, 'as he now pays at the end of one year in dis- charging his whole indebtedness. I have, Ithink, made myself plain thus far. Let me go' one step further. Some of these ■improvements are expensive. In some in- stances deep cuts and fillings have been made, which involve an extraordinary ex- pense. Some of you have the impression that this class of improvements will entail a larger expense than you can pay at the end of one year, aud you a,re demanding some law upon the subject which will give you the benefit cf further time without paying a large interest. Upon that subject my mind is clear, that if these improvements should prove burden- some to that class of property-holders, some law should be passed by the Legislative As- sembly which will give adequate relief. It may be in the form of a loan similar in prin- ciple to the $4,000,000 loan. It may be in the form of a funding bill somewhat similar to the act of Congress passed to fund the old city in- debtedness; but in whatever form the wisdom of our people should decide upon, it shall have my support. The only persons who can have any interest in preventing you from securing some such aid are the money sharks and property speculators who desire to possess themselves of your homes by purchases at tax sales. I am not a friend to this class of specula- tors, and I cannot conceive it possible that the persons whom you send to the Legisla- ture, or that the officers of the District gov- ernment, will ever lend themselves to a con- spiracy to rob you of your homes. The law wisely abhors tax titles. At present none of us know precisely what remedy should be applied, for the assess- ments have not yet been made to any consk' - erable extent, but they will have been made by the time your Legislature meets and Con- gress assembles, and you will know by that time what your grievances are, and what the remedy should be, and so far as I am per- sonally concerned my interest in this mat- ter is precisely your interest, and my conduct will be guided entirely by your wishes. GREELEY OP. GRANT ? Mr. President, while I have ignored the dis- cussion of national politics, there is one view of the pending Presidential contest which I must not omit. Mr. Hine is the Greeley candidate for Del- egate. Mr. Bosweli's votes are so many votes for Mr. Hine. The efforts of these two men have no other meaning, politically, than the election of a Greeley candidate. Mr. Hine's election is the verdict of toe District of Co- lumbia that our people prefer Mr. Greeley to General Grant as President. In this view let us see what iugrates, not to say fools, we would make of ourselves. Mr. Greeley has never spoken one kind word of Washington ; on the contrary, he has abused the people and the city even worse than he has abused the Democrats ; and while he has repented of the latter course, and has gone over to that party, he has not changed his opinions towards the capital. If you will trace his views back as early as 1S53 down to the present you will find that he has been the open enemy of Washington city. I have gone to the trouble to turn over the files of the Tribune, and will show some of his opinions. WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS ABOUT THE WASHINGTON AQUEDUCT. " If there is any good reason why the people of the whole country should pay the municipal exponses of the city of Washington, or furnish its citizens with public improvements, which in other places are paid for fe>y means cf taxation, that mysterious and ualaiown reason ought to be revealed. Whether the sum required for such purposes be counted by tens of millions cr hundreds of thousands, the inhabitants of other nlaces ought to be furnished with acme philo- sophical or political principle to justify the fa- voritism. Captain Meigs, the engineer, while venturing upoa the surprisieg assertion that an aqueduct fourteen miles long and nine feet in diumeter will not cost more to build than his preliminary estimate, say3 the country ought to gratify the people of Washington with such large and costly \viUer-works because the public records are kept ;here. The gallaat Captain apparently forgets ihat the buildings ia which these records are preserved have been made tire-proof, aud that at a heavy outlay. He for- gets that the edifices that especially need a great supply of water, if one be needed at all, are the perishable buildings belonging to the citizens of Washington and Georgetown. For their security it may be very proper to build an aqueduct at vast expense, and to bring down trom the falls of the Potomac the watersof that lamous river in full current; but the tax-payers of Georgetown and Washington should stand the cost of the work." — Tribune, March 2, 1334. Our citizens who objected to our bringing in the new thirty-six-inck main at a cost of $450,000 can appreciate the narrowness of the man who would entail the whole cost of Che aqueduct upon us. Let me quote again from Mf, Hine's candi- date for the Presidency : WHAT HORACE GREELEY' KNOWS ABOUT THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT. "We have received a very polite request to call the attention of the public to the claims of the monument to Washington now building at the federal capital, the Fourth of July being deemed a very proper day to solicit donations in aid of that patriotic structure. In giving place to this statement it seems to be a duty also to remind our readers of the reasons why, in- stead of contributing to the monument, they should give nothing at all. Briefly, it is a mon- ument not fct to be built, because its architectu- ral design grossly violates every principle of artistic taste. It is to be a tall obelisk with a Grecian temple around its base, much like a pumpkin with a stake driven through it into the ground. A more ignorant and hideous de- sign could not well be made; and if the work i3 over completed, it will be a deformity tv the city afflicted by it, that will be the more offensive by its great prominence. To fix the immortal name of Washington to such a thing will only render it the more incongruous and disagreea- ble, and we sincerely advise every one not only to give nothing himself, but to use his influence to prevent others from giving. The city of Washington is sufficiently well furnished with monumental enormities by Congress, which paid for Clark Mills' ridiculous Jack3on, and is to pay for his pqually or more ridiculous Wash- ington, to render it only proper that private cit- izens should do nothing to increase the eye- sores ot that unlucky town. And we trust that nobody will be induced to give "on the pathetic appeal that without such aid the work of build- ing the monument must stop, and the country be thereby disgraced. Don't be humbugged. The disgrace would be in finishing it; not in taking it down and putting its stones to s~me truly useful or ornamental purpose. "—F,o- U iVcio York Tribune, July i, 1854. Just now we are endeavoring to complete this monument. Congress appropriated $15,- 090 last winter to improve the grounds. The District Committee recommended an appro- priation of $200,000 to commence the work of completing the monument. Heaven spare us from a President who would veto a bill which, is necessary to redeem the country from the disgraceful neglect of the memory of the Father of his Country. I quote again: MR. GREELEY'S CONTEMPT FOit WASHINGTON. "I find Washiugton enlarged and visibly growing, though stiil scattered and straggling, a 'city of magnificent distances' iadeed. Its dirty little crooked Tiber is the same succession of foul puddles, too petty to afford scope for any but very young ducks; its. business naturally bisected into: 1. Getting money out of the Fed- eral Treasury; aad 2. Spending it. I note, therefore, with deep regret the undeniable growth of the city, since "it implies no other industry but that which is isapelled by the reception or the hope of Treasury oabulum. Every new street built up in Washington implies another million dollars abstracted from the fuad which ought to be improving our rivers aad harbors and pushing the Pacific railroad across the Plains and the Rocky Mountains. Every new block erected here argues that the people of this country are to pay more for less benefit from their Federal Government than hitherto." HE OPPOSED TQE CAPITOL EXTENSION. "The Capitol extension is a fair sample of the general drift here. The Capitol was amply large enough and good enough without it. Not. more than two thirds of it is in use, or likely to be; the halls of the two Houses are spacious; there was no need of any change whatever. Yet two wings have for some three or four years been in progress, which will cost millions of dol- lars before they are finished, fitted up and furnished; aad then it will be seen that the old Capitol, thus flanked, is too squat and iasignifl- cant— that it needs raising thirty to fifty feet— in effect, to be pulled down aud built over again. But the people never losk into nor care about such matters— they do not know, ask nor care whether their representatives respectively vote for or against them— so let them pass."— Tribune, December 5, 1833. My friends, if I were to utter such senti- ments I couldn't get fifty votes for Delegate, and yet there will be many hundreds of votes cast here for a candidate who is running to contribute to the election of a man as Presi- dent who will have it in his power to enforce these sentiments. Will you elect him ? But, again hear him: WHAT HORACE GREELEY KNOWS ABOUT THE NEW STATS DEPARTMENT. "A commission has been perplexing itself in Washington with an attempt to decide in what part of the city the new State Department build- ing shall be erected. Would it not be wise to make sure that the new offices will be needed in any part of Washiagtoa ? What folly to plan cut new Government buildings when the verv capital i3 tottering on its foundation stones, and threatening to rua away to New York or St. Louis. In our opinion the best site for the new State Department would be on the Fifth ave- nue, facing the Central Park, aad the other Departmeats should staud in a row along the same street."— N. Y. Tribune, Aug, 10, 1889. You ali know, Mr. President, that the efforts to remove the capital were culminating at that time. The appropriation for the State Department was a test question, and here we have Mr. Greeley's views. He gave his whole influence against the appropriation, and he did so because he favored the REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL. When that peripatetic capital remover, Mr. Reavis, had prepared in book form his argu- 10 sent in favor of removing the capital be sent it all over the country. Mr. Greeley was Lis particular friend, and he reviewed the book and gave wide publicity to the argument. I read you one of the many editorials of the Tribune en this vital question: ''We have not a doubt that New York is the most desirable point in the Union for the loca- tion of its capita). Nine tenths of our own peo- ple, whose duties constrain to reside or sojourn at the capital, with ten tenths of the Old World's embassadors and other visitants, would decidedly prefer it. Art, literature, the drama, music and everything tbat interests or delights mankind, are more abundantly and cheaply enjoyed nere than elsewhere in the New "World. Moreover, •:ar, politics and municipal political rule are so f rcroughly rotten that even the presence cf Con- gress and the Federal Departments could not tirther corrupt them. •• That the present location was a very grave mistake we have long been convinced. And we are not sure that the blunder is beyond a rem- edy. But read Mr. Keavis on this point, and form your own opinions."— New York Tribune, Janucry 28, 1871. You will remember that previously we had all joined to break down this movement, and hearing of it Mr. Greeley threatened Con- gress with exposure if they listened to our plea. I read again from the Tribune: " The worst result, thus far, of the little talk .-.tout removing the capital from Washington to New York is that interested Washingtonians, owners of real property in the District, are rais- irg money to defeat the plan. This is alarm- ingly suggestive of so much lobbying, dining, wining, judicious corruption and ingenious Jjribery, teat we hope somebody will inake the business a matter of special observation, and let us know if any member cf Congress does any- thing unhandsome or suspicious. It has like- wise been suggested that if the capital should come to New York, the Washington monument must also be brought here; and this, we confess, is one of the strongest arguments we have heard against the measure."— New York Tri- bune, August 25, 1869. I leave Mr. Hine and his candidate without further exposure, and turn with pride to PRESIDENT GRANT'S RECORD AND VIEWS. When we came before Congress for the first time with a Delegate, President Grant stated our case in his annual message. The passage of the message which I shall now read, in contrast with what I have shown you from Mr. Greeley, should be written in letters of gold; it should be hungup in the bouse of every citizen who has any pride in our future. President Grant said: PRESIDENT GRANT'S MESSAGE. "Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved February 21, 1871, a territorial gov- ernment was organized in the District of Co- lumbia. Its results have thus far fully realized the expectations of its advocates. Under the direction of the Territorial officers a system of improvements has been inaugurated by means of which Washington is rapidly becoming a city worthy of the nation's capital. The citizens of the District having voluntarily taxed them- selves to a large amount for tfce purpose of con- tributing to the adornment of the seat of Gov- ernment, I recommend liberal appropriations on the part of Congress in order that the Govern- ment may bear its just share of the expense ol carrying out a iudicious system of improve- ments." 2"or the first time in the history of the Government President ©rant brought our in- terests to the attention of Congress as the President of the nation. For the first time from any President be expressed the first view that the whole country should help tc make this the fit residence of the capital. I believe that the paragraph from the Presi- dent's message will outlive in the memory of. our people anything that has ever emanated from any of our Presidents. Can we without ingratitude and almost criminal neglect of our own interests cast a vote indirectly for Greeley against Grant? That this unasked opinion of the President, did good I have every evidence. Therenever was a better or more correct view enter- tained in Congress towards the District than was shown last winter. We bad a united national aud local government; the heads ol' departments with a large number of persons in them all helped us; a large cumber of members and Senators were induced to buy or rent houses instead of living in boarding houses. The temper of Congress was shown in a hundred ways. The District Committee recommended to Congress a view of its duty to the capita.' that I must reproduce as illustrative &t tkk growing sentiment: THE DUTY OP CONGRESS. "The original plan of the city, with its wide streets and avenues and tne numerous squares abutting upon them reserved to the United' States to be kept open forever for the public use, or to such uses" only as the United States shall appropriate them, demonstrate the propriety- and the original intention of the General Gov- ment bearing a proportion of the cost of im- proving and keeping them in repair. This plan was adopted because it was to be the capital ol the republic, and that it might be adequate to the growing necessities of the great people, who with prophetic vision the Father of the Country saw and seemed to comprehend would be rep- resented here. This single suggestion, together with the fact tbat tne United States has re- served to itself and still holds so large a pro- portion of the real estate of the District, shows beyond the necessity of argument the manifest injustice of devolving the whole expense of such improvements upon the citizens or upon those who may happen to own some of the lots of Washington." This report, my friends, came from gen- tlemen who, during the investigation, were personally attacked by the enemies of our government, and the particular passage which I have read was written by Mr. Eidridge, whose renomination the Democratic Jackson Association of this city tried to defeat with- out one word of rebuke from the Democratic daily organ of this city. Not only this, but it was signed by members who have since been rewarded by the enemies of improve- ments and progress here by secret and open efforts to prevent their returning to Con- gress. A more dastardly and wicked conspiracy never exised than the one that exists here now to break clown every man who will not join the cry of stop thief, and become a com- mon libeler of his neighbors. If Mr. Hine goes to Congress he will go as the avowe<» advocate of the men and the spirit in this community tbat would destroy every hope of our salvation. Talk about advocates cf Boards of Public II \v r orks, would not the Delegate pledged to give the board fair play be safer to the peo- ple than one pledged to destroy the board without trial? LABOR QUESTION. My friends, you are to be congratulated ipon the fact that all the candidates now oc- cupy substantially the same ground upon the labor question. My views are not new to you. I have expressed them before, aDd I repeat them. I say to you, frankly, that I do not believe a laboring man, who relie6 upon the proceeds of honest toil, can perform the duties of a citizen in a Republican Government and re- spond to the proper demands of his family by working ten hours a day and receiving there- for only the sum of $1.50. The strength of our Government lies in the intelligence, the stability and the character of our laboring people. "They must contribute to the support of our public schools ; they must contribute to the support of the church ; they must contribute to the support of the State; and 1 , above all, they must see that their families are reared under the best possible in- fluences, and sent out into the world as well prepared as possible to strengthen and give force to the Government and institutions under which they live. I assert that no man can be absent from his family ten hours in each day and 6pend still another hour in going to and returnine from his work, and have any time left in which to improve himself or to assist in the education of his family. So much upon the question of time. Need I add that these things cannot be done upon the pittance of $1,50 per day. If we take from the number of days in the year the Sun- lays, and those days in which the laborer is prevented from work by casualties, I think we will have an average annual income to the laboring man of not more than $300. It is idle for the rich man or the tradesman in prosperous business to say that this longing of the laboring man for a better condition is the result of demagogery on the part of the politicians. It is idle to say that the laboring man can, upon $300 per annum, act the part of an intelligent citizen, or the part of a father. He must, if this condition of things continues for many years, be reduced to the condition of a peon, if not a slave. He can- rot therefore advance as he should with the advancing civilization of the country. Here he i6 a voter. In his hand rests the power of making or unmaking Presidents and legisla- tors. He moulds public opinion. He deter- mines the policy of Government; in short, he is the Government; and I say that no wise man, certainly no statesman, can look upon our Government as possessing the elements of stability if this powerful man in our midst is to be kept in this condition of involuntary vlependence. Where and what the remedy is is not so easily pointed out. It may be in shortening the hours of labor, or it may be in increasing wages, or both. It may be that, under ail the circumstances, the change may be com- menced to-day, or next week, or next year; but in determining that time we are not to consult the interests of the wealthy, not the interests of corporations, not the interests of tradesmen and the well-to-do in the world. but we are to consult only this laboring man. and whenever it is his interest, all things considered, to advance his wages and to de- crease his hours of labor, that moment it should be done. I sympathize heartily, and always have, with this longing of the poor man to improve his condition in life, and my voice shall be raised to secure that result at all times and in an" places. BOARD OF PUBLIC WORKS. Perhaps J might as well here as elsewhere in my remarks say a word with regard to the Board of Public Works. I suppose I do not misstate the fact when I say that there are persons who supported me at my first election who now hesitate to do so because I sustain the Board of Public Works. Some of these persons so so far as to charge me with being ■ their tool, and their special advocate, right or wrong. It is due to these persons, as well as to myself, that I should state my position. When I spoke to the people last fall on the subject of the loan, I had this opposition to the Board of Public Works to combat as we now have it. Iu a speech made by me then, and which was afterwards printed, I stated as follows : "I believe, sir, that all good citizens should uphold the constituted authorities, whether elected or appointed, until they have given some good ground for distrust, either of their integrity or their ability. I am not an advocate of any man or set of men, nor do I sustain any relation to the Board of Public Works which would either require or induce me to state to the people of this District what I do not myself believe to be true. I could not serve you as I hope to, with a single eye to the welfare oi the whole people, if I were to declare it my pur- pose to stand by the Board of Public Works right or wrong, and I do not hesitate to say that whenever I shall see any sufficient evidence that these gentlemen are abusing their hinh trust, and are using their positions for personal ag- grandizement at the expense of your interest, 1 shall not be the last one to make known that fact to you. "But, sir, as one having faith in this present administration— as one believing in its integrity of purpose, its public spirit, and its general de- termination to conserve the good of the whole people— I shall defend this board against all falsehood, and against all factious opposition, which may tend to impair their usefulness and to destroy their influence for good in this ccmmu- nity. This is no less my duty as your- public servant than it is yours as citizens." The board at that time was on trial, as cer- tain persons are endeavoring to-day to put it upon trial. The verdict of the people was then unmistaken. There were 1,212 votes cast against them, and 14,760 to sustain. them. I cannot doubt, after that expression, that I had stated the truth to the people. The board commenced the improvement- after this verdict, and prosecuted thena under " great discouragements, until an early*wintcr closed their labors. The opposition did not cease; it transferred the theatre of action to Congress. The verdict of our own citizens was appealed from to the representatives of the nation. When the memorialists to Congress pre- sented their indictment against the board, I promised my assistance in developing the whole truth, and I challenge any one to take up the printed record of that trial and point to a single instance in which I sought to sup- 12 press the truth, to gloze it over, or to pre- vent the amplest inquiry. We sat upon that investigation during almost the entire ses- sion. A latitude was given to the inquiry. out of the abundance of liberality on the part of the committee, which is unparallelled in the annals of Congress. Indeed, so great was that latitude that much of the important business of the District was necessarily put aside to gratify the wishes of these memo- rialists, and it was done upon the theory that if their allegations were true Congress should dissolve this District government and refuse all legislation until a better one was estab- lished. I will not recount the weary hours of that investigation. Suffice it to say that seven out of the niue members of the com- mittee reported to Congress upon that branch of the case which more particularly concerns us at this time. I will read the report: "The investigation was pursued diligently extending over a period ot more thau ninety days. More than two hundred witnesses were examined, together with a lar«e amount of documentary evidence and records. Both the "memorialists and respondents were represented by counsel, and the hearing was public and open to all the people ot the District. A large pro- portion of the evidence offered by the memorial- ists was by them deemed applicable to the charges in the memorial. "There was, however, an attempt made to allow that the Board of Public Works had, in their official capacity, acted corruptly, and been influenced by motives of personal gain. This was, however, abandoned at the close of the inves- tigation, the counsel stating that no such claim is made by them. The committee, on this point, were unanimously of the opinion that the evidence showed there was not the least foundation for *uch a, charge." [Report of committee, page li.] "In passing upon the conduct of the gentle- men comprising the Board of Public Works, whose high character is already known to the people of the District, and in finding all charges of corruption, misconduct or serious mismanage- ment not proved, the committee do not wish to be understood as asserting that they have not made mistakes. The new government has but re- cently been organized. There was a universal demand lor extensive improvements during the ftrst season, which the board naturally deter- mined to attempt to comply with. But the in- junction sued out against their proceedings, together-with the early, cold and long winter, were unforeseen obstacles, which rendered it impossible iuliy to carry out the plans for 1S71. "On the other hand, however, it must be re- membered that the District has realized the benefit of a very favorable negotiation of its lour million loan, at a rate advantageous in It- self, and which has raised the credit of the Dis- trict to a high point, as shown by the negotia- tion of its water bonds at par. The Governor and members of the board are, on the whole, en- titled to the favorable judgment of Congress, and are to be commended for-the zeal, energy and wis- dom with which they have started the District upon a new career of improvements and prosperity ; and the District itself is entitled to fair and generous appropriations from Congress, in some manner corresponding to the valuation of the property owned by the United States. " H. K. Starkweather, Chairman. " W. Williams, "Luke P. Poland, " C B. Darrall, "A. C. Harmer, " Aylett R. Cotton, "C. A. Eldridge." {Heport.p. 13.] On the question of corruption how else could they report after the statement made by the counsel of the memorialists (Mr. Coombs) thatnofraud or corruptionor pecula- tion was even alleged, much less proved. How else could they report after such men as Dr. John B. Blake, George W. Riggs, William H. Phillip, testified that they did not question the integrity of the Board of Public Works. Dr. Blake said he "would as soon question his own integrity, "and Mr. Phillip testified that he "had no suspicion that the board had acted corruptly." The report was finally made to Congress. While it was pending some of the memorial- ists still continued their warfare. Mr. Coombs' argument was laid upon the desk of all the members. Anonymous circulars were gotten out — I have always suspected by some of these memorialists, though I acquit the respectable men of that number from participating in it —reiterating charges of fraud and corrup- tion, attacking personally the members of the committee, and the "individual mem- bers of the Board of Public Works and mem- bers of our Legislature. The report as a whole was not considered by Congress, but some of the vital questions in the investigation came up in a practical manner. The kin<1 of pavements being laid by the board and t^u manner of laying them, and the policy of filling the canal and sub- stituting a covered sewer in its place, were among the principal matters presented to the committee, and a large amount of testimony was taken pro and con upon these subjects, the memorialists attacking the board partic- ularly iji this direction. Towards the close of the session the board presented a bill against the Government for nearly $200,000 to reimburse the District for mouey expended in laying pavements in front of public buildings and grounds. They also presented an estimate of over $68,000 to cover the cost of filling the canal and laylrig sewers through the public grounds. This presented the question practically. If, as has been alleged, the pavements were worthless, extravagantly laid and unauthorized, it was clearly the duty of the General Government to reject both items. If, as was alleged, the filling of the canal would breed pestilence and cause inundation, it was clearly the duty of Congress to reject that item and prohibit the Board of Public Works from carrying out their policy of fill- ing the canal; but in the face of this investi- gation; in the face of these anonymous at- tacks upon the personal character of tho board, as well as upon the improvements themselves, the House of Representatives, made the appropriation without a single dis- senting voice", the two members of the Dis- trict Committee who made a minority report; either dodging the vote or voting for it. Let me stop here to ask these gentlemeu who denounce me as the willing tool of the Board of Public Works to say in all candor whether it was my duty to rise in my place and oppose this appropriation. Whatever their answer may be, I know that the people of the District will sustain my course. One word more. When that report was made I offered no defence of the Board of Public Works, but when Mr. Roosevelt, one of the minority, 13 got leave to print a speech, on what he styles "frauds in the District of Colum- bia," I felt it to be my duty to obtain the same permission in order to present the facts if his speech should require it. His speech was not printed in time to permit me to answer him in open session, but I did an- swer him in a printed speech which is before the people. I am willing to-day to abide by the judgment of the people after they have read these two speeches. The adjournment of Congress, then, found the Board of Public Works in this position. They had been sustained by the people. They had been sustained by Congress. They com- menced their summer's work without embar- rassment, therefore, so far as the intelligent sentiment of the community was concerned. The only remaining question is, have they forfeited since that time the confidence which you once gave them ? Have they done since the adjournment of Congress anything which would change the verdict if the facts were known. Let us look the facts candidly in the face. I know they have made some mistakes; they have told me so, and will tell you so. I have observed this, however: that after they have made a mistake, in a grade for example, and it has been pointed put to them, they have the courage to correct it instead of per- petuating it throughout the length of the street. I have sometimes thought that they were endeavoring to accomplish too much in a short time; that it would have been better to have continued these improvements through two years instead of making them in one, and it is probably in this desire to give the people the benefit of the improvements without delay, some of these mistakes "have occurred; yet upon this question there is much to be said on both sides. I am not fa- miliar with the details of improvements more than many of you. If you will take the trouble to visit me at my rooms you will per- ceive that I cannot possibly undertake to supervise the work of the board, even if I had the right or ability to do it, which I have not. Tnere is scarcely a day passes in which I do not see from twenty to thirty peo- ple, who come to me for advice upon various matters connected with the District, to pro- cure employment for them, or to keep them in employment, or to talk about necessary legislation for the District, so that my time is almost entirely occupied in this way. While Congress was in session I remember no instance in which the Board of Public Works consulted me or suggested to me any legislation which was not for the best inter- ests of the people. We were much in com- munication with regard to future plans for obtaining appropriations. It was with their approval, and I believe at their suggestion in part, that I introduced the bill limiting bur debt, declaring void one of the $4,000,000 loan bills. They co-operated with me cor- dially in passing appropriations* which you all admit were of great benefit. Since Congress adjourned there has been no occasion when one could be the tool of the other. In looking around me now, whatever else may be said in criticism of these gentlemen, I can see the evidences of great vigor in this board, of intelligence and of a sincere desire to make the District of Columbia one of the most desirable spots for a residence in the United States. I see prosperity on every hand. I sec property advancing rapidly in value; often the men who are most Litter i>. their opposition are deriving the greatesr benefit from these improvements. 1 know enough of the personal character and views of these gentlemen to satify me that they entertain an honest and patriotic purpose to accomplish the best possible results for all our people, and I have not seen anything which would lead me to withhold my confi- dence either in their integrity or capacity, and until some such evidence is presented, I hoid it to be ray duty, as the representative of the best interests of all the people, to strengthen their hands and give them such moral support, for I can give them no other as it is the duty of all citizens to do. It will be noticed that in all the charges made no one has dared to put his finger upon a single instance, as evidence of corruption. There is a great deal of vague talk about a "ring," and odium is attempted to be fixed upon certain persons as belonging to the ring. Why should you fear, unless there is a com- bination of corrupt and bad men toinjureyou. I hate these insinuations ; I despise the men who would seek to destroy the personal char- acter of their neighbors by insinuations which they have not the courage to put in the form of direct charges. Everything now-a- days crystallizes itself into the shape of a ring. Let no one be deceived by such methods of attack. The only ring I know anything about con- nected with our improvements, is a ring of progressive, intelligent, wide-awake people, who are determined that this city shall be- come great as a residence of the Capitol, great in commerce and manufactures. This ring is composed of rich and poor, black and white, of all nationalities, and thus far in this struggle has given evidences of sufScient power to overcome all reactionary influences to keep down the men who would remit us to the old condition of things, and who are de- termined that we shall have a good govern- ment and prosperous people. They are lusty and strong, and I believe at our next election will rebuke the destructive and reactionary spirit in our communitj', and put their final seal of approval- upon the new departure which Washington has taken. I am, my fellow-citizens, one cf the per- sons who believe in this class of citizens, and I shall always be found working with them. I know of no other combination and would belong to no other. GENERAL EFFECT OF THE NEW SPIRIT. My friends, I do not think I can over-esti- mate the value of the movement being made now to attract capital to our city. 1 do not believe that I can over estimate the advan- tages these improvements will be to us in presenting our claims to Congress for aid. It is only within the period of our present Government that our people have been sim- ulated to consider how great are their advan- tages. We have now at the capital a valua- ble system of railroads. We are penetrating the rich coal and iron fields, and tbe agr: 14 cultural valleys of Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia and West Virginia. Everything points to cheap living, cheap freights and enlarged resources. The Potomac and Piedmont railroad, to which you last year extended assistance, will, when completed, put you in connection with the Chesapeake and Ohio railroad, and by that means make the city of Washington a point on the shortest line of travel from Cin- cinnati and St. Louis and the South to New York by uot less than one hundred and forty miles. Through Washington must pass most of the cotton and iron and other products of the South and Soathwest which find a market in the North and are there manufactured. We must stop the transit of this raw mate- rial, and manufacture it on the Potomac at Georgetown. I And from an able report of the Joint Committee on Manufactures of our Legisla- tive Assembly that thi3 w*Uer power of ours is equivalent to over twelve thousand horse power, or more than the water power at Lowell and Fall River combined. No water power could be cheaper than ours, and no place can be found for a residence more pic- turesque and healthful than along the Poto- mac. There need never be a day in this cli- mate when the manufacturing establishments must stop. An increase of manufactures must increase our commerce. The Potomac, one of the grandest rivers for navigation in this country, bordered by ricfc farms, must make the improvement of our harbor a ne- cessity. We can build a sea wall from below Georgetown to the Eastern branch, which will cost no more than tbe land will brinir re- claimed by it, and thus have along our whole river front one of the finest inland harbors in the world. Nothing, in my opinion, mv friends, can stop the ultimate growth of Washington into a great commercial and manufacturing city, unless it shall be this insane warfare among ourselves as to the best means of bringing it about. This view of Washing- ton is enough to arouse the public spirit and pride of our people. There is still another scarcely less in importance, and that is, to make the capital the residence of the wealthy; make it the home of art in this country; build up in it a national university which shall embrace all science and art, which will hud at its hand the finest advantages to be obtained in any city in the world; through our courts of law, our Patent Office, our Smithsonian Institution, our Agricultural Department, our Medical Museums, our Con- gress, our Departments of Government, all combining to illustrate the history, progress and theory of the greatest Government on earth. We have the finest and cheapest water in the country. Statistics show that the death rate of Washington is less than either Phila- delphia, New York, Boston, St. Louis, Cin- cinnati or Chicago; that our climate is the most salubrious and delightful of any of the great cities of the Union, and that generally no city presents, all things considered, oaa half the inducements for a permanent home as ours. I feel a glow of pride whenever I consider these great advantages, and I deplore, deeply deplore, a sentiment in the community which, however honestly entertained, seems to me to keep us back from reaping the great ad- vantages which nature has thrown in our lap. CONCLUSION. §]Mr. President and gentlemen, I have gone over at considerable length the case which you came here to have presented to you; it ia che case ot all those who desire the continue'-! improvement of our city. Whether you de- sire me to still represent you in Congress is a matter I must leave wholly to your judgment. I know that our people, stimulated by the hope of the liberal appropriations made by Congress last winter, will expect much, very much, of your next Delegate. I sometimes stand appalled at the responsibility which my friends are endeavoring to place upon me; yet I feel confident that if you continue to support me in the future as you have done in the past, you will uot be disappointed. I feel strong iu the justice of our cause; the goccf sense of the people will not much longer per- mit Congress to be governed by the idea that the vast wealth of the nation here in its public buildings and grounds shall contribute nothing by tax or otherwise to the adornment of the people's capital. Bat one thing can prevent this consumma- tion; that is au interminable warfare amoua our own people, which shall be transferred at each succeeding session of Congress to tie national halls of legislation. If our organic- act needs amendment, and I think it does, it cannnot be accomplished by arousing bitter antagonisms among our own people and the:; friends in Congress. The memorialists last winter made a sort of highwaymen's plea to surreuder to their dictation, or our government should be de- stroyed. Congress will never respond to that method of demand, no matter if you have a dozen delegates from that faction in Con- gress. I declare to you that not a single per- son connected with those memorialists dur- ing the whole of last winter ever asked me in a single instance to consider whether any relief was needed. There never has been a time, and I trust there never will be while I am your Delegate, when I shall not gladly receive suggestions from whatever quarter, looking to the welfare of the whole District. My only desire is to reflect the public senti- ment of my own constituency, and God help- ing me I shall always endeavor faithfully to discharge this duty. Appropriations to reimburse the District of Columbia for Expenditures made in Improvements upon and adjoining the Property of the United States in the District of Columbia. SPEECH OF DISTRICT COLUMBIA, DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 14, 1872. WASHINGTON: P. & J. RIVES & GEO. A. BAILEY, REPORTERS AND PRINTERS OF THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. 1872. Improvements in the District of Columbia, The House having met for debate as in Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union — Mr. CHIPMAN said : Mr. Speaker : There is now pending before the House a bill of great importance to the people I represent, making an appropriation of $1,241,920 92 "to pay the expenditures made by the Board of Public Works of the district of Columbia for paving roadways, curbing and paving sidewalks, grading, sewer- age, aud other improvements upon and adjoin- ing the property of the United States in the District of Columbia " I avail myself of the courtesy of the House to-day in order that I may state at more length the facts which I regard as important to be considered in con nection with this bill than I would be able to present them under the rule which usually prevails in Committee of the Whole. It is not my purpose at this time to present, anything like a complete history of the District government since its formation upon the pres- ent plan. So far as the purposes of this bill are concerned, the important facts have been presented in an elaborate and exhaustive re- port of the Board of Public Works, made to the President, and which I understand has been placed, or will be placed, in the hands of members of the House. This report pre- sents a complete showing of the operations of the board from its organization until Novem- ber 1, 1872, and literally turns the records of that board inside out to the gaze of the world. I commend it to the perusal of members as presenting more elaborately and more ably the claims which the national capital has upon Congress for aid in carrying on the work of improvement here than I shall be able to do. My purpose is rather to analyze and present in a compact form the facts presented by this report, together with some others which are of record, and which may be important in the consideration of this bill. The temptation is very strong to enlarge somewhat upon the relations which should be sustained between the Government and its national capital. The history of the country will show that in late years there has been a great departure from the original theory upon which the capital was established. As late as 1835 a report was made by Senator Southard in the Senate of the United States presenting with great ability the true relations which should exist between the capital and the Gov- ernment. I am constrained to call the House back to the views then entertained by quoting a brief paragraph from that report. Senator Southard says : " It could not have entered into the contemplation of any one at the date of the contract" — That is the deed of conveyance by the pro- prietors of the land to the Government — " nor can it now be regarded as either reasonable or just that the city should bear the expense of streets, the property and control of which was so absolutely in the Government, and more than one half of the land adjacent to which belonged to it, and must be increased in value by their improvement. The com- mittee are of opinion that the Government was bound by every principle of equal rights and justice to pay a portion of the expense incurred upon this subject equal to the amount of the property which it held, and which was to be increased in value and benefited by it, and this would have been greatly more than one half if the streets are its property and to be regarded as altogether under its control. It is not easy to perceive why it should call upon or permit others to keep that property in order; and if the streets are to be regarded as for the joint convenience of the Government and the inhabitants, the expense of maintaining them should be joint and in proportion to their respective interests." No one can deny that this is but a just and fair view of this question. Similar views have been spasmodically entertained and expressed by members of Congress and committees since that time ; but the latest expression upon this subject by a committee of Congress I beg to call to the attention of the House. It will be found in report No. 72, made by the Commit- tee for the District of Columbia at the last ses- sion of this Congress, and is as follows : "The original plan of the city, with its wide streets and avenues, and the numerous squares abutting upon them, reserved to the United States to be kept open forever for the public use, or to such uses only as the United States shall appropriate them, demonstrate the propriety and the original intention of the General Government bearing a pro- portion of the cost of improving and keeping them in repair. This plan was adopted because it was to be the capital of the Republic, and that it might be adequate to the growing interests of the great peo- ple who, with prophetic vision, the Father of his Country saw, and seemed to comprehend, would be established here. This single suggestion, together with the fact that the United States has reserved to itself, and still holds, so large a portion of the real estate of the District, shows beyond the necessity of argument the manifest injustice of devolving the whole expense of such improvements upon the citi- zens, or upon those who may happen to own some of the lots of Washington." It will be observed, Mr. Speaker, that these broad and statesmanlike views go further than is proposed by this bill. They contemplate the paymentby the Governmentof a proportion of the cost of the improvements at the capital which the value of the property held by the Government bears to the value of the property held by the citizens. This bill proposes, how- ever, simply that the Government shall pay its proportion of the cost of the improvements made immediately adjoining its own property, leaving the cost for improvements elsewhere throughout the capital to fall wholly upon the citizens. But I will not be drawn into a dis- cussion of the general question. Let me leave it for others, and come at once to a brief state- ment of such facts as I think the House would gladly possess. DEBT OP THE DISTRICT AND LIABILITIES OP THE BOARD. I infer, Mr. Speaker, from the action of the House a few days since in referring a resolu- tion to the Committee for the District of Columbia making certain inquiries, that some information in response to that resolution would be desirable in this connection. It directed, first, a report to be made upon the present debt of the District ; second, the liabil- ities incurred by the Board of Public Works thereof; and third, the sum required to finish the work undertaken by the board. Let me answer these questions in their order : First. The House will remember that the Committee for the District at the last session of Congress spent the greater part of the ses- sion in an investigation into the affairs of the District. The question of the District debt was made an important subject of inquiry. There- port of the committee, to which I have already alluded, presented the indebtedness then exist- ing. That report included the unissued bonds authorized by the Legislative Assembly of the District, and also the debt of the old cor- porations, making a total of $9,231,9#7 37. This total has been somewhat changed since that time, and in order to ascertain the amount, the committee obtained information from the comptroller of the District, which is found in papers now on file before the committee, and from which I suppose I may properly quote. The comptroller reports the present debt at $8,476,122 65 ; he excludes from his state- ment market-house bonds not issued, $172,- 000, and outstanding claims on account of con- tracts entered into by the old corporation, which the Legislative Assembly by act of June 20, 1872, directed to be settled by the commissioners of the sinking fund of the Dis- trict, amounting to $550,000. Adding this to the debt stated by the comptroller, we have the present debt of the District $9,198,122 65, which shows a diminution of the debt since last winter of $33,174 72. Second. As to the amount of liabilities in- curred by the Board of Public Works, I will first call attention to the printed report of the board, pages 1 to 8 inclusive, of the appendix. It will there appear that the receipts of the board from all sources amount to $5,052,200 89. From the same report, pages 9 to 65 inclusive, of the appendix, I find the expenditure $5,052,260 89. These pages give in detail the sources of the receipts and the persons to whom and the purposes for which expend- itures were made. In the same report, pages 1 to 36, appended to the appendix, the House will find a list of the contracts entered into up to the time of the report, made and extended under the direction of the chief engineer, from October 1, 1871, to October 31, 1872, showing the cost of the work contracted for to be $6,387,933 15. These cover the liabilities of the board to that date. In addition to these are certain other liabilities not under contract, found on page 18 of the printed report. They amount to $698,279 72, making the total $7,086,212 87. Deducting the disbursements of the board, as I have already shown, to wit, $5,052,260 89, we have the total liabilities upon contracts outstanding and completed .$2,033,951 98. Since October 31, 1872, certain other liabilities have been incurred, which have been stated to the Committee for the District of Columbia, in response to the House resolution, amounting to $367,024 45, making total liabilities of the board to Decem- ber 6, 1872, $2,400,976 43. I here call atten- tion to page 18 of the report, giving a state- ment of assets and liabilities, from which it will appear that the total resources of the board are $7,248,465 12, while their liabilities are $7,086,212 87, giving balance in favor of board, $162,252 25. But if we consider, as we must, the subsequent liabilities incurred, to which I have already called attention, to wit, $367,024 45, it will leave a balance against the board of $88,427 57. If the amount asked for in the bill before the House be considered as an asset, it will leave the resources of the board $1,037,148 72, which will be ample to complete the work undertaken by the board. This answers the third inquiry of the resolution which I am now considering as to the sum necessary to complete the improvements. Right here, Mr. Speaker, I have to answer the criticisms made by the gentleman from New York [Mr. Roosevelt] some days since when offering his resolution of inquiry in relation to two items in the assets shown on page 18 of the report. The gentleman stated to the House that the hoard in claiming $4,000,000 as an asset from the loan authorized by the Legislature, mis- • stated the amount in the sum of $2-10,000, which was the amount of discount on the bonds in negotiating their sale. The board treats the whole amount as an asset, because the Legislature appropriated $4,000,000 and authorized the negotiation of bonds to raise that amount. As the bonds did not bring their par value, the remaining $240,- 000 are yet to be collected by taxation, and the board very properly treat it as an asset. The gentleman also criticised the item of assets stated as "assessments on account of contingent expenses" ($100,000) as unauthorized. The answer is that the board, acting under author- ity of law, in computing the cost of any given improvement charged to the general fund of the District their proportion of contingent expenses, such as expenses of engineers and superintendents of the work ; and they also charge against, the property its proportion of these expenses, to wit, one third, and that makes the sum stated in this list of assets. Their right to do this has recently been made the subject of judicial inquiry, and the high- est court of the District has, I understand, decided it to be legal. This, Mr. Speaker, I believe to be an accu- rate statement of the present condition of the District finances, as well as the present con- dition of the finances of the Board of Public Works. RELATIONS OF THE BOARD TO THE DISTRICT. Let me here remind members of the pre- cise relation which this Board of Public Works sustains to the District government, as 1 think there is some confusion upon this point. By the organic act organizing the District government, the Board of Public Works is composed of officers nominated by the President and confirmed by the Senate. They are paid by the United States, and the act requires of them the discbarge of such duties as the United States, as well as the Legis- lative Assembly of the District, shall impose upon them. They are not officers of the Dis- trict government, but are clearly officers of the United States. They report to the Presi- dent and are under the absolute control of Congress. Their accounts have no connection with the District government and are not to be considered as the accounts of officers of the Dis trict government. The debt of the District and the liabilities of the board are as distinct as the debt of the District and the liabilities of the engineer of public buildings and grounds. Congress by the organic act imposed upon this board, among other things, the duty of improving the streets, avenues, and alleys in the District. The District government, with great liberality, placed ii\ their hands a large amount of money with which to carry out the purposes of the act. In doing this the board necessarily encountered streets, avenues, and alleys in front of and around public build- ings, reservations, and property of the United States. It was impossible to complete these improvements in any one instance without in- volving an expenditure of money in front of Government property. They took the respons- ibility to complete these improvements with- out leaving gaps wherever Government prop- erty might intervene. In doing this they incurred liabilities, a large amount of which they have already discharged, and in doing so were obliged to make an advance from the funds of the District to pay for the improve- ments in front of Government property, and the object of this bill is to refund to them the amount thus advanced. I will not say the Government is legally liable for this amount, but I do say that it is morally liable, and many precedents will warrant the appropriation. ECONOMY AND DURABILITY OP WORK PERFORMED. It is proper that the House should know whether the work for which they are asked to pay has been economically and efficiently made. This subject was very fully entered into by the Committee for the District of Columbia at the last session. The committee reported that they were unable to find that the board could have procured the work at a less price than was paid. I believe that the work of various descriptions which has been done was done from fifteen to thirty per cent, cheaper than like work in any city in the country, con- sidering the price of materials in this market. Take the item of pavements and compare with the known prices in any other city of the Union, and what I say will prove true not only as to pavements but other work. The contractor has been required to give security that he will keep the pavement in repair at his own ex- pense for three years from the date of its completion, a condition which, I believe, has never been imposed in any other city. There has been the closest supervision and super- intendence of the work by competent men from first to last; and while doubtless here and there may be found defective work, in the main I believe that it has been well done. Besides, the bill now before the House requires that the payment shall be made upon the vouchers approved by the officer in charge of public buildings and grounds, after full examination and measurement of the improve- ments. IMPROVEMENT OF STREETS PAID FOR BY THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT COMPARED WITH THE COST TO TtfE . CITY FOR THE SAME. Examination of the public records of the country will show that since 1802 the General Government has expended for the improve- mentof ourstreets and avenues $1,321,288 31. During the same period the city of Washington has expended $13,921,767 15, or the citizens have paid ninety per cent, and the Government ten per cent., and I leave out of this com- putation nearly $2,000,000 which have been expended by Georgetown and the county of Washington ; and yet, Mr. Speaker, the United States, as we shall see before I finish, owns and has owned not less than two fifths of the city of Washington. 6 _ Perhaps I may as well here as elsewhere give in tabular form the value of real estate held by the United States in Washington city : 1. Value of the ground of Government reserva- tions estimated by a commission in 1870, under organic act $16,186,334 99 Cost of the public buildings erected on the above grounds, obtained from the appropriations made for the purpose to date 30,548,426 12 Total $46,734,761 11 2. The present value of the ground of the above reservations is estimated at $25,000,000 00 3. The amount paid by the Government for the above reservations was $36,099 00 4. The Government was donated every alternate lot, or altogether 10.136 lots, having an area of 65,688,480 square feet. Estimating the present aver- age value of the same at fifty cents per square foot, .would give as total value of the lots $32,844,240 00 COST OF PUBLIC BUILDINGS. Appropriations made by Congress from A. D. 1800 to 15th of July, 1870, for the erection and maintenance of public buildings. Capitol $12,256,150 69 President's House 1,209,332 98 United States jail 86,585 01 United States penitentiary 77,777 97 Insane asylum 638,002 00 Navy-yard 2,923,899 66 Armory 27,701 96 Post Office 1,715,430 93 Patent Office 2.753,813 69 Treasury 6,271,474 62 Government magazine 224,712 35 Winder's building 203,450 00 Columbia Institute 347,967 87 Agricultural Department 155,525 00 Government Printing Office 59,915 74 Arsenal 80,719 33 Old appropriation for public buildings... 1,515,966 32 Total $30,548,426 12 It has been urged that the Government does not own this property in fee. An examin- ation of the original deed of June 29, 1871, and the case of Van Ness et ux. vs. City of Washington and the United States, (4 Peters, page 232,) together with the opinions of the Attorneys General Wirt and Gushing, will show the contrary. These improvements are adding daily to the substantial wealth of the United States, and upon every principle its property should pay its just proportion. It will be difficult, Mr. Speaker, for persons unacquainted with the progress and improve- ments here for the past year to comprehend their extent. Wherever we go throughout the city are found the finest pavements leading in every direction ; the privilege of sewers and water-mains has been given to the citizens in almost every part of the city, until we are no longer a reproach and disgrace to visitors ; but the capital of the nation is fast becoming the glory of the nation. To give the House some idea of these improvements, I read extracts giving a computed statement of extent and cost of certain improvements made as appear from the report of the Board of Public Works, November, 1871 : Carriage-ways — number yards. 651,765 yards of wood pavement, $3 50.. $2,281,177 50 94,805 yards of round block pavement, at $1 75 165,906 75 16,333 yards of compound pavement, at $3 50 57,105 50 306,761 yards of concrete pavement, at $3 20 981,635 20 75,281 yards of Belgian pavement, at $3 10 233,371 10 147,776 yards of McAdam pavement, at $1 50 221,664 00 126,905 yards of cobble pavement, at 55 cents 69,797 75 473,313 yards of graveled streets, at 15 cents 70,996 95 1,892,939 $4,081,716 75 Carriage-ways — number miles. miles of wood pavement, at $65,706 55, per mile $2,281,177 50 miles of round block pavement, at $32,833 27 per mile 165,908 75 miles of compound pavement, at $65,706 55 per mile 57,165 50 miles of concrete pavement, at $60,074 56 per mile 981,635 20 miles of Belgian pavement, at $58,197 23 per mile 233,371 10 miles of McAdam pavement, at $28,159 95 per mile 221,664 00 miles of cobble pavement, at $10,325 52 per mile 69,797 75 miles of graveled streets in city, at $2,815 99 per mile 5,631 98 miles of graveled streets in county, 65,364 97 117.18 $4,081,716 72 Sewers. 2.473 1. feet of Tiber sewer, at $102 50 $253,482 50 5,200 1. feet of interceptingsewer, at$16 60, (average) 86,320 00 2.200 1. feet of Slash run, at $17 18 37,796 00 27,087 1. feet of Sewers, from four to nine- inches of diameter, at $6...., 162,522 00 36.960 $540,120 50 ASSESSMENT. I have been asked by members many times recently whether this vast work is not impos- ing a burdensome taxation upon the people. Admitting that it does, the obligation would seem to be the stronger on the Govern- ment to do justice to our citizens by reliev- ing them of part of this burden. While it is true that in some instances the assessments are burdensome, and subject property-owners to great pecuniary inconvenience, still the enhancement of property has been so great and the immediate benefits so manifest, that gen- erally our people have borne the assessments with cheerfulness. In this connection I want to submit a comparative statement of assess- ments made per front foot of property improved by the late corporation and by the Board of Public Works : Corporation assessment for a street one hundred and ten feet wide, the carriage-way paved with rough bluestone pavement. 70 square feet of carriage-way of rough blue rock, at $1 36 per square yard $10 50 40 square feet of brick pavement, at 90 cents per square yard 4 00 2 lineal feet of curbing, (undressed,) at8f cents per foot 1 J4 21ineal feet of sewers, at $2 25 per foot 4 50 Grading 1 63 Total $22 37 Of which $11 18i was assessed to property per front foot. Board assessment for the same street, with the carriage- way paved with first-class wood pavement. 40 square feet of carriage-way of first-class wood pavement, at $3 50 per yard $15 55 30 square feet of brick pavement, at 90 cents per square yard 3 03 2 lineal feet of curbing, (dressed,) at SI 25 per foot 2 50 2 lineal feet of sewers, at $1 40 per foot 2 80 40 square feet of parking 2 22 Total $26 10 Of which $4 35 was assessed to property per front foot. The House will perceive that for a trifle more the Board of Public Works have made a first-class wooden pavement upon the same streets which under the old corporation was laid with rough blue rock, and that while that rough block pavement cost the property-holder $11 18J per front foot, an improved wooden pavement cost the property-holder $4 85 per front foot. Take another instance, when Congress or- dered the city to pave Pennsylvania avenue, from the Capitol to the Treasury Department, it imposed on the property-holders under the old corporation an expense of about twenty dollars per front foot. The Board of Public Works have paved Pennsylvania avenue, from Seventeenth street to Georgetown, with wooden prepared pavement at a cost to the property- holder of $4 80 per front foot. Under the old corporation, I street, between Seventeenth and Eighteenth streets, paved with rubble stone, cost $4 75 per front foot; I street, between Sixth and Seventh streets, paved with blue rock, cost $4 82 per front foot; Indiana avenue, between Third and Fourth streets, paved with blue rock, cost $9 74 per front foot. Compare this with the pavements laid under the Board of Public Works on streets of like width. Twelfth street, between Pennsylvania avenue and F street, paved with wood, cort $4 50 per front foot; New York avenue, as wide as Indiana avenue, paved with asphalt and parked in the center, cost about ten dollars per front foot. I give these few instances at random, to show the difference between the present rates of assess- ments and those which obtained under the old corporation, and it will be seen that they show a gain of one third in favor of the present ad- ministration, when we consider the character of the improvements. It would seem, Mr. Speaker, that our citi- zens have no just ground for complaint upon the matter of cost of improvements. Still I can see how this large amount of work, reaching, as it does, the property of the poor people of the District, may threaten them with forced sale; but under the law they have one year to pay the assessment at ten percent, interest, and they have two years after that in which to redeem at fifteen per cent. I have been asked also by members whether these improvements are not enormously adding to our tax, as they cannot conceive how such stupendous work can go on without that result. I answer that our general taxes to-day are ten cents less than during one of the years of the late corporation of Washington. We now pay one dollar and seventy cents upon the one hun- dred dollars. With it we are paying the sink- ing fund upon the four million loan with which to gradually discharge the principal. We are paying the interest upon that loan ; we are paying interest upon the old debt of the old corporation, together with the sinking fund necessary to discharge a large portion of the principal ; we are paying the interest and sink- ing fund of our water and market bonds ; in short, we are carrying on the whole machinery of the government, paying its debt gradually and making all of these improvements, without increasing the taxes one penny. It is true that property of the District by a late valua- tion has been increased about ten millions ; yet at the same time we have taken off taxe? from personal property which is valued a eleven millions. I assert, Mr. Speaker, that such a result in municipal government cannot be pointed out in any other city of this Union. While I was making my last canvass before the people of the District I was met with a state- ment that the improvements being made by the board could not be completed at a cost less than $20,000,000, and some orators esti- mated it at $60,000,000. Without knowing anything certainly about it myself, as I have had no connection whatever with the Board of Public Works in carrying out its scheme of improvements, I felt that I could with great confidence assure the people that all these estimates were wild and visionary. I did not then have the information from which to make positive assertions, as I now have ; but I could only rely on my confidence in the integrity and ability of the gentlemen who have control of these improvements. And now, Mr. Speaker, we find this vast system, which casual observ- ers think, in its magnitude, must cost at least $20,000,000, has been completed, or can be, within the amount appropriated by the Dis- trict of Columbia, when Congress has done its share in paying for improvements in front of its own property. In other words, the Board of Public Works has accomplished with about 8 $6,000,000 what its enemies said could not be done for $20,000,000. Verily, out of the mouths of those who would destroy them are they vindicated. It cannot be denied that in a work reaching the doorway of thousands of our citizens, putting them to inconvenience and expense, indeed, revolutionizing the habits of our people somewhat, the board have incurred enmities and hostilities which would even pursue them upon this floor. I have, since this measure has been brought to the attention of the Committee on Appro- priations, seen the track of several of these men in the Capitol, who are engaged in the extraordinary business of attempting to pre- vent this House from relieving our people at this juncture by the defeat of this bill. Sir, there is not one of them whose memory would not be gibbeted and handed down to posterity in infamy if his name were published tothe world. What can any member of Congress here think of one of our own citizens who, to gratify a little pique toward some person con- nected with our District government, would come here and stab the dearest interests of our people ? If such a person should come to me I would turn from him as I would from a moral leper. I would not believe his statements under oath, much less would I allow them to influence me in a matter of such fairness and justice as this now before the House. I have no words with which to characterize the con- duct of such men, and I say it with some pride, that there are not many such in this com- munity. It has been suggested to me by members on this floor that the sentiment of the peo- ple is against improvements. There is noth- ing wider from the truth. When the ques- tion was presented to the people at the first election under the organic act whether they would elect a Delegate in harmony with the local government, which contemplated expen- sive improvements of the city, they decided by the largest vote ever cast in the District that improvements should be commenced. Subse- quently, on the precise question of authoriz- ing a loan for the purpose of improvements, the vote stood 14,760 for it and 1,213 against it. Last summer, after these improvements had been inaugurated and carried forward toward completion, upon an issue distinctly made before the people involving the character of the improvements and the general manage- ment of the Board of Public Works, the people again reiterated their determination in the matter by a majority of over fifty-five hundred. I think, therefore, Mr. Speaker, I am reflect- ing only the public sentiment of this community in urging upon the House this appropriation on the ground that it is due from the Govern- ment for improvements wisely, judiciously, and economically made. Nor is it true, as has been stated, that the wealth and intelligence of the District have not sustained this scheme of public improve- ments. On the contrary, the wealth and in- telligence are among the interests most deeply interested and most largely benefited ; and the intelligent and wealthy comprehend wisely that to discourage this new movement is to destroy all hope of the future greatness of the capital. And, on theotherhand, that classof people who are small property-holders, but who have the average general intelligence possessed by the American people, not only reason in the same direction, but they know instinctively that they are right in encouraging enterprises which de- velop the interests of the District. But I will not longer trespass upon the patience of the House, for the further consideration of this bill may develop a discussion in which I shall have to take part, and I may then state such further facts as do not now occur to me. Of one thing this Congress may be assured : the people of this District, so far as their pecuniary ability will allow, are determined to make the national capital a fit residence for the Government. In this we hope to have that support which we can rightfully claim from an enlarged states- manship and a true comprehension of the future greatness of our country. This is not a city of traffic, of commerce or manufactures — though I hope it may be ; but it is a political center, representative of all the interests of this great people. It should be the home of art — of national institutions which will com- bine to illustrate the history, progress, and theory of the greatest Government on earth. A nation's capital is an index to a nation's prosperity ; and the glory of our national capi- tal should be, not the glory of the people of the District of Columbia, but the glory of th nation. It is this broader view which I urg upon your consideration. District Affairs, SPEECH HON. NORTON -P. CHIPMAN, DISTRICT COLUMBIA, IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 5, 1873. IN REPLY TO HON. ROBERT B. ROOSEVELT, PRINTED IN THE GLOBE JANUARY 29, 1873. WASHINGTON: F. & J. RIVES & GEO. A. BAILEY, REPORTERS AND PRINTERS OF THE DEBATES OF CONGRESS. 1873. District Affairs, [Mr. Chipman obtained leave to reply to Mr. Roosevelt, upon matters relating to the District of Columbia. — Congressional Globe, page 1115.] Mr. CHIPMAN. Mr. Speaker, on the last Friday of January I was instructed by the Committee for the District of Columbia to report a bill to enlarge the board of trustees for colored schools. While occupying the floor for that purpose, the gentleman from New York [Mr. Roosevelt] moved an amendment which I favored, but which I could not, under the instructions of the committee, admit. I knew that his purpose was not to speak to the bill then pending, but, on the contrary, to make an assault upon the officers of the Dis- trict government, and especially the Board of Public Works. I have been much censured by some of my colleagues on the committee, and complained against by some others on this floor, for allow- ing the gentleman to proceed out of order, as he did, to speak upon a matter not germane to the bill. Perhaps I erred ; but I trust those who disagreed with me in the course I took will conclude that after all it was better, per- haps, to know the full extent of the gentle- man's opposition to the District government and its officers, which he takes every occa- sion, proper and improper, to manifest in and out of this House. I knew that he was exert- ing whatever influence he possesses to poison the minds of members, and I knew, too, that in some instances he was doing this at the expense of truth ; and I felt that if he was right in many of the charges which he was freely making to members, and I was wrong in believing them to be untrue, that it was much better the truth should be brought to light, even though my friends might suffer. I could not reply at the moment, for a careful exam- ination and computation of figures were neces- sary to a complete answer, and nothing short of this would have satisfied the House. That answer I now propose to make. The speech delivered by the honorable gen- tleman, which I find published in the Globe of the 29th January, was a fierce and un- warranted attack upon the Board of Public Works, their annual report, and their exten- sive operations. Statements which have no foundation in fact were plausibly paraded with a view, I fear, to deceive Congress and the people of the United States, and to place the board before them in the attitude of corrupt and dishones-t officials. Piling Ossa on Pelion, he launched invectives and made assertions which I here boldly assert are utterly without foundation in fact. Not satisfied with dis- torting and suppressing facts, he sought to reflect upon his colleagues of the committee by proposing the appointment of a commis- sion of persons not members of this honor- able body, and independent both of the com- mittee and of this House. This he did in face of the fact that the Board of Public Works have never refused, but, on the contrary, have studiously sought to furnish all information required by Congress and the public necessary to a full understanding of the comprehensive system of improvements which they are so ably carrying into effect. It would seem that any Representative who possesses ordinary in- .stincts of justice would have sought accurate information before indulging in such accusa- tions as characterized his speech. But he ap- pears to have rushed madly to his conclusions and drawn largely on his imagination for his facts. I think, Mr. Speaker, I do not overestimate the importance of fully answering the gentle- man. Aside from whatever impression it may have made upon the members of this House, I find that it has been advertised in our daily papers, I believe without exception, so that its mischief 13 designed to reach further than this House. I read an advertisement clipped from one of the papers, which I found published in three of them. I hope the gentleman did not himself cause this to be inserted : "Startling disclosures ! — To members of Congress and the public generally: Get the Congressional Globe of the 29th of January, 1873, andreadearefully the startling disclosures made in a speech in the House of Representatives on the 24th of January, 1873, by Hon. R. B. Roosevelt, of New York, upon our 'District affairs.' TAX-PAYER." After reviewing the organization of our local government, which is not important at this moment, the gentleman comes to what I may denominate as CHARGE FIRST. Speaking of the report of the Board of Public Works made to the President, the gen- tleman says : " On page 8 of the same report wc find a state- ment of the amount of work done by this board, consisting of thirty-four and twenty-six hun- dredths miles of wood pavement, five and five hun- dredths miles of round wood pavement, eighty- seven hundredths miles compound pavement, and sixteen and thirty hundredths miles of concrete pavement, making a pavement of some fifty-six miles, of the most expensive character, in the streets in the District of Columbia, the wooden portion costing S3 50, and the concrete $3 20 per yard ; in addition to which there is granite and macadam and cobblestone pavements, and country roads, enough to make a total of one hundred and fifteen miles, which the board has computed and put down at 1,892,939 yards, allowing that the streets were thirty-two feet wide. "Here we find the first great discrepancy in this report, and the first great and apparent blunder or fraud; for one hundred and fifteen miles of road contain more than 2,167,000 yards, showing a mistake of over 272.000 yards, which, at an expenditure of $3 50 a yard, would make a difference of almost a million dollars. A trivial matter possibly to those spending the money, but quite serious to those who have to pay it." This is a grave charge, and I hope the gen- tleman felt the full weight of his responsibility in making it. I call attention to the fact that the board are not here (on page 8) attempting to make a financial statement. They are simply com- puting the pavements in miles and yards, not the cost. I have carefully computed the num- ber of vards and miles, and the cost : and it will be seen that the computation, properly made, agrees exactly with the statement made by the board. The table is as follows : Table "B." — Computed statement of cost of certain improvements made on pages 8 and 9 of Report of Board of Public Works, November, 1871. Carriage-ways — in yards. 651,765 yards of wood pavement, S3 50..$2,281,177 50 94,805 yards of round block pavement, at$l 75 165.908 75 16,333 yards of compound pavement, at S3 50 57,165 50 306,761 yards of concrete pavement, at S3 20 981,635 20 75,281 yards of Belgian pavement, at S3 10 233 37110 147,776 yards of McAdam pavement, at$l 50 221,664 00 126,905 yards of cobble pavement, at 55 cents 63,797 75 473,313 yards of graveled streets, at 15 cents 70,996 95 I 1,892,939 S4.0S1.716 75 Ga rriage-icays — in miles. ! 34.71 miles of wood pavement, at $65,706 55 per mile S2.231.177 50 I . 5.05 miles of round block pavement, at $32,853 27 per mile 165,908 75 0.87 miles of compound pavement, at $65,706 55 per mile 57,165 50 I 16.34 miles of concrete pavement, at S60.074 56 per mile 981,635 20 4.01 miles of Belgian pavement, at $58,197 23 per mile 233,371 10 *8.08 miles of McAdam pavement, at $23,159 95 per mile 221,664 00 6.76 miles of cobble pavement, at $10,325 52 per mile 69,797 75 2.90 miles of graveled streets in city, at $2,815 99 per mile 5,631 98 37.22 miles of graveled streets, twenty feet wide, in county 65,364 97 115.04 $4,081,716 75 The gentleman computes all the roadway at thirty-two feet wide, and ou that computation he is not far wrong. But he knew very well at the time he made the computation, or ought to have known if he had remembered what he once knew with regard to the matter, that thirty-seven and twenty-seven hundredths miles of the one hundred and fifteen miles to which he alludes were only twenty feet wide, and thus vanishes the two hundred and seventy-two thousand yards discrepancy which the gentle- man thought he had discovered. I call attention of the House in this connec- tion to a further fact : that after he had dis- covered a discrepancy of two hundred and seventy-two thousand yards, in order to make the board as odious as possible in your eye, he multiplied that amount by $3 50 per yard, which was the highest price paid for any pave- ment, when he had before him, in the report of the board, the fact that thirty-seven miles * This ought to have been 7.90 in place of 8.08. of his one hundred and fifteen cost but fifteen cents per yard, being simply graveled streets. He knew also that other of the pavements cost fifty-five cents per yard ; other $1 50 : other $1 75; other $3 10 ; still other $3 20. And yet the gentleman, with matchless unfair- ness, and I may almost say effrontery, attempts to mislead the House by selecting the highest price paid for any pavements, in order to make this supposed discrepancy as much as possible. I here discover the "first great discrepan- cy," the " first blunder or fraud" in the gentle- man's speech. Mr. Speaker, I quote the gentleman's lan- guage, " blunder" or " fraud." I hope this is parliamentary. Blunt men might characterize the gentleman's statement in a short word; but it might not be in order, and I refrain. We are permitted, I believe, to traduce and call all the rest of the world hard names, but we ms6t not always speak the truth of col- leagues on this floor. It will be seen, by reference to the table <4 B" which I have submitted, that the number of yards of roadway is proved by the number of miles, both agreeing to a cent, and aggre- gating $4,081,716 75. Thus this " first great discrepancy" vanishes into thin air — this "first great and apparent blunder or fraud" is shown only to exist in a diseased imagination. FIEST CHARGE— ANOTHER FORM. But <; this is not all," continues the gentle- man. He calls attention to a speech made by the vice president of the board, in October last, and speaking of the remarks of that gen- tleman says: " He then said there were twenty and forty-one hundredths miles completed, and twenty-one and forty-four hundredths miles iu course of completion, making a total of only forty-one and eighty-five hundredths miles on the 3d of October, while on the 1st day of November he presents a report in which he claims to have finished and completed one hun- dred and fifteen miles of road. In other words, there is a discrepancy equal to more than the whole amount of work then alleged to be done, unless we can believe that while eighteen months were required to complete forty-two miles, seventy-three miles could be begun and finished in four weeks." Here again the gentleman sees through a glass darkly. The vice president of the board in stating the number of miles of streets, takes them at their actual width, varying from thirty- two to eighty feet, while in the report of the board they are assumed to be thirty-two feet, except as to those graveled streets outside of the city. There is a maxim in law, somewhere, that runs falsum in uno falsum in omnibus. I shall not rely upon this maxim, but will pro- ceed to notice, step by step, each charge which the gentleman makes, and shall show them all to be utterly without foundation. SECOND CHARGE. I come to notice what may be denominated charge second. I quote from the gentleman : "The cost of improving the streets is stated in table twelve, which gives us the expense of twenty- nine streets and one alley, and furnishes a very fair average estimate of the true expenditures incurred by the board tor that purpose on the whole one hun- dred and fifteen miles of streets. But in drawing deductions I shall not take this estimate for the whole one hundred and fifteen miles. That would not be fair, as some are mere country roads. I shall confine my remarks entirely to the fifty-six miles i which were laid with the most expensive character of pavement. By these twenty-nine streets and one alley it is apparent that the everage cost is over forty dollars a running foot, and the fifty-six miles of pavement, at the same average, would involve an outlay of $11,827,200." Does not the gentleman know that assum- ing as a basis any of the streets or avenues in the city, they canuot be a fair average for work costing only fifteen cents per yard, which was the cost of a large portion of the one hundred and fifteen miles? But, with a show of fair- ness, he does not follow this as to the county, but takes fifty-six miles, which he says were laid with the most expensive character of pavement, thus making an average cost of forty dollars per running foot for the fifty-six miles ; in all, $11,827,200. This is important, for the gentleman is here undertaking to show that fifty-six miles of pavement cost more than double what the board claims to have expended on the whole one hundred and fifteen miles. Now, Mr. Speaker, let us see how these statements accord with the facts, as given in the following figures taken from the report, (see Table B,) remembering in the meanwhile that the gentleman has alleged that fifty-six miles of pavement has involved an outlay of $11,827,200: 34.71 miles of wood pavement $2,281,177 50 5.05 miles of round block pavement.... 165.903 75 .87 miles of compound pavement at $63,706 55 per mile 57,165 50 16.34 miles of concrete pavement at $60,074 56 per mile 931,635 20 •56.97 Making a total of $3,435,886 95 A trifling mistake of the honorable member, in a single item, of $8,341,313 05 ! It is next alleged by the gentleman " that it cost $42 72 a lineal foot to lay those pave- ments, which would make the amount even 6 more than $11,827,200 for the fifty-six miles." In fifty-six miles, Mr. Speaker, there are, I believe, 295,680 lineal feet, which divided into $3,485,886 95, makes the cost per lineal foot $11 78— a slight mistake of only $30 94 cents per lineal foot in the calculations of this skill- ful arithmetician of the House. But the gentleman may reply that he alludes to the whole cost of the improvements on the street. Let me answer this assumption. The average cost per lineal foot of streets derived from the tables of assessments, namely, $39 96, not $42 72, cannot be applied to the fifty-six miles of improved streets, for the following reasons, namely : 1. In the assessments all the intersections of streets are charged to the front foot of assessable property. 2. All the expenses incurred in front of property exempt from taxation, churches, schools, alley openings, and other property ex- empt by special acts of Congress, are charged to the front foot of assessable property. 3. All the wide streets, such as avenues and some others, must of necessity cost more than Btreets of which the width is assumed at thirty-two feet, on which width the above length of fifty-six miles is based. To apply any price at all, the cost of a street of thirty-two feet roadway must be used in the calculation, such as Twelfth street at $26 64, or Fourth street at $21 28, and for reasons already given the result will still be in excess of the actual amount. But we will take the former and larger figure, $26 64. Deducting from this, for reasons first and second, just given, twenty per cent., which is as nearly correct as can be arrived at, and we have $21 32 per lineal foot as the proper figure to be applied in the calculation. The result of the computation (thus corrected) of the cost of the fifty-six miles will be found to be $6,303,897 60, instead of $11,827,200. I am not here endeavoring to find out the actual cost, but am following the gentleman's hypothetical case and exposing its errors. SECOND CHARGE — ANOTHER FORM. Again the gentleman says : " Not relying entirely upon that estimate, I have also taken the trouble to investigate some of the assessments made against property-holders in this city for the same purpose. Taking the amount lev- ied upon private property in the case of four streets and one avenue, I find that the result is substan- tia:!:.- the same. In other words, that it cost $42 72 a lineal foot to lay these pavements, which would make the amount even mor3 than $11,827,200 for the fifty-six miles." I ask what four streets and which avenue does the gentleman take? They differ greatly in cost. If he is no more candid here than before, I suppose he took the most expensive for his basis of calculation, and of course his result would not be unlike his former one. The point of the gentleman is to show that the board are pretending to have done one hundred and fifteen miles for less than thegen- tleman is showing fifty-six miles cost, and thus to prove the board liars. After this exposure there may be a question where the untruth will finally rest. SECOND CHARGE— STILL ANOTHER FORM. The gentleman changes his view point to show the increase of liabilities of the board and the unreliableness of their estimates. Still harping on the fifty- six miles as a basis, and trying to show that they cost about $4,000,000 more than the board claims to have done the whole work for, he says: "There is still another method of ascertaining: the actual cost of the work on the streets. At page 53 there is an estimate of the amount required to com- plete the avenues. It is headed ' approximate esti- mate of the cost to complete the improvements of the avenues, &c, in the city of Washington, District of Columbia.' On fifteen avenues it foots up $2,650,- 702 78. So that while the board claim they have only spent about $7,000,000 in all, of which a large propor- tion was devoted to other purposes, they admit that fifteen avenues will cost, to complete, after being worked on for eighteen months, the enormous sum of $2,650,702 78." And then adds : "Now I have had an estimate made— I do not pretend that it is perfectly accurate, but it is sub- stantially so— which computes these roads at ten miles in length. Consequently the cost of complet- ing the fifty-six miles of streets, on the estimate of the immaculate board itself, would be over five times as much, without regarding the amount not allowed for in this calculation as being already finished and paid for. At that rate the fifty-six miles would cost $14,840,000, leaving still the residue of the one hundred and fifteen miles to be estimated. Take it in any way, therefore, the result is pratic- cally the same, and each calculation confirms the other." Now, Mr. Speaker, the error in this calcu- lation is apparent when the true data are used. The gentleman's computer, against whose accuracy he enters a mild caveat, finds the length of the avenues ten miles, and the cost per mile $265,072, by dividing the miles into the whole' cost. The true length of the ave- nues is twenty-one and three tenths miles, instead of ten, and with this divisor, instead of ten, we find the true cost per mile to be $124,446, less than half his estimate. If the gentleman will try his arithmetic again , with the true data, he will find the result will be $6,968,976 instead of $14,840,000— a differ- ence between the truth and the misrepresenta- tion of $7,877,024! A trifling error, to be sure, but worth noting as we pass! Thus, Mr. Speaker, instead of striking the Board of Public Works a blow full in the face, as the gentleman supposed he was doing, he has thrown a "boomerang," which has returned and given the gentleman himself a very black eye. Now, sir, in pricking this arithmetical bub- ble, which the gentleman employed some ignoramus to blow for him, we are advancing toward a complete vindication of the board and proving the accuracy of their report. It is said that figures will not lie ; but my experience in reviewing the gentleman in this and one other speech convinces me that fig- ures will lie quite up to the standard of the father of lies. CHARGE THIRD— DEBT OF THE DISTRICT. The gentleman nest sums up the debt of the the District, from his conclusions, in this remarkable manner. He says : "But I have already shown an expenditure of nearly or quite $12,000,000, and you are also to com- pute the amount for country roads, for the Belgian pavement, for the cobble-stone pavement, for the gravel roads, none of which have I included; and for the other enormous expenditures of this board, not forgetting contingencies which appear largely and frequently. 'These cannot under any circum- stances fall below two or three million dollars, and are probably more. That sum, added to the $11,800,- 000, would make fourteen or fifteen million dollars. There is already existing against this District a debt of between three and four million dollars. You get altogether the enormous total of from seventeen to eighteen million dollars. Incredible as this state- ment appears, I believe it to be well founded; in fact, if anything, it does not cover the full extent of these expenditures. The matter is understated, not overstated, as I shall proceed to show by going further into detail, and taking up the examination from a different direction." It will be seen that the gentleman sums up the debt created by the board at $15,000,000, the debt already existing against the District, with which the board has nothing to do, $4,000,000, making the debt of the District $19,000,000. And he asserts this is "under rather than overstated." I feel it to be my duty to expose this error. I read from report No. 7, third session Forty-Second Congress, from the Committee for the District of Colum- bia, page 1 : " On the 4th day of December, the following reso- lution was referred to this committee : " ' Whereas by act of Congress passed May 8, 1872, being chapter one hundred and forty-two of laws of 1872, it was enacted that the debt of the District of Columbia should at no time exceed $10,000,000: Therefore, " 'Renolved, That the Committee for the District of Columbia be directed to ascertain aad report what is the present debt of the said District, including all liabilities incurred by the Board of Public Works thereof; and to further ascertain and report what sum will be required to finish the work undertaken by the said Board of Public Works.' "The resolution embraces three subjects of in- quiry: first, the debt of the District of Columbia: second, the liabilities incurred by the Board of Public Works thereof; and third, the sum necessary to finish the work undertaken by the Board of Pub- lic Works. In response to the first inquiry, the committee report that they had under considera- tion at the last session of Congress memorials of certain citizens of the District of Columbia, which were referred to this committee for investigation. Among other questions involved in the inquiry was the debt of the District of Columbia. " Upon a careful examination of the whole subject at that time, the committee reported the total debt of the District then to be $9,231,297 37." " With the view of ascertaining any change in the present indebtedness of the District since that time the committee called upon the comptroller of the District for a statement of its present debt." " The report of the comptroller is hereto appended, marked Exhibit A." " From this report it appears that the debt of the District and late corporation of December 10, 1872, was $3,47(5,122 65." ' " The comptroller excludes from his statement mar- ket-house bonds not issued, (see note to exhibit,) $172,000. He also excludes the estimated amount of outstanding claims, on account of contracts entered into by the corporation of Washington, which, by the act of the Legislative Assembly June 20, 1872, was to be settled by the commissioners of the sinking fund, to wit, $550,000. Adding this to the debt stated by the comptroller, gives the presentdebt of the Dis- trict $9,198,122 65, showing a decrease of the debt of $33,174 72." The committee then review the financial condition of the Board of Public Works and their liabilities and find their assets sufficient to m&tt their liabilities and that " no further sums will be required to complete the work undertaken, and for which liabilities have been incurred." Thus it will be seen, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman is only $10,000,000 out of the way in the statement of the debt of the District. It may be doubted whether any of his state- ments of facts can be relied upon after this exposure. It would hardly seem necessary to comment upon a "discrepancy" so glaring in his statement. CHARGE FOURTH. "Still harping upon my daughter," the gentleman takes up the report and looks at it from another stand-point to show the largely increased indebtedness of the District and the excess of the board's liabilities over their showing ; but the graver charge is here made that the board willfully suppressed facts, omitted important estimates, and have de- monstrated the utter unreliableness of their report. Hear the gentleman : " We have here a list of contracts carried out as to amounts. There are five hundred and sixty con- tracts, which show the expense of each: but many of these contracts have been what they call ' ex- 8 tended;' that is, increased in extent beyond what was originally included in them. For instance, if they covered one street, they have been extended over two or three streets, greatly increasing the amount of work to be done, and of course the price to be paid. But not one dollar is carried out for those 'extensions;' in this whole list of contracts not one dollar, from beginning to end, is added for this excess of work, although the increase must amount to millions." He then takes up a single case as a sample., that of D. Hudnell, and he charges that the report shows that the estimated cost of exe- cuting the contract was $753 58, and that the contract was twice extended, but that no sum was set down in the column of estimates to cover the cost of these extensions, and then turns to another part of the report, where he finds that for the same work Hudnell was paid $24,056. With a flourish of indignant and righteous triumph he adds : " In other words, a contract for 1753 58 is swollen to one for more than $24,000. Here is a trifling dis- crepancy of thirty times the pretended expense, and conclusive evideuce that the report of the Board of "Works is wholly unreliable." The gentleman says that this is not a solitary case, that there are nearly a hundred in a sim- ilar condition, <*nd he submits a table of six- teen contracts where similar discrepancies exist as he claims, and he figures up the dif- ference between the actual cost of the con- tracts and what the board set down as the estimated cost in these sixteen contracts of over $500,000. The difficulty with the gentleman's state- ment is that it was based upon a copy of the report and exhibits which got into his hands before they had been proof-read, and therefore did not show the facts as the board really intended to show them in their report. I have taken the whole number of sixteen contracts which the gentleman used in his speech, and have prepared a table " C " show- ing the facts with regard to them as given by the official records of the board. In some cases it will be discovered that the actual cost of the work was less than the estimated cost ; in others the estimated cost was greater than the actual cost, the result showing an excess of the actual over the estimated cost. But, as I shall show further along, taking the whole list of contracts estimated for by the board, the total will not vary materially from the amount reported by the board. I ask the House to bear ia mind the fact that the only point which the gentleman is speaking to is that the estimated amount of liabilities given by the board does not represent their true liabil- ities by many millions of dollars. I assert that the report is substantially correct, and instead of showing less than their liabilities the board have shown more. The column of remarks explains all the cases referred to by the gentleman. 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""Bs -/ea-r S " - ! »>^hh-2 2 d » a B ° ? *> <- B =^£S ^ >> om H ~i """ .2- m o « c — i Q yj -«■ m CJ ■>*",; d-i ► 08>> C <** 8 ej ■ * «J u i 3 £ «5 c StS 2 3 C t- m . ™ s 0) ET3 c »_ SofSS », 0"grf 3 5Sj5 Is 3,5^ o • o. OS *» «a .••3<*. v 2c5 ce.gjs ■- o>5" - a g-? ? S - a? » .3 3 — L, » .S3 a 3^ o A ^5 o - c iM a *^-B o_o >? h a> w "^ '"tJ » 3 b-c °.- 3§ a '. " j b'c'-b ~- " s c — — B — a B IS C3 © j o c ^ = a o -c^j,- *^ a gs a ^-- 3 o OS' 5 ?:" :j >u=i s -ias '=:i|||Zi| ! «P=( Cf^ ■,.•« 14 The honorable member, growing somewhat facetious, says as follows : "The skill of these gentlemen in manipulating figures does not seem to be equal to their skill in managing the public property in this District. There is still a discrepancy of 894,000, which is nowhere accounted for or explained, and nowhere is there a reference to the Tiber creek sewer from Pennsylva- nia avenue to Indiana avenue, which cannot be much less than one thousand feet in length. The board forget such trivialities as $97,000. In strewing millions about as freely as they do, a hundred thou- sand or so would readily slip away ' untalked of and unseen.' " Here, with happy facility, the gentleman mingles the poet's lie-cense with the poet's fancy. On the list of contracts No. 122, in speaking of Tiber sewer, it is stated, Novem- ber 23, "extended from north side of Penn- sylvania avenue to Indiana avenue," and on page 14, supplemental appendix, 2,473 lineal feet of Tiber sewer at $102 50 are carried out at $253,482 50. The gentleman's own tabulated statement also gives the above in- formation as to extension, which he gets from the reported figures ; and yet he gravely informs this honorable body that " nowhere is there a reference to the Tiber creek sewer, from Pennsylvania avenue to Indiana ave- nue!" I call attention to page 9, report of* the Committee for the District of Columbia, No. 72, second session Forty-Second Congress, where the opinion of the committee is given directly upon this question of the Tiber sewer. But yielding the discrepancy on the whole six- teen contracts as shown by the table, (C,) which is $243,414 56, and crediting the board with the amount shown on the table (D) which I ask to submit in this connection, and which is a table showing amount saved in doing work over the estimated cost, and showing also con- tracts annulled, making $267,074 91, a bal- ance is found in favor of the board, ou their own showing, of $23,659 35. The table is as follows: 15 s 13 a a «; ■« a"© ®*o 5 a „ a M eS.2 o •S ©ja-s 5 r»~ a 3 >-. g.ss-E ~ -. at! & J; o o m P © £* 2 o<« eon fc c £; oj o^ ■« o art. £-s & ta ©.S 4>«ns CSJ3 =5 c* •a -3 5 a«S o o » » £ * - » * » » <* H *- 2 P a§ 3 O °,-« "S X ?s a » m ^ t» oo « A © — ^ 3 © C so ©t2 p . 2,-; ■* .u ©^ 2<=> - s "S £ -^ SB c-l *j 3 p ©.Js"* o is u 2 c2 2 g*so* a g-c3 o 2? • * „ a «.2*3^< " •Z ss.S-a oio « ^3 - 3 *^ .•-* ■^"3 . o 6-3 b « fl S* J !5»-'" ^2 OH3 3 ©tort "* o U ° w 3 f > e »i.i> »— w S ©£ z. a o o a «<« "a~<4^ o axi o o *» S3 cB §«sj tl.H.S to 2 » °S2 •-ag T3 <» » >,jT3 Jd » o CB O-l arfJ- "S P ■ .«_ a 513 » c to >it«Sfl^ .5.3.2 a a -•5 • " § s ?:i«-s §.2 s^ g-3 5 S-S5S? e-s-B r ^r.] CO ^ , sb^-„;.-- aS-S ■ C3 C3 f*^ a u am u ,„ csi ^ 2 2^- a«o oo oomo M<^a >, §?1i J o5 5 'E a^= -O S rt rt'Wfe® & , a^o SSgSa'n h hs rt sb i ^ t- .- ft cocq g g M ,5 ®b«2 s3.2 rt ^j >> cj -, O C3 ^^■aSo {£) m 2*3 © a a -*> 3 °J=-a ja o._ ©—. o o OSdrt C. csi-H '.fCOH rH ^H 1002C30 O rt r-l rt rt rtrtrt^M C55 J CI CC : P cs o co "9< oo -« r- OrtrtrtOJiO CO rtrtC-Jrtrtrt rt 1^ WoOCCiO r-! t-l > ® 3 n-° *■"£ 3 * Jo -^ K 3 « ft eg o ° 2 a g o go rs'Vt*^ •o 8 u a 8-e 5-o» . ,*-s_ > -S ft a 15 2<2 g k" T* ^*a o * a a » * CO <- J ^e> •§ 21 *=lS*§ ft 2 825 2^ = ~.a* Sa&g'sSS C= ^ U « 55 5 — _ 3 ^ O (> « I"i^-s«l"&flllo ts f|o £ 5 C a-' £ o.S*' «■£— c ® A 2 fe ",5«S^ .. ea 3 q - ea-O ** iB 3 oj §** §•- 0-0 2uod5s< 5j us M u d a P3 WPficj 55 a 55 W H d Q^- 3 C dZ ca 3 P3O •- -uBO rHOOt- OOOO OO S'SC' 3 "^ 3 -:' *'' 1 35 35 00 5 m coco O t» coo CO a 2 o"3 5 ° S t- ° S" 12 - -t< -* to -h fc- 01 eg ts» cn 4>-- S.-B- g > iif'cnco m eo >o ta co i~ <*- ■£ "a " u <£ — = « 00 C, >i^ >> v. ft fc > 'd^'cj^ ^^g ^ *J *J ^J w © (^ fl BCCS -E„ •" oi cj a) t:' - * m -a-s-s-a 3^^ m ta D O O r/j s 3 M <<;<< h w 1 • 1 *J 1 S5« -3 tS £3S. 5?H , 2S.5 SaSSSS8§?SSS§S vs a 31 3 O -a 2 o?^'*-^-*'-^- -'^/- 3- *. ^— .= < £ is H a <=;3 c o . ca *J *- o OOHtl-MT-fr.'OKX rtHM.-o^rc : i x -.c o ■ £ 1O1COM £ 18 It is not quite easy, Mr. Speaker, to hold the attention of the House to the point which the gentleman has been endeavoring to make in this connection, and which I am refuting. The point is simply this : the gentleman finds in the report of the board a column in the list of contracts for work done upon our improvements which shows the estimated cost of the work. These estimates, according to the board, amount to $6,387,933 15. The gentleman has assumed throughout his whole speech that this figure should be multiplied by two, and it would not even then show the true liabilities of the board. I am demonstrating mathematically that the gentleman is wholly in error, and that when the true statement is made, this column of estimated liabilities will be found to be in excess of the cost of the work given in the list of contracts. There is more here than an error of figures on the part of the gentleman. His whole theory as to the inaccuracy of the report of the board is exploded. As a mathematician the gentleman seems not to be a success. He may hardly aspire to be chief of our Bureau of Statistics. The gentleman rings out "discrepancy," " blunder," " fraud," through these Halls. " I thank thee, Jew, for teaching me that word." Having thus capped the climax of misrep- resentation, the honorable member says : "I shall not go through the other fourteen con- tracts, as there are no essential points to distin- guish them from those I have considered; but as confirmation to my conclusions, I may add that the subject of these extensions has been examined by gentlemen in this city, and while I cannot vouch for their investigation as correct, I can state, what I have no doubt will be to the satisfaction of gen- tlemen on the other side of the House, that Repub- licans have informed me the amount omitted in that report is $9,000,000." I have already conclusively shown, Mr. Speaker, that the gentleman has misrepre- sented the report of the board, and that with the single exception of a portion of the Tiber sewer, and some unimportant omissions not affecting the grand total, the extensions have all been carried out. The omission in the case of that Tiber sewer has I think been satisfactorily explained, and I will now add, for his consolation, that with respect to the con- tract with George Neitzey, for Twelfth street, and that with A. Campbell, for the East Capitol street sewer, the estimated expenses, as stated in the much reviled list, is in excess of the actual cost. What shall we say of the gentleman's con- clusion that $9,000,000 liabilities have been omitted, and that therefore the debt incurred by the board is $19,000,000 instead of $6,000- 000? It would be interesting to know the "Republicans" who performed the legerde- main shown in the gentleman's figures. When next "Republicans" turn informers for the gentleman he had better remember the " gift- bearing Greeks." I have before me, Mr. Speaker, a tabulated statement dedicated to the gentleman from New York by one John H. Crane, of this city. Upon a careful comparison of the table sub- mitted by the honorable member with that prepared by Crane, I find that the gentle- man has not only copied the body of the table prepared by that mendacious person, but also his notes. He must be a bold man who will utter on this floor as fact any statement that may emanate from John H. Crane. Let me re- mind the gentleman that during the investi- gation last winter this man, who appeared in the double capacity of prosecutor and witness, swore that on the day of the election the board had in their employ thirteen thousand men, (see page 293 of the report,) and that when the rolls were produced by the superintendent of streets it was ascertained that the number of employes at that time under the board (including cart-drivers, who are generally boys) was eight hundred and nine — a less force than had been in their employ immediately previous to the election. (Ibid., page 653.) And in a criminal proceeding in one of our courts a score of citizens testified that he was not entitled to belief under oath. The internal evidences are conclusive that Crane's figures and the gentleman's are the same, and we may safely assume that upon the subject of the Board of Public Works Crane is the gen- tleman's authority, and speaks through him upon the floor of this House ; he is also prob- ably one of the " Republicans" who supplied the data of the gentleman's speech. If I can properly judge the desire of this honorable body, it is not their wish to gather informa- tion from the sewers or from mere idle gossip, or to be instructed or controlled by the state- ments of political mountebanks and courte- sans. A more mischievous and unreliable man cannot be found in our city than this 19 man Crane ; and it is humiliating to know that he has been given a hearing on this floor. Among the gentleman's objections to the report of the board is the fact that " the list of contracts is not certified" by the contract clerk. He is welcome to what of capital he may be able to make from this small point, though perhaps it would be well for him to have the clerk examined as to the cause of the omission. In the mean time I will inform the gentleman that the certificate was not deemed necessary for the sole reason that the list is a part of the report of the board, that they alone are responsible for its correctness, and that the clerk himself felt it would be mere affectation on his part to affix his certifi- cate to what had been adopted as genuine by the board. CHARGE FIFTH. The gentleman next proceeds to notice the appropriation of $1,240,000 made recently by Congress to reimburse the board for expend- itures in front of Government property. He says that he will proceed to show " frauds against the Government of a character which will astonish the gentlemen who hear " him. I know of no law of morals or common de- cency which will warrant a member on this floor in making a charge of this character against officers of the United States or any other per- sons unless they are founded on fact ; and I shall proceed to show that this charge is wholly destitute of fact. The gentleman's misstatements are the coinage of his own brain. They are " out of whole cloth." 1. He first charges the board with suppressing a page of their report, as "telling unwelcome truths." The gentleman is wholly mistaken. When the report was finally completed and made up, the page to which the gentleman re- fers, and which in his proof copy was probably his "last page," was placed in another part of the report, page 15 supplemental appendix. 2. The gentleman says that pavement charged at one dollar to the United States cost the board ninety cents a yard. The fact is that when the board first made its contracts eighty cents, not ninety cents, was fixed as the price for pavement, but the coritract stipulated that this was based on the fact that bricks could be furnished at $11 50 per thousand. It was after- ward found that bricks could not be purchased at this price, having advanced to $14 50 and sixteen dollars per thousand. This made the cost of pavement more than was originally sup- posed, and the Government in paying one dol- lar paid precisely what property-holders in the city have paid for the same pavement. 3. The gentleman charges that curbing which the board laid at $1 25 they charged to the United States at $1 50. The facts are as fol- lows : The 'Cost of curbing at the wharf (re- duced) is, per lineal foot, one dollar ; hauling, eight cents; rejointing and redressing, fifteen cents; setting, thirty cents ; add five per cent., nine cents, for superintendence, engineering, &c: making a total of $1 62, It will thus be seen that the board instead of making twenty- five cents, -as the gentleman claims, lost upon this item twelve cents per lineal foot. 4. The gentleman charges that twelve-inch tile sewer cost the board $1 40, and that the board charged the Government five dollars for the same sewer per foot. The answer to this is very simple. The sewers laid in front of the Government property average eighteen inches instead of twelve, and the board has charged the Government nothing for the main sewers, a proportion of which should be paid by the Government but is not. The cost of laying eighteen-inch sewer per foot, $2 30 ; man-holes, traps, and construc- tion reduced per lineal foot, $2 18 ; five per cent, for superintendence, engineering, &c, twenty-two cents ; total would give, $4 70. 5. The gentleman says : "I will take the items charged for a single square, Judiciary square, page 40 of the report, generally known as City Hall reservation, and will show an amount of fraud in them that I think will astonish the House." He then says that there is a charge made against the United States for concrete pave- ments on Fifth street along this square amount- ing to $13,491 25, and he adds, with an em- phasis of holy horror : " But, sir, there is no concrete pavement there !" And this, among other items, the gentleman asserts has been paid by the United States. The gentleman claims in his speech to have seen the voucher in the Treasury Department, and he asserted on the floor, although I be- lieve he suppressed that portion of his speech, that it> was very remarkable that the engineer iu charge of the public buildings and grounds should be able in his measurements to coin- cide exactly with the account rendered by the Board of Public Works, and pay to the last 20 cent that account, thereby insinuating as he did that, there was collusion between the Board of Public Works and the Government engineer. If the gentleman had compared the very first item in the bill of the board as published in their report with the voucher paid he would have seen that it was stricken out. The amount was $4,000, and ought to have at- tracted the gentleman's attention. It must be evident, therefore, that the gentleman was not searching for truth so much as to make a case against the Board of Public Works. I submit in this connection a letter written by the engineer in charge of public buildings and grounds to the Board of Public Works as a complete refutation of the charge made by the gentleman: Office of Public Buildings and Grounds, Washington, 1). 0., January 30, 1873. Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date, in which you state that in a speech made by Mr. Robert B. Roosevelt, and published in the Globe of the :29th instant, certain charges are made reflecting upon me and the Board of Public Works in the matter of measurements for work charged the United States Government at Judiciary square. You also request me to examine those statements and furnish an answer as to the correctness of the charges; also whether the appropriation made in the deficiency bill was not much less than the amount actually due the board. In reply, I have to state that I have read the speech to which you refer, and find that Mr. Roose- velt states as follows, namely : "But they by no means constitute all the errors; there are false measurements and charges as well. As a specimen of this I will hastily and rapidly as I can, for my time is rapidly running out, examine one single reservation. I will take the items charged for a single square. Judiciary square, page 49 of the report, generally known as the City Hill reserva- tion, and will show an amount of fraud in them that I think will astonish the House. "In the first place there is a charge for concrete pavement of Fifth street along the square ; this is charged to the United States Government at 613,491 20. But, sir, there is no concrete pavement there." Mr. Roosevelt further states that— "There is an entry against the same reservation of seven hundred and fifty-four lineal feet of sewer on G street, adding up $3,770, and one thousand one hundred feet in Fifth street adding up $5,500, and still another sewer in Fourth street eleven hundred feet long, charged at $5,500, which, so far as it exists, was built under Mayors Wallach and Bowen. years ago, and has been all paid for except some four or five hundred dollars." Mr. Roosevelt further states as follows: " The amounts demanded by the Board of Public Works I have given in the extracts from the reports which 1 have read to the House. These amounts seem to have been all paid. I have seen, although I was unable to examine critically, the voucher in the Treasury Department under which this $1,250,920 92 was drawn. I find it certified to by the officer of the Government, and the sum total is. I believe, dollars and cents, the precise sum asked for by the board." As to the correctness of these charges made by Mr. Robert B. Roosevelt, I submit the following extract from the voucher in the Treasury Depart- ment, which Mr. Roosevelt states he has seen, but has not examined critically: City Hall reservation on G and Fourth streets : J?urbing 1,907 lineal feet, at $1 50 $2,860 50 •Circular curbing, 49 lineal feet, at $2 50 122 50 Sidewalk, brick, 1.626 square yards, at $100.. 1,626 00 Sidewalk, asphalt, 971 square yards, at $1 25 1,310 82 Carriage-way, asphalt, 7,860, less one sixth, 1,310=6,550 square yards, at $3 20... 20,960 00 Sodding 3,090 square yards, at fifty cents 1,545 00 Sewers on G street, 840. less, one sixth, 140=700 lineal feet, at $4 70 3,290 00 Total $31,714 85 From this extract it will be seen that in the voucher certified to by me there is no "charge for concrete pavement on Fifth street, along the square," and that the total amount of sewers charged for is $3,290, and not $14,770, and that the amount paid by the United States for the improvements at the City Hall reservation is $24,971 20 less than the amount stated by Mr. Roosevelt, who, if he examines the voucher on file in the Treasury "critically," will find that " the false measurements and false charges" exist only in his speech. Finally, I have to state that the work done by the Board of Public AVorks for Government reserva- tions, as measured and estimated under my direction, amounts to $1,321,957 52 That the voucher in the Treasury cer- tified to by me amounts to 1,240,752 64 Leaving a balance unpaid of $81,204 88 In addition to this there is considerable work in progress which, being unfinished, was not estimated at all ; such as the carriage-way around the Circle at P and Nineteenth streets, and the carriage-way, flagging, and curbing at Scott's statue. And by a clerical error the wooden pavement around the Circle at Pennsylvania avenue and Twenty-third street northwest was omitted entirely. Respectfully, yours, O. E. BABCOCK. Maj. of Engineers, U. S. A., in charge of Public Buildings, Grounds, and Works. Hon. A. R. Shepherd, Vice President Board of Public Works. The honorable member, not yet having ex hausted his subject, next proceeds to pay his respects to county expenditures, in the fallow- ing words : " On page 16 of the report we have a statement of the board purporting to give the total expenses of county works, county roads, &c. In that con- nection the board was anxious to reduce the amount, and to show how little money they had spent, how economical they had been, and how carefully they had kept within the appropriations which they were authorized to expend. They give the amount at $123,089 72. But when they come before this gen- erous House of Congress to ask for an appropri- ation, they see the thing in a new lisht, and looking through the other end of the magnifying glass pro- duce a very different result. At page 50 they give the amount which for the same purposes they have charged on the same account the Government. It. reads as follows : ' roads in county, first legislative district, east of Lincoln avenue and Bunker Hill road, $120,111 23; second legislative district, west of Lincoln avenue and Bunker Hill road. $214,340 24;' making a total of $334,451 47, instead of $123,000." The item of $123,089 72, to which the gen- tleman refers, is given on page 10 of the report, and is work not done by contract. It forms a part of the total of $334,451 47, the difference 21 being work done under contracts, of which there are sixty-nine. In answer to au interrogatory the gentleman states that he went before the Committee on Appropriations for the purpose of calling their attention to some of these facts, as he is pleased to dignify his misrepresentations. He declares, however, that his position was a peculiar one, as he " felt the United States Governmentwas under obligations to the people of the District, and was bound in honor to assist them." Yet, under cover of his hatred toward the board, he appeared before the committee and exerted his utmost power to prevent a favorable report upon the appropriation. His expressions of interest will be estimated at their proper value in this community, and his singular mode of exhibiting his friendly feeling for our people will compare favorably with his peculiar method of turning fiction into facts. How soon he disappeared after he fired his diminutive gun, as though afraid of the recoil ! Doubtless as he journeyed to his New York home he con- soled himself by the reflection that — " He who fights and runs away May live to fight another day." And then how solicitous he is not to be con- sidered as reflecting upon the President ! He assails in abusive terms executive appointees, and yet does not wish to be understood as censuring the power that placed them in authority and keeps them there. With an eye to recent events in his own city, he says, " There may be some palliation in the weak- ness of human nature for the man who steals public money intrusted to him, but the official who squanders it deserves the same punish- ment as the criminal guilty of arson." The men he thus assails are in all respects his peers; they are known to the Chief Magis- trate, by whom they were appointed, and by whom they are retained in office ; and I do not believe that any citizen feels a greater pride in the improvements which are now developing the beautiful features of the seat of Government than he who did so much with his sword to make it the permanent capital of a united people. In evidence of this, and his confidence in the Board of Public Works, let me read the following extract from his message to the present Congress : " Since the establishment of a territorial govern- ment for the District of Columbia, the improvement of the condition of the city of Washington and sur- roundings, and the increased prosperity of the citi- zens, is observable to the most casual visitor. The nation, being a large owner of property, should bear with the citizens of the District its just share of the expense of these improvements. '*I recommend, therefore, an appropriation to re- imburse the citizens for the work done by them along and in front of public grounds during the past year, and liberal appropriations in order that the improvement and embellishment of the public buildings and grounds may keep pace with the im- provements made by the territorial authorities.'' Of a like nature is the gentleman's asser- tions that the board " have used up all the funds of the District government appropriated to ordinary purposes, so that the school- teach- ers, the firemen, and the police are unpaid," " contractors are on the point of failure," and that the laborers are in a "state of riot." I pronounce each of these statements at variance with truth, and here declare that not one dol- lar has been drawn from'the District by the board except such as has been appropriated by the Legislature for their uses. Their labor- ers and employes have been paid in full to January 1 of the present year; their con- tractors, I am informed, have been paid as rapidly as the resources of the board would permit, and as promptly as in any other city in the United States. MORE APPROPRIATIONS. It is true, as the gentleman alleges, that the Board of Public Works have expressed their intention to apply to us for $2,000,000 duriug this session to continue the improvements of the city. Why should they not, Mr. Speaker? An examination of the public records of the country will show that since 1802 the General Government has expended for the improve- ment of our streets and avenv.es $1,321,288 31. During the same period the city of Washington has expended $13,921,767 15, or the citizens have paid ninety percent, and the Government ten per cent., and I leave out of this computa- tion nearly $2,000,000 which have been ex- pended by Georgetown and the county of Washington ; and yet the United States owns, and has owned, not less than two fifths of the city of Washington. I will not here discuss the duty of the General Government toward its capital. The gentleman expresses his willing- ness to help discharge this duty. The only difficulty he has is to permit anything, to be done while the present Board of Public Works are in power. I hope I have conviuced him that he can afford to risk the public money 22 in their hands. A careful examination of their report will show that the money expended by them hitherto has in the main been more economically and wisely expended than a sim- ilar amount in his or any other city, as I be- lieve, in the United States. I hope I may be pardoned, while on this subject of the obligations of the General Gov- ernment toward its capital, in quoting from the testimony taken before an investigation into the affairs of the District last winter. I quote from pages 740 and 741 the testi- mony of Hon. Francis P. Blair : "By Mr. Chipman : " Question. I would like to have your views in regard to the obligation that the G-eneral Govern- ment owes to this District to make it a proper resi- dence and place for the capital of the nation. "Answer, The Father of his Country laid out the city for the nation ; h» never believed that a com- mercial people would live here. He judged wisely that these broad avenues were necessary for the capital of a great people like ours ; he laid them out so that they can be parked, and the health of the city secured. They are laid out so that the air can pass through the city in every direction. These broad streets are parks themselves; and this will be the most beautiful city the earth has ever seen. " Question. You know something of the tradi- tions and the history of the location of the capital here. Can you state what was the purpose of the founders? "Answer. It was designed that it should be the most beautiful city of the greatest continent of the earth ; and it ought to have the assistance of the whole nation. "Question. You regard it, and the founders of the city regarded it, as a matter in which the whole nation has an interest ? "Answer. Yes, sir; for such a nation as ours. It looks back to the Old World and sees all those great cities of the past built on the sand; but this city is built on an elevation. Paris is on a little stream, the Seine, not much broader than our canal; but here is the broad Potomac; and all these hills about the city are connected with the mountains, so that here is to be a city right at the falls of the Potomac which has the mountain air. Near my house you can see the Blue Ridge in Virginia, and Sugar Loaf mountain in Maryland. This region is elevated and healthy, above tide-water. At the District line it is five hundred feet above the ocean. It will not sink here like cities covered with the deserts of sand in the Old World. "Question. I want you to give us the traditions upon that subject for the use of the committee, and for other persons in Congress who think that the national Government has no obligations in this particular. "Answer. I think the founders of the city enter- tained no such opinion. Congress has never acted upon that idea. Congress is the founder of this city, and made it what it is. It is the nation's city, and its very construction shows that it is made for a great people." Mr. Blair is one of the few surviving links between the founders of this capital city and the present generation, and he is one of the few in 4 this community of that old school of men who seem to have retained some of the early pride of the founders of the capital. His views are broad, liberal, and statesmanlike. I commend them to the House for their wis- dom and their patriotism. Speaking of the Board of Public Works, Mr. Blair testified : "I believe the plans generally adopted by the city government the best ever suggested. They do honor to the taste and genius of those who designed them." CERTIFICATES OF ASSESSMENTS VOID. The gentleman charges that the certificates of indebtedness issued for improvement! are void. Why he should seek to discredit our securities by expressing the opinion I cannot say, but I can assure him that he stands alone so far as I know in his opinion. At least two cases have been taken to the supreme court of this District, and the assess- ment held to be valid. A leading bank in the city of New York has contracted to take $1,000,000 of these certifi- cates, as fast as they can be delivered. I think, therefore, the gentleman may dismiss his fears upon this point. VIOLATION OF THE ORGANIC ACT. The gentleman charges that the Legislature violated the organic, act by increasing the sal- ary of the treasurer of the Board of Public Works, and that the board violated the law in creating the office of treasurer. He says that — " The organic act provides specifically that no sal- ary of any officers should be increased, and that no additional compensation should be given to any member of the government beyond the amount of his salary." The answer to this is : that there is no such provision in the organic act, and there is there- fore no violation on the part of the Legisla- ture. I may explain that the organic act pro- vides that the Board of Public Works shall draw money from the treasury of the District upon their warrants. Having thus legally obtained possession of funds, the next step was to disburse them in payment of their obligations. This could only be done through some person selected for that purpose. The board chose for this respons- ible duty one of their own number, and this was done in accordance with a well estab- lished principle of law that when a duty is imposed upon an officer he is authorized to employ such agencies as will enable him to discharge it properly. Recoguizing the in- creased labor and responsibility thus imposed upon the member of the board selected as treasurer, the Legislature voted him a salary. 23 This, I contend, they had a right to do, and I need hardly remind members that there are few, if any, of our Territories in which the Legislatures have not increased the salaries of the territorial officers. This I know to be the fact with respect to the judicial officers of many of the Territories. If the people of the District chose to pay the treasurer of the board a salary in addition to that allowed by Congress, no one here has the right to question their action, much less to interfere. In this connection the gentleman calls attention to several contracts that are marked "canceled" in the list; and here, as else- where, he shows bis utter ignorance of the whole subject by attempting to convey the im- pression that one contract is marked canceled nine times. The explanation of this is simple, and was within the reach of the gentleman if he had desired to inform himself. Contracts, as they appear in the list, are numbered from one to five hundred and ninety-two. The copy of the report which he examined did not contain the numbers, and hence the error into which he has fallen. With these numbers as they appear upon the corrected reports, the whole matter is simple and easily under- stood, and a large proportion of the criticisms in which the gentleman has so freely indulged is disposed of. RUIN OF PROPERTY-HOLDERS. After presenting this purely imaginative indictment against the board, the gentleman adds: " If this condition of things continues unchecked, it will eventuate in the ruin of the small property- holders in the District of Columbia, and the transfer of their possessions into the hands of four or five great holders, which great holders will all belong to the Board of Public Works." I have been frequently asked on this floor by members how our people were going to be able to pay their taxes and carry on this stupendous system of improvements, for they cannot see how such extensive work can go on without a large increase of the taxes. The fact is, Mr. Speaker, that the taxes to- day are no greater than they were before these improvements were begun, and they are ten cents on the dollar less than they were under one of the administrations immedi- ately preceding the present one. I declare this result to be one of the greatest financial achievements on record in municipal govern- ment. We now pay $1 70 on $100, over one tfM£of '/'/?/ which is school tax. Compare this with sonre other cities which I will name : New York pays , $2 27 Rochester pays 6 70 Troy pays 4 30 Brooklyn pays 3 87 Albany pays 4 57 Cincinnati pays 3 19 Philadelphia pays 2 05 on the one hundred dollars. Besides it must be remembered that Con- gress has limited our tax to two dollars on the hundred, so that it is impossible for the Dis- trict legally to incur a debt which will make the tax higher than that amount. I venture to say that our taxes are less than in any city of the Union making any pretensions to thrift or enterprise. And furthermore, Mr. Speaker, it must be remembered that the United States own two fifths of all the taxable property in the city and pay no taxes upon their property, so that the burden of the improvements, except as appropriations maybe made here by Congress, falls really upon three fifths of the taxable property of the city. Gentlemen may answer that we have largely increased our assessments or our valuation of property. Let me tell them precisely what has been done. The taxable property of the District, real and personal, for 1871, was $86,103,260. This included $11,257,562 of personal property. The Legislature of the District abolished all tax upon personal property in 1872, and ordered a revaluation of the real estate, which resulted in showing a valuation of $85,960,863 ; so that our real estate was increased in value about the same amount of the reduction in personal property ; and no one familiar with the facts will question that the present assess- ment of real estate is below rather than above its true value. I desire to submit in this connection a let- ter from the superintendent of assessments and taxes of the District, together with a synopsis showing the amount of improvements made in the District during the past year: Office Superintendent of Assessments and Taxes, Washington, D. C, January 15, 1S73. General : I inclose copy of a report this day made to the Governor. This return shows the increase of new improvements made in the District unexampled in our history. The assessment on improvements for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1873, was $36,356,172. Thus you 24 will observe there is an increase in this class of investments amounting to over nine per cent., show- ing conclusively that the private citizens are vieing with the Government in advancing the material interests of our District. The assessment upon old improvements will be somewhat decreased, as nearly all that class of property loses something in value from age and use. The assessment upon the ground will not be en- tirely completed for some months. You will observe that we have reached the point where we can com- plete the assessment one year in advance of the collection of taxes, thus avoiding many of the diffi- culties attending this work under the old govern- ment, when the councils were forced to levy a tax, though ignorant of the amount of property assessed. Very respectfully, your obedient servant, H. A. HALL, Superintendent of Assessments and Taxes. Hon. N. P. Chipman, M. C. 26 a OS Wiishington county, 48 build- Georgetown city, 16 Washington city, 1,221 build- ings $3,290,561 "3 o H •jo anpjA OiOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO cm;c:-D't-ccdc3oo — o o o. lO u- ONr-ci-:i-fx:i '-O co --^ co o ^.'-"V^; ''l /-^'' 3 !'""! ■££, 1— ICO"* (Mi— 1 CNJCOi— IrH CM ■*!— 1 U3 CD lO cc co" «r> •jo .laqmnjj ccoooxaocsKHcouOincs-ttiinmrHt- m i~i~cm i— i co cm ca t- 55 co ci -i> cr- co t-h m ■* -j •* en -* "5 rH c «4 •jo 8HIBA o o~o o oo oo oooooo — OOO O OO OO O-t i.-Oi.t i-. 5C O Tf O O UTlrH L~ CM rH ^*CM t-^Tvl^ r-T ' rH Cq CO ' ^-T ' LOCO ' CMiO ' ' ' rHCOCMlC iCt— 1 .y, r-li— 1 CM CM ^H o o CO CM •jo jaqcan nj I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ■ 1 1 i <1 1 ® o •jo anp?A | § ' ' ' o s •jo laqnm^r -' • ■ - o rd o 3 •jo 8 n[CA - = o oo o 1 1 1 1 1 1 , o O , , , O 1, oY~ id rHCN -3< if? o o o o CO iff •jo jaqran^j 1 I i I I I i CM CM 1 1 l rH < t I 1 ' "1 ' < < LO j o o •jo anpiA o ° s o o 1 ■ 1 O , 1 1 . I 1 1 1 1 . 1 . - ■ 1 1 ■ 1 -p o iff ■— o CD o ■* o iff •jo laqran^ • ' '- rH. . . . , CM CD to S w '3s a 2 pq.a •jo anfBA o o ■ 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 t 1 CO < ■ < • ' iff O o CD iff •jo jaqmnj^ - - P5« •jo an^A o o 1 1 1 I 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 .1 1 1 1 1 o o -p iff o o — ■ © iff •jo jaquin^ - - o •jo aniiiA o I t > I 1 I I I I " I I I I O I o o •jo jaqtnnj^ - - o 3 M o •jo ani^A o ■ i m i i i . i i ■ ■ ■ i i i i i i i i > ' i ft* o o jo jaqmn^ < -rH ,,.... rH alt 4 M- 3 -S -3 J "3 •= ■** -4 -° -3 xi ,3 J3 -C ,3 js -e -w = *SeO1^00<»OrHCMM^^c0^c»CJSr-e^ "3 o H 27 By this it will be seen that while these im- provements were going on, and according to the gentleman's theory our people were being " threatened with ruin," they have made im- provements amounting to nearly three and a half million dollars in one year! CHARACTER OF PAVEMENTS. The gentleman next attacks the character of the pavements laid ia the city, denouncing them as worthless, and quoting in support of his denunciation from a report made by the present commissioner of public works in New York city, Mr. Van Nort. As I read the report of that gentleman, who is discussing wooden and concrete pave- ments as adapted to use in New York city, he does not pretend to condemn them gen- erally. Wooden pavements, he thinks, have not succeeded in the last ten years, but upon this subject experience proves the contrary, as can be seen in many of the cities of the Union. This subject was fully examined in the in- vestigation last winter to which I have re- ferred, and I invite attention particularly to page 557, testimony of Jonathan Taylor. As to concrete pavement, Mr. Van Nort says that he is informed that in many Euro- pean cities they are well thought of. This kind of pavement was also fully examined into last winter by one of the committees of this House ; and I invite attention to the re- port which was embodied in the testimony, page 746. It is an elaborate examination of the subject of concrete pavement, made by Mr. M. A. Kellogg, engineer in chief depart- ment of parks, New York; Mr. John Y. Cuy- ler, chief engineer Brooklyn park commis- sioner ; John D. Estabrook, principal assist- ant engineer Fairmount park, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania ; A. B. Mullett, chief engineer Board of Public Works, District of Columbia ; S. P. Brown, of the Board of Public Works of the District of Columbia. The Committee for the District also reported upon these pave- ments favorably. I invite attention also to the fact that while Mr. Van Nort sets down the price of concrete pavement at $3 50 per yard in New York city, which does not include, as I am informed, the grading of the street, it is laid by the board here at §3 20, including two feet of grading. Mr. Van Nort puts the cost of wooden pavement in New York city at five dol- lars ; it is laid here with prepared wood, in- cluding the grading as before, for $3 50 per yard. Finally, Mr. Speaker, in refutation of the view presented by the gentleman from New York, I submit a report made by the advisory board composed of gentlemen eminent for scientific attainment as well as for their pub- lic and private character: Minutes of a meetiny of the advisory board of engineers, called loth May, 1872, at two o'clock p. JR., at office of Board of Public Works, by request of the Board of Public Works of the District of Columbia. Present: General J. K. Barnes, General 0. E. Babcock, General M. C. Meigs. The question submitted for opinion of the advis- ory board is, what preservative process shall the Board of Public Works adopt in its future use of wood pavement in the District of Columbia? The report of chemical investigation made by Doctors Tilden and Craig, of the Surgeon General's Office, of specimens of wood prepared by ssventeen different processes, was read; also, an independent report by Herman Haupt, civil engineer, on the same subject, published for the first time in the May number of the ;Eclectic Engineering Maga- zine for the present year. The opinion of the members present is, that of the processes examined, that of Seeley gives promise of best results. Upon inquiry as to relative cost of wood and of bituminous concrete pavements, as now lai'd in the city of Washington, the board was informed that the cost of prepared wood pavement is, per square yard, $3 50; of bituminousconcrete pavement, $3 20. The board recommends that bituminous concrete pavement be used — the pavements on Vermont avenue in front of the Arlington hotel, on Fifteenth street west, and Scott square, and on G street north, between Fourteenth and Fifteenth streets west, being made the standard, and that wood pavements be laid only where existing contracts, or some other exceptional reason, demands them. The bituminous concrete pavement gives promise of greater dura- bility, and it is much easier on horses, carriages, and riders. The board adjourned. M. C. MEIGS, J. K. BARNES. 0. E. BABCOCK. True copy : M. C. MEIGS. Washington. May 21, 1872. I concur in the views and recommendations of the other members of the advisory board. A. A. HUMPHREYS. Board of Public Works, District of Columbia, Washington, January 31, 1873. I certify that the foregoing is a true copy of the original on file in this office. EDWARD JOHNSON, Chief Clerk Board of Public Works. STRUGGLES OF THE DISTRICT GOVERNMENT. Mr. Speaker, I must not conclude my re- marks without calling attention to some of the difficulties with which our District government has had to contend since its establishment. The organic act passed February 21, 1871. By its provisions the old government expired June 28 1, 1871. Early in March the officers appointed under the act qualified, and stepa were ^aken to convene the Legislature in order that pro- vision should be made against any interregnum iti our government. The election was held in May, when a Delegate to Congress was chosen and the members of the lower house of the Legislative Assembly. It had become generally known to the com- munity that the Board of Public Works con- templated extensive improvements, and their views were quite well understood and entered largely into the contest. The struggle was really then, as it has been since, between those in the District who prefer that we should not attempt any sudden change in our policy as to improvements, but rather that we should plod along in the old-fashioned way, and those more enterprising spirits who were de- termined that there should be a new departure with regard to beautifying and improving the city. The result was a majority of over four thousand on the general ticket, and the elec- tion of a large majority to the lower house in favor of improvements. The Board of Public Works were busy de- vising a plan of improvements, to aid them in which they invited an advisory board, com- posed of Generals Meigs, Humphreys, Barnes, Babcock, and Mr. Olrastead, of New York city, a gentleman prominent in the develop- ment of Central Park and the improvement of that city. The Legislature convened, and a plan of improvements approved generally by the ad- visory board was submitted, and the Governor in his message suggested a loan as the best and wisest means by which to carry out the plans of the board. At this point the Oppo- sition organized in every part of the city to defeat the legislation : but the law passed July 10, 1871, authorizing a loan of $4,000,000 and the assessment against the property im- proved $2,000,000 moro. Failing to defeat the legislation, the Opposition then resorted to the courts, and by injunction prevented the pro- gress of improvements as provided for by act of July 10, making the point that the loan was illegal without the indorsement of the peo- ple. The injunction was granted by one of the judges of our court, and a delay ensued of some months before an appeal could be heard before the court in banc. The Legisla- ture then passed another act, August 19, 1871, submitting the question of the loan to the peo- ple. The Opposition hoping to defeat improve- ments before the people, opened a series of fierce and mendacious attacks, not only upon the wisdom of the improvements themselves, but upon the character, private and public, of the gentlemen composing our District govern- ment. Under the law it was not possible to take the vote sooner than in November fol- lowing ; thus postponing improvements for the summer, leaving the board only such work as could be done under direct appropriation of the Legislative Assembly necessarily limited in amount. When the question came to be voted upon by the people there were 14,760 votes in favor of the loan and 1,213 agaiust it. Having thus received an almost unanimous indorsement of their plans, the board commenced their im- provements, though late in the season, which were also further interrupted by an early winter. Immediately after the loan had been author- ized this same Opposition sought to destroy the credit of the District and prevent the negotiation of its bonds. The money markets of Europe, as well as the leading cities of our own country, were flooded with misrepresent- ations as to the character of the loan, denounc- ing it as illegal, and every possible impedi- ment was thrown in the way even after the people had declared that the improvements should go on and were willing that their bonds should be given to secure them. Congress met, and I believe on the first day a resolution was offered in the Senate, through the procurement of some of these factiouists, suspending the functions of our new govern- ment, thus striking a blow at its very exist- ence and utterly destroying its credit at home and abroad. The purpose of this faction was soon discovered by the Senator who offered that resolution, and it was withdrawn. About the same time, however, a memorial was offered in the House of Representatives, signed by a thousand citizens, many of whom afterward publicly declared that they had not read the memorial, and did not know what it contained. This memorial called upon Congress to make an investigation into the affairs of the District, and charged a reckless expenditure of public money, to the ruin of our people, and strongly insinuated fraud on the part of our public 29 officers. A protracted investigation ensued, out of which the District government emerged with a favorable report of the committee charged with the investigation. Congress, by making appropriations to pay for improve- ments done by the Board of Public Works around public property, vindicated the board upon the charges then made. At our election last fall the board was again put upon trial before the people, and the issue distinctly made against them personally as public officers, and agaiust their plan of improvements. The result was that out of twenty- two members elected to the lower House, nineteen were elected as avowed friends of the board and the improvements as made by them, while, I believe, no one of the other three was chosen on a distinct platform in opposition to improvements. The general ticket received a majority of over five thou- sand. It will thus be seen that whenever the question of improvement has been brought before the people the Board of Public Works have been sustained by an increasing majority. During the fall, and since the board began to issue its certificates of assessment against property improved, this same Opposition rallied again. Being overthrown by the votes of the people, they resorted to the courts by injunction, to prevent the issue of the cer- tificates of assessment. The board was sus- tained by the court, and the right to issue certificates, as well as their validity, was estab- lished. But here again, as formerly, the law's delay embarrassed the board financially, and the District to-day, by reason of this persistent and almost criminal opposition, is the loser to the extent of nearly $1,000,000. It would be impossible for me to convey to the House an adequate idea of the vicissitudes that have attended the District government since its formation. The spirit with which some of the members of the board have been pursued has been almost fiendish. At one time the Opposition paper of this city, affect- ing great influence and greater respectability, counseled the people to take the law in their hands and dethrone what it termed this board of public plunderers; and on more than one occasion intimating that at least one member of this board was guilty of such crime as would warrant a mob in hanging him at sight to the nearest lamp-post. Mr. Speaker, if all the imps of darkness had devoted their sole time to the work of obstructing the success of this new District government since its organization, they could not have made a more diabolical resistance than has been made by the combination — I may say conspiracy — that was formed to break it down. Every instrumentality, noble and ignoble ; every name, good and bad ; every influence, false and true; every person, with or without character, who could be misled, cajoled, or bought, to oppose us, has beeti brought into service. But amid all this clamor and abuse the District government has moved steadily along ; and, with the exception of the financial embar- rassment, caused as I have shown, which can hardly be estimated, aud infinite vexation, trouble, and delay upon the members of the government, all efforts in opposition have fallen as harmless as the gentleman's speech, which I have reviewed. I trust that members of this House, when they look about them, and witness the trans- formation, everywhere visible, from the old to the new, will remember some of the tribula- tions through which those gentlemen have passed, to whom, of all others, our people and the nation are most indebted. In conclusion, Mr. Speaker, I have only this to say : that the gentleman from New York, consciously or unconsciously, in his speech, which I am about to dismiss, has, as I hope, uttered the last wail of that illiberal and senseless spirit which has brought only mis- chief to our people. I have no doubt that the gentleman weighed well the result of his action, and came delib- erately to the conclusion that, whatever effect his course might have upon the interests of the District of Columbia, personally he would gain with his constituents. I think the gentleman has made a mistake. I do not think he can afford to rest his repu- tation upon such an effort in such a cause. He is about to leave us. The House of Representatives that kuows him now will soon know him no more forever. He will be remembered at the nation's capital as having achieved the doubtful dis- tinction of friend and counselor to the most uncanny lot of chronic grumblers, fogies, and characterless people that ever hung upon the 30 skirts of enterprise or laid in wait to retard the progress of a community. When this grateful nation shall erect a slab to his memory in that sanctified spot on the Anacostia river known as the Congressional Burying Ground, I pray that the remains of his confidante and admirer, John H. Crane, may be deposited under the stone, and that on the slab there be inscribed : Par nobile fratrum. In life they were one ; In death they may not be parted. District Affairs. SPEECH EION. NORTON P. CHIPMAN, DISTRICT COLUMBIA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY 11, 1873. The House having under consideration the bill (II. E. No. 3S50) making appropriations for the sup- port of the Army for the year ending June 30, 1874 — Mr. Roosevelt addressed the House in reply to Mr. Chipman's remarks of February 5. Mr. CHIPMAN said: Mr. Chairman : I shall endeavor to detain the House but a very few minutes. It is not my purpose to occupy the half hour which 1 have been accorded by the gentleman from Pennsyl- vania in charge of this bill. 1 shall only follow the gentleman from New York [Mr. Roose veltJ in the statements I regard as essential to l »e traversed, and leave his speech and my own, recently made, which fully covered the whole subject, to take their own course and meet their own results as to charge and refutation. 1 do not admit that the gentleman from New York comes here with such clean hands that he is entitled to set up a standard of moral conduct in the District c*f Columbia. No man shall cry nut in Washington, " Tammany No. 2," while holding a certificate of office given him by the decree of "Tammany No. 1'' — a man so shameless that he has the audacity to admit that he was not elected by the votes of the people in his district, but. was counted in by a, power which he then had neither the virtue nor courage to resist. Is it not, Mr. Chairman, Satan rebuking sin to. witness this exhibition of the gemlems*n ? Now, Mr. Chairman, the gentleman from New York assails in a brutal manner the per- sonal character of men in this District who are his peers. The particular officer whom he singles out has. struggled here in this com- munity from childhood ; he is known to thou sands, and he sttands here with as good a char- acter, in ali those qualities which make up manhood, as that of any man upon this floor. He is self-made, it is true, but he is one of those men for whom nature has done more than wealth, blood, or any other influence can do for some men I might mention. This man with his associates is now attempting to make Washington city something that it has not been in the years that are past — a fit residence for the capital of a great people. But, sir, these gentlemen have been pursued at every step : and it seems now that there is an avenue — I will not say a sewer — that there is an avenue in this House, through which the combined influences of the Opposition, their slanders. their misrepresentations, their insane hostility to everything which tends to the good of the District, may be poured in here, and be em- ployed to defeat what, I regard as the patriotic efforts of these public officers. The gentleman from New York speaks of fraud and misrepresentation, and says that these officers are attempting to deceive this House. He has not. pointed out one single instance where that has been done. Look at the report which the Board of Public Works has made. Take their report, exam- ine it, and let the board stand or fall with it. Take '.hat portion which the gentleman criticises so severely, that which gives the estimates of the contracts which were made for the purpose of carrying out these improve- ments, and 1 declare that no man not, absolutely blind with hatred and prejudice will fail to see the refutation of the gentleman's charges. Let me remind the House that the real question in that connection is this : did the Board of Public Works represent to Congress substantially the amount of their indebtedness or of their liabil- ities? Thisis notanewquestion. Thegentie- man discussed it a fortnight ago, and I followed him as soon as opportunity offered, and I ciU attention now to the fact that the gentleman fails to explain moiv than half a score of mis- representations in his speech which I exposed. I assume that he cannot explain, and I shall not repeat the argument. Now, sir, I allege that the Board of Public Works have represented their indebtedness truthfully, or within a very few thousand dol- lars, which is as near as estimates can be made involving millions of dollars' worth of work; and yet the gentleman would have you believe that instead of the liabilities incurred by the board amounting to something over $6,000,000, they amount to $13,000,000. Somebody has told a great untruth in refer- ence to this matter. Mr. Chairman, my posi- tions do not rest upon my own examination. A committee of this House has told you pre- cisely what I tell you, and I have yet to learn that the House distrusts the integrity of that committee. The gentleman from New York is a mem- ber of that committee. Upon his own motion and on his own resolution the Committee for the District of Columbia examined this very question, and instead of remaining here, as it was his duty to do if he intended really to unearth what he alleged to be frauds, the gentleman went off to New York city, and we hear no more of him in relation to this matter until he comes here to make an assault on the integrity of these gentlemen, and to show the House that it has committed itself to the payment of a large amount, of money upon an account which was a fraud upon the Govern- ment of the United States. Sir, when the gentleman next has an opportunity of exam- ining these matters let him not go off to New York city to engage in a vain attempt to organ- ize a " dispensary democracy" by dispensing with Democrats, and then come here and make what I may call a dispensary speech, dispens- ing entirely with facts. The gentleman first attempts to explain how he was betrayed into his blunders by using an advance proof copy of the report of the board, and he charges that there are no less than four different editions, and admits that the page he thought was suppressed turns up in another part of the later editions. Let me say one word here. The first dozen copies were struck off before the original proof- sheets had reached the proof-reader and were returned. The body of the report is not and has not been changed in any one material par- ticular, but the exhibits, which are numerous, were made up by clerks and carefully exam- ined and corrected for later editions, but not in the least changing totals or the text of the report, or any important fact of the re- port. The House must remember that in no matter referred to by the gentleman except the account rendered against the United States is the truth or falsehood of his statements im portant, and therefore the House could not have been misled. As to the account against the Government, I have fully refuted the gentleman in former remarks, but will notice it a moment. As to the gentleman's statement that he has again computed the tables which I recently showed to be correct in the report, and his further statement that his first estimate is the true one, I can only say that the gentleman and I cannot agree, and we must leave the House to judge which is right. Now, the gentleman, in taking up the re- marks I made in reply to him, and iu addition to the statement that this account has been paid by Congress under a misrepresentation, arraigns the engineer in charge of the public buildings and grounds, and he goes over the accounts and vouchers of General Babcock, and attempts to show that he has paid items which the board never charged, and other items in regard to which, in fact, the board had not done any work. In his former speech the gentleman said this account was paid to the last dollar and cent, and that the measure- ments agreed to a foot, and he thought it so strange as to warrant an insinuation of collu- sion and fraud. Let me tell the House the exact truth about it. I have here a copy of the deficiency bill to which this House gen- erously added over a million and a quarter dollars for the purpose of paying the amount rendered against the Government for work done in front of the property of the Govern- ment. I ask the Clerk to read from that bill. The Clerk read as follows: " District of Columbia : " To enable the Secretary of the Interior to pay the expenditures made by the Board of Public Works of the District of Columbia for paving roadway, and curbing and paving sidewalks, grading, sewerage, and other improvements upon and adjoining the property of the United States in the District of Columbia, $1, 241,920 92, or so much thereof as may be necessary: Provided, That all payments under this appropriation shall be made only upon vouchers approved by the officer in charge of the public build- ings and grounds of the District after full examina- tion and measurement of the said improvements, and the approval of the prices claimed therefor: And provided further, That the said Board of Public Works be, and they are hereby, prohibited from incurring or contracting further liabilities on behalf of the United States in the improvement of streets, avenues, and reservations beyond the amount of appropriations previously made by Congress, and from entering into any contract touching such im- provements on behalf of the United States except in pursuance of appropriations made by Congress." Mr. CHIPMAN. Mr. Chairman, the gen- tleman from New York charged distinctly in his former speech that upon an examination personally of the vouchers of General Babcock, to which he alluded here to-day, he had found that those vouchers agreed with the accounts laid before the Committee on Appropriations by the Board of Public Works, and he stated, as I have said, that it was a remarkable fact that in an account of over a million and a quar- ter of dollars, including probably one thousand items, the two should agree so exactly. Let me ask the gentleman how that charge agrees with the one he to-day makes that the vouchers of General Babcock and the accounts of the board disagree in almost every particular? He must have been wrong first if he is right now. But I say he was wrong first, and is avoiding the truth now. I admit, Mr. Chairman, if what ihe gentleman first charged were the case it would be remarkable, but unfortunately it is not true. If the gentleman had examined the very first item in this account he would have seen that General Babcock strikes off an item of $4,000; and yet the gentleman came here and charged that every item and every cent had been paid. Sir, I say that the maxim will apply here in discussing a question of this kind, falsum in uno, falsum in omnibus. If true as to witnesses, why is it not true in regard to discussions here? Now, the fact is that the account of the board embraced items amounting to over a million and a quarter of dollars ; but General Babcock reports that the accounts amounted to $81,204 83 more than the board had reported, yet the very object of the gentleman's first speech was, as well as this attack to-day is, to show to the House that the board, in fact, had done less work than they charged the Govern- ment for. The answer I have given is not only conclusive of the gentleman's error, but it ought to shame him into a public acknowl- edgment ; yet with blind rage he reiterates fraud on the part of the board and culpable mistakes on the part of the officer who certi- fied to the voucher. Let me explain in a word more that when General Babcock came to examine the account o£ the board he struck out all the items in regard to which he and the board disagreed to such an extent that the board were unwilling to allow the accounts to be settled, and he allowed others where work was done and not stated in the account, and yet with all the care that was taken he found that the Government was indebted over $81,000 more than the board had reported. Why, then, all this excited declamation of the gentlemen when the facts are known, as he must at this moment know them? The gentleman says General Babcock had no authority to use a discretion. In reply I make this point, that under the appropriation which this Congress made, the language of which I have read, it was competent for Gen- eral Babcock to pay to the full amount of the appropriation so long as he kept within its terms, even though the exact account rendered by the board was not audited and paid by him. Congress did not know the account as an ac- count; it only knew the amount in round numbers, and provided not for a particular account, but for the cost of the work whatever it might be. This, Mr. Chairman, is my answer to the speech of the gentleman. He makes no new charges, and I say he does not explain the equivocal position in which his first speech placed him. I stand upon the computation and the facts already submitted by me to the House, and I challenge refutation of them. I am sustained by the reports of a committee of this House and by what I believe to be the truth in this whole matter. The gentleman's quarrel with the vice president of the board it is not my province to espouse. That officer is abundantly able to take care of himself. And now, Mr. Chairman, I had hoped we were through with this opposition. Whenever it shall be demonstrated by the gentleman from New -York, [Mr. Roosevelt,] or by any other member or by any other person, be he a member of Congress or one of my own con- stituents, that this Board of Public Works are a second Tammany in a worse form than the very bad first Tammany, as the gentleman charges, I shall not be the last one to de- nounce them on this floor. I have gone before this people over and over again upon the very question the gentleman has raised before the House, and every time the people have in- dorsed the Board of Public Works and their efforts to build up the national capital But so long as these charges are utterly des- titute of truth, as I believe them to be, and are made only by a few disappointed and dis- reputable characters whom the respectable people of the District who oppose the board repudiate as common enemies to our best in- terests, so long, Mr. Chairman, as this is true I shall defend this board. It is a shame that these creatures should be permitted to come here to defeat just appro- priations; it is a shame that they are allowed to dog the steps of Congressmen and pretend to respectability because there are some decent men in the city who do not sustain the board" These creatures would see the capital sink before they would permit the board to succeed, if they could prevent it ; and yet they find audience and they have a champion on this floor. The gentleman comes here now to eulo- gize the character of one of these men and thank him for turning spy and informer against the people of the District. I shall not call in question the gentleman's companionship. He may select his own associates ; but he cannot convince this country that an infatuated mono- maniac, an utterly unscrupulous wretch who pursues this District government with the ma- levolence of a hyena, is a fit man to give the gentleman information to guide this House. I make no attack on this man, but I warn the House against the source of the gentleman's so-called facts. Sir, it is painful to me that this attack and this effort to stifle improvements here come from a gentleman who lives in the greatest city of this continent, with its noble park and its splendid improvements, and with its ambition to overtop the cities of the Old World in all that makes a city great. It pains me that such a gentleman should stand out alone in an attack upon the Board of Public Works and their effort to build up your capital. But this experience is not new to us. When gentlemen of the House look about them and see what we Have accomplished in this city, let them remember that every step that has been taken has been through fire. We have been attached openly and anonymously. Even yesierday, when it was hoped to pass a resolu- tion of instruction to the Committee on Ap- propriations asking them to inquire as to the duty of the Government toward its capital, this House. was flooded with an anonymous circular attacking me personally and the Board of Public Works. I had a copy handed to me by a gentleman on the other side of the House, who said that the gentleman from New York [Mr. Roosevelt] handed it to him, and was circulating it among members generally. I hope I may be mistaken in that, but I fear that I am not. Is this a specimen of the gentleman's morals? Is a public report of United States officers to be libeled out of court, and this stuff to be taken as the guide of the House? Verily, then — "0 Judgment, thou art fled to brutish beasts, And men have lost their reason." This, Mr. Chairman, is the character of the opposition which we have met everywhere. Yesterday I found here this large paper, [hold- ing a large yellow-colored poster in his hand.] which reminds one of the posters that may be seen at the cross-roads, surmounted by ahorse rampant, and which was circulated here by the gentleman in order to prejudice this House against doing an act of simple justice, that of directing an inquiry through a proper commit- tee as to whether this Government ought to do anything toward building up the capital. The gentleman cries " Tammany number two," " fraud," " corruption," "misrepresent- ation." Let it be Tammany number two. It never will send a Delegate who will come here and turn and rend it without cause. I believe there is no substantial averment made by the gentleman that has not been fully an- swered. I cannot anticipate what the gentle- man will print in the balance of his speech, and I reserve the right to answer charges not made on the floor. I will not take up the time of the House in merely gratifying myself by further remarks. Examine the records of this District for yourselves. Do not rely upon the gentleman's statements or my own. This Congress has shown a patriotic interest in the capital. I cannot believe that the fire and fury of one or a half a dozen speeches which the gentleman or any one else shall make can extinguish the public sentiment that demands of the people's Representatives to make the people's capital the greatest of the world. Printed at the OHco of the ■Congressional Globe. Washington Monument. SPEECH OF HON. NORTON P. CHIPMAN, OF DISTRICT COLUMBIA., IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES, FEBRUARY IS, 1873, On the hill making an appropriation to complete the Washington monument. Mr. CHIPMAN. Mr. Speaker, feeling a deep interest in the completion of the Wash- ington monument, and believing it to be my duty as an American citizen cherishing grate- fully the memory of Washington, I introduced at the second session of this Congress a bill making an appropriation looking to the com- pletion of the monument. The bill was referred to the Committee for the District of Columbia, and by Report No. 48 of the second session of this Congress, this committee presented to the House the facts which it regarded as necessary to enable Con- gress to act intelligently in the matter, and recommended the appropriation. That docu- ment is somewhat lengthy, and contains im- portant facts in such form as to make it diffi- cult to ascertain the information desirable. My object, then, in addressing the House at this time is not so much for the purpose of arous- ing torpid patriotism, or to indulge in any panegyric upon the life and character of the Father of his Country, as it is to collate and arrange such facts as I think members would be glad to know preparatory to voting upon a proposition appropriating money for the pur- pose indicated. As a further stimulus of this subject, I recently introduced aresolution, upon which the House directed a select committee of thirteen, to be appointed with leave to report at any time, by bill or otherwise, and setting apart the afternoon of February 22 to consider the report. It is also for the purpose of aid- ing the consideration of that report that I sub- mit these remarks atthis time ; but as a mem- ber of that committee it would manifestly be improper for me to express any views in ad- vance of their report looking to a plan for completing the monument. ORIGIN OF THE WASHINGTON CIATION. MONUMENTAL ASSO- At the close of the revolutionary war the Continental Congress, on the 7th of August, 1783, resolved unanimously, " that an eques- trian statue of General Washington be erected at the place where the residence of Congress shall be established ;" and it was directed that the statue should be supported by a marble pedestal, on which should be represented four principal events of the revolutionary war in which Washington commanded in person. On the pedestal were to be engraved the following words: " The United States, in Congress assembled, or- dered this statue to be erected in the year of our Lord 1783, in honor of George Washington, the illus- trious Commander-in-Chief of the Armies of the United States of America during the war which vin- dicated and secured their liberty, sovereignty, and independence." Washington had at this time endeared himself to the American people as the great revolutionary leader in their struggle for lib- erty. As a civil ruler he was yet unknown. The extraordinary powers conferred upon him as the leader of the armies proved to be equally safe in his hands in the management of civil government, and it was as the Presi- dent of the United States that he earned his proudest title to the gratitude of his country. At his death a joint committee of both Houses of Congress was appointed to consider a suit- able manner of paying honor to his memory. It was resolved, among other things, by Con- gress, December 24th, 1799: "That a marble monument be erected by the United States at the city of Washington, and that the family of General Washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it ; and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political life." seeing it. The proposed Washington mon- ument has suffered much from this kind of criticism. When a great editor, like the one who has recently died in this country, declares to the immense audience which he obtained through his great paper, that the proposed Washington monument, when com- pleted, will resemble " a pumpkin with a stick stuck in it," he unconsciously aroused not only a feeling of distrust in the minds of the public as to the plan of the monument, but he created a sentiment of absolute contempt for it, and it has been this flippant sort of criti- cism which has done more than all other things to deaden into insensilitity the patriotism of the public which was expressing itself from every quarter of the country by liberal dona- tions at the time the monument was begun. Now, Mr. Speaker, these criticisms have been based chiefly upon the supposed appear- ance of the obelisk with the proposed pantheon or base surrounding it. So far as this feature of the monument is concerned, it is not de- termined upon, and has only been made as a suggestion, and was embodied in the early pic- tures representing the monument. The only thing determined upon by the association which should not be changed, is the shaft. That members may see precisely what the design of this monument is, I will read the descrip- tion of it as originally prepared : "The design embraces the idea of a grand circular colonnaded building, two hundred and fifty feet in diameter, and one hundred feet high, from which springs an obelisk shaft seventy feet at the base and five hundred feet high; this will be constructed first. "The vast rotunda, forming the grand base of the monument, is surrounded by thirty columns of mas- sive proportions, being twelve feet in diameter and forty-five feet high, elevated upon a lofty base or stylobate of twenty feet elevation and three hun- dred feet square, surmounted by an entablature twenty feet high, and crowned by a massive balus- trade fifteen feet in height. "The terrace outside of the colonnade is twenty- five feet wide, and the pronaos or walk within the colonnade, including the column space, twenty-five feet. The walks inclosing the cella, or gallery within, are fretted with thirty massive antic (pilas- ters) ten feet wide, forty-five feet high, and seven and a half feet projection, answering to the columns in front, surmounted by their appropriate archi- trave. The deep recesses formed by the projection of the antte provide suitable niches for the reception of statues. " A tetrastyle portico, (four columns in front,) in triple rows of the same proportions and order with the columns of the colonnade, distinguishes the entrance to the monument, and serves as a pedestal for the triumphal car and statue of the illustrious chief; the steps to this portico are flanked by mass- ive blockings, surmounted by appropriate figures and trophies. " Over each column, in the great frieze of the entab- latures, around the entire building, are sculptured escutcheons, (coats of arms of each State in the Union,) surrounded by bronze civic wreaths, banded together by festoons of oak leaves, &c, all of which spring (each way) from the center of the portico, where the coat of arms of the United States is emblazoned. "The statues surrounding the rotunda outside, under the colonnade, are all elevated upon pedestals. and will be those of the glorious signers of the Declaration of Independence. "Ascending the portico outside to the terracelevel, a lofty vomitoria, (doorway,) thirty feet high, leads into the cella, (rotunda gallery,) fifty feet wide, five hundred feet in circumference, and sixty-eight feet high, with a colossal pillar in the center seventy feet in diameter, around which the gallery sweeps. This pillar forms the foundation of the obelisk column above. " Both sides of the gallery are divided into spaces by pilasters, elevated on a continued zocle or base five feet high, forming an order, with its entablature, forty feet high, crowned by a vaulted ceiling twenty feet, high, divided by radiating archevaults, corres- ponding with the relative positions of the opposing pilasters, and inclosing deep sunken coffers enriched with paintings. "The spaces between the pilasters are sunk into niches for the reception of the statues of the fathers of the Revolution, contemporary with the immortal Washington ; over which are large tablets to receive the national paintings commemorative of the battle and other scenes of that memorable period. Oppo- site to the entrance of this gallery, at the extremity of the great circular wall, is the grand niche for the reception of the statue of the 'Father of his Country,' elevated on its appropriate pedestal, and designated as principal in the group by its colossal proportions. " This spacious gallery and rotunda, which properly may be denominated the 'national pantheon,' is lighted in four grand divisions from above, and, by its circular form, presents each subject decorating its walls in an interesting point of view, and with proper effect, as the curiosity is kept up every mo- ment, from the whole room not beiug presented to the eye at one glance, as in the case of a straight gallery. "Entering the center pier through an arched way, you pass into a spacious circular area, and ascend with an easy grade, by a railway, to the grand ter- race, seventy-five feet above the base of the monu- ment. This terrace is seven hundred feet in circum- ference, one hundred and eighty feet wide, inclosed by a colonnaded balustrade fifteen feet high, with its base and capping. The circuit of this grand terrace is studded with small temple-formed structures, con- stituting the cupolas of the lanterns, lighting the pantheon gallery below ; by means of these little temples, from a gallery within, 3 bird's-eye view is had of the statues, &c, below. "Through the base of the great circle of the balus- trade are four apertures at the four cardinal points, leading outside of the balustrade, upon the top of the main cornice, where a gallery six feet wide and seven hundred and fifty feet in circumference en- circles the whole, inclosed by an ornamental guard, forming the crowning member on the top of the thdlus of the main cornice of the grand colonnade. Within the thickness of this wall staircases descend to a lower gallery over the plafond of the pronaos of the colonnade, lighted from above. This gallery, which extends all round the colonnade, is twenty feet wide, divided into rooms for the records of the monu- ment, works of art, or studios for artists engaged in the service of the monument. Two other ways com- municate with this gallery from below. "In the center of the grand terrace, above de- scribed, rises the lofty obelisk shaft of the monu- ment, seventy feet square at the base, and five hun- dred feet high, diminishing as it rises to its apex, where it is forty feet square; at the foot of this shaft, and on each face, projectfour massive zocles, twenty- five feet high, supporting so many colossal symbolic tripods of victory, twenty feet high, surmounted by facial columns with their symbols of authority. These zocle faces are embellished with inscriptions, which are continued around the entire base of the shaft, and occupy the surface of that part of the shaft between the tripods. On each face of the shaft above this is sculptured the four leading events in General Washington's eventful career in haaso re- tievo,\\m\ above this the shaft is perfectly plain to within fifty feet of its summit, where a simple star is placed, embl ematic of the glory which the name of Washington has attained. "To ascend to the summitof thecolumn, the same facilities as below sire provided within the shaft by an easy-graded gallery, which may be traversed by a railway, terminating in a circular observatory, twenty feet in diameter, around which at the top is a lookout gallery, which opens a prospect all aronnd the horizon. " With reference to the area embraced by the foundations and basement of the monument, and the uses to which they may be applied, the under- space outward, occupied by the lower terrace and colonnade, may be appropriated to the accommoda- tion of the keepers of the monument, or those having charge of it and attending on visitors. "These apartments, which are arched, are well lighted and aired, as they are all above ground, the light being disposed in the sunk panels of the stylobate, (base.) The principal entrance to all these apartments will be from the rear, or opposite side of the portico entrance. The inner space, or that under the grand gallery or rotunda, may be appropriated to catacombs for the reception of the remains of such distinguished men as the nation may honor with interment here. This subterranean gallery is so large and lofty that it would accom- modate many catacombs. "In the center of the monument is placed the tomb of Washington, to receive his remains, should they be removed thither: the descent to which is by a broad flight of steps lighted by the same light which illumines his statue." Any one capable of forming a picture of this description in his mind must admit that the design is of unparalleled beauty. There is nothing in the world comparable to it in elabo- rateness, richness, and massiveness. But the pantheon is not necessary to the completion of the obelisk, and is furthermore subject to almost infinite variety of finish, or may be omitted altogether. SECURITY OP FOUNDATIONS. The popular error to-day in relation to the security of the foundation to the monument should be removed. When this question of the insecurity of the foundation of the monu- ment and the impracticability of the height of the structure was first raised, Lieutenant I. C. Ives, of the topographical engineers, made an examination of the matter, and sub- mitted a report, which I think of sufficient importance to read from at some length. He Says : "Before the monument was commenced the strength of the material of which the obelisk was to be composed was thoroughly tested. The results are on record in the office of the society. It is known that the marble was found to be able to bear without crushing a pressure more than fifteen times greater than it would be subjected to in any part of its structure. Marble from the same quarry that has hitherto supplied material for the monument can be readily procured in sufficient quantity for the com- pletion of the work, so that no further experiments in regard to this point appear necessary. " A few of the blocks of the lowest courses have slightly chipped at the edges, owing to the joints having been laid rather closely. These courses, however, will be covered by the base. "To those who are aware of the care which was taken in laying the foundation of the monument, both in the selection and preparation of the bed, and in the execution of the masonry work, it will be scarcely necessary to enter into any statements in regard to its present condition. The test to which it has been already subjected may, however, be mentioned. If raised to the height of six hundred feet, the weight of the shaft, together with the foundation, will be a little more than seventy thou- sand tons. The weight of the portion now built is more than forty thousand tons. For five years therefore, during which the work has been sus- pended, the foundation has been bearing about four sevenths of the pressure that it will ultimately be required to sustain, and in a recent examina- tion I was unable to detect any appearance of settling or indication of insecurity. "As the question has been raised, whether the height of six hundred feet can be attained without endangering the stability of the obelisk, a compu- tation is herewith subjoined, from which it would appear that, without taking into consideration the adhesion of the mortar, the weight alone of the structure would offer a resistance nearly eight times greater than the overturning effort of the heaviest tempest to which it would probably ever be ex- posed. The pressure due to the force of the wind is taken at live hundred and seven pounds per super- ficial yard. This pressure, according to Mr. Fresnel, corresponds to a velocity that ' exceeds by one ninth the velocity of the greatest storms mentioned in the annual of the bureau of longitude.' " In regard to the oscillations experienced in high towers during violent storms, it is stated by Mr. Fresnel, one of the most eminent French engineers, that ' all well observed facts appear to demonstrate that the oscillations impressed by tempests on ma- sonary towers cannot injure those edifices if they are properly built, unless they are wanting in sta- bility; that is, unless they could be overturned in mass by the effort of the wind.' "The dimensions of the obelisk are: height, six hundred feet; breadth at base, fifty-five feet; at top, thirty feet. The area of one of the faces, 2,833? yards multiplied by 507 pounds, and this product by the semi-height of the obelisk, will give the moment of the effort of the wind: 430,000,000 pounds. "The average weight of the masonry may be taken at 170 pounds per cubic foot. The well of the monument is twenty-five feet square; and the weight of the whole shaft 125,800,000 pounds, which, multi- plied by twenty -six feet (the edge of rotation being assumed eighteen inches within the exterior surface, and the lever arm of the resistance consequently eighteen inches less than the semi-breadth of the base,) will give the moment of the resistance, 3,270,800,000 pounds. "True copy from the minutes: JOHN CARROLL BRENT. Secretary." This same question had been previously in- quired into by the select committee of the blouse of Representatives, and they reported in February, 1855, report No. 94, Thirty-Sec- ond Congress, second session, "that its found- ations are deeply, broadly, and securely laid, and are sufficient to support the entire super- structure.-!' The committee also reported that they highly approve of the design, and said, "it is a noble monument, altogether worthy the sublime character of which it is to be a testimonial. The work, so far as it has been performed, has been faithfully done. It appears to be plain and yet beautiful, and your committee are satisfied it will be enduring." LAYING CORNER-STONE, AND PROGRESS OF THE WORK. On the 4th of July, 1848, the corner-stone of this monument was laid, in the presence of the President, Vice Presideut, and of Sena- tors, Representatives, heads of Departments, the judiciary, the corporate authorities of Washington and Georgetown and Alexandria, and delegations from all quarters of the Union. 6 Robert C. Winthrop, then Speaker of the House of Representatives, delivered an ora- tion. The work was commenced, and in about six years the obelisk had reached the height of one hundred and seven feet, exhausting the funds of the society, amounting to $230,000. In 1854 the board of managers memorialized Congress for aid, stating that their efforts to obtain further means had proved abortive. The House of Representatives referred this memorial to a select committee of thirteen members, of which Henry May, of Maryland, was chairman. On the2'2d of February, 1855, Mr. May made a report, approving the pro- ceedings of the society and recommending an appropriation of $200,000 by Congress "on behalf of the people of the United States, to aid the funds of the society." In an appeal made by the association to the country, I find that the failure of the appro- priations recommended at this time, was the result of an unfortunate misunderstanding in the society. Nothing appears to have been done further until the 22d of February, 1859, Congress incorporated a society " for the purpose of completing the erection, now in progress, of a great national monument to the memory of Washington, at the city of Washington." Upon the advent of this new corporation, as the successors of the voluntary society first formed, it was found that during the previous four years there had been but two courses of marble of eight feet each added to the monu- ment, leaving its height then, in 1859, one hun- dred and seventy four feet. The new corpora- tion commenced its operations, and began to lay its plans for raising funds, but before any- thing of much importance was accomplished, the rebellion began and interrupted their fur- ther progress. Since the war the society has been fruitlessly endeavoring to obtain further action on the part of Congress, and have also invoked the aid ' ' of State and territorial Legis- latures, of political, corporate, or voluntary bodies, and also of all societies, associations, and persons of all denominations, faith, and creed." KESOUECES, ASSETS, AND EXPENSES. In 1859 the Legislature o! California appro- priated $1,000 annually in aid of the mon- ument, but no part of it has yet been realized. The citizens of the State, however, generously contributed at the polls, at the annual election in 1860, $10,962, which were paid to the so- ciety. In April, 1871, the Legislature of New York passed an act appropriating $10,000 "as the contribution of the State of New York to the treasurer of the Washington Na- tional Monument Society, whenever the Gov- ernor should certify a sufficient sum has been subscribed from other sources to enable the society to resume its work, with a reasonable prospect of completing the obelisk or shaft." As this assurance cannot be given the Gov- ernor, this appropriation cannot be realized at present. In a letter addressed to me January 22, 1872, and printed in the appendix to the re- port already referred to, the secretary of the society, Mr. John Carroll Brent, says : "The work having ceased in 1855, nothing has been done since, of any importance, by this society toward the completion of the monument. The only expenses and expenditures since, have been $1 50 per diem for watchman at Monument place, a messenger for society office, at four dollar per month, and neces- sary fuel and stationery for use of office, and repairs on lapidarium, &c. " The sum of $11,005 has been invested by the Treasurer in United States and corporation of VVash- ington bonds and stock, and there is a balance of cash on hand of about $1,500. The only receipts for years past have been fromboxes at Smithsonian and Patent Office and contributions from visitors at Monument place, on an average about $500 per annum, and twenty dollars yearly for rent of lot. These, added to the interest on the securities above mentioned, make up the resources and asssets of the society." Appended to the report made by the Com- mittee for the District of Columbia at the last session will be found, in exhibit C, a com- plete financial statement of receipts and dis- bursements since the organization of the society. An examination of this, together with the fact as stated by Mr. Brent in the letter to which I have referred, clears away all doubt as to the financial management of the society. The charge has sometimes been made that the collections are now quite large annually, and that they are being disbursed in the payment of sinecures, but it will be seen that the charge is without foundation. The society has but about $13,000, over $11,000 of which are invested in interest-paying securi- ties. Upon this subject, I beg to read from the report of the select committee of thirteen, made to the House in 1855, as follows: " The funds were to be collected in all parts of the United States, and agents, as competent and as faithful as could be found, were appointed, after giving bond for the performance of their duties. " These agents were sentto all parts of the country, and contributions were commenced and continued by the subscription of one dollar for each person. This plan was adopted in order that all might have the opportunity to contribute. "In the appointment of these agents a careful scrutiny w:is exercised by the society, and undoubted recommendations of both character and capacity were in every case required ; and though an opinion may prevail in some parts of the country to the con- trary, your committee arc satisfied that these agents generally proved to be worthy of the confidence reposed in them. " Of the large number employed but two of them failed to account for the money collected, and legal measures resorted to promptly by the society against their bonds have, in one of these instances, obtained the full amount of the liability. " It may well be questioned if any society execut- ing a plan for collecting money so extensively has met with equal success in justifying the integrity of its agents, and it is pleasing to state that not one cent of the funds received by this society has at any time been lost by investments or otherwise." In speaking of these contributions, and the sources from which they come, this committee made some further remarks, which I beg also to read : "Each State and two of the Territories of the Union have contributed a block of marble or stone, inscribed with its arms or some suitable device, and a great many others have been offered by various institutions and societies throughout the land ; and several foreign Governments have testified their desire to unite in this great work of humanity, in- tended to commemorate the virtues of its chief orna- ment and example. The boundaries of Christendom do not limit his fame, which reaches to the remotest parts of the earth, and the most distant and isolated nations have testified their veneration toward his memory. Switzerland, Rome, Bremen, Turkey, Greece, China, and Japan have piously united to pay their homage to our Washington. Such tributes are our highest trophies. The history of mankind affords no parallel to this. " We feel bound, in this place, especially to com- mend the zeal and liberality of the Masonic societies, the order of Odd Fellows, the various fire com- panies, and the touching contributions of the chil- dren of the schools of the country, all regularly dedicating their affectionate tributes. And the Cherokee and Chickasaw nations of Indians also deserve to be honored for their very liberal dona- tions of money; commemorating also in this, the eloquent sentiment of the great chief, Cornplanter, delivered to Washington in 1791: "The voice of the Seneca nation speaks to you, the great Councilor, in whose heart the wise men of all the thirteen fires have placed their wisdom.' " Mr. Speaker. I have discharged the duty which I promised to perform, namely, that of presenting to the House, in compact form, the important facts connected with the organiza- tion of the Washington Monument Associa- tion, and the progress of that association in the construction of the monument. The bill which I had the honor to introduce, and in support of which I am now addressing the House, appropriates $200,000 toward the com- pletion of the monument upon its present plan. The appropriation is made conditional upon a sufficient sum being raised or pledged from other sources to complete the work. I think this appropriation should be made without any condition whatever attached to its payment except a faithful disbursement of the money in execution of the original design. Thisaction by Congress would challenge the attention of the public everywhere, and would revive that feel- ing which, had it not been interrupted by unforeseen circumstances, would long since have found expression in a substantial form ; and instead of the unfinished monument to Washington, now a national disgrace, there would stand in our capital the most splendid column which has been erected on this globe. Do you need the spur of example to stimu- late you into the discharge of this high duty? Go to any country on the earth, civilized or uncivilized, and there be rebuked for your long neglect. All countries and all peoples com- memorate the virtues of their chieftains by monuments to their memory. Do you fear the disapprobation of the people ? Let it not be known to them ; swift and certain would be your condemnation. Effigies of Washington are to be found in every home in our land ; his memory to all of us is the one bright thing in our history undimmed; a pop- ular vote would overwhelm any man who would oppose the completion of Washington's monument. Mr. Speaker, I cannot conceive a deeper degradation to which public sentiment could be consigned than indifference upon this subject. The heart of the nation needs only to be awakened and it will respond generously, patriotically, nobly. And why may not Congress, as the crystallized public senti- ment of the country, step forward and crown the splendor of our approaching centennial by completing a monument which Congress in its representative capacity undertook to erect over seventy years ago ? The applause of a grateful people awaits the nation's representa- tives who shall discharge this sacred duty. Printed at the Office of the Congressional Globe. j Presidential Campaign. 1872. REPUBLICANISM vs. DEMOCRACY. • 1 GRANT OR GREELEY. Printed by the Democrat Lith ■ o. and Print. Co., St. Louis <.;•- sipzeiecb: OF HON. N. P. CHIPMAN, OF WASHINGTON. D. C, At St. Joseph, Missouri. "The election of General Grant secures the ascendency of liberty, justice, and peace. It insures that ours shall be henceforth a land of equal rights and equal laws. It makes our recent history coherent and logical. It demonstrates that the discomfiture of the re- bellion was no blunder and no accident, but the triumph of principle and an added prooi that God reigns." — Horace Greeley, Aug. 15, 1868. "Should my views be overruled and General Grant nominated, I hold his election infinitely preferable to that of any candidate whom the Democrats may nominate, for a Democratic triumph involves a return to power of the great mass of those who for years plotted the disruption of our Union." — Horace Greeley, Aug. 18, 1871. Mr. Chairman and Fellow-Citizens : I feel that I am not an e-'tire stranger to you. I was a member of the Second Iowa Icfantry, which in the spring of 1861 took military possession of the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railroad, and by a timely distribution of forces along the road, saved the northern portion of this great State from pass- ing into the control of tha enemies of our country The fortunes of war a?terwards placed me as Cbief of Staff to Gen. Curtis, who commanded a military department of which Missouri formed, a part. I became acquainted with many of your public men and came to know much of the character of your people. May I not then claim from you a hearing as one not wholly unconcerned for your prosperity ? The years that have rolled away since I first stood upod your soii as a soldier of my country, have been terrible years of devaetati ig war. The best blood of the State, the flower of your youth fought either for the "stars and the stripes," or the "stars and the bars," profoundly believing that upon the issue bung the fate of the greatest people on the globe. Over 5,000 of these per- ished in defense of the old flag, while more than that number went down with the "lost cause " The rebellion, then, was to Missouri a reality, and her people may well pause before pronounc- ing against that great national party, to whose steadfast loyalty and devotion to the Union we, to day, owe our existence as the leading govern- ment of the world. It would, perhaps, be impertinent in m<2 to in- termeddle in your local conflicts, but custom, as well as a common interest which the citizens of the whole country feel in the termination of Presiden- tial contests, justify me, I hope, in assuming to present to you from my stand-point the duiy of the hour. POLITICAL PARTIES A NECESSITY. I am not one of tnose that deplore the existence of political parties. Parties are not only inevita- ble, but they are the safeguards of the people's liberties. Parties become odious and daogerous only when, thiough the apathy or indifferetice of the people, they are left to be controlled by schem- ing politicians. Political parties are merely vol- untary organizations formed to give expression to the leadiDg ideas and principles which the great body of the people believe to be vital in the man - agement of government. Rebellion from party and alliance with its ad versary may succeed temporarily, as it did in this and some other States mainly rrom local causes but in the very necessity which creates parties for 2 national purposes, bolting movements never have and never can succeed. The ebb and flow of popular opinion is too steady and governed by laws too exacting to bo changed or turned aBide for the gratification of individuals or to follow the caprices of designing men. BUT TWO PARTIES: REPUBLICAN AND DEMO- CRATIC. Now, my friends, there ara two political parties presenting candidates to the people for support They are not new to you. They have a history and a record with which you ought to be familiar. They have confronted each other in three Presi- dential contests; they have struggled for State supremacy and control for tvelve years. &.ny school-boy will tell yon there are but two parties existicg in this country, and that tbey are the Re publican and Democratic. In 1860 the Republican party fought the battle on the idea that no more slave territory should be al- lowed. The Democrats were defeated, and the South male the defeat a casus belli. The head of the Democratic party. Mr. Buchanan, then Presi- dent, saw no way to put down the rebellion Mr. Breckinridge, Vice-President and Democratic can- didate for president, not only did not see any way to putjit down, but did see a way to help inaugu- rate it, aud himself went over to the rebellion. In 1864, the war still flagrant, the Democratic party, on an anti-war and peace-at-acy-price plat- form, nominated a retired Union officer, but the people preferred Republican^ rule, and elected Mr. Lincoln. In 1868 the Democrats rallied again, and on a platform which showed they had not learned any thing from the war, nominated an anti war Demo- crat, and an ex-officer of the Union army, an old anti slavery man who had goneoverto the Democ- racy. The Republicans commended to the suf- frage of the people Gen. Grant, on a platform con- sistent with their previous record. Again the peo • pie sustained the Republican party. Since then we have had one Congress elected. In many of the States there hhve been two or mere elections. I have never heard of there being any considerable number of persons operating i a any party organ- ization outside of these two. Up to the very close of the last Congress Democrats voted uniformly on all party questions exactly as they always had Just before the adjournment of Congress certain disappointed, disaffected, ambitious, and so- called Reform Republicans met at Cincinnati, not as Republicans, but as reformers, and nominated Mr. Greeley. Subsequently the Democratic Con- vention met at Baltimore, and in defiance of th" wishes of nine-tenths of the party, adopted Mr. Greeley as its nominee. Now, no one will for a moment contend that the Democratic party changed its principles or its purposes in nominating Mr. Greeley any more than when they nominated Gen. MeCiellan in 1864, or in 1868, when they put Gen, Bl»ir on the ticket. No one will argue fhat the Democratic party is dissolved. It exists in every town, coun- ty, city and State. I challenge the production of a single Democrat who claims to have been con- verted by the Baltimore nomination. This much conceded, we are then to try these two parties on their old merits and demerits, and by no other rule can we safely try them. REPUBLICANISM VS. DEMOCRACY. I cannot, Mr. Chairman, in pursuing the line of argument which I have marked out for this occa- sion, stop now to present the full record of these two parties. I can only glance at a few salient points of difference. I grant, sir, the statute of limitations run6 against the Democratic partv prior to the war. Ihe comparison cannot go back of that period, for the Republican party did not then exist. These two parties are to be judged by not only what they did or sought to do, but by the spirit ar.d purpose with which they labored. It is a part of the history of the rebellion that one sin- pie purpose animated the Republican party throughout this terrible struggle, and that was the restoration of the Union and the establishment of national supremacy in all rightful subjects of con- trol, as against the vicious doctrine of secession or State supremacy. Here was the fundamental question on which these two parties divided. President Buchanan and his Attorney General, Black, had given the strongest possible expres- sion to this Democratic idea, and it was one of the legacies of that administration left to Mr. Lin- coln. Mr. Lincoln, representing the Republican idea, called for troops to suppress the rebellion, and convened Congress to submit to them the question as to the power of the government to maintain its integrity- Congress assembled, and began its work. It toon became evident that the leaders of rebellion not only sought to destroy the Union, but that their avowed purpose was to peipetuate slavery as a feature of tbeir new government. Mr. Lincoln, as you all kt.ow. fought off all efforts to open war on the system of slavery. Union officers issued orders returning slaves to their masters. Coagress abstained from legislation upon the irri- tating subject, ana not until the purposes of the reoel government became manifest, and legislation upon the subject grew to be a war necessity, as well as a question of humanity, did the govern- ment attempt to iuterfere. The Proclamation of Emancipation followed. Numerous acts of Con- gress were passed to ecforce the proclamation, and the freedom of the slave became a Republi- can doctrine as a part of the plan for restoring the Union. The thirteenth, fourteenth ana fifteenth amendments became a part of our Constitution. The war closed, the Union was restored, the slaves were free and became citizens, and neace returned throughout all our borders. To day none rejoice more over these glorious results than the unpiejudiced slave owner. No one will ques- tion now the necessity which brought all this ab nit, and few will doubt the wisaom of the policy. But, my fneods, this was not accom- plii-md without gre>it and untold s-uffering; it was not accomplished alone by overcoming an army in the field, out it was done in the face of vioient and almost tieasonable opposition from the Demo- cratic pbrty North in ami out of Congress. Tbey voieu against supplying your armies; they voted against submitting the proposed amendments to the States, and wherever there was a Democratic Legislature these amendments were rejected. I speak only history to you familiar now to ail. Need I go back to remind you of the many and beneficent measures which were enacted in the midst of the nation's throes — its acts to aid in the construction of a Pacific Railwav; its acts extend- ing the right .to acquire homesteads; its acts fos- tering education a^d agriculture; its acts to pro- vide a nntional currency; its acts to secure all persons iq their civil rights; its acts encouraging telegraphic communication; its acts to relieve and protect the freedmen ; its acts furnishing relief to the destitute people of the South; its acts to pro- vide revenues for the government ; its acts to pay bounties and pensions to the soldiers of the war- need I speak of these— many of which were bitter- ly opposed in Congress by the Democrats— tore mind you of the proud record of that party which now presents for the fourth time a candidate pledged to enforce its policy? Now I declare to you that if Democracy means anything to-dav it means j 'St what it has in the past. We have no guarantee beyond this We must judge it by its acts ard its utterances, and thus judging we can- not support it unless we are ready to draw a black line through this Republican record. The Democratic party to day has no distinctive policy. We know mat many of its leaders assert a purpose, should it come into power, to unno the legislation which they regard as obnoxious. Judge Black, of Pennsylvania, denounces the amend- ments to the Constitution as revolutionary, and says that the Democratic paity propose "their gradual extinction." The whole aim and object of the Democracy, so far as we can judge, are re- actionary and destructive. They purpose tearing down, ratber than building up, the waste places. There must be some great and overpowering rea- son which would lead, the people to reject the party which has done so much that is comenenda ble, and take up a party which has only thus far stood in the way of the nation's progress. Letns advance a step in the argument and see what the promise of this Democratic millenium is. Let us see whether the later years of Republican rule give token of danger to the country. PEACE AND RECONCILIATION, It is said that the couDtry needs repose from repressive and sec'ional legislation; that tte Re- publican party embodies all the hatred of rebel- lion, and cannot legislate in fairness to our Sellow- citizens of the South, and that cruel acid unneces sary disabilities are enforced against the people of the South, and that, therefore, we must place the Democratic party in power. My friends, I deny the charge, and I deny that the remedy proposed is a wise one. Let us not deceive ourselves. Let us look at the facts. What are their disabilities? What are these much complained of revolutionary and wicked laws? DISFRANCHISEMENT. We are told that the people of the South have not the riant to govern themselves because of dis- franchisement. What are the facts? The people of the United Statee, by the Fourteenth Amend- ment, excluded from holding office certain per- sons who had been in rebellion ; but that amend- ment deprived no man of the right to vote. This was proposed to the States in June, 186ti. Would any sane man doubt the propriety of excluding from office, at that time, men who had just re turned from a hostile army? But it provided, also, that Congress by a two-thirds vote might re- lieve this class from the disability. And Con- gress has reh ved them so that to day there are not 300 without full citizenship, and they per- sistently refuse to ask amnesty. History furnishes no example of such forbear- ance as was shown to the conquered South. In all countries but ours rebellion nas been followed by butcheries, executions and expatriations. Russia, Austria, Prussia, England, Spain, France, all tell the same bloody story. Not a single trial or execution has followed the suppres- sion of our rebellion. Not only were lives and property spared, but all special taxes were re- moved. The cotton tax was taken off, leaving scarcely any other source of revenue from the South and this too in face of the fact that the rebei- lon had run the expenses of government up from lseventy to 300,000,000 of dollars annually, all of which was paid by the people of the North. This is not all. When the cry of distress came up from the South, after the war, a Republican Congress appropriated $5,000,000 for their relief; Bhips of war were sent wnh provisio s, and after wards specific relief was voted by Congress. Nor is this all There have been admitted into Congress two Senators, both of whom were gene- rals in the rebel army, and nineteen ih the House of Representatives, who were also rebel officers, besides one who was a member of the Rebel Con- gress, and two who were judges of courts South. Here, then, is the exposure of this appeal to hate. It is bald hypocrisy for Democrats to pre- tend to be the only friends of the South. The Re- publican party have gone to the verge of safety in brotherly love and forgiveness. If they have erred, it has been in that direction, and not by en- forcing cruel legislation. KD-KLUX LEGISLATION. But the Republican party is assailed, not only for disfranchising, but for oppressing the people with odious penal statutes. The only ones I know of as coming under this head are the so-called Ku- Klux acts and that authorizing the suspension of habeas corpus; the latter has expired by limita- tion, I believe. The Ku-Klux law grew out of acts of lawless- ness, murders and whipping perpetrated by an organized band in some of the Southern States. in North and South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and Florida over a hundred counties were kept in a state of terror : namless Atrocities were perpetrated; whites and blacks murdered, and no relief could be secured from the State courts. The people of the South appealed piteous- ly to Congress, and the act was passed conferring jurisdiction ou the United States courts. A large number were indicted and convicted; many pleaded guilty, and still others remain to be tried. At the trial of some of them, tie late Attorney General Stanbery and Mr. Reverdy Johnson were counsel for the prisoners. Both are acting with the Demo- cratic party, and their utterances must be admitted as important. I read from Mr. Johnson's argu- ment to the jury : "But Mr. Attorney General has remarked, and would have you suppose, that my friend and myself are here to defend, to jusriiy, or lo palliate the'outrages that may have been perpetrated in your State by this asso- ciation of Ku-Klux. He makes a great mistake as te both of us. I have listened wiib unmixea horror to some of the testimony which has be<=n brought before you. The outrages proved are shocking to humanity; they admit of neither excuse nor justification; they violate every obligation which law and nature impose upon man ; they show that the parties engaged were brutes, insensible to the obligations of humanity and religion. The day will come, however, if it has not al- ready arrived, when they will deeply lament it. Even if justice should not overtake them, there is one tribu- nal from which there is no escape. It is their own judgment, that tribunal which sits in the breast of every living man— that small, still voice that thrills through the heart— the soul of the mind, and, as it speaks, gives happiness or torture— the voice of con- science, the voice of God." Mr. Johnson might well stand appalled at the evidence which disclosed 426 murders and over 2,900 other aces of violence. In the face of these facts I leave the Democracy to rail at Congiess for coming to the relief of the South. Certainly no man who respects life and the peace and quiet of the people thus persecuted will higgle over the constitutionality of the law or split hairs upon the question of jurisdiction. If the Democratic party are not satisfied with this, then I refer tbem to their candidate for the Presidency, Mr. Greeley, who said to them in the Tribune. March 14, 1871, wnile the act waspend- ng: "You may carry most of the intervening elections, wheie the issue is not distinctly and vigorously pressed home upon the masses, but. when wecome to 1872, you will assuredly be beaten by the votes of men who are not politicians and are now not voting at all. ,We shall only have to drive home the facts which prove your complicity in the crimes now convulsing the South, and you will inevitably go under. If you succeed in defeating legislation to protect the loyal men of the South from the crimes to which they are now exposed and subjected, youi fourth successive discomfiture in a Presidential struggle will be signal and conclusive," And again , July 12, 1871 : "I h3id our government, bound ny its duty of pro- tecting citizens in their fundamental rights to pass and enforce laws for the extirpation of the execrable Ku-Klux conspiracy. And if it has not the power to doit, then 1 say our government is no government, but a sham." And I commend them, also, to read his opinion as late as January 10, 1872, after the trials. He s»ys ; "But the testimony brought out overwhe'med all ar- gument, and forty-seven of these wretches confessed their crimes In open court, six others were convicted, and seventy-two indictments, embracing over 500 per- sons, were found. The story of brutality, crime, vio- lence and moral degradation made up from the revela- tions of the witnesses is too revolting for recital; it Is a dark chapter in the history of civilization; it is a burn- lug disgrace to the party which organized the consiracy , aided and abetted its agents, and did its best to suppress the evidence now published to the world." REFORM. But these aspirants for power, among other of their vague demands, sav we need reform. Re form from what? Some say reform in the CIVIL SERVICE. Here, too, we meet them with the record of our party, and challenge comparison. What party first in this country agitated reform in this direc- tion? What party first inaugurated a system of competitive examination-' What President first mentioned this reform in messages to Congress? It was the Republican party and a Republican Pres- ident. What do these Liberals mean by assailing the Republican party on this ground? Do they not know that the election of Mr Greeley woulo result id trie removal of every Republic luoffi e holder in the land, from least uoto greatest, without regard for qualification or fitness? Do they not knosy that sucti removal wouli cost tDis go^eruoimt millions of dollar^ inevitably? Do tbey not know tnai uo cier Grant tbe law ' have been enforced and ihe revenues have been collected as economically as ever btfore? Let us see EXPENDITURES PER CAPITA. The expecduines per cipita on a gold and peace b4Bis uuder Buchanan during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1860, were $1 98 The expenses under Grant f >r the year end- ing Jaue 30, 1871, were 177 Ex ess under Buchanan 21 1 include in this tbe co 1 - 1 of public buildings , which under Buchanan were $2,913,371 48. while under Grant this amounted to $10,733,759 05. But we must of ciurse exclude from trie tstiuihte those expenses of Grant's administration, whicn are in- cident to tbe war. Certainly there is not much room for reform, here REDUCTION OF TAXES. But we are toid (hat taxes are burdensome, and we need reform in tins auection. Lei us Fee. I a6k your attention to the table which I shall read, giving the estimated reduction of a» nual internal taxation and customs duths underthelaws passed by this wicked ana extravagant Republican Con- gress: By act of July 13, 1866 $65,000,000 00 By act of March 2, 1867 40,000 000 00 By act of February 3, 1868 23 000,000 00 By act of March 31 and July 20, 1868 45,000.000 00 By act of July 4. 1870 78,848,827 33 By act of May 1 and June 6, 1872... 51,823.761 38 Net total reduction of internal taxes and custom duties from July 13, 1866, to June 6, 1872 $303,672,588 71 That is, the countiy has bpen relieved from taxa- tion unce 1866 ovt-r $300,000,000 00 What have these ardent reformers to say to that? Do they want taxes reduced more or less rapidly? Do they say definitely what they want on this subject? 1 have yet to hear it. The people want defi' ite ideas They ought to know just what these gentlemen pro- pose. REDUCTION OF DEBT. Perhaps thev complain that our debt is not be- ing paid off fast enough, or possibly too fast. Let me tell you just what has been done in this regard since Marcb, 1869, when General Grant took charge of our affairs; The debt on March 1, 1869, less cash in Treasury, was $2,525,463,260 01 The debt on July!, 1872, less cash in Treasury, was , 2,191,486,343 62 The reduction of the debt in three years ami four moDtns was 333,976,916 39 This is at the rate of over $100,000,000 annua'lly, or over $8,000,000 permonta. It is very difficult for a mind not accustomed to contemplate large sums to comprehend this vast reduction. Our Liberal frieDds may carp, but they can't wipe out this splendid record. REDUCTION OF INTEREST. But we must cot stop here The debt has still further been reduced, and our burdens still fur- ther lightened Tiie monthly charee for interest on dent March 1, 1869, was $10,532,462 50 The monthly charge for interest on debt July 1, 1872, wae 8,665,705 25 Reduction m monthly interest $ 1,866,757 25 Reduction ie annual interest 22,401,087 00 This annual saving of interest alone, if invested in a skking fund, and interest on that reinvested at five per cent., pavabie an anally, would payoff our whole oebt of $2,253,251,328 78 in lets than thirty-eight years. Now, gentlemen, I assert that this great reduc- tion of the national debt, coir cidett with the large reduction in our taxation, is without a parallel in the financial bittory of nations. But I must cot stop here in this rxhibit One other feature and I will pass to something else. PUBLIC CRFDIT. I have a table car- fully preoaied from the books of the Treasury showing the fluctuations of nation- al credit smce 1861 I will tsot ueiay you to read it. That table mows, however, that from March, 1861, the close of Mr Buchanan's aomiuistration, to March, 1869, the close of Mr. Johnson's admin- istration , iiot«'Hbstauairig the expenditures inci- dent to the war, the bon owing power of the gov- er ment advanced from 8.14 per cent to 6.43 per cent, which is an increase in tue borrowing power of Leurly 27 per cent. During ibe period of President Grant's adminis- tration, from Maich 5, '69, to July 1, '72, the credit of the government i-ull further advanced fiom 6 43 pei cent to 5.03 per cent— au inert ase of nearly 28 percent in the borrowing power of the government and for the entire decade of 62 per cent. To put it in another form: The same anDnal p lyment of interest which in March, 1869, would have enabled tregovernmentto borrow $100 would now enable it to borrow $128 The same annual interest which in March, 1868, would have enabled it to borrow $100 woufi no* enable it to borrow $143 I'he same annual inti rest which in March, 1861, would have enabled it to borrow $100 would now enable it to borrow $162 Here, my friends, is a biief outline of some of the results of Republican administration, and which I submit entitle it to your cortideoce. These are the kino of leformr- m which the Republican party invite your co operation. Wnat this Liberal Democratic party would do, or what tbey propose to do if successful, neither iht-y or you know. Their advent to power would bring chaos in our fi anc.es; would disturb our credit Abroad and at home, and would shake the foundations of public confidence. They can do no better than has been done; they might io worse. You know what is being done; you know what is proposed in the future. Is it wise to make a change? I have tried to anticipate what the reformers in- tend I am, as frankly as I know how, giving you the exact condition cf public affairs, and I confi- dently rest the case thus far to jour candid judg- ment If my Democratic-Liberal friend wants higher authority, and he will trust the judgment of bis candidate, then I will gratify him by read- ing a paragraph from Mr Greeley 's opinion: "The fact that the r'ebt has been steadilv and large- ly reduced has done more than an> thing els< to make the administraiion and the party supporting it strong and ponu.ar. So mam 7 millions paid off each month are to Gen. Granr's administration what IlDlon victo- ries on hard-fought fields were to Mr. Lincoln's. No financial difficulties beset a rule which is thus amply supplieu with revenue and using it lor such a purpose. Trie f ict stated by the President that the annual bur- ten ol tbe debt is now » 17,000.00C less than it was when he was inaugurated ia a perfect Vicksburg to his sup- porters."— [Tribune. December 5, 1871, What would Mr. Greeley say now if his keepers would allow him, at the fact that our annual in- terest burden is diminished over $22, 400,000 in- stead of $17,000 000. He would tell vou that this is the Appomattox of our financial struggle with the national debt. But nis friends keep him quiet and cry reform, reform I INDIAN POLICY. Bat possibly onr Indian policy is to be reformed. Does it need it? We know that Gen. Grant's Indian policy has been attacked systematically and denounced as visionary. Here in the West where the red man has few friends, and where the lawlessness and outraees of Indians are exaggerated to inflame tne people, this policy lias been particularly assailed. May we not look at the facts? During Grant's administration over 80,000 In- dians have been brought to agencies aud placed uoder the care of government. Not over 50,000 (out of 293,000 in the United States, exclusive or Alaska; are still roaming beyond the supervision of agents. Within the coming year it If confident- ly believed that all the Indians will be brought in on reservations. Over 130,000— nearly half— are now supporting themselves upon their own lanus, receiving nothing from the government oeyono interest od ooncs given them for landB purchased by the government These land-* have been soli for many times rhe amount pan for them. It costs $2,446,000 to subs tt rhe 113,000 Indians at agen- cies, an average of $21 50 pi r neaa. A force of 900 sgents, teachers, blacksmiths, fanner.. , millers, are engaged in instructing these people and aiding teem in making homes. The expense of carryiug out this policy of feed- ing rather than fighiing the luoians, ana of en- couraging toem to take up agriculture and civil- ized life, is about $4,000,000. As a result we have had comparative peace and security of life and proper y. You know that Indian wars are not luxuries to be coveted. They co t millions of doll irs In the report of the Commissioner of Iodian Af- fairs for 1868, I fi d that every Indian warrior killed in tne Florida war, tne Sioux war ot 1852-54, and the Cheyenne war, 1864, cost the gov- ernment a million aollars and the lives of twenty white men. In (he eloquent language of Secretary Delano: "Lett'ose who from lack of correct infoimation are incredu ous; let those whose desire tor re- veDge has been arous-ed by exaergericea accounts of Indian aepredatrous ; let those who wish to cnange ihe prest-nt policy in order to renew agai' the hort of faithless assents and contractors to plunder the ignorant savage and rob him or tne aid and benefice ce of toe government, ponder tbe°e facts, and answer before God and a Chris tian nation whether they will if tney can destrov the present pi licy or peace, justice and progress and restore ihe former system of crueitt, rob- bery, inhumanity, war, bloodshed and crime " Now, my friends, I have gone over the whole of our dome-tic policy so far as itoccurs tome. I have tried to do this fairly, and I challenge any one to point out defects which will warrant a revolution in that po icy. Much of this policy has be^n car ried out. in the face of inconceivable difficulties and against trie open hostility of that party wmch to-day ia grai-pina for the reigns of government Is it remarkable that in all the great cites, where the commercial interests of the country center — where prosperity is prosperity to to.e farmer, and where disaster is certain disaster to the farmer — that almost uniformly business men are alarmed at the prospect ot Greeley's election? Is it re- markable that the commercial and business inter ests of the country are almost uniformly rallying around the administration which has wrought oui for the country such wonderful results, and de- manding that there shall be no change? FOREIGN POLICY. Well, then, if our domestic p jlicy does not need reform, does our foreign policy? I shall not delay you here. Are we not at peace with all the world? Mr. Sumner has lately said that "wo are in a muddle with everybody. " Can you name a gov ernment on the globe with which we are in a mud- dle? Can any of you name a sea, an island or a continent with which we are not at peace, and where our flag is not respected? Can aDy ot you name a money market in the world where our se- curities ii re not sought? Can any of you name a power where the rignts of American citizens are denied. Can you name a power between which and us there is any contested matter? The treaty with England and the Geneva settle- ment, which have 'been applauded by all people as the result of wise statesmanship and advanced civilization, leaves us more than mistress of the seas, i r leaves us complete mistress of ourselves. My fellow-citizens, 1 have placed before you the record of the Republican party, and have Loiiced some of its achievements in the past twelve years, particularly dwelling upon those under the admin- istration now on trial Is this administration a failure? how? in what? Does it need reform? how? in what? It is no answer to cry outretorm, recon- ciliation corruption, bad government. We have a right to be told what is wrong, and what remedy should be applied. The American people are a race of thouuhtrul, earnest, {practical men. They demand a reason for every thing, and tbey will demand a reason for overthrowing the work whicn I have feebly sketched before they will join the Chinese army of gong-heaters and noise-makers wbo seek to hide the merits of this contest out of sight by clamor GRAM ^K GREELEY? But, my friend , if this campaign is not to be decide i by a fair test ot the principles and record of tae two great parties ot the cone try, it may be our adversaries o pe to tettle it upon'the personal merits or demeritt- of the candidates. Be it so. GREELEY AND GRANT AS PEACEMAKERS. Woo is Mr. Gree.ey. that he t-nonld onug near two million ot Democrats at bis feet as worship- ers, hy the legerdemain of a few political trick- ster*? What great service has he ever rendered tne Democratic party or this country that thev should ail at oi ce si- g hallelujahs t<> his name? His be charged, or have they changed? If eitier, « ho i6 Dei* g sold out? If neither, wnat sort of hybrid combination have we? In toese pipi' g times of honest government and reform, is it not a litte marvelous that the party of reformers ai d boDest government, par excel- lence, should make a combination, to say the east, so suspicious? I ;dmire an honorable ad- versary ; I nave even admired the persiste cy with woich the Democratic partv fought us during the pist ten years, but I can't help but ertertain a feeling or contempt for a great party which will walk up at the bidding of a few leaders and lay its head upon the block I oecusionallj met the ene uiv during the war disguised in the blue, and sometimes carrying the old flag, but, I never felt that it was nonorable waifare, or that, if cap tui fed, they were enutied io quarter. But I never exoecred to witness the day when the traditional Dem >cratic party, that haci ruled ibis country for fifty years on boid, marly grounds, would attempt to steal into power in toe disguise of an old cast-off Republican wbi.e coat and hat ! I can justify on the law of self preservation, the escape of an ensmy in his wife's petticoat, but this amazes me I Now, then, you want reconciliation, you want the wounds of the rebellion healed Very well; let uie show you to what nweet repose you were invited by Mr Greeley. When the war was wagiog he expected it would close successfully for the Urion. Tne rebel armies were to retur» to their iiomes. Mr. Greeley nao some idea of reconstruc- tion, of mercy ana kindness, which I must read you. He said: "But, nevertheless, we mem to conquer them — not merely to defeat, but to conquer, to subjugate theaa. But when the rebellious traitors are over- whelmed in the held, and scattered like leaves before ai angry wind, it must not ne to return to peaceful and eonteutea j,ornes they must find poverty at rheir fire- sides, a jd see privation in the anxious ej es of mothers and the rags of children."— [Tribune, Maj 1, 1861. Again he -aid : " They choose to play the part of traitors, and thev must pay ihe penally. 'Ihe worn cut race of emascu- lated flrs-t families must give place to a sturdier people whose pioneers are on their way to Washington in regi- ments. An all itnient of land in Virginia would be a fitting reward to the brave fellows »bo have gone to right their country's battles."— [Editorial headed '•Confiscation." Tribune, April 23, 1861. My fri-nds, 1 have seen our orave men mangled and torn bv rebel bullets and carried from the field. I have -een item returning from prison- pens living skeletons, walking monument of rebel cruelty ; but, sir, never have I beard uttered from a single Union soldier a sentiment so diabolical and atrocious as this of Mr. Greeley. One of the most brilliant men this country has produced, Tom Corwin, of Ohio, when the question of war with Mexico came up. in a speech of treat power against tbe war, sain: "1*1 were a Mexican, as I am an American, and your araay should invade mycouotrv.I would welcome your soldiers with bloody hand* to hospitable graves. ' ' Mr. Oorwin never outlived that sentiment; it hung about, him like the mark of Cain. Beho'd, to day, a candidate for President, supported by the soldiers of tbe rebellion, who would welcome them to poverty, privation, deato ; and would parcel out their hwmes to the victorious soldiers of tbe North ! Contra t this with the terms of cbivalne mag nanirnity with which Gen Grant cl.thed his stip ulaior> for the surrender of Gen Lee's army at Appamrtt'ox Court He use. Ithirk we may, with profit, turn bock to this leaf of history. After disposine of some details. Gen. Grunt says: "The arms, artillery, and public pr >pertv, to b" parked and stacked, aun turned over to the officers a.i- pomted by me to receive them Thi3 will notembrace the side arms of the officers nor ihe'r private horses or baggage. This done, each officer ana man will be allowed to return to bis home, not to be disturbed by United States authority so Jong as they observe their pirole ana the laws in force wheie they may reside." Aside from the great magranimity and kindness displayed by Gen Gran in this memorable letter to Gen. Lee, it was destined to become the basis of legislation, a> d I have alwayb felt th t Gen, Grant ho intended it. Here wa» tne pledge of tbe General m-Cbief that no authority of tbe United ->tares should reach those brave meo, as punishment or reverge, so long a* thev obeyed tbe laws and kept their pa- role. Remember, my friends, we are contrasting these two Presidential candidates as to their persona) fit- ness to enforce measures of reconciliation ana peace. We have disposed of the parties and their platforms. Let men mind yon of a little more his- tory. After Andrew. Johnson became President, you know what bloody work he proposed to make of winding up rebellion. Among other things, he sought the mdictment of Geu. Lee for treason. Gen Lee heard of it, and wrote Gen. Grant, in- closing an application for a pardon, but said not to present it if proceedings were commenced against him, for he would stand the test. Gen- Grant rep led, and wrote Ge<. Lee that he hart seen the President at>d protested against any step? being taken against Gen. Lee, and informed him that he considered the honor of the nation pledged to him. The President became satisfied, and no proceedings were commenced. Gen. Grant sent the application for pardon, with a etro»g rec- ommendation that it be granted, but for some rea- son it was not. What 1 am now telling you is on the statement of Keverdy Johnson, and may be founa on page 553, Appendix to life of Gen. i_.ee, by J. E Cooke. Now, my friends, we are contracting the hearts of the.-e candidates If you caa find anywhere in Mr. Greeley's writings or speeches one genuine kindly seniiment expre sed toward the South dur ing or since tbe war until he became afflicted with the Presidential fever, you will do trore than I have been able to do. On the contrary, if you can find one sentiment exprer sed by Gen. Grant during or since the war that" is not kind, magnanimous and just, you will greatly astonish me, for I can't find it. Mr Greeley bailed Jeff. Davi-t Was it for re spect for the mac , or sympathy for his sufferings in imprisonment? Was it because his kindness of heart, or his desire for recoi cdiation, moved the act? Can this be io the light of Mr. Greeley's ut- terance at the time and before and since I read from the Tribune, May 13, 1864: "Jeff. Davis has just put fonh afresh manifesto to tbe dupes he in impoverishing, starving, and killing. The bloody-minded villain knows every word of this to be fabe as tboueh it came direct from tbe father of lies. " Again, after Mr. Davis' arre3t, and but a few days before Mr Greeley went on his botd, he wrot"; in the Tribune the following: "If Mr. Davis is to be tried— as it seems to us he ought to be— we can imagine no reason for defer- ring his trial."— [Tribune, Jane 4, 1S66. Later, and after Mr. Davis had retired to pri- vate iiff. Mr. Greeley pours into his eur consoling *>rds of peace aud reconciliation after this man- ner: "Mr. Jefferson Davis has at last found his vocation. He made a bid fob of it in 'founding a nation,' but he feetiis to lare oetter as a popular lecturer. The im- portance of exploring Jeru-alem is the present burden of r.is song. Liktwise the peculiar fitness of English- men for tnat honorable " task. ' Being thus Orientally inclined.be will nt xt be heard of , we presume, dis- coursing on 'Deaa Sea bruits ' Tussibly , indeed, he may follow that with "The peculiar fitness of Ameri- cans (in the Southern States) for ibeir enjoyment.' After this the 'Apple of Sodom;' and then 'The Ten Lost Tribes.' "— rTribune, IVoveniber iff, 1868. Let n» one quote the bailing of Jeff. Davis as an evidence of Air Gre.lty's great- heartedness after this gratuitous and supercilious fling at the object of ma pretended benevolence. GREELEY A.\D GRANT AS LOYALISTS. Ic is, my trie.-ds, a humiliating thing to be call- ed upon to expose a former party associate, and one who has rendered such eminent service as Mr. Greeley has, but his candidacy invites it and it must be made. I do not sav that Mr Greeley was disloyal at heart, or wished to see the country divided; but I say that he entertained views in favor of the right of a State to withdraw from tbe Union, and ex- pre ised tbem in such unmistakable terms at the beginning of iheiebtl'ion as to give substantial and moral aid to the enemy His responsibility was very great, for he w. s the acknowledged leading political writer fin the Republican side, and his paper was the mouthpiece and organ of the party. That he favored secession, is established by his own writings, and by tbem he shall be tried. On November 2, 1860, he published a leading editorial, m wricb he said tnat — "Whenever any considerable section of this Union shall really insist on getting out of it, we shall lusii-t chat they be allowed to go, and we feel assured that the North generally cnerisbes a kin- j a few votes onlv, and nothing is more certain than that ihese were obtained bv Mr, Greeley's declaration that se- cession was rightful and would be peaceable. Who, then, is more din ctly resprnsiole Hiau Mr. Greeley, and tnose who acted with him at the Nor'li. for the blood which has drenched this land; aid who is more resnonsiole tor the vindictive soirit which animates the dominant paity iu the proscription which has pursued and is still pursuing the whole people of the Soul q? Nor was Mr. Greeley's reiterated advice the result of honest error. No man understood better than he did the use that would be made of his declarations and how effective they would be in promoting disunion " Who can doubt this portraiture? Gen. Biair is a bold man, ana, I believe, un honest and frank man. When he quarreled with toe Republican party, he aid not n^ng upon its skirts ui dtr the guise of Liberal Republican, and stab it in the back in tne bouse of its fiiends but lie went over at once to the only other p»Hy rernaii ing. What astonishes me is.tbathe can to-day support Gree- ley in the face of this lecoid Now, my friends, I have given you Greeley's record, writien by himself, at d I have given its influence upon rebellion, as r.rawn by one of his friends. Irtbis war settled anything, it settled this one doctrine of the rignt of a Slate to secede And yet we are struggling again before the people to prevent the election as Chief Magistrate of die man of all other:- in th > North most responsible for the rebellion, if Gen. Blair is right. Say what you will; treat the idea derisively if you may; but we have in this campaign tie doc trine of secession as an issue. If Mr Greeley js elected, and a House of Repreaeutives m harmony with him, I do not say we shall have secession, but I do say it would be oossible. Suppose Georgia or Texas should, bvaf ir ex- pression of tre people, vote in favor of withdraw- ing from the Union, would Mr. Gieeley keep them in by force ? Would his House of Representatives vote supplies to carry on a w ar to coerce them ? I hope so; but is it not better to try no experiments at this time ? Now, my friends, let us turn from this dark and forbidding picture, ar.d contrast with it the record and views of Gen. Grant, You will pardon me, I know, if I read vou an extract from a letter wiitten by Gen Grant to his father, while be was a cadet at West Point He was then seyenteen. Let us see how the twig was bent and how the tree mciired. He says: "I am rendered serious by the impressions that crowd upon me here at W est Point. My thoughts are frequently occupied wiih the hatied I am made to feel toward traitors to my country as I look around me en the memorials that remain of the black-hearted trea- son of An old. I am lull if aconviciion of scorn and contempt, which my youu;; and inexperienced pen is unable to write in ttis letter, toward the conduct of any man who, at any time, could strike at the lioerties of such a nation as tliij; if, like Arnold, thev sboulc secretly seek to sell our national inheritance for the messof potage of wealth or po^er, or section— West Point sternly reminds ire what you, mv father, would have your son do. As I stand hero in this National Fort, a student of nuns uoder our country's flag, I know full well how you would have me act in such an word; and again, when treason stalked abroad in the land, the fire of his West Point youth came backtobim. He modestly tendered his service and commenced as a recruiting officer. Toe fire of crenius soon kir.dbd within him, he was given a romn and, and victoiv after victory added fresh Ifcuieis t5 hie valor and great ability. Let me read \ou a brief synopsis of his career, as given by Horace Greeley : "From the beginning to the end of that struggle, Ulysses S. Grant rose through every grade known to our service. A poor, obscure, friendless private citi- zen, he volunteered at tho outset, and was chosen Cap- tain of a company He was soon made Adjutant, then Colonel, then Krigadier-Geueral then Major-General, tben Lieutentant General; finally General -in-i hief. Y( t nobody ever heu-d of his asking for a better post. In every case of his promotion he took the positijn wherein he was wanted— noone ev r heard of his want- ing a netter one than he already hac. 'Friend, come up higher .' was the mandate addressed t :> this lowtv servant of the Republic— not that he wanted promo- tion, but that the ctsiunti y sore'y needer tho right man in the right, place. He favored no 'po'icy' hut the crushing out of the rebellion. He had uo conception of dutv that led him to legard the Federil Executive with distrust or disfavor. In short. Grant quietly re- ceived his orders, and to the extent of i is ability, exe- cuted them. It will be the fault of the pet pie if this species of generalship is not more common hereafter." — [Trioune, July22d, 1868. Cadet Grant's letter was prophetic. The time came when he was to strike a. blow for the solva- tion of his country. The time came when the pa- triotic instructions of bis father were to be put to the test. He acted promptly ; and Mstory has al- ready aecoraed to bim the first place among the army of patiiots who preserved the country from overthrow With no personal hatred of individu- als engaged in rebellion, but only hatred of trea- son, his conouct at the b- ginning, duriig and sijce tbe war, has been id such marked cocirastto the ear y disloyalty of Horace (Vreeley and bis subsequent supercilious and brutal course to- wards not only rebe.bou hue individual rebels, tbitc ;ihey stand out as distinct typt.8— a Hyperion to Satyr. Can there be any hesitation as to which of these two men can be most safely trusted as loyalists? GRANT OR GREELEY AS FINANCIERS. Mr. Greeley makes great pretensions as a finan- cial adviser. Gereral tiraur. upon this subject makes uo pretensions beyond results he reaches by applying the strong common sense with which he in gitttd to the experience of the coumry and the facts he can gather from the beet sources. Mr. Greeley notoriously advises with no one. He is rtogmat'cal and dictatorial on tnis as on all other subjects. You know some of hia vagaries on tbe question cf national currency. Perhaps we may profitably recall some of his views. GBEENBACKS. He first opposed the legal- tender act, as be had opposed the war, aid after Weirds was as violently iu favor of the act as he was in favor of slaugb- tentg rebels without mercy Let me not do him i' justice. On the 10th of February, 1S62, he Baid : "We shiver on the brink of a bottomless abyss of shinplaster circulation. Contrtes must pro- vide funds for the vigorous and immediate prose- cution of tbe war for the Union. a> d it seems we must take the short and easy method of making Treasury t otea a legal tender. We utterly dissent Trom this conclusion" On Februaty 19, 1864, he said: "When we hear it said lhat the government ought, to have maintained , orougb , now to/esume, sptcie payments, we know that the spi aker means we ought to give up the contest and let, the rebels ti in iu ph. " Witu the vast issue of l?gai-tender Dotes busi- ness expanded, priee« advai ced. and purchases w^nM n DCy ' i ?i y fut , ur . e conduct in such an hour were made at. double and treble their fora er value ; would prLve worthy the. patriotic instruction yon have given. ' ' Here was tbe heart of an American youth glow- ing with patriotism, and imbibing lessons that were to serve him at an unexpected time. The boy was father to the man. When war was de- clared with Mexico, Lieut. Grant maae good his a 'irai'ed amour t of go;d was he'd it. the Trt-aeury, aDd every business man saw that sudden resump- tion of specie pa^ ments and redemption of ureen • b.- Gen Grai i's messages, read them, and answer me whether the mind which ( tctuted them is not a safer one io guide us than mat one whirh I have described atd shown to be possessed by Horace Greeley. THE EXECUTIVE SPHERE. Most Presidents have gravely erred in having a legislative policy ; that is. a policy which they felt it a duty to enforce to the extent of overawing or cajoling Congress. This was Andrew Johnson's fatal m stake. On the contrary , Gea. Grant con ceived the true idea of tne Piesidei tial character, and expressed it in hie inaugural with great clear nees He said: "I shall on all subjects have a policy to recommend but cone to enforce against the will of the people Laws are to govern all alike, those opposed as well aB those wno favor them. I know of no method to secure the repeal of bad or obnoxious laws so effective as their strii gent execution. " No man has ever served as President with a truer conception of the proper sphe-e of that high office than President Grant has shown. He was accused by Mr Sumter of usurpation in the San Domingo maitrr, and ibis is urged to day as contradicting tne view I have just exoresseo. of his character. .Nothing is further from the truth. SAN DOMINGO AFFAIR. I must not allow myself to follow all the libels and misrepresentation of the President. They have long since been exploded. Our campaign is an affirmative one. We are not on the defensive. But the matter has been treated with great gravity and I will notice it. San Domingo is one of the most fertile of the West Indies. It has a small population which bad succeeded in establishing a republic. They were un- willing to attempt the development of their natural resources alone, and therefore sent an agent to the United States with authority to make some terms of annexation to this government. The President mane no reply. A second agei t came and stated that unless they could come under our protection they would look to some European alliance. Gen. McClellan, Admiral Porter, and others equally distinguished, had previously examined the resources or the coun- try, and had stated strongly the aovantages of the island as a coaling depot, a naval station, a mili- tary Key to tte Gulf of Mexico, and as capable of producing large quantities of sugar, coffee, rice, dye stuffs, mahogany and other products; besides possessing large fields of copper, iron, gold and salt With this information, the President could not refuse to listen to the proposition. He sent a discreet commission to make t secret examination and report. They satisfied the Presi- dent, and he put a proposition into the form of a treaty . He called upon Mr, Sumner, treating htm with great deference, to ascertain his views and to know whether he would support the proposition. Mr- Sumntr denies that he gave toe President a promise of support. But there wtre two wit- nesses present who say he did so promise, and I read from the testimony of one of them , Col.- For- ney, a JifeJong friend and admirer of Mr Sum- ner: "I was pr> rent at Mr Sumner's residence when President Gran' called anri explained t,i e Dominican trea.y to the Senator, and although I cinnoi recal the exact « olds oi the latter I t.ndeistoou him to say that h« would most cheerfully supi ort tie treaty. At the President's request, I remained >o bear his exnl na- non, and I am free to say th*t such is my deep repaid for Mr. Sumnei that his indorsement of the ireaty went very fur to stimulate me in giving it my sup- port,"' Afterwards, from some cause, Mr. Sumner changed his mind ; became hostile to the President and secretary Fish; denounced ihem both bitterly and persoi ally, and more than intimated that the Piesidei t was euilty of venaity; ana finally in hi great phillippic against against the President, demanded bis impeachment. Togo oack: So much was said in criticism of the annexation idea that it was proposed to send iiiree coumissioners to investigate the wro'e mat- ter, Congiess finally authoiized tris Mr. Wade, Dr. Howe of Boston and Pre-idtnt White of Cor- rell University, New York, wire sent Neither of them was known to nave expressed an opinion one way or the other. Tne report was made, and furnishes valuable uat'er for the study of our people. It set at rest forevei ail the slanderous reports set afloat about jobbing, and urged the acquisition of Sau Domin- go upon the Senate and the country. lien. Grant had done his duty, and it only re- mained to submit the report to Congress, which he did in a message that will live as a monument to his manliness, while it wnl forever stume his traducers. As this if but another evidence of Gen. Giant's conception of the Presidential office, t will read you a paragraph from that message. "Ihe mere rejec f ion by the Senate of a treaty nego- tiated by the President ouly indicates a cifl'erence of opinion Between two co-ordinate departments of the government without toucl ing the character or wound- ing the pride of either. But when such rejection lakes place simultaneously with charges, openly made, of corruption on the part ©f the President, or those employed bv him, the case is different. In such case the hoi or of the nation demands investigation. This has been accomplished by the report of the ' omuiis- sioners herewith transmit' ed. and which tuily vintJi- ca es ihe purity of the motives ar ' action of those who represented the United States in the negotiation. And now my task is finished, and with it ends all personal solicitude upon the suoject. My duty being done, yours begins; and I gladly hand over the whole matter to the judgment of the American people, and of their Representatives in Congress assembled The facts will now be spread be- fore the country, and a decision rendered by that rrniunal whose conyictious so seldom err, and again si whose will I have no policy 10 enforce. " Thus melts away in the glare of tne truth what the great Liberal, Sumner, and your own Senator Scbuiz thought a cause for impeachment. And so it would be with all the charges of usurpation corruption, nepotism, gift taking and their kindred slanders, ad nauseam, if the people were not already tired of this "damnable iteration" by Liberal Democrats. In heaveo's name, let ns have done some time with this vile personal de- traction But, Mr Chairman, I was calling attention to Gen. Grant's views, as we find them in our State paper?, to contrast them with Mr Greeley's as B"l n m h's published works, when I was divert- ed by the San Domingo matter Now, I assert that you cannot find in the whole volume of ex- ecutive Messages those of anv President that for clearness and frankness of statement, for com- prehensiveness of the Deeds of the nation at the time he writes, for honesty of purpose and sin- cerity of motive, any that excel those of Preside nt Grs>nt. lie has spoken upon Education, The Working man. Agriculture, Commerce, Manufactures Tariff Reform, Indian Policy. Protection' to Immigrants 1 ay men t and Refunding the National Debt Re- sumption of Specie Payment, Our Relations' with Germany, Our Foreign Policy, The Monroe Doc trune l lie Land Grant / olity, Amnesty ami Re construction Polygamy, National Postal Telegraph System, Civil Service Re form . The /■>, entire Policy and other matters On all these subjects he has discoursed as frankly as he would at his fireside upon the most ordinary tonic; and yet. i.i a campaign the most searching I nave ever witnessed, when the very sewers are dragged for material with which to attack him 9 President Grant's messages furnish no ground ©f assault, and are absolutely invulnerable" I say they show genuine statesmanship: I eav they prove conclusively that General Grant has great capacity for civil duties, and the future will record of his first four years as President what- ever it may of his second, that "he was no less renowned in peace than in war. ' ' Living, as I do, at the national capital, within a store s throwot the Executive Mansion ;honored as i have been with some personal acquaintance with the man, not only during the war, but since his residence at tne capital; seeing him frequently sometimes socially, sometimes officially at all horns of tie day and night, I declare to you that I never knew, in public station, a more upright man in his daily walk, a more unselfish, devoted and sincerely patriotic officer in my life— Abraham Lin- coln not excepted. If he nan had a base or un- worthy motive id any action, official or otherwise l have Dot discoveied it. If he has an ambition be\on.-.| that which guided him iu the army and subsequently led him to resign the high position of General-in-chief and accept the Presidency 1 have not discovered it. J " "Gen. Grar t is as thoroughly a citizen to-dav as perfect!* civilian in hie nabits, as any man in th°. country. We think of no one in public s\ation who represents more fully t e idea of the American gentleman. Unostentatious, unassuming brave without ambition, forbearing, resolute In doing what he deems to be right, but never offensive m asserting himself. Gen Grant is a man of the people-onein heart and feeling with the men who dig and idow*aud weave." No less a personage than Horace Greeley thus commended our candidate to the country in 1869 and as anch a man to-day I commend him to you for the Presidency J "I venture to suggest that Gen. Grant will be far better qualified for that momentous trust in 187" than he was iu 1868." Thus spoke the sage of Chappaqua in 1871. and thus I say to you \.