E 354 DDDDS7ES77A r .. % '' "»bv* r^^ ^ ^ ^ >" •'fsnai^ ^ A^ *'^\W/>l"*" >. ^-^^ ■*-^^'^ ** '^ 'j". ^% *' .* • • ' ■*« c^ ;^ ♦ \ '-yW.' .^*'°"o "-^P^* ^o*"""-^- . ♦ ^^ ^. ♦ A. -^ aV^^. • -' THE PRIDE OF BRITANNIA HUMBLEB; OR, THE QUEEJ^ OF r/fE OCEAjy UjYqUEE^"n, <' BY THE AMERICAN COCK BOATS," Or, ** The Fir built Tilings, with bits of Striped Bunting at their Mast Heads."— < As the Riglit Hon« Mr. Canning, in the British parliament, culled our American Frigates.) Illustrated and Demonstrated BY FOUR LETTERS ADDRESSED TO LORD LIVERPOOL, ON THE LATE AMERICAN WAR. BY WM.tjOBBETT, ESQ. laci Tiolds,— Daniel Griffin, New York;— J. Campbell, Baltimorej"" and P. Boyle, New Jersey. 1815. A. Griggs (Jy K. Dickinson,— Printers, Wliilehall. ( 4 ) pie" know nothing of. They have opinions fur- nished them by others as regularly as soldiers or sai- lors are served with rations. The lower class are, from their poverty, wholly without the pale of infor- mation, true or false, and appear to know and care as little about the acts of the government, and the state of pubhc affairs, as the earth, or any other sub- stance, on which they expend their time and their physical force. The middle class are so incessant- ly employed in pursuit of the means of keeping themselves from the horrors of pauperism, that they have no time for discussion or inquiry. Many per- sons, in this class of life, have asked me, whether the Americans could speak Ejiglish, Few men in the higher ranks of life know any thing worth speak- ing of, with regard to the American republic, a na- tion nearly equal in population to Great Britain, and inhabited, as we now feel, by men full as enterpris- ing and as brave as our own soldiers and sailors. Even the writers who have fanned the flame of this bloody war, know nothing at all about the real state of America ; for, though they have no desire to promulgate truth ; though it is their trade to de- ceive and cheat the people, they show, by their statements, that they are ignorant of facts, which, if they knew them, would make them able to deceive with less exposure to detection. This being the case, it is no wonder that the whole nation is in a state of error, as to this matter of primary importance. On the day when the news reached the country, re- lative to the capture of the city of Washington, I happened to call, on my way homewards from Sus- sex, at the house of a gentleman, who was as likely to be as well informed as any other gentleman in the country, as to this or any other political matter. The following was the dialogue, wherein I shall exhibit ( 5 ) the o'cntleman and his Q-ood wife iind^r the name of Friend. Mrs. Friend. Well, Mr. Cobbett, we shall soon get rid of the income tax, [for so it is ealled in the country] 7iow. Mr. Cobbett, Shall we, Madam ? I am very glad to hear it. It will enable me to get a better horse for my gig. — \_i^ie had just been laughing at mij scurvy equipage. ]— But why now. Madam ? What has happened to excite such a cheering hope ? Mrs. Friend, Why, have you not heard the news ? Mr. Cobbett, No. Mr, Friend, We have taken the capital of Ame- rica. Mrs. Friend, Auj^ the cowardly dogs, to the amount of 9,000 me^ ran away before 1,500 of our soldiers. Mr. Friend, President and all ran away ! — No- body knows where they went to, and the people were ready to submit to us all over the country. Mrs. Friend, Cowardly dogs ! Not stand to fight a moment for their capital. They are a pretty na- tion to go to war with England ! Mr. Friend, They ran away like a great flock of South Down sheep before a pack of hounds. Mrs. Friend. The cowardly creatures will never dare show their faces again. What can you say for these Americans now ? Mr. Cobbett. Why, I say, that you appear to know no more about them than about the people said to be in the moon. Let me look at the paper, [/if laid before her o?i the table, ~\ Mrs. Friend. No ; we must tell it you. It is too long for you to sit and read to yourself. Mr. Cobbett. Well ; now mind, I tell you, that, A2 ( 6 ) instead of putting an end to the war, this event will lend to prolong it : and, mind, I tell you, that un- less -ive give up what we contend for, that war will be of many years duration, and will be as expensive and more bloody than the war in Europe has been. Mr. Friend, We give up to such cowards as the Americans ! Mr. Cobbett. I do not mean to ^\t up either ter- ritory ox honour, I mean give u|i the point in dis- pute ; or, rather, our present appm^ent object. The Americans, like other people, cannot meet disciplin- ed armies, until they have time to organize and dis- cipline themselves. But, the Americans are not coivards, Madam. Their seamen have proved that ; and, what I fear is, that a continuance of the war will make the proof clearer and clearer every day, by land as well as by sea ; an^, I am noiv more than ever afraid of a long continuation of the war ; be- cause, if such people as z/ou sqf^ously think that we are able to conquer America, I can have no reason to hope that any part of the nation remains unde- ceived. Mr. Friend. But, do you not think that the states will divide ? Mr. Cobbett, Certainly not. Mr. Friend, No ! Mr. Cobbett, No. And I should be glad to know what are your reasons for believing that they will divide. If you will give me any reasons for your belief, I will give you mine for a contrary belief. Do you think, madam, that the people of America are weary of living for thirty years without an in- come tax ? Mr. Friend, I have no reasons of my own about the matter. We see, in all our papers^ that the Americans are a very divided people. They say that they cannot long hold together. ( 7 J Mr. Cobbett. And do you really believe what these corrupted vagabonds put into their columns ? You believe, then, of course, that *' the American navy would be swept from the face of the ocean in a month ;" for so they told you. — Yet, how differ- ent has been the events ! No, no : the Americans are not cowards^ madam. Mrs. Friend. Have you had such heaps of le- mons this year as you used to have ? Such was, as nearly as I can recollect, the dia- logue on this occasion; and, as I am sure, that the war is continued in the hope, on the part of the na- tion^ at least, of deriving success from a breaking up of the iinioji in America, which I am thorough- ly persuaded we shall not effect, or see take place, I will endeavour to shew, that this, my persuasion, rests on good grounds ; and, if I succeed in this endeavour, I shall not yet abandon the hope, to w^hich my heart clings, of seeing peace speedily re- stored between the two countries, upon terms not injurious to the interest or character of either. In turning back, now, to the reported speech of your lordship I perceive, and I perceive it with regret, that you are, by the reporter, made to found your opinion of the Americans' disaffection to their govern- ment, and of their attachment to our king, in part,- upon their having treated our officers, prisoners of war, with great liberality and kindness. I noticed this in my last number. I challenged any one to shew the instance, in which they had ever behaved cruelly to prisoners of war. I cited the memorable case of Mr. (now Sir Charles) Asgyll, and I appeal- ed to their uniform conduct, during the present war, including the instances of commodores Bain- bridge and Perry. But as the conduct of the for- mer, in this respect, has been most basely slandered ( 8 ) ill some of our public prints, I will be somewhat more particular as to both instances, adding that oi* capt. Lawrence. Commodore Bainbridge captured the Java, ofF St. Salvadore, on the 29th of December, 1812. — His frigate, the Constitution, carried 44 guns, and ours 49 guns, according to the American accounts. Ours, he says, had upwards of 400 men on board. The republicans killed 60 and wounded 170 of our officers and men, and had themselves 9 killed and 25 wounded. After the battle at their pressing re- quest, commodore Bainbridge paroled them all. The Java had on board lieutenant general Hislop and his staff, together with several supernumerary offi- cers and men. The following letter of general Hislop to commodore Bainbridge will best speak for the latter : " Dear Sir — I am justly penetrated with the full- est sense of your very handsome and kind treat- ment, ever since the fate of war placed me in your power, and I beg once more to renew to you my sincerest acknowledgments for the same. Your acquiescence with my request in granting me my pa- role, with the officers of my staff, added to the ob- ligation I had previously experienced, claims from me this additional tribute of my thanks. May I now finally flatter myself, that in the further exten- sion of your generous and humane feelings, in the alleviation of the misfortunes of war, that vou will have the goodness to fulfil the only wish and re- quest I am now most anxious to see completed, by enlarging on their parole (on the same conditions you have acceded to with respect to myself) all the officers of the Java, still on board your ship — a fa- vour I never shall cease duly to appreciate by youf acquiescence thereto — ( 9 ) *^ I have the honour to subscribe myself, dear sir, your much obliged and very humble servant." The request was instantly complied with. — Men and all were released upon parole. In the case of com. Perry, tlie battle was fought on Lake Eric, on the 10th Sept. 1813. With vessels, carrying alto- gether 54 guns, he not only defeated, but c;.pturcd the whole of our fleet, six vessels, carrying 6.5 guns as he stated in his official report ; which report, by the ]jye, fully justifies our admiralty as to Lake Erie. I take the following paragraph from his report to his government upon this occasion : *^ I also beg your instructions respecting the wounded. I am satisfied, Sir, that whatever steps I might take, governed by humanity^ would meet your approbation* Under this impression, I have taken upon myself to promise capt. Barclay, who is very dangerously wounded, that he shall be landed as near Lake Ontario as possible, and I had no doubt you would allow me to parole him. He is undt r the impression that nothing but leaving this part of the country will save his life. There are also a number of Canadians among the prisoners, many who have families.''^ Capt. Lawrence, in the brig Hornet, attacked and sunk, in fifteen minutes, our brig, the Peacock, killing between thirty and forty of our men, while the Hornet had only one man killed and two wound- ed. — Thus says the American report. Ours I have not at hand. Then comes the following letter : NeW'York, 21th March, 1813. *' Sir — We, the surviving officers of his Britan- nic Majesty's late brig Peacock, beg leave to return you our grateful acknowledgments for the kind at- tent ion arid hospitality we experienced during the time we remained on board the United States' sloop ( 10 ) Hornet. So much was done to alleviate the dis- tressing and uncomfortable situation in which we were placed, when received on board the sloop you commanded, that we cannot better express our feel- ings than by saying, " JFe ceased to consider our- selves prisoners ;" and every thing that friendship could dictate was adopted by you, and the officers of the Hornet, to remedy the inconvenience we would otherwise have experienced from the una- voidable loss of the whole of our property and clothes by the sudden sinking of the Peacock, Per- mit us, then, sir, impressed, as we are, with a grate- ful sense of your kindness, for ourselves and the other officers and ship's company, to return you and the officers of the Hornet our sincere thanks, which we shall feel obliged if you will communi- cate to them in our name ; and believe us to remain, with a high sense of the kind offices you have ren- dered us, your humble servants — F. A. Wright, 1st lieutenant ; C. Lambert, 2d lieutenant ; Ed- ward Lott, master ; J. Whitaker, surgeon ; F. Donnithrone Unwin, purser. James Lawrence^ esq. commander U, S. sloop Hornet,'*^ The American papers added, upon this occasion, the following : — " It is a fact worthy of note, and in the highest degree honourable to our brave tars, that on the day succeeding the destruction of his Britannic Majesty's brig Peacock, the crew of the Hornet made a subscription and supplied the pri- soners (who had lost almost every thing) with two shirts, a bluejacket and trowsers, each." Now, my lord, without going into more particu- lars, let me ask you, whether you think that tliis conduct towards our officers was the effect of dis- affi^ction towards their own government, of disap- probation of its conduct, of a hatred of the war, and ( n ) of **a dispositmi to put themselves imder our pro ^ tection .^" And, if you answer in the negative, as you must, I suppose, why do you think, that the humane treatment of our officers elsewhere indi- cates such a disposition ? Does your lordship see no possible danger in drawing such an inference ? Do you think, that it is wholly out of all belief, that your being reported to have drawn such an inference may render the treatment of our officers, prisoners of war, less humane and kind in Riture ? • — Seeing that a disposition in an American citizen to put himself under the protection of our king is a disposition to commit treaso?iy in the eye of the laws of his country, would it be so very surprising if, in future, the Americans should be very cautious how they exposed themselves to the merit of such a compliment ? I must, however, do your lordship the justice to observe here, that what the proprietors of our newspapers have published as i/our speech, might never have been uttered by you. — 1 would fain hope, that they have, in this case, put forth, under your name, the suggestions of their own mind. I, therefore, comment on the thing as theirs and not as yours- In order to show that there is no foundation for the hope entertained by people here, and so often expressed by our newspapers, of dividing the repub- lic of America, I must go into a history of the par- ties which exist in that republic ; give an account of their origin and progress, and describe their present temper and relative force. — The population are di- vided into two parties; the republicans and FEDERALISTS. The latter also claim the title of republicans, but it is, and I think we shall find, with justice, denied to them by the former. These two panics have, in fact, existed ever since the close of the revolutionary war, though their ( 12 ; animosities have never appeared to be so great, nor to threaten such serious consequences as since the commencement of the French revolution, especially since the first presidency of Mr. Jefferson, whose exaltation to the chair, was the proof of decided tri- umph on the part of the republicans, and plunged their opponents into a state of desperation. The jedera lists took their name from the general government, which being Jederatlve, was called y^- deraL Some of the people, as well as some of the members of the convention who formed the constitu- tion, were for the new general government, and some were against it. Those who were against it, and who were for a government of a still more democratical form, were called, at first, anti-federalists — but, of late, they have been called republicans, in opposition to the federalists, who were for a government of an aristocratical, if not of nearly a kingly form, and who proposed, in the convention, a president and senate Jbr life. There was at this time a great struggle be- tween the parties — the opposition of the republicans spoiled the projects of the federalists ; and the go- vernment was, at last, of a forlorn nature, which was wholly pleasing to neither, but did not on the other hand greatly displease either. The federalists, however, took the whole credit to themselves of having formed the government ; and, as general Washington, who had been presi- dent of the convention, and was decidedly for a fe- derative general government, was elected the presi- dent under the new constitution, the federalists at once assumed, that they were the only persons who had any right or title to have any thing to do with that government, treating their opponents as persons necessarily hostile to, and, of course, unfit to be entrusted with, the carrying on of the federal government. ( 13 ) When the first congress met, under the new con- stitution, it was clear, that the federalists endea- voured to do, by degrees, that which they had not been able to accomplish, all at once, in the conven- tion. They proposed to address the president by the title of his serene highness, and to introduce other forms and trappings of royalty, or, at lei\st, of a high aristocracy. Their intention was defeated to their inexpressible mortification. The people were shock- ed at these attempts ; and, from that moment, the opposite party seem to have gained ground in the confidence of the people, who abhorred the idea of any thing that bore a resemblance to kingly govern- ment or that seemed to make the slightest approacli towards hereditary or family rule. When the French revolution broke out ; when that great nation declared itself a republic, and went even further than America had gone in the road of democracy, the two parties took their different sides. Heats and animosities were revived. While general Washington remained president, however, he acted with so much caution and moderation, that it was difficult for any one openly to censure him. He was blamed by both parties. One wished him to take part with France, the other with England. He did neither, and upon the whole he left no party any good reason to complain of him. But when Mr. Adams, who was a native of Massachusetts, where the federal party was in great force, became presi- dent, he certainly did, yielding to the counsels of weak and violent men, push things very nearly to an offensive and defensive alliance with us. The vio- lent jand unjust proceedings of the French govern- ment furnished a pretext for raising an army, which was, for some time, kept on foot in time of peace ^ in the very teeth of the constitution. A sedition bill B ( 14 ) was passed with power of sending aliens out of the country ; and many other things were done, in the heat of the moment, which Mr. Adams, had he not been surrounded by the Massachusetts federalists, never Avould have thought of, being a republican at heart, and a real friend to the liberties of his country. Mr, Adams's presidency ended in March, 1800. He was proposed to be re-elected; but he lost his election, and the choice fell upon Mr. Jefferson, who had always been deemed the head of the repubhcan party. The truth is, that iht people were republi- cans. Every thing had been tried ; threats, alarms, religion, all sorts of schemes ; but they took alarm at nothing but the attempts upon their liberty, and they hurled down the party who had made those at- tempts. vSince that time, the government has been in the hands of the republicans. Mr. Jefferson was president for eight years, Mr. Madison for four years, and is now^ going on for the second four years. Your lordship knows, as well as any man upon earth, how fond people are oi place dx\Ci poxver ; and that no part of any opposition is so bitter and trou- blesome as that part, which consists of men, whose anibitious hopes may have been blasted by their being turned out of place. It now happened, very naturally, but rather oddly, that the federalists be- came the opposition to the federal government ; but they still retained, and do retain their title ; though, really, they ought to be called, the aristocrats, or royalists. This opposition is now, however, chiefly confin- ed to the state of Massachusetts, the state govern- ment of which, has even talked about separating front the union. Your lordship has heard of a Mr. ( 15 ; Henry, who was, it seems in close consultation and correspondence with the persons holding the reins of government in Massachusetts upon the subject of separation^ and who pretended that he was employ- ed by Sir James Craig, governor of Canada, for that purpose. Your lordship, I believe, disclaimed him and his intrigues, and, therefore, I must believe, of course, that he was not employed by our governor. But the people of America have been led to believe, that there must have been something in his story. This state of Massachusetts contains a great number of men of talents ; many rich men, become so chiefly by the purchasing, at a very low ratCyOj' the certificates oj soldiers ivho served in the late war, and by procuring acts of congress to cause the sums to be paid in full, which, indeed, was thought and openlj said, to be their main object in pressing for a federal government with large powers. These men, now disappointed in all their ambitious hopes ; seeing no chance of becoming petty noblemen; seeing the offices and power of the country pass into other hands, without the smallest probability of their return to themselves, unless they be content to abandon all their high notions of family distinction; these men have becoinG desperate ; and if I am to judge from their proceedings, would plunge their country into a civil war, rather than yield quiet obedience to that very government, which they had been so long in the practice of censuring others Tor not sufficiently adm.iring. But, my lord, though there is a majority of voices in Massachusetts on OUR SIDE ; rOR ON OUR SIDE THEY REALLY ARE, there is a thumping minority on the other side : and what is of great importance in the esti- mate, that minority consists of the nerves, the bones, and sinews of the population of the state ; ( 16 ) SO that the sum total of our ground of reliance, as to a separation of the states, is the good will of the most numerous but most feeble and inefficient part of the people of the state of Massachusetts ; and even these, I am fully persuaded, are, by this day, a'wed into silence by the determined attitude of the rest of the country. The same charges which our vile newspapers have been preferring against Mr. Madison, have been preferred against him by their serene high- Tiesses of Massachusetts. They have accused him of a devotion to France ; they have, in our newspa- per style, called him the " tool of Napoleon ;^'* they too have dared to assert, that he made war upon us, without the slightest provocation^ for the pur- pose of aiding Napoleon in destroying England, ^^ the bulwark of their religion-''^ They have held public feasts and rejoicings at the entrance of the Cossacks into France, and at the restoration of the ancient order of things. You will bear in mind, that these people are staunch Presbyterians ; and it would amuse your lordship to read the orations, preachings, and prayers of these people ; to witness their gratitude to Heaven for restoring the Pope^ whom they used to call the scarlet whore, the whore of Bab)'ion ; for the re-establishment of the Jesuits ; and for the re-opening of the dungeons, the re- sharpening of the hooks, and the re-kindling of the flames of the inquisition, — Their opponents, the re- publicans, say, we never were the friends of Napo- leon, as a despot, nor even as an emperor ; we ne- ver approved of any of his acts of oppression, either in France, or out of France ; we always complained of his acts of injustice towards ourselves ; but he was less hurtful to our country than other powers ; and, as to mankind in general, though we regretted ( 17 ) to see him with so much power, we feared that that povver would be succeeded by something worse ; and we cannot now rejoice, that the pope is restor- ed, that the Jesuits are re-established, the inquisition re-invigorated ; that monkery is again overspread- ing the face of Europe ; and that the very hope of freedom there seems to be about to be extinguished for ever. And this, your lordship may be assured is the language of nineteen-twcnticths of the people of America. There are, it is to be observed, federalists in all the states, which you will easily believe, when you consider how natural it is for men, or at least, how prone men are, to wish to erect themselves into su- periour classes. As soon as a man has got a great deal of money, he aims at something beyond that. He thirsts for distinctions and tides. His next ob- ject is to hand them down to his family. It will require great watchfulness and gre?it resolution in the Americans to defeat this propensity. You have not leisure for it, or it would amuse you to trace the workings of this would-be nobility in America, They are very shame-faced about it ; but they let it peep cut through the crannies of their hjpocricy. — Being defeated, and totally put to the rout in the open field by the general good sense of the people, they have resorted to the most contemptible devi- ces for effecting, by degrees, that which they were unable to carry at a push. They have established what they call " Benevolent Societies y''^ to which they have prefixed, by way of epithet, qx character- istic^ the name of Washington. The professed ob- ject of these societies, who have their periodical orations, preachings prayings, and toastings, was to afford relief to any persons who might be in dis- tress* — The REAL OBJECT appcars to have been B2 ( 18 ) to enlist idlers and needy persons under their politi- cal banners. These little coteries of hypocrites ap- pear to have assembled, as it were, by an unanimous sentiment, or, rather by instinct, to celebrate the fall of Napoleon, and the restoration of the pope, the Jesuits and the inquisition. But unfortunately for this affiliation of hypocrites, they have little or no materials to work upon in America, where a man can earn a week's subsistence in less time than he can go to apply for and obtain it without work ; and, accordingly, the affiliation seems destined to share the fate of the serene highnesses propositions of 25 years ago. The fall of Napoleon, so far from weakening, will tend to strengthen the general government, in the hands of the republicans. It has deprived its ene- mies of the grand topic of censure; the main ground of attack. The " Cossacks, ^^ as they are now some- times called, of Massachusetts, can no longer charge the president with being the " tool of Napoleon'*^ — they no longer stand in need of England as " the bulwark of religion, '^^ seeing that they have the pope, the Jesuits, the Benedictines, the Franciscans, the Carthusians, the Dominicans, and above all, the in- guisition, to supply her place in the performance of that godly office. They will no longer, they can no longer, reproach the president for his attachment to France ; for France has now a king, a legitimate sovereign, who regularly hears mass. They are now, therefore, put in this dilemma ; they must de- clare openly for England against their country, or, by petty cavilling, must make their opposition con- temptible. The former they dare not do ; and, they are too full of spite not to do the latter. So that their doom, I imagine, is sealed ; and their fall will not be much less complete than that of Napo- ( 19 ) leon himself, with this great difference, however, that his name and the fame of his deeds will de- scend to the latest posterity, while dieir projects of ennobling themselves at the expence of their coun- try's freedom and happiness, will be forgotten and forgiven before one half of them are eaten by worms. This is my view of the matter. Your lordship will probably think it erroneous ; but, if it prove correct, how long and how bitterly shall we have to deplore the existence of this bloody contest. I am, &c. WM. COBBETT. ' (Letter II, has notj/et come to hand.) LETTER II L TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL, ON THE AMERICAN WAR. My Lord — In the American newspapers I have seen an article entitled ''British botheration^' in which article are noticed in a most ludicrous, but most provoking manner, all the wise observations made in England as to the cause of our ships being beaten by those of America.— At the close of the article, the writer states what he regards as the real cause, but^ which statement I will, for my health's sake, refrain from repeating to your lordship. But if this saucy republican gave the title of botheration to our former puzzlings upon this head, what will he say now, when the question is become ten thousand times more embroiled than ever ? The speeches attributed to the opposition, upon this subject, pre- sent matter worthy of public observation. Mr. Hor- ner lays the blame of the failure on the Lakes Erie and Charnplain; he attributes those memorable vic- tories of the Americans, to the ministry. He com- plains that you and your colleagues left our naval commanders to contend with a vast superiority of force. The American official account in both ca- ses, makes the superiority of the force on our side ; and, as to Lake C/iamplain, Sir George Prevost himself gives us a superiority of seven guns. I am, for my part, at a loss to discover the policy of as- cribing every disgrace to the ministers, and every ( 21 ) success to the commanders. Of its flagrant injus- tice there can be no doubt ; and, it appears to me, that its folly is not much more questionable. Wei- lington was made a duke for his success ; but, ac- cording to the present way of thinking, or of talking, the secretary of the war department should have been made a duke, and Wellington remained what he was ; and the lords of the admiralty should have had all the ribbons, stars, and titles that have been bestowed on naval commanders. If to the com- manders belong the praises of victories : to them also belong upon the face of the matter, the blame of defeat. Much reliance appears to be placed by the oppo- sition, on the circumstance of captain Barck^;^ hav- ing been honourably acquitted by a court martial. For, say they, if he was provided with a force equal to that of the Americans, he must have been guilty ; and if he was not, the ministers are to blame. They ^ take the sentence of the court martial, therefore, as a proof of the guilt of the ministers. But is it not very evident that this conclusion is false ? Captain Barclay might be as brave a man as ever existed : he might have acted with wisdom equal to his bra- very ; he might have had a superiority of guns and men ; he might have been defeated ; yet he might be perfectly free from any blame, and might, on the contrary, merit honours and rewards, still the ad- miralty might deserve no censure whatever. The Americans might have abler seamen ; they might, from their superior bodily strength and agility, be able to fire quicker than we ; they might fight with an unheard degree of resolution and eagerness ; they might be animated by feelings unknown to the . bosoms of their adversaries. What ! is it to be- ^ come a maxim, that whenever one of our comman-- ( 22 ) ders is defeated, there must be a crime either in him or in the ministry ? Must he be punished or they condemned ? Must he be their accuser, or they be his accusers ? This would soon introduce a very amicable sort of connection between the comman- ders and the ministry* The truth is, my lord, that there is a degree of mortification and of shame, at- tached to these naval victories of the Americans, that drives men, and particularly naval men, who have all the mass of the people widi them, to all sorts of follies and inconsistencies. They do not know what to say or to do, in order to get rid of this insupportable mortification. Sometimes John- ny Bull says to Jonathan, "you have got some Eng- lish sailors in your ships" — ** May be so," says Jo- nathan, " but you have got all English sailors in your ships" — '*Aye," replies John, *' but you have got the best of our sailors," ** may be so," says Jo- nathan, ** but then how comes the best of your sai- lors to desert from your service to come into mine?" ** No, no ! rejoins John hastily, *' I don't mean the best men ; I mean they fight more desperately than those we have on board, because the rascals know that if they are taken they will be hanged*'' — " Oh fie ! Johnny," rejoins Jonathan, ** do you think that Englishmen will fight better from a dread of the gallows, than from a love of their king and glorious constitution V " No," says John, " I said no such thing. You have got heavier shot, and stronger powder y and more guns, and more men " — *' Indeed Johnny," says Jonathan, " why I am sure you pay enough for your ships, shot, guns, men, and pow- der. Your navy and ordnance, last year, cost you twenty-five millions sterling, which is more than twenty times as much as ours is to cost us tiext year,; though we are building fleets and forming ( 23 ) dock-yards, besides defending, lakes and all, three thousand miles of sea coast.'' — '* Well," says John, ready to burst with anger, *' what is that to you, what I pay ? I will pay it, if I like to pay it" — - " Oh dear!" says Jonathan, *' dont be angry old friend, I have not the least objection to your payr ing : only, I hope I shall not hear any more about iht property tax^'^ — ^* You are a saucy scoundrel," says John, foaming with rage ; ** you deserve a good drubbing, you Yankee dog, and you will get it yet — and, at any rate, if I pay taxes, I'll make you pay taxes too, If I am miserable myself, Pll make you unhappy, if I can." It is to this mortification my lord, that you have to ascribe the attacks of the newspapers on the na- val administration, which really appears to me to have done more in Canada than could have been expected at their hands. You see that the opposition here are supported by the country, who will blame you, blame sir George Prevost, blame our pov/der, shot, ship, gun-locks ; blame any person or thing ; blame and execrate all the world, rather than ackno w» I ledge that the republicans are, gun to gun and man j to man, our masters upon the sea. Far be it from me to censure a reluctance to come to such an acknow- i ledgment. The reluctance arises from a love of i^one of the best professions of one's countr}-, name- ly, its fame in deeds of arms. — But, then, it is ma- nifest, that this patriotic feeling, if not subjected to : reason and enlightened views, may be productive \ of great injustice towards commanders, or ministers, or both ; and may expose the nation to great and lasting misery. The opposition are feeding this feeling— They ascribe every failure to you and your colleagues : and they studiously keep out of sight the real cause of those failures — They justify ( 24 ) the war on our part ; they fan the flame ; they ex- cite false hopes of future success ; they say to the people, we have failed hitherto from the fault of the ministr}^ ; and thereby, they cause it to be believed, that better may be done for the future, without anj) radical change in our political and naval systems ; and, in doing so, they do, in my opinion, as greal an injury as they can possibly do the country. Next to the ministry comes sir George Prevost. Mr. Horner did not know which was to blame, the ministry or the colonial governor. — The fleet had been beat and captured, and Mr. Horner was sure that it must have been o\ving to something other than the fleet itself, or at least its commanders. It never could be their fault. Men who fought twc hours and twenty minutes within a few yards of the mouths of the opposing cannon, and whose vessels had not a mast or any thing standing to which a sail could be fastened. Such men could not be m fault. They fought most bravely. They were averpoxv- erecL They lost their fleet, but ungrateful is the country, and base the man, who insinuates that they ous:ht to have done more. Thev could do nc more. If they had continued to fight, they mus1 have been all blown to pieces, without the powei of resistance. No ; it was not the fault of the offi- cers of our fleet ; it was the fault of the Yankees. for being so strong in body, so agile, so dexterouS; and so determined. Mr. Horner should have made a motion against them. Suppose he Avere, nexi time, to make a motion for prosecuting them ? L we could get at them in that way, it would soon be- numb their faculties. ** Aye," say the people aboul Portsmouth and Gosport, '* it is time an inquiry was made ! it is a shame that sir George Prevost is not brought home and punished.^'' I assure youi ( 25 ) lordship that this is their language ; and they will be (luite outrageous when they hnd that he is not to be punished; but, on the contrary, is to remain where he is. There is no one hereabouts who does not think diat sir James Yoe's letter to the lords ol the admiralty is a finisher for sir George. To sucb a pitch of folly has the nation been push- ed by their notions of die invincibility of the navy, that a captmn in that service is looked upon as the absolute arbiter of the fate of a lieutenant general oi the army, and the governor of a province, under ■whose <^mmand he is serving. Sensible men were disgusted at the arrogance of sir James \ eo s letter; but it was well suited to the capacities and tastes of those who sing, or listen to Dibdm's nauseous trash about the fleet and sailors, bpon the heads of those who demand these inquiries and exposures, be the consequences. These consequences will be cleir proof, that our naval officers had a sufficiency of force upon both the occasions alluded to, and that they were to blame, if any body was, for their defeats. Sir George Prevost will never suffer him- self to be regarded as the cause of these calamities and disgraces ; and I am very sure diat the minis- try, having the power, will not neglect the means of iustifyina; diemselves. So that all this stir wiU on- ly tend to make the mortification of the navy great- er than it now is ; the prejudices of the nation wi only receive the greater shock ; and the world %yi I only have completer proof of those very facts which we are so anxious to disguise or disfigure. It vvas observed during the debate that though our ships of war were quite sufficiendy provided with the means of " combatting an ordinary foe, they ought to have been fitted out in an extraordinary way to combat such a foe as the Americans /" But sup- ( 26 } pose the admiralty not to have fitted them out in this extraordinary way? Were they to blame for that ? Was there a man in the country who did not despise the American navy ? Was there a pub- lic writer besides myself, who did not doom that navy to destruction in a month ? Did not all par- ties exceedingly relish the description given in a very august assembly, of " half a dozen of Jir fri- gates, with hits of striped bunting at their mast- heads ?" Did not the Giie?Tiere sail up and down the American coast, with her name written on her flag, challenging those fir frigates ? Did not the whole nation, with one voice, exclaim at the affair of the Jjittle Belt — " Only let Rodgers come with' in reach of one of our frigates .^" If, then, such was the opinion of the whole na- tion, of ail men of ail parties ; with what justice is the board of admiralty blamed for not thinking otherwise ; for not sending out the means of com- batting an extraordinary sort of foe ; for not issu- ing a privilege to our frigates to run away from one of those iir built things with a hit of striped bunting at its mast head? It has always been the 'misfor- tune oi' England that her rulers and her people have spoken and have thought contemptuously of the Americans. Your lordship and I were boys, and indeed not born, or at least I was not, when our king first was involved in a quarrel with the Ame- ricans — but almost as long as I can remember any thing, I can remember that this contempt was ex- pressed in the songs and sayings of the clodhop- pers amongst whom I was born and bred ; in doing which w^e conducted, down to the earth that we delved, the sentiments of the squires and lords. — The result of the former w^ar, while it enlightened nobody, added to the vindictiveness of hundreds of ( 27 ) thousands ; so that we have entered into this war with all our old stock of contempt and a vastly in- creased stock of rancour. To think that the Ame- rican republic is to be 2i great power is insupporta- ble. Some men, in order to keep her down, Ia their language, and at the same time, not to use harsh expressions, observe that she is only another part of ourselves. They wish her to be thought, if not dependent upon us, still to be a sort of younger child of our family, coming in i\fter Ireland^ Jamai- ca^ Sec. 1 met a worthy Scots gentleman, a month or two ago, who wished that some man of ability would propose a scheme that he had, and without which, he isaid, ive would never have peace agai7i, *' Well sir (said I) and pray what is your scheme ?" ** Why (said he) it is very simple — it is to form an Union with the American states." It was raining, and 1 wanted to get on ; so that I had not time to ascer- tain what sort of union he meant. This gentleman however, was remarkably moderate in his views. The far greater' part of the nation expect absolute colonial submission; and if our fleets and armies should not finally succeed in bringing a property tax from America into his majesty's exchequer the far greater part of the people will be most grievously disappointed. So that this contempt of the Yan- kees has given your lordship and your colleagues a good deal to do in order to satisfy the hopes and ex- pectations which have been excited, and which, I assure you, are confidently entertained. Of the ef- fect of this contempt I know nobody, liowever, who have so much reason to repent as the officers of his majesty's navy. ¥l they had triumphed, it would only have been over half a dozen of lir frigates, with bits of bunt ijig at their mast heads. They were sure to gain no reputation in the contest ; and if ( 28 ) they were defeated, what was their lot ? The worst of it is, they themselves did, in some measure, con- tribute to their own ill fate : for of all men living, none spoke of'* poor Jonathan" with so much con- tempt. To read their letters, or the letters which our newspaper people pretend to have received from them at the onset of the war, one would have thought that they would hardly have condescended XQ return a shot from a bimfing ship. And now to see that hit of hunting fiyij^g so often over the Bri- tish flag ! Oh ! it is stinging beyond expression. The people in the country cannot think how it is. — There are some people who are for taking the Ame- rican commodores at their word, ascribing their vic- tories to the immediate intervention of Providence. Both Perry and M'Donough begin their despatches by saying — '' Almighty God has given us a victo- ry." Some of their clergy upon this ground alone, call them Christian heroes, and compare them to Joshua, who, by the bye, was a Jew. I observe that when any of them get beaten, they say nothing about supernatural agency ; yet tnere is still a vic- tory on one side or the other : and if they ascribe their victories to such agency, why not ascribe our victories, and of course their own defeats, to this same overruling cause ? If Mr. Madison had told the congress that *' Almiglity God had been pleas- ed to enable the enemy to burn their capital," how they would have stared at him ! Yet, surely, he might have said that with as much reason as com- modore M'Donough ascribed his victory to such interposition. If commodore Perry, who captured our fleet on Lake Erie, had been met at New York with looks of perfect indift'erence, instead of being feasted and toasted as he was, and had been told that the cause of this, was, that he had gained no victo- ry, even according to his own official account —how ( 29 ) sillv he would have looked ! And yet he could have no reason to complain. I perceive also many other instances of this aping propensity in the Americans. It is the *' honour- able William Jones, secretary of the navy;" the '' honourable the mayor of New York ;" " his hon- our the chief justice ;" and even the members of congress call one another ^*Ao;?o/^ra<^/2^5 newspaper tell them, that the people of America never complained of such im- pressments ; but the truth is, that long before, years before, the war was declared, complaints, and most bitter complaints, had rung through the country, against these impressments. Letters from the im- pressed persons were published without end. Affi- davits proving the fact. Representations enough to make a nation mad with resentment ; enough to drive even quakers to arms. None of these have our newspapers ever copied. None of these have they ever made known to their readers. They have published the harangues of Goodloe Harper, H. G. Otis, poor Timothy Pickering, and other would-be noblesse. They have given us every thing from the free press of America, at all calculated to cause it to be believed, that the war is unpopular there ; but not a word on the other side ; not a word to let us see what were the real sentiments of the majori- ty of the republic. I will now lay before your lordship some of the complaints of the impressed Americans, as published in the American newspa- pers ; for, I am convinced, that even yoii are not acquainted fully of the nature and tone of those complaints, and, at any rate, the publications should, if possible, be rebutted on our part, v-ice- ing, that they must produce such a hatred of us in the minds of the people of America, as will, if not by some means rtioUified, lead to a never ceasing hostility. Your lordship will perceive, that these statements are sent forth with all the forms of judi- cial acts ; that they consist of statements made on oath ; that these statements are certified by legal magistrates, whose names are affixed to them : and that, of course, they are calculated to have great ( 35 ) weight with the public. It is not a bad way to make the case our own : to suppose sucli com- plaints made in our papers against America, or any- other nation ; and, then, to judge of the effect that those complaints would make on the people of England, recollecting that the Americans are not base and cowardly more than we are. [Here followed several depositions, copied from the newspajxirs, of impressed American seamen.] Now, my lord, I do not say that these statements are true, \n spite of all the particular detail of names, dates and places ; in spite of oaths and cer- tificates, they may be false ; but as it is to such statements that we owe this unfortunate war, we surely ought to endeavour to prove, that some, at least, of these statements are false. The republi- can newspapers teem, and teemed long before the w^r, with publications of this sort. The blood of America was set boiling with such publications — The vote of congress for the war was the most popular vote ever given by that body. It is, there- fore, of vast importance that these publications should be counteracted if possible. They are ei- ther true or false ; if the latter, as I would fain hope, they can be easily refuted ; if true, which it v/ould be shocking to believe, certainly we ought to be very ready and forward to make atonement to the Americans for what they have suffered. These statements have, too, produced another most serious effect. They have filled the crews of the American ships with implacable revenge. To the usual motives of patriotism and glory, they have added the still more powerful motive of vengeance. Against crews, thus animated, men under the influ- ence of the mere ordinary motive to bravery really cajmot be expected to succeed without a great su- ( 56 ) oeriority of force. I leave your lordship to suppose what would be the effect of statements like these, if the case were ours. If we were at peace with all the world and were carrying on our commerce agreeably to the h^y^soi neutraUty, while the Ame- ricans were at war with some other power ; and it the Americans were to impress Englishmen Worn on board English ships, bringing up coals from Newcastle to London, were to force them into their ships of war, compel Uiem to fight for America ; and, in short, to occasion, in the English papers, statements such as I have above quoted. If this were the case, does your lordship think, that we should be very quiet? And if such statements would be likely to set us in a flame, are we to sup- pose, that they have had no effect on the Ame- "^Here, my lord, as you well know, we have the real cause of that war, which, it is said, is now to eneage a hundred thousand men, txvo hundred ships of war, and which cannot cost less than twenty millions a vear. It has been asserted, that the con- gress declared war against us to assist Napoleon on the continent. This is so foolish that the writers must think that they are addressing it to men little superior to brutes. It was impossible that the Americans could know where Napoleon was, when they declared war. It was impossible that their war should really aid him in his designs against Russia. It was against their interest that Russia should be crushed by any power, and especial y by France. The other charge, that America, ike an assassin, attacked us in the dark^ is equally false and foolish. How could an open declaration ot war, by a legislative assembly, after repeated dis- cus ion by an act deserving such a description? ( 49 ) observes, '* that when an American gentleman ot splendid attainments^ some years ago, composed his celebrated review of the conscription code of that monster Bonaparte^ he could not possibly foresee, that his own country would so soon be subjected to the same barbarous humiliation, " This gentle- man of '' splendid attainments^'^ was a Mr. Walsh, of Philadelphia, who, having been in France, came over to England, where, under the patronage of the friends of bribery and corruption, he wrote and pub- lished a pamphlet, calculated to aid their views. This pamphlet clearly she\^ ed that the author was one of those Americans, who, by the vain splendour that they here behold, and by the hope of sharing in it, have been induced to apostatise from the prin- ciples of their o\\'n republican government. This young man, whose work was realiy a very poor per- formance, abounding with inconsistencies, and, in- deed, with downright falsehoods, had his head turn- ed by the flatteries of the hireling ^vriters and re- viewers here : and I should not wonder if his work acquired him the unspeakable felicity of hearing, that even his name was mentioned in a conversation between two lords. I'he great recommendation of the work was, that it was not the work of an Eng- lishman. No ; it was said, the work of an American^ who, of course^ was 2, friend of the French, and not at all disposed to exaggerate in describing their mi- sery. This was the fraudulent colour under which the work got into circulation. Mr. Walsh was a tool in the hands of crafty men, who dazzled him with praises. But now as to the resemblance between Mr. Monroe's measure and the conscription of Napo- leon ; K ( 50 ) ist, The French conscription was decreed by an arbitrar)^ despot, assisted by an assembly whom the people had not chosen. The levy in America is or- dered by a law, passed by the congress, who are the real and not the sham representatives of the people ; who have recently been freely chosen by the peo- ple ; and who, if they desire to be re-elected, must act so as to please the people, the time of their re- election being near at hand. 2d. The French conscript w^as called out to fight for the support and aggrandizement of a particular family^ and for the support also of nobles in the pos- session of their titles and estates. It was the honour of the crown that the Frenchman were called on to fight for, and that, too, in distant lands. The Ame- rican citizen is called out to defend no sovereign family, no crown, no 72obles, to give no security and to gain no renown for them, or any of them ; but to iigiitfor the safety, liberty, and honour of the country, w'here there are no distinctions of rank, and where, of course, every individual fights, when he does fight, in his oxvn cause as much as in the cause of the president himself. 3d. The French conscription compelled personal service. The American levy contains no such com- pulsion. Every twenty-five men, between the ages of 18 and 45, are to furnish one man. If no one of the twenty-five will serve in person, the whole twen- ty-five together, are, according to their property, to pay a certain sum of money. 4th. The French conscript, while he left, per- haps, an aged flither or mother at home living in penury, was fighting for an emperor, whose wife carried about her person, at the nation's expence, decorations, which cost as much as would have fed thousands of families for a year. The American le- ( 51 ) vyman, knows, that his government^ all taken to- gether, president, congress, judges, secretaries, clerks, and all, do not cost so much in a year, as is swallowed by an imperial family in one single day. 5th. France was not invaded. This is a very rna terial point. America was, and is invaded. Her viK lages, towns, and cities, have been plundered and burnt. A continuation of this mode of warfare has been distinctly declared by our admiral to have been resolved upon. It is invasion, it is devastation, it is fire, it is the sword, it is plunder at their very doors, and in their very dwellings on the coast, that the American levy are called forth to repel, to punish or to prevent. It is no possible, no imaginary, no dis tant danger that has called forth this measure from the congress ; it is actual invasion ; it is an enemy in the country, there laying waste, plundering, and kill- ing ; lawfully, if you please ; but that is no matter. If Napoleon had landed an army here, he would have been justified in so doing by the laws of war ; but, when we expected him even to make the at- tempt^ at invasion, did xve confine ourselves to mea- sures like this of Mr. Monroe ? Did we not call upon the whole of the people to be ready to come out under martial law ? But I am here anticipating^ another part of the subject of my letter. So much, then, for the resemblance between the French conscription and the American levy ; and, I am sure, that your lordship uill allow, that they no more resemble one another tlian this Register resembles the Tunes newspaper. What, then, be- comes of Mr. Walter's bombastical trash about sariguinary despots and chained conscripts ? Yet, he will find dupes ! He has found dupes for many years, and he will continue to find them upon this subject, I fear, 'till we shall see an American fleet V 52 ) on the coast of Ireland, an occurrence more proba- ble than, at one time, was thought the capture ot an English frigate by a republican thing with ^bit of striped btniting at its mast head, as Mr. Canmng thought proper to describe the American frigates. But, my lord, it is not with the French conscrip- tion alone that I mean to compare the republican levy. Let us see (for that will bring the thing home to us) what is the nature of this measure of Mr. Monroe compared with our Militias, We have two or three militias ; but there are two clearly distinguished from each other : One is called the militia, and the other the local inilitia. The for- mer consists of men called out by ballot, with- out ANY REGARD TO THE AMOUNT OF THEIR PROPERTY. Each man, so called on, must serve in person, or must, out of his own pocket, find a man to serve in his stead; and, service is, in all respects, except that of being sent over sea, the same as that of the regular soldiers ; seeing that the man may be marched to any part of the kingdom, may- be quartered in camp, in bamcks, and is subjected to all military pains and penalties, the price of sub- stitutes has long been so higli, that no labourer or journeyman has, out of his own pocket been able to procure a substitute. Now, you see, there is a wide difference here. For the man of small means in America has twenty-four others to assist him in payino; the money necessary to engage a substitute. Twenty-five men are put into a class. If one ot them goes to serve, the others are able to make him a handsome compensation. If none of them choose to serve, the money in lieu of the service of one man is to be collected from twenty-five men. And, which is the beauty of this admirable scheme, when it comes to the payment of money, each person is tc pay, not the same sum, but a sum in proportion to ( 53 ) his means. In England the names of all of certain ages in each parisli, are put into a box, out of which the number wanted are drawn. It happens, of course, that, of four, one is a rich merchant, another a farmer, another a journeyman taylor, and another a labourer. Each is to serve in person or to find a substitute. The price of the substitute is as high for the poor as for the rich. The two latter, there- fore, who have no property to defend, must serve, or they must rake together 'the means of paying for t]>e deience of the property of the rich, and thus in- yolve themselves in debt, and expose their fiimilies, if thc}- have any to misery. But you see Mr. Monroe's scheme most effectually provides against this. It puts all the male population, between 18 and 45, into classes of twenty-five men. Each class is to send one man. If they agree amongst themselves who shall go, the thing 'is done. If none of them choose to go, then the twenty-five are to pay a sum of money ; but here they are not to pay alike; the journeyman taylor and the labourer are not to pay like the merchant and the farmer ; every man of the twenty-five is to pay in proportion "to his property ; and thus does the burden of defence fall with arithmetical correctness on the thin^ to be de- fended. And this, my lord, is what Mr Walter calls a '' conscription ; this he calls a measure of '' bar- barous hwmliation'" to the people of America ;. for proposing this measure he calls Mr. Madison a "- sanguinary despot;'' this is the measure which he says will never he submitted to by the republicans. The foolish man vrill soon have to announce his as- tonishment at the complete success of the measure : if he has not, 1 v, ill acknowledge myself to be as great a fool as he. E2 x ( 54 ) But to proceed, our local militia were to serve oniv within their several counties, but their service has now been extended ; though, except in cases of ur^encij, they are to be called out only a month in the year. Here no man must get the means of hiring a substitute from any insurance or club. He must make no bargain with his master to work out the amount of the penalty. He must swear that the ten pounds comes out of his own present means, or he must serve in person. In this case, however, we approach a litde nearer to Mr. Monroe's excellent scheme ; for in this militia, we proportion the fine, in some measure, to the property of him who refu- ses to serve ; though a rich farmer still pays only about tiventi/ pounds, whilst the poorest of his labour- ers must pay ten poimds, though certainly the pro- perty of the former may be estimated at two or three thousand times greater than tbe property of the lat- ter. Now, according to Mr. Monroe's scheme, a couple of fi\rmers would find themselves classed with twenty-three journeymen blacksmiths, collar- makers, wheelwrights, &c. &c. And, of course, the two farmers would pay 24-25ths of the penalty ; or, which would be the natural result, one man out oi the twenty-five, with a handsome reward from the rest, would cheerfully take up the musket instead of tlie dung-fork or the sledge-hammer. But the most important distinction still remains to be noticed : that is to say, that we have, for twen- ty years, had a militia on foot, under martial law, under officers cominissioned by the king, under the regular discipline, lodged in camps or barracks, marched to every corner of the kingdom, without any 2,Q,\M2Mnvasion of the country. These regiments have been kept up, the ballotting has been going on, and no invaders have come to bum our villages, ( 55 ) towns, and cities — or, to plunder their;, or to lay them under contribution. While, in America, we are invading and laying waste ; we are taking 'per^ manent possession of one district ; we are compel- ling the people to swear allegiance to our king ; we have one army afloat here, another there, more are going out ; and this Mr. Walter is calling till he is hoarse for more troops to be sent to divide and de- vastate the country, to overturn the republican go- vernment, and reduce the people to unconditional submission ; all this he is doing, while he is, at the same time, crying out against the " barbarous'' scheme of calling upon the people of property to defend their country, either in their persons, or with their purses.— Aye, my lord ! fool as Mr. Walter IS, he perceives that Mr. Monroe's is an infallible scheme for raising an army in a short time, and for keeping that army complete. He, fool as he is, smells powder in every line of this scheme. But it IS his business to misrepresent, to disfigure to induce his well-dressed rabble of readers, and you too, if possible, to believe that the scheme xvillfail and that, therefore, we ought to carry on the war with all imaginable energy. I trust, that you will see the danger which this wise and equitable plan presents to us. I trust that you will at once abandon all hopes of extorting any concession from a country which has now shewn, that difficulties and dangers, as they press upon her, only tend to increase her energy, to raise her spirit, and make her more formidable.' I have respect enough for the understanding of your lordship to believe that you have read Mr. Mon- roe's letter to the chairman of the military commit- tee with great attention, and not without some de- gree of alarm. But the conclusion of it is so very ( 58 ) As long as they are stimulated with the hope ot forcing open the offices of government by tlie mis- fortunes of their country, they will talk big about a separation of the union — but the moment that that hope dies within them, you will see them as quiet as mice. And, really, I do not know of any thing more likely to kill that hope than the scheme of Mr. Monroe, which will not only bring forth an efficient army now, but which will hold an efficient army al- ways in readiness at a week's notice, while at the same time, it will obviate the necessity of a stand- ing army and of a ^veat per?7ianent expense, and will prevent the executive government from acquiring a patronage inconsistent with the principles of repub- lican government, and dangerous to political and civil liberty. I confess, moreover, that there is another class of men, whom you would mortally offi^nd by making a peace that should be honourable to America : I mean, the haters of freedom. I do not mean * * ^-*5ie******** This mo- ment has arrived the Courier newspaper with news of PEACE. I do not know how to express the plea- sure I feel at this news, or the gratitude, which, for this act, I, in common with my countrymen, owe to your lordship and your colleagues. Far be it from me to rejoice at what the Times calls the dis- grace of the navy of England and the humiliation of the crown ; but being fully convinced, the lon- ger the war had continued, the more disgraceful and dangerous would have been the result, I do most sincerely rejoice at this auspicious event, and cer- tainly not the less on account of its being calculated to baffle the views of that hypocritical faction, who have still the impudence to call themselves whigs. I am, &c. &c. Wm. COBBETT. Botley, 2Sth Dec, 1814. I J at nrst proposed only to introduce four of Mr. Cobbett's let- ters to Lord Liverpool, but some of his other political pieces on the late American war, are so extremely interesting and pleasur- able to me (which m fact was the primary cause of my repub- lishing them in this form, with the subsequent appendages) that I have concluded to introduce the most important of all his writings on the present topic as they vindicate the American character trom the foul and false aspersions of tory calumniators, both in Europe and America, in the most masterly manner ; and, as thev in themselves, give an honourable glimpse of the American Victories, ON LAND, on the lakes, and on the ocean. Indeed Mr. Cobbett deserves a statue of gold and the eratitude of every true American, for boldly vindicating, (though sur- rounded with tyrants and traitors, sycophants and slaves) the iust cause of our injured and insulted republic, the only one the ravages of monarchy and episcopacy has left in the world. For my part, though I abhorred Sis writings and pohtics, A.D. 1798, I cannot find language to express the pleasure I received on perusmg the subjoined letters, and the gratitude and vene- ration I feel for their author for the same, A. D 1815 The ; pleasure I participate I wish to communicate to my fellow ci- tizens, and gladly would I exhibit to them in particular, and to the population of Europe m general, the usurpation and imposition of monarchy, was my power equal to my will] FROM COBBETT'S WEEKLY REGISTER OP SEP. 10, 1814. SUMMARY OF POLITICS. ^fnericanwar.-^The Times newspaper, which was one of the loudest clamourers for this war, now observes, '' with deep regret, that it has hngered on, !for so many months, without being distinguished by any memorable stroke:' If the inflammatory |and mahcious writer of that paper already experien- V 00 ) ces disappointment, what will he experience diirinj the months, yea, and perhaps, the years, of thi war, which are yet to come *? He, when urging o\ the nation to this enterprise, told them, with th utmost confidence, that, in a Jeiv xeeeks after wa should be commenced, '' tlie boasted American riavi would be annihilated/' — Not only has that navj not been annihilated, but it has ver}* much increas ed. It has annihilated some hundreds of our mer chant ships, and has defeated several of our ships o war, some of which, after victor\' over them, gain ed in the most wonderful manner, it has added t< its own number. It is said, that we are build im ships to carr}' 64 guns, for the express purpose o combatting the American frigates. Ours, it seems are to be aiil^ Jrigates also. This is to a\oid th< aulcivardness of acknowledging, that oilr frigate* are not able to cope with American frigates. Now if it should happen that one of these new ^'frigates' of ours is beaten and captured by an American fri gate, what will then be said '? — For my part, wen it with me to cany on the war, I would, after wha has passed, resort to no such perilous expedient ai this, but would, at once, sends skips of the lifii against those formidable frigates, without making any apolog}- for so doing. Before the war began, no a word were we told about the frisrates. The editor; of the limes and the Courier were only impauent that these frigates should meet ours upon the sea. They said nothing about their stout decks, and theb heavy cannon, and their '' great big balls.-' Bu the moment that the Americans beat and capturec one of our frigates with one of theirs, then we heard these editors, and even the " undaunted sons o Xeptune," garbed in blue and gold, exclaimin,s against the size of the American frigates, and tht Ho*^- ccuidtbat be oaL-d an artack in the dark, e- pcci'J.:y \rhen it had bttr '.'' reater-ied far }*€ars, and ■vvheri it was followed :^' " - ;'•----'•- ^ •■• — --^-r"- -"-'- - truce, m onier again :. Here we have the real or . die war. Ter- minate as it his yras its origm. This osig^ must not be- : .^rgoiten, TrhEterer e:5^^rt5 art made to put it oui of our beads. \M'ie:: -'- ' — ar shall h2%t ■mded, and we shall sitdov*Ti to .. ^:.. the :: b^v tnis origin must be kept steadilv Xy^^yr^ us. The TwwE aad Coitrter are sdli labouring : : z : : suade us^ that thtse will be a separatwn of tii Ame- rican states ; that tiie four New E:. ' ' de clare them - ^ " ^ ^ ^ '- "" ;" .-- -'-'-' * - •" ernment, ^iii. __. ^ .- . _ . _.._ .. -.. . . __ ian(L Now, mvlord. tn^Dd, I ^4e-dg-e mv^e/. if aoy st Iv made fri^fKk oj -lijv^Y, bj r \ &tf Af?^/e5je iliev wouii* v-: . qoickiv ^:'T ^- : -7-^ :^ ---'---' .: with c _ . £i^aod aie '* e. Thej have beeo, or at leas: _ - m. stimulated bv veir cynrJ r.g : : . - nation ag;airist ]Vfr. Mi:^- ^i.. jDu: orjjj let them see the rea, ..^.__ :. .... r^ickerings, the Oti^s. tht Quin- -vs, &c. ar.d the fail of these men is as cerLuin as the return of spring after win^r. It is tk^ by a lar^e mijori!}' that even the New England states expose the vThr. It is barely " touch end goi''' with the op- posiricr.. even there. What man in his st:^ . " *'' :~ can place a moment's reliance on it? An^. .._, the only purpose that it is likely to answer, is th^t of decew?ng us, and inducing us to lea*^^ the New JEnglard seapwts safe places Jbr the 7 ofsh:ps ofuar, 077(1 theJUtm^ out ofpri:vuteeTi>. l^.z V. ' in^ " D ( 38 ) of that part of the union unmolested, while we at- tack the southern states, is just what suits Ameri- ca. She has, in New England, unmolested ports and harbours, out of which to send forth ships of war to annoy our trade and engage our navy, and into which to carry her rich prizes. The Picker- ings, the Otises, &c, I really believe ^ t- ^ ^ ^ ^- ^ ■:^^^^-:^^^^^^ ^ iic Ui. ^ ^ ^ti Jie. Jie- -S^- ^ i^ :^.. :^ ^Tv yfr yf^ ^ 7fc vfT yff ^ -T> ^ ^ ^ yfc tIv ifs^ 7|r ■5fc Tfr 77\ But, hang them / my lord, they are not worth your notice. They talk dig, and hold themselves out as of great consequence ; but the?/ are poor things* Indeed, my lord, they are. Timothy Pick- ering used to be thought a very honest man ; but, after he was out of office, he seems to have aban- doned himself to the revenge, which his disap- pointment created. He had not the virtue to follow the example of his venerable employer, Mr. Adams, who, upon being out-voted as President, by Mr. Jefferson, said, *' I only wished to obtain a majority of voices, that 1 might serve my country, and now I shall endeavour to serve it by supporting him who has that majority." Timothy Pickering, who had been, to the astonishment of all the world, his secre- tary of state, who was no more fit for the office, than you coachman would be fit for yours, and who, of course, was inordinately proud of his sud- den and unexpected elevation, became furious at the election of Mr. Jefferson, and has been ever since in a sort of mad fit, doing a hundred things, for either of which, in England, he would be sent to jail for a vear or two at least. The truth is that Mr. Adams had \\\{: public good soMy in view, and that Timo- thy had an eye solely to his private interest, — Hence the exactly opposite conduct of the two men. { 39 ) when the voice of the country put them both out of power. I am sure that your lordship and your col- leagues, especially your distinguished colleague now at Vienna, would scorn to purchase traitors in any country ; but if you were so disposed, if such men as the famous captain Henry could possibly prevail on you to lay out any of our money, in this way, on the other side of the Atlantic, such men, though so much applauded in the Times newspa- per, would not be worth your purchasing. This is the sort of stuff; this is the rubbish, which the Times would have us rely upon^ for suc- cess against the republic ! I beseech your lordship to consider it as it is, the grossest deception that ever was attempted to be palmed upon mankind, Mr. Madison cannot silence these men. He has no sops. He has none of that potent drug, of the pos- session of which, SmoUet tells us, sir Robert Wal- pole used to boast. They will, therefore, keep on barking ; but, my lord, be assured, that they are wholly unable to bite. I am, &c, WM. COBBETT. LETTER VI. 10 TliL KAIiL OI LIVEIirOOL, ON THE AIVIHUICAN WAR. My Lok u — It has all alonij^ been my wish to bCC KiiglancI at peace with America. — My reasons for this I luivc olten explained ; and the mode I liavc ])ursued has been this : to endeavour to prove, that the grounds oi' hope of success, held out to us by such writers as the Walters, are fallacious. The (Iwision of the statcsy the impeachment of Mr. Ma- dison^ the resistance of taxatio?i, and the various other t^rounds of hope, I have endeavoured to show were liollow, as much as was the expectation of sweeping the ocean of tlie ** lialf a dozen of fir fri- gates, with bits of striped bunting at their mast heads." — The task of counteracting these delusive hopes has increased in arduousness with the pro- gress of the war. Ikaten out of one hope, these writers have resorted to others ; and, as was the case in tlie last American war, pride and shame and revenge are mustered up to jorolung a war vvhicli policy has abandoned. There is now a new delusion on foot. Mr. Wal- ter, the ])ropriet()r ol the 'Jwics newspaper, who (shocking to think of!) has been a principal actor in producing this calamitous war, is now endeavouring to persuade the public, that the president of Ameri- ca xvill he miahle to raise the force voted by con- gress, t(^ complete the regular army of that great ( 41 ) republic to 100,000 men, by way of ballot, or what Mr. Walter calls conscription. To be sure, this is a measure very well calculated to astound such a man as Mr. Walter, who k?iows nothini^; at all about the people of America ; who receives all his information through the very worst of all possi- ble channels ; who appears to be extremely ignorant himself; who puljlishes purely for gain ; who de- sires to flatter the follies and j)rejudices of his rea- ders ; and who, finding himself the gainer by being the avowed enemy of freedom, in every part of the world, has become, to say nothing of his Ijreeding up, a mortal foe to the American government and people. Such a man, who hud been led to suppose, that the defence of a comUry, like America, was in- consistent with freedom, naturally relied uj)on the overthrow of the government, the moment it at- tempted to raise an army to resist its invaders ; such a man would naturally be, as he has been, almost smothered in the foam of his own malignity, upon seeing a measure like this coolly i)ro])osed by Mr; Monroe, (now secretary of war) attentively consid- ered by a committee of congress, and smooth) v pas- sing into a law, made, or to be made, by the r6Y//and not the sham representatives of a free people-, elect- ed by that people only a few months before, and knowing that they are again to be elected or rejected by that same people a few months afterwards. This has astounded Mr. Walter. It has, apparently, giv- en his brain a shock too rude for its powers of re- sistance. It has upset all his calculations ; and he is now crying out for a rebellion in America as fiercely as he ever cried out for bullets, bayonets, halters, and gibbets for the rebels in Ireland ;* but, never losing sight of his old object, namely, to de- hide thia nation into the hope that the measure rmrU D2 ( 42 ) faiU and that, therefore, we ought to continue the war. Despicable, therefore, as this writer may be ; con- tennptible as is his stock of understanding; mean and mahgnant as may be his motives, his efforts merit attention, and call upon us to counteract them without loss of time. In doing this, 1 must first take the best account I can find of this grand mea- sure of the American government, to which has been given the name of conscription. The follow- ing is the report of the bill as pubfished by Mr. Walter himself. [Here follows an analysis, of the bill as reported by the military committee, on Mr. Monroe's plan. Such is the measure which Mr. Walter assures us "cannot be carried into effect ; but says, that if it could be carried into effect^ would deprive us of Ca- nada in less than a year, unless we sent out our *' great national hero ;"" and, indeed, that, under the bare possibility of such a measure's succeeding, " we ought to cast aside all European politics,''^ What a change, my lord ! This foolish gentleman used to tell us that the Americans would be " re- duced^^^ as the old phrase was, in "c Jew xveeks.^^ He has often exhausted all his powers of speech to convince his readers that this enemy was too despi- cable to be treated with in the same sort of way that we treat with other nations. There is no expres- sion of contempt contained in our copious language, which he did not use towards America and her pre- sident. And this same foolish Mr. Walter now tells us, that so great is this same America, that, in ■order to meet her with a chance of success, we ought " to cast aside all European politics.^^ 1 beg your lordship, now, to have the patience to read Mr/Walters remarks, at full length, upon this ( 43 ) measure of defence in America. The article is of consequence ; because, though coming from such a source, though proceeding from a son or sons of Old Walter, of regency memory, it is what will give the cue to almost all the rich people in the me- tropolis, and to not a few of those in the country. After inserting this article, I will endeavour to show its folly and its malice ; and, were the author any other than a Walter, I should not be afraid to pro- raise to make him hide his head for shame. " No certain or official account of the rupture of the negociations at Ghent has yet reached this coun- try. Private letters, it is true, have been received, sta- ting that the American commissioner, Mr. Adams, was about to set off for St. Petersburgh, and that Mr. Gallatin had proposed that a single indivi- dual on each side should be left at Ghent to take advantage of any opening for renewing the negoci- ation ; but both these statements are at variance with those contained in other letters of the latest date from Ghent, received by the French mail of yesterday, according to which the diplomatic inter- course still continued. We repeat, that we do not think this the point to which the public attention ought to be directed. We should look not to the fallacious terms of an artful negociation ; but to the infaUible evidence of our enemy's mind and inten- tions displayed in his conduct. The bill for a con^ scriptmi of the whole American population is a measure that cannot be mistaken. While such a bill is in progress, and before it is known whether the people will submit to its being carried into ex- ecution, it would be madness to expect a peace. — It would be madness to expect a peace with per- sons who have made up their minds to propose so desperate a measure to their countrymen : for either ( 44 ) they must succeed, and then the intoxication of their pride will render them utterly intractable ; or (which, is indeed, more probable) they must fail, and their failure must precipitate them from power, and consequently render treating with them impos- sible. When an American gentleman of splendid attainments, some years since, composed his cele- brated review of the conscription code of that mon- ster Buonaparte, he could not possibly foresee that his own country would, in so short a time, be sub- ject to the same barbarous huniiliation. The prime and flower of the American citizens are to be taken by lot ! and delivered over to the marshals, who are to deliver them over to the officers authorised to receive them, who are to act at the discretion and under the arbitrary direction of the President. Thus does Mr. Madison, from a simple republican ma- gistrate, suddenly start up a militari/ despot of the most sanguinary character — & double of the blood thirsty wretch at Elba. We are convinced that this sudden and violent shock to all republican feel- ings, to all the habits Of the people in all parts of the union, cannot be made with impunity. Certain it is that this law cannot stand alone. To give it the least chance of being put in execution, it must be accompanied with all the other chapters of that bloody code by which France was disgraced, and barbarised, and demoralised. Who is to hunt down the refractory conscripts ? Who is to drag them, chained together in rows, to the head quar- ters of the military division ? Who is to punish them, their parents, relations, and friends ? Even Buonaparte was many years in bringing to its dia- bolical perfection the machinery of his system ; and carefully as Mr. Monroe may have studied in that accursed school, it cannot be supposed that he has. ■ ( 45 ) at one flight, placed himself on a level with his great instructor. It is highly probable that many of the men who have laboured in the details of oppression and violence under the disturber of Europe, may have bv this time, made tiieir wav to America, where they will doubtless receive a cordial wel- come from Mr. Madison, and be set to work to ri- vet the collar on the necks of the American citizens; but we own, that, ** with all appliances and means to boot," the President, in our opinion, must fail. Nevertheless, it would be most dangerous to suffer such an opinion to produce the slightes relaxation in our efforts. The British government should act as if it saw Mr. Monroe at the head of his hundred thousand regulars, well disciplined and equipped, carrying the war, as he distinctly threatens he will do, into the very heart of Canada. Late as it is, we must awake. Eight months ago the duke of Wellington, with his army, might have fallen like a thunderbolt upon the Washington cabinet, leav- ing them no time for conscriptions, no means of collecting French officers to discipline their troops, no opportunity to intrigue for friendship and sup- port among the continental powers of Europe. It is not yet too late for striking a decisive blow ; but that blow must be struck with all our heart and with all our strength. Let us but conceive the proposed hundred thousand regulars embodied in the course of the ensuing spring. Does any one believe that, without a mighty effort on our part, the Canadas could be retained another year ? — Would not the exultation of seeing himself at the head of such a force urge Mr. Madison, at all ha- zards, to complete his often-tried invasion? Even if his scheme should but partially succeed, and he should be only able to drag on a defensive war ( 46 ) for another twelve months, who knows what allies that period may stir up for him, under the folse pretences of regard for neutral rights, and for the liberty of the seas? On our side, to conclude a peace at the present moment would be to confess ourselves intimidated by the warlike preparations of the enemy. It seems, therefore, that we have but one path to follow. Whatever was the force des- tined to act against America before this daring BILL of Mr. Monroe was thought of, let that force instantly be doubled; let iis cast aside all European politics that cross this great and paramount object of our exertions. Let a general of commanding name be at once despatched to the seat of war. We have often said, and we repeat it, that America is a scene on which the duke of Wellington's talents might be displayed far more beneficially to his country, than they can possibly be in the courtly circles of the Thuilleries : but if his grace must ne- cessarily be confined to the dull round of diploma- tic business, at least let some officer be sent, whom the general voice of the army may designate as most like in skill and enterprise to our great na- tional hero. Fatal experience has shewn us, that no effort of such an enemy is to be overlooked. When the flag of the Guerriere was struck, we saw in it that disastrous omen which has since been but too sadly verified on the ocean and the lakes. The triumphs of the American navy have inspired even their privateers with remarkable audacity. The present papers mention the cruises of the Peacock, the Chasseur, and the Mammoth, all of which were very successful, and all ventured on the coasts of England and Ireland ! The two latter being Ame- rican built, outsailed every thing that gave them chasCe This is a circumstance requiring strict at' ( 47 ) tention on the part of the admiralty. Surely there must be some discoverable and imitahle cause of a celebrity in sailing, which is so important a point in naval tactics. Mr. Fulton, of Catamaran memory, appears to have employed himself on a naval ma* chine of singular powers. It is described as a steam frigate, and is intended to carry red hot shot of one hundred pounds weight. When we remem- ber how contrary to expectation was the tremend- ous effect of the batteries of the Dardanelles, wc cannot entirely dismiss from our minds all appre. hension of the effect of this new machine of Mr. Fulton's," Before I proceed to inquire into the justice of these charges against Mr. Monroe's bill, I cannot refrain from noticing, in a particular manner, one phrase of this article. Mr. Walter (for hire he whom he will to write for him, he is the author) calls the bill " this daring bill of Mr. Monroe's." Mr. Walter is no grammarian, my lord ; nor is it necessary that he should be, to qualify him for ad- dressing such people as the well-attired rabble of England, who are his readers. But this is not the thing that I have in view : I want your lordship to mark the word " daring," as applied to this bill; as if it were a thing which the repubhc ought not to think of without our permission \ as if it were like the act of a servant taking up a sword and challenging his master; as if it were a trait of i?iso- lence unbearable in a nation at war with big John Bull to take effectual means to resist his attacks on their shores : as if it were audacious in them to pro- vide the means of preventing their cities, towns and villages, from being plundered or burnt. This Mr. Walter, only a few days ago, called Mr. Jefferson " liar and slave.'' He has a hundred times called ( 48 ) Mr. Madison a miscreant, a traitor, a liar, a vil- lain ; and has as often insisted, that no peace ought ever to be made with him. He has frequently in- sisted, that Mr. Madison and \i\^ faction (the ma- jority of congress) must be hurled from their seats. He has called Mr. Jefferson the old serpent. In short, it is the next to impossible to think of any vile term or epithet, which this author has not ap- plied to the American President and the majority of that congress, which is the real representation of the American people. And yet he has the cool impudence to speak of this bill, this measure of - defence^ as if it were something insole?2t towards us. The truth is, my lord, w^e have so long had to deal with East Indians and Portuguese, and Spaniards and Italians, and Germans and Dutchmen and Rus- sians, and Imperialist Frenchmen, that we are quite spoiled for a dealing with the Americans. We have at last ar/ived at such a pitch, that we regard it as insolence in any people even to talk of resisting us. Mr. Walter is in this respect, but the mouth-piece of his readers. We must correct ourselves as to this way of thinking and talking, if the war with America continue ; or we shall be exposed to the derision of the whole world. Now, then, as to Mr. Monroe's measure, Mr. Walter describes it as a conscription ; says, that it will subject the people to barbarous humiliation; says, that it makes the president a military despot of the most sanguinary character ; asks, who is to chain the conscripts and drag them to the head- quarters of tlie military division ; calls the raising of this force putting a collar on the necks of the Ainerican citizens. These are the charges which Mr. Walter prefers against this grand measure of the republic, and he ( 61 ; number of their crews ! We should have thought of all this before we talked of annihilathig the Ame- rican navy in a few weeks. The merchants and underwriters are now petitioning the lords of the ad- miralty and the prince regent to protect them more effectually against this " contemptible American na- vy," which, it seems, has already destroyed their property to the amount of millions, and some of the ships of which are said to blockade, in some sort, part of our harbours in England and Ireland, and are capturing our ships within the sight of land! These gentlemen should have petitioned against the •war. So far from that, many of them were eager for the war ; and, do they think that they are to en- joy the gratification of seeing the American towns knocked down without paying some little matter for it ? That the admiralty are employing a great many ships and sailors in this war our next year's taxes and loans will fully convince us ; but nume- I'ous as their ships and sailors are, they are not, and cannot be, sufficient to cover all the ocean. The farmers and landholders, and fund holders, are sighing for the repeal of taxes : but how are they justified in this wish, when it is well known that to carry on the war, taxes are absolutely neces- sary ; and w^hen it is also well kno^vn, that those persons were, in general, anxious for the w^ar? Some of them want war to prevent their produce from falling in price ; others liked peace with France well enough; but, then, they wished "to give the Yankees a drubbing.'' Therefore, if to keep up the price of produce, and to give the Yankees U drubbing, taxes are wanted, with what decency can these persons expect that taxes will be taken off? Do we obtain any thing that we want without pay- mg for it, in some way or other ? If we want food F ( 62 ) or raiment, or houses, or pleasure^ do we flbt ex- pect to pay for them ? Can we go to see a play or a puppet show without money ? Why, then, are we to expect to see the greater pleasure of seeing the Yankees drubbed without paying for that too ? The public seem very impatient to see the drub- bing begin. The Times and the Courier have been endeavouring to entertain them for a long while and until they, as well as the audience, appear ex- hausted. But is it not reasonable that the public should, in this case, as well as in all others, put down their money previously to the drawing up of the cur- tain ? In a year or two perhaps, we shall see the drama commence in good earnest. But, is it not enough to be amused with a little dancing and tum- bling on the outside before we have paid our mo- ney ?— " Send ! Send away," says the eager editor of the Timesy " send away a force to crush them at once ! But not a word does he say about the taxes necessary to pay for the sending and keeping up such a force. Our government is composed of wonderfully clever men ; but they are not clever enough to make soldiers walk upon the waters over the Atlantic, nor to enact, at a word, loaves and fishes to^ sustain them after their arrival. To be able to send that ** overwhelming force" of which the Times speaks, the government must have money ; and, as in all other cases, they must have the money ^r^^. In short, it is unreasonable in the extreme to expect the war in America to be attended with any very signal result, until we have liberally paid two or three years of taxes. The assertion is again made, that the American ships are manned principally with Efighsh, Irish and Scotch. I find this assertion in the Morning Chronicle of the 6th instant. If this ( 63 ) were true, as I hope it is not, what a pleasant and honourable fact this war would have brought to light ? — No other than this : that many of our sea- men, our ** gallant tars," the ** undaunted sons of Neptune," not only have no dishke to the Ameri- cans, but actually have run the risk of being hang- ed, drawn and quartered, for the sake of fighting in. the American service against their own country ! If the world believe these accounts, what must the world think of us? During the long war in which France was engaged, no Frenchmen were ever found in arms against their king and country. Some of them, indeed, embodied themselves under foreign banners to fight, as they pretended, at least, Jbr their country, and against those whom they call- ed the usurpers of its government. But, if these accounts be true, our countrymen have voluntarily gone into the American service to fight against their country, that country being under the legiti- mate sway of the glorious and beloved house of Brunswick ! the origin of these accounts, so dis- graceful to the country, is probably, the reluctance which our naval officers have to confess defeat at the hands of those yankees^ whom we were so de- sirous to see drubbed. To avoid this painful ac- knowledgment, it has been asserted, that we have not been beaten by the yankees, but by our own brave countrymen. — But, here again, a difficulty arises ; for how comes it to pass, that our own brave countrymen have more success on board yan- kee ships than on board of our own heart of oak ? How comes it to pass, that the men on bodi sides, being precisely of the same race and education, those in the yankee ships should beat those in " the wood- en walls of Old England ?*' It has been observed, that they fight more desperately, knowing that they ( 64 ) light with a halter about their necks. What an as- persion on " the sons of Neptune !'* As if the sons of Neptune, the gallant jack tars of Old England wanted a halter round their necks, and the gallows and executioner's knife before their eyes, to make them do more in battle than they are ready to do for the sake of their king and country, and from a sentiment of honour ! This is, really, giving a cruel stab to the character of our sailors ; but such is the sorry malignity of those who publish these accounts of treasonable practices, that they entirely overlook these obvious inferences, in their anxiety to get rid of the supposition that any thing praise worthy be- longs to the character of the enemy. If these accounts be true, as I hope they are not, why are not the traitors tried and executed ? Why are they suffered to remain in the American ser- vice ? Why are they suffered to go on thus, shout- ing at, boarding, and taking our ships, insulting our gallant officers, and putting our men in irons ? Why are they not, I ask again, tried and hanged? Why are not their warm bowels ripped out and thrown in their traitorous faces ? Why are there bo- dies not cut into quarters, and those quarters placed at the king's disposal ? — But, I had forgotten, that before these things can be done, we must capture the ships in which they sail ! Is there no other way of coming at them ? It were well if those, whose business it is to enforce the law against state crim- inals, would fall upon some scheme to reach them. Cannot the parliament, which has been called om- nipotent^ find out some means of coming at them ? In short, these accounts are a deep disgrace to the country ; and I do hope, that the lords of the admi- ralty, who published that eloquent paper, stimulat- ing the sailors to fight against the Americans, will ( 65 ) fall speedily upon some means of i>utting an end to so great a scandal. I have not time, at present, to enter so fully into the subject of the American war as I shall in ray next ; but to the loose observations that I have made, I cannot refrain from adding a word or two on the rupture of the negociations a Ghent, which is said to have taken place. Who, in his senses, expected any other result ? It was manifest, from the moment that Napoleon was re- moved from France, that the war with America was destined to become a serious contest. There were all sorts of feelings at work in favour of such a war. There was not a single voice (mine only excepted) raised against it. Was it to be supposed, then, that peace would be the work of a few months ? Yet this rupture of the negociations appears to have excited a good deal of surprise, not wholly divested of a small portion of alarm. It was expected that the yankee commissioners would jump at peace on any terms. There were thousands of persons, and well dressed persons too, who said that the yankees would not hesitate a moment to depose Mr. Madi» son, and send him to some little uninhabited islands About a fortnight ago some rifle soldiers were pas- sing my house, in their way from Sussex to Ply- mouth, to join their corps, bound to America. A sergeant, who "was at a little distance behind the party, stopped at my door and asked for some beer. While the beer was drawing, I observed to him, that Jonathan must take care now what he was about. '' No,'' said the sergeant, " I do not think it will come to any head ; for we learned the day before yesterday, that Madison had run away?'' i asked him if they had l^en informed whither he had run to. He replied, that he had run "-' out of the country,'''^ He further told me that we were to F 2 ( 66 ) have an army of 50,000 men, for the conquest of America ; and that, if they were not enough, Rus^ sia had 60,000 men ready to send to our assis- tance. From this the Americans will judge of the opinions of the people here ; for I dare say, that this sergeant was no more than the mere repeater of what he heard in almost all the public houses, re- sorted to by politicians of the most numerous class — but the people are not to be blamed for this de- lusion. They had it given them, in the report of a speech of one of the lords of the admiralty, not long ago, that we were about to undertake the deposing of Mr. Madison ; and who can blame them, if they believe that this deposition has taken place ? My friend, the sergeant, on whom I bestowed my be- nediction, will, however, I am afraid, find, that this work of deposing Mr. Madison will give more trouble than he appeared to expect. FROM COBBETT'S WEEKLY REGISTEll OF SEPTEMBER 24. American War, — The following account of a battle, and of a victory^ on our part, gained over the Americans, is, perhaps, the most curious of any that ever was published, even in this enlightened Lancaster- school country. Before I insert it, let me observe, that the scene of action lies in the heart of Canada^ though, from the accounts that we have had, any one, not armed against the systemof de- ception that prevails here, must have supposed, that there was not a single American remaining in ( 67 ) Canada. The victory in question is said to have been gained near the famous falls of Niagara ; and we shall now see what sort of victory it was, ac- cording to the account of the commander himself, and which account will become a subject of remark, after I have inserted it, [Here he inserts the British official account of the battle of the 25th July, in which they a(3iniit a loss of killed 84 — wounded 559 — missing 193— prisoners 42. Tbtal 878.] Was I not right, reader, in calling this a curious account ? Did you ever before hear, except from the mouths or pens of some of our own comman- ders, of a victory of this sort before ? It is a fault which I have always to point out in our histories of battles, that we never begin as the historians of all other countries do, by stating the strength of the armies on both sides. We are left here to guess at the force in the field. We are not told what was even our own strength on the occasion. If we' had been furnished with this information, we should have been able to judge pretty correcdy of the na- ture of the combat, and of the merits of the two armies. When we find that there has been a total loss of 878 men, including a vast proportion of ofp- cers, we must conclude that the '* drubbing''^ has been on the Americans only ; for the army under gen. Drummond did not, in all probability, amount to more than three or four thousand men ! There appears to have been only four battalions of regu- lars engaged^ which would hardly surpass 2000 men. What the militia might have amounted to I cannot tell; but as far as I am able to judge from the account, I should suppose that we have lost, on this occasion, one man out of every five ; so that this is a sort of victory that is very costly, at any rate. But, except in victpries of this kind, who- ( 68 ) ever heard before of such numbers of missing and prisoners on the part of the victors ? When armies are defeated, they have, generally pretty long lists of missing and prisoners ; but when they gain a victory, and, of course, remain masters of the spot on which the battle has taken place, how odd it is to hear that they have so many people taken and losty the latter of whom they can give no account 6f ! And, especially, how odd it is, that so many of these taken and lost persons should be officers^' and officers of very high rank too ! Never, surely, was there before, a victory attended with circum- stances so much resembling the usual circumstan- ces of a defeat. The commander severely wound- ed; the second in command severely wounded, and made prisoner into the bargain : the aid-de-camp to the commander made prisoner ; several colonels and lieutenant colonels wounded ; a great number of officers and men missing and made prisoners. If such be the marks of a victory gained over the Americans, I wonder what will be the marks of a defeat, if, unhappily, we should chance to experi- ence a defeat ? At any rate, taking the matter in the most favourable light, what a bloody battle this must have been ! To be sure that is a considera- tion of little weight with the enemies of freedom, who would gladly see half England put to death, if they could thereby have their desire of exterminat- ing freedom in America gratified. But this is not all. The battle has not merely been bloody, but it has afforded a proof of the determined courage of the American army^ and leads us to believe, that if we persevere, the contest will be long as well as bloody ; and it is the length of the contest that we have to fear. — The malignant wise man, who writes in the Times newspaper, expresses great sorrow ( 69 ) that the '* heroes of Toulouse" were not arrived in Canada previous to the late victory. But what could they have done more than to render the ** success of our arms complete .^" And this, we are told, was the case without their assistance. The same writer, in the same paper, complains of the sovereign of Holland for sending an ambas- sador to Mr, Madison, and observes, that, if he had waited ^few months, he might have been spar- ed the humiliation of i^ending an embassy to Mr. Madison and his set. Hence it would appear that this wise man gives our fleets and armies but *' a Jew months^"^ to conquer America. It was thus that the same sort of men talked in the memorable times of Burgoyne and Cornwallis. But, in those times, America had not a population of two millions ; she had no government ; the greater part of her sea-ports were in our hands ; we had a fourth part of the people for us ; and the re^t were with- out money, and almost without clothing and arms. I shall not deny that we may, by the expenditure of two or three hundred millions of money y do the Americans a great deal of mischief. 1 dare say that we shall burn some of their towns, and drive some thousands of women and children back from the coast. But, in the mean while, America will be building and sending out ships ; she will be gaining experience in the art and practice of war ; she will be pushing on her domestic trade and ma- nufactures ; she will be harrassing our commerce to death ; and our taxes will be encreasing, and an- nual loans must still be made. It is provoking, to be sure, but it really is so j that we must leave the Americans in the enjoyment of their real liberty ; in the enjoyment of freedom, which is no sha?n ; must be content to see their country the asylum of ( 70 ) ^n those in Europe whe will not brook oppression ; we must be content to see America an example to every people, who are impatient under despotism, or or (dreadful alternative !) we must be content to pay all our present taxes^ and to have new ones added to them / Nay, after having, for several years, made these new sacrifices in the cause of ^^ regular government, social order, and our holt/ religion,^ ^ it may, possibly, happen, at last, that America will remain *unhurt ; that, having been compelled to learn the art of war, she may be- come more formidable than ever ; and that, in the end, her fleets^ in the space of ten years, may dis- pute with ours that trident, which we now claim as our exclusive property. Already do we hear per- sons, who were so eager for giving the " yankees a hearty drubbing ;" ask why this is not done ? — They are already impatient for the conclusion, be- fore the beginning has well taken place. They ask why the heroes of Toulouse were not at the late victory ? How unreasonable this is ! Just as if the government could convey them in a balloon ! Besides, were those heroes to have no time for re- pose ? Were they to be set on the moment they had been taken off? The government, to do it justice, have lost no time. They have sent out men as fast as they could get them ready. But it requires time to transport men, and guns, and hor- ses, and oats, and hay, and straw, to America ; to say nothing about bread, and beef, and pork, and butter, and peas, and rice. Nay, we see that they had to send out the timbers for ships to Canada, where, one would have supposed, there was wood enough, at any rate. If we were to get possession of New- York I should not be at all surprised to hear that the ministers were sending fuel thither for the ( 71 ) cooking of the men's victuals. This is very differ- ent from what was seen in Portugal, Spain, and France. We shall find no partisans in America ; and especially shall we find nobody to take up ^rms in our cause. All must ^ofrom this country. It IS a war of enormous expense ; and we must expect to pay that expense. If it comes to a close m seven years, I shall think that we have very good luck. The troops who are going out now, and who have been held in readiness to go out for so long a time, will hardly be able to pull a tri^^er before next June. By that time the Americans wiU have half a million of men, and free men too in arms, and who is to subdue half a million of men armed for the defence of their freedom and their homes ? how did the people of France as lon^ as the sound of freedom cheered their hearts, drive back, hunt, and lash their invaders. And, have the Americans less courage, or less activity! than the French ? How silly is it, then, to expect to con- quer America in *«a few months !"_It is a little strange that the government have published no ex^ traordinary gazette, giving an account of the q-reat ' victory, of which we have been speaking. Thev are not, in general, backward in doing justice to our winners of victories. But it is useless to say much about It. Time will unfold the truth ; and accord mg to all appearance, we shall have time enough to ieam all about the events, as well as the effects of tne war against the republicans of America It is strange, that we have no account of the exact num^ bers of the prisoners that we ourselves have made. It myajficers had been taken by us, would thev not have been named? And if we have taken no officers while tne Americans have taken so many of ours! wiiat manner of victory is this. FROM COBBETT'S REGISTER OF OCTOBER 29, 1814. American War, — I have, from the first, express- ed my apprehensions as to the end of this war. I used the utmost of my endeavours to prevent it. While shut up in a prison, out of v^hich, at the end of two long years, I went, with the paying of a thou- sand pounds TO THE KING, for having had the in- discretion to write about the flogging of English lo- cal militiamen, at the town of Ely, in England, and about the presence of Hanoverian troops upon that occasion ; while so shut up, the greatest object of my efforts was to prevent this ill-fated war, the seeds of which I saw sown, and the maturity of which I saw pushed on by those malignant and foul wretch- es, the writers of the Times and Courier newspapers, l^his was the way in which 1 employed my days and years of imprisonment — my efforts were all in vain. In vain did I show the falsehood of the statements and the doctrines on which the war whoopers pro- ceeded, in vain did I appeal to the reason, and justice, and even to the interest of a people, deluded into a sort of furor against America. At last the war took place, and the disgrace which we suffered at sea completed the madness of the nation, who seemed to have no other feeling than that of mortification and revenge. What ! should the people be suffer- ed to live ? Should tliev be suffered to exist in the ( 73 ) world, who had defeated and captured a British fru gate ? Should those, who had caused the British Hag to be hauled down^ not be exterminated ? Dis- appointment ; astonishment ; fury ! The nation was mad. " Rule Britannia ^'^^ the constant call of the boasting rabble at places of public resort, was no longer called for vvdth such eagerness, and vvas heard with less rapture. The heroes in blue and buff car- ried their heads less lofty. Their voices seemed to become more faint, and their port less majestic. They seemed to feel, as men of honour would, up- on such an occasion. In sliort, we all felt, that a new era had taken place in the naval annals of the world. Still, howe\'er, the dread of the pouer of Napo- leon restrained many from a wish to see us embark- ed in a war for the conquest of America. But, he w^as scarcely subdued by the combined efforts of all Europe, when this whole nation cried aloud for war a war of punishment^ against the American states. And, it was openl)^ declared in the most popular of our newspapers, that we ought never to sheath the sword, till we had subjugated the states, or, at least, subverted their form of government. The pernicious example of the existence of a republic^ founded on a revolution^ was openly declared to be inconsistent with the saftty of our government. It w^as, besides distinctly alleged, that, now^ noxv, rjorVy or ?iever was the time to prevent America from ever having a navy. The necessity of destroying her means of having a navy has since been repeatedly urged. It has been stated and restated, that our naval power must soon come to an end unless we now destroy this republic, root and branch. The defeat and cap- ture of our fleet, and the defeat of our army on and near Lake Champlain^ (of which I shall speak more G ( 74 ) particularly hereafter) have not at all softened the language of the public prmts. The 7 'zwt?^ newspa- per, of the 9th inst. calls it '' a lamentable evil to the CIVILIZED WORLD ; by which appellation these writers al way s mean kingly governments. The writer then adds: " Next to the annihilation of ** the late military despotism in Europe, the sub- ** version of that system of fraud and malignity, ** which constitutes the whole policy of the Jeffer- ** sonian school, was an event to be devoutly wish- ** ed by every man in either hemisphere, who re- ** gards rational liberty, or the honourable inter- ** course of nations. It was an event, to which we " should have bent, and yet must bend all om en r- '* gies. The Aiyierican government must be di^- ** placed^ or itwili, sooner or letter^ plant its poisoned ** dagger in the heart of the parent state J^"* Sooner or lattr you see ! The gentleman looks into fntu- riti/. He does not even hint at any teiiris of peace. He plainly says, that we most displace the govern- ment of America; that is to say, change it^ form and nature; subjugate the country, re-colonize it, re-pos- sess it. Now mind, the opposition prints do not find fault with this. They do not deprecate such an object of the war. — They surpass even their adversaries in exulting at the burnings and plunderings. — They find fault, that more mischief has not been done. Thus, then, we see what the nation regards as the object of the war. I say the nation^ because the Morning Chronicle^ which is the organ of the oppo- sition, is just as bitter against America, as are the Times and the Courier. — The truth is, that the only opposition, as to the war, will arise out of our fail- ures. The opposition will only blame the minis- ters for not having burnt more ships, plundered more towns, and done more mischief. There is. ( 75 ) indeed, a sort of dread of the length of the war. — People are a little disappointed^ that Mr. Madison is not yet deposed ; that the states have not yet sepa- rated : that our sons of noble famiHes are not yet wanted to go out as governors and captains gene ral to Pennsylvania, New- York, Massachusetts, Virginia, &c. &c. that it will require another cam- paign to bring the deluded Americans to their sen- ses ; that (and here is the pinch) the income tax will be wanted another year^ and that another loan must be made. But, *' what is one more year of expense at the end of 22 years of war ? And then it will give us such lasting peace and security." Thus is fear hushed; and when, in addition, the thought of our defeated and captured frigates come athwart the mind, the income tax is forgotten, and vengeance, ^var, and blood, is the cr}^ I now proceed to notice more particularly the events, which have reached our knowledge since the date of my last article upon the subject. — The plundering of Alexandria appears to have been the most successful of our enterprises. The American papers give our people great credit for their talent at the emptying of shops^ and the embarkation of their contents, at which, to do our army and navy [especially the latter] but bare justice, we seem to have been uncommonly adroit. It seems, however, that the squadron, which had the plunder aboard, had but a narrow escape in descending the Chesa- peake ; but, plunder there was, and a good deal of it : and there can be but little doubt, that the success and profit of the enterprise will act as great encour- agement to future undertakings of a similar de- scription; the only danger being, that the zeal of our commanders may push them on faster, than a due regard to their safety might otherwise dictate, — In ( 76 ) an attempt against Baltimore we failed. That is to say, we met with a defeat. Not in the field ; but that is nothing to the purpose. We marched and sailed against the town with all our forces, by sea and land, and ^ve were compelled to retreat without doing any thing against that town. The town is safe; and, if the war end as this expedition has end- ed, all the world will agree, that America has de- feated us. We may be sure of this ; and, there- fore, we must carry on the war, till we have subdu- ed America ; or, we must make up our minds to the reputation of having been defeated by that re- public. A pretty serious alternative : but it is one which must and will exist, and of this we shall be- come more and more sensible every day, and parti- cularly if we attend to what foreigners say upon the subject. The expedition of our troops and fleet against Passamaquoddy and the Penobscot is of a nature so trifling as hardly to be worthy of notice. — That territory is no more important in America, than the isle of Sky is in Great Britain. It is a conquest, and so would the isle of sky be by an American privateer. What a figure does this conquest make in the Gazette ! What a grand afllur it appears to be ! But, did a thousandth part of the people of England ever hear of Passamaquoddy or Penob- scot before ? It is Baltimore, Charleston, Wil- mington, Norfolk, Philadelphia, New- York, Bos- ton, that they have heard of. They have been led to believe, that the city of Washington is to Ame- rica what London is to England, or what Paris is to France. Nothing can be more fallacious. There are, perhaps, two hundred towns in America, each of which is more populous and rich than Wash- ington was, or than it was likely ever to be. Be- ( 77 ) sides, we did not keep possession of ^^^lshingto^, as the Germans and Russians did of Paris. We did not remain there to erect a new government. — ^Ve only set fire to a few buildings and then re- treated. If an American privateer were to set fire to a few fishing huts on the coast of Wales, should we look upon it as a very brilliant affliir ? Yet this Washington enterprise was, by the Morning Chro- nicle, deemed the most gallant dash of the war ! In the '' demonstration," as admiral Cochrane calls it, against Baltimore, gen. Ross was killed ; and some of our papers call X\\\s foul play ! " Theye*/- /ow," says one of them, " took aim at the gallant Ross from behind some brush wood,'*'* Well, and what then ? Do not our troops shoot from behind parapets, and walls, and works of all sorts ? And do we suppose, that the Americans will not make use of a bush when it comes in their way ? — If this crying tone be to be indulged in, we shall, I fear, cry our eyes out before the war be over. We have sent our bombs, and rockets, and rifles, and all sorts of means , of destruction ; our writers blame our ministers for not sending the means of knocking down towns fast enough, and shall we abuse poor Jonathan if he avail himself of a bush, and of his skill at hitting a mark ? Gen. Ross burnt their president's house, and a yankee shot gen. Ross. These are things which naturally oc- cur ; and, however, we may lament the death of any officer, we must reflect that an invaded people will shoot at their invaders, unless the former are ready to receive the latter as friends. Before I proceed to notice the late aflTair on and near Lake Champlain, there are some remarks to be bestowed on certain characteristic facts which have leaked out^ and on certain paragraphs in our news- G2 ( 78 ) papers. The Americans are accused of coxvardice for having retreated before inferior numbers and ta- ken shelter in Baltimore. Why was this cowar- dice ? The main object was to defend that great and rich city. The second was to annihilate our army and naval force. To make a long stand in the open country, with raw troops, against disciplined soldi- ers, was not the way to effect either of these pur- poses. The main object was effected, and our re- treat only, probably, prevented the effecting of the latter. The Times newspaper, a few days ago, re- marking on the cowardice of the Americans, con- trasted with the bravery of our army and navy, ob- served that the cause was, that they had no feelings of patriotism ; that they cared 7iothmg about their country. Now, what is the ground of this war ? — Why, we complained that the Americans harboured deserters from our navy : and they complained that \\^ forced native Americans into our service. This fact is notorious to all the world. This fact is re- corded in our own official documents. This fact makes a part of unquestionable history. Another fact has just been recorded by this said Times newspaper ; namely, that two of our seamen were hanged, on board the fleet in the Chesapeake, for attempting to desert to the enemy. It is also stated, in the same paper (24th Oct.) that about 150 of our ^^^\zx^ deserted on the retreat from Plattsbura;.— Now, let this empty boaster produce instances like these, on the side of the Americans, if he can — and if he cannot, let him acknowledge himself to be either a deluded fool or a deluded knave. But has Jonathan shewn no zeal for his country ? What was that act of self-devotion which induced a man to expose his property to certain, and himself to pro- • babie desiruction, by shooting at general Ross and ( 79 ) killing his horse under him, in the city of Wash- ington, after the town was in possession of our troops ? By what feeling was the man actuated who exposed his life for the sake of killing general Ross; and who must have been almost alone, since he was hidden behind some brushwood ? To what are we to impute the capture of 200 young men of the ** best families in Baltimore," found in the fore ground defence of their city ? Was greater courage, more desperate devotion to country, ever witnessed than at the battle of Chippewa and at Fort Erie ? How comes it, that during the last campaign, we have lost more officers and men, out of twenty thousand employed, than we ever lost in the Euro- pean war out of one hundred thousand. From what feeling was it that Mr. Madison called, as we are told he has, Mr. Riifus King to his counsels, and from what feeling is it that Mr. King has accepted of the call ? The Morning Chronicle, that camelion of this war, now boasts that it foretold union against us. It never foretold it. It always urged on the war. It called, and it was the first to call the burnings of Washington a most gallant clash^ — However, it is now clear that we have completely united the whole country. The bombarding of Stonington in Massa- chusetts, and the plundering of Alexandria, in Vir- ginia, have done what all the workings of good sense and public spirit were not able to effect. Mr. Rufus King, whom we regarded as the rival and the impla- cable enemy of Mr. Madison, has taken a post under him for the defence of his country ; and we shall now see that, amongst those whom we thought our friends, we shall find the most resolute enemies. Stonington and Alexandria will be constantly before every American's eyes. I always was opposed to ( 80 ) the war, and to this mode of warfare especially. I knew it would produce that which it has produced. I knew it would render the breach too wide ever to be healed again. I knew that it would produce either the total subjugation of America, which I thought impossible, or our final defeat in the eyes of the world, with the ulterior consequence of seeing America a most formidable naval power, which the recent events on the borders of Canada seem but too manifestly to portend. It is quite surprising to what an extent this nation has been, and still is deluded, with regard to America, and to the nature and effect of this war. It is only fifteen days ago that the Courier newspaper contained the following para- graph : " There were reports last night of our having at- tacked and taken New London, and destroyed the city of Baltimore. Both these events are probable, but there are no arrivals from America later than the last despatches from Admiral Cochrane, dated on the 3d of last month. But as the wind has been fair for some days we hourly expect a fresh arrival. It must bring news of the greatest importance — intelligence from Canada — another attack upon Fort Erie — another conflict with gen. Brown — per- haps a battle with the American gen. Izard — the further operations of admiral Cochrane and general Ross — the result of the expedition under general Sherbroke — the operations of the Creek Indians who had already made their appearance upon the frontiers of South Carolina — and " last not least," the effect of our late attack upon the minds of the American people — the steps taken by Mr. Madison, if he yet remains president, and the measures adop- ted by these states that were in a ferment against the government y even before the disaster, and were ( 81 ) not indisposed to a separation from the other states. No arrival from America was ever expected with more impatience.'* Well, the arrival has taken place. The impati- ently expected arrival has taken place. New Lon- don has not been attacked. The attack on Baltimore h'^is failed. General Ross is killed. Admiral Coch- rane has arrived at Halifax for the winter, with the plunder of Alexandria. The effect upon the minds of the American people has been such as to unite even Mr. King with Mr. Madison, who " yet re- mains president. " — No new attack has been made on Fort Erie, but the army of general Izard at Plattsburg has been attacked by our commander in chief, with the *' Wellington heroes" under him, with the " conquerors of France" under him, while the American fleet was attacked by ours ; and not only have both attacks failed, but we have experi- enced a more complete defeat than, as far as I can recollect, we ever before experienced, the notable affair of the Helder only excepted. Thinking John- ny Bull! You, who were so eager to give the yankees a drubbing — you, who were so full of fight that nothing but another war would appease you — Pray can you tell me how it is that our ministers, who have given us such exact accounts about the " gallant dashes" at Washington and Alexandria, and who have published such loads of despatches and proclamations about the conquest of the Pe- nobscot territory, not equal in population to the parish of St. Martins in the Fields ; can you tell me how it has happened that this ministry has not received, or at least have not published, the account of the land and water battles at Plattsburgh and on Lake Champlain, though we have sir George Pre- vost's general order, issued after the battle, and ( 82 ) though we have numerous extracts from Canada papers, dated many days later than the date of the order ! Cannot you tell me this, thinking Johnny Bull ! you who, when you heard of the capture of Washington City, were for sending out a viceroy to the ' American states ? You, who called the Americans cowardly dogs, and hailed the prospect of a speedy release from the income tax, and the payment of the national debt by the sale of lands, and by taxes raised in America ? Well, then, m waiting/?a^i(?w%for this official account, we must content ourselves with what the newspapers tell us they have extracted from the papers of Canada. — Letters extracted from the American papers make our loss dreadful indeed. General Macomb, the American commander, is represented to have writ- ten to his father, at New- York, telling him that he had killed or taken 3000 of our army, and that he expected to destroy one half of it. Our newspa- pers said that this was false. They also said that it was false that we had any thing like a frigate on Lake Champlain, though it now appears that we had a ship actually mounting 32 guns, and that the largest of the American vessels was rated 28 guns, and carried, as we say, 30 guns. But let us take, for the present, the account of the Canada papers, and look with impatience, but with becoming hu- mility, to his majesty's ministers for further infor- mation. Thus, then, speak the Canadian printers ; thus speak the bitterest enemies of America : ** Montreal Septeinber 15. " You have herewith a copy of the general or- der of the 13th instant to understand which requires more than being able to read it. There never was, perhaps, such a composition ; for, without know- ing the result, one might be led to think we had ( 63 ) gained a victory. Report says that our hero, on passing some of the troops on the road, was hissed by them ; and farther, and which I believe to be true, that when the order was given for retreating, general Power rode up to the commander in chief, and begged the order for retreating might be recal- led, as gen. Brisbane was about storming the fort and would have possession of it in a few minutes the reply, it is said, was — *' My orders must be obeyed,'' and then a general retreat took place. I do not know with any certainty, having heard no one speak on the subject, but it will not surprise me if we have lost, one way and another, in this dis- graceful affair, not less than 800 men. It was a fair battle between the fleets : the forts did not play on the Confiance and Linnet, as has been stated. Capt. Pring, in the Linnet, though aground, is said to have fought his vessel for a considerable time after the Confiance had struck." '* Quebec, September 16. " Stories become blacker and blacker, respecting our disgrace and misfortunes at Plattsburg. Liet, Drew, of the Linnet, is come in here, being paroled for fourteen days, states the loss of the fleet to have been in a great measure owing to the land forces not storming the American fort ; there were only 1,400 men in it, under gen. Macomb, who inform- ed captain Pring, of the Linnet, that every thing was prepared to surrender on the advance of the British army. Report says, that gen. Robinson is under arrest— that generals Brisbane and Power had tendered their swords to sir G. Prevost— and, that col. Williams, of the 13ih, had declared he would never draw his sword again, while under the command of sir George. It is said Sir George is gone to Kingston." ( 84 ) Montreal, Sept. 17. » Mv last letter to you was of date the 14th inst. when I had the mortification to inform you of our fleet on Lake Champlain being entirely defeated and faken by theenemyat Plattsburg. about 70 miles om thTs place, and' when we had an army of 1 4 o^ 1 5 000 regular and brave troops who only wished to bf 'allowed to storm the enemy's fort, and which everXdv says would easily have been accom- Sd hid any other person had the command £ si^ G Prevost ; we have suffered more dis- ^tce from the ^^^J^^^^^ ^Z^t rvro^rtatr-^^herrwrsix of our officers killed on board of our vessels, and 20 are made prisoners; on Doaru oi u > ^ ^^^ and besides we must ^^^^ tost near ^^ irrifme T^^t^^^^^ ^ out 500.000. KrTnow saystllat sir G Pr^^^^^^^^^^^ | Province! The army retreated most precipitately deserters on the retreat ^ef es a vast^to^m visions and mmunon^^^^^^^^^^ ea- too-fools— meaning, I <=o'^^'^^J' t|'' .„_ 5 and his adjutant-general, major ^^ l>^y"f;;. ^j^^ i result of the late operations has M n ^hort ot e rSri:r^SXceo^SiVadron,.e^ ( 85 ) are informed, stands thus; — British, one ship, mounting in all 32 guns ; one brig, in all 20 guns ; two sloops of 70 tons, each 10 guns — and ten guii boats. American, one ship, rated 28 guns, carry- ing SO; one brig, 24; one strong schooner, 18; three sloops, each 10 guns — and twenty-four gun boats. The crews, tonnage, and weight of metal, are estimated at one- fourth superior on the side of the Americans ; and we have no reason to doubt our information. We have always considered offensive warfare as the best mode of securing peace ; and recent humiliation has not changed our tone.^ We may be called to defend points which have hitherto not been thought of; and consequently the late re- treat may not have been ill advised : the fort at Piattsburg should, however, have been stormed. — ■ That part of the labour would have cost less blood and embarrassment than was sustained in the retreat ; a retreat that will tend to rouse the energies of the enemy.^ We might have taken 2000 prisoners, a fine train of artillery, and immense stores. We are not military men, but we call on "every experienced officer" to support or contradict us. If we are wrong, we shall take a pride in confessing our ignorance. The scientific brave generals, offi- cers, and soldiers of the duke of Wellington's army, and the others who have before fought in our cause in the Canadas, did every thing which depended on them to support the noble efforts of their brothers on the water. That distinguished officer, general Robinson, who has been twice wounded tiiis year on the other continent, with part of his gallant bri- gade, had braved all danger in an assault. Some of the pickets of the fort were torn away, and a few minutes more would have givtn up the fortificaiion with an immense train of artillerv, into our hands, H ( 86 ) and every American must have fallen or been made prisoner. It was thought necessary to check the ardour of the troops, and we must now instantly redouble our energies to obtain command of the lake, or with humility await our future destiny, ^"^ Thus, then, according to our own accounts, the Americans had but 1,500 regulars and 6,000 mili- tia, wherewith to make face against 15,000 British troops, commanded by four major generals and sir George Prevost, a general of long experience and of great reputation. — On the Lake we say, that the Americans had a fourth more than we. Suppose they had ! I do not admit the fact ; but suppose they had. A fourth! how long is it since we thought 2i fourth too much? Every one knows, that sir Robert Calder was disgraced for not pur- suing double his force. We are become very nice calculators of force. We shall soon hear, 1 sup- pose, that we ought always to keep aloof, unless we can count the guns, and know that we have a supe- riority. — Fifteen thousand men, seven of them from the army of **the conqueror of France!" And these drew off from the presence of 7,500 Yankees, to whom they w^re about to give a good drubbing f Why, it will make such a noise in the world ! It will make such a buz ; it will astound " honest John Bull," who was, only the last market day, charging his glass and bragging about sending out a viceroy. — The whole fleet I What, all! Our little ones and all ! All at one fell swoop I It will make Johnny Bull scratch his noddle in search of brains. The chuckling of honest John at the burn- ing of Washington, the plundering of Alexandria, and bombarding of Stonington, will be changed into grutnb/i?ig, I am afraid. But come Johnny, you must not grumble. You were for the war. It is ( 87 ) your own war. The ministers are not to blame. You insisted upon chastising and humbling the Americans. You would have Mr. Madison depos- ed. You said he had sided with Napoleon. You said what was false^ Johnny ; but that's no matter. You called upon the ministers to depose him. This I will always say, and can at any time prove against you. — The consequences of this victory of the Americans must be very important. Sir George Prevost is blamed, and, indeed, abused, while the officers of the fleet, the defeated m^ captured ^Qtt, are complimented to the skies. When will this folly cease ? When shall we cease to be so basely unjust ? What would have been said of sir George if he had had his army blown into the air, or cut to pieces ? If he and all his army had been captured, what would have been said of him and of that army ? Yet this has happened to the fleet, and the fleet are complimented I While he, who has saved a great part of his army, notwithstanding the defeat of the fleet, is censured and a^z/^^-J; is called a yoo/, and almost a coward! Sir George Prevost is nei- ther fool nor coward. He is a man of great merit, is of long standing in the service, has served with great success ; and he has shown great ability in being able, with so small a force as he has hitherto had, to preserve a country generally inhabited by a people by no means zealous in their own defence, or rather, that of their territory. Let any one look at the situation of. Lake Champlain- It extends in length 150 miles, perhaps, running above the state of Vermont, and entering our province of Lower Canada in line pointing towards Quebec. It was very desirable to drive the Americans from the command of this Lake, which may be called their high road to Montreal and Quebec. It is the great ( 88 ) channel for their army, their provisions, their guns, to pass along ; and, complete the sole masters of this Lake, it is not easy to conceive how they are to be kept from Quebec without a very large army from England, If the Americans had been defeat- ed upon the Lake, or had been compelled to retire to the Vermont end ofit^ then to have driven back their army also, would have been an object of vast importance ; nor would great loss in the attack, on our part, have been an irretrievable loss, or been followed by any extremely great danger. But when our fleet was not only defeated but actually captur- ed, and gone off to double the force of the Ameri- cans, even the certain defeat of their army could have led to no beneficial result. We must still have abandoned Plattsburg ; the fleet of the enemy would have speedily brought another army to any point that they wished, and would have placed that army 50 or 60 miles nearer Quebec than our army would have been. But, if, by any chance, we had been defeated by land after the defeat on the water, the loss of all Canada would, and must have been the consequence, if the Americans had chosen to conquer it, which I dare say they would. There- fore, it appears to me, that sir George Prevost acted the only part which a sensible man, under such circumstances, could have, for one moment, thought of He risked every thing m the attack, and if he succeeded, he gained nothing worth having. The loss of half his army, which was the case of the storming of Fort Erie, would have exposed him, even in case of success to great peril. The Ameri- cans could have immediately poured an army (by means of their fleet) more numerous than his into Lower Canada ; they could have poured in, all the winter^ m.ilitia and volunteers, from the populous ( 89 ) and brave republican state of Vermont, while our governor had, and could have, no hopes of receiv- ing reinforcements till the middle of next summer. For supposing us to have spare troops at Halifax, they could hardly sail thence before the middle of October, and before they might reach Quebec, the ice in the St. Lawrence might have scuttled or foundered their vessels. The St. Lawrence, our only channel to Canada from England or from Hal- ifiix, is full of mountains of ice till the month of June. I have seen a large mountain of ice off the mouth of that immense river on the 15th of June. I believe, that no vessels of any considerable size ever attempt the navigation of that river much be- fore June. In what a situation, then, w^ould our governor have been placed if he had met with any serious loss in the storming of the Fort at Platts- burg ? And yet he is censured and abused for re- treating, after the total capture of our co-operating fleet, while the officers of that fleet are praised to the skies. About three weeks ago, just after we heard of the burnings of Washington City, I met Sir George Prevost's waggon, between Portsmouth and Hayant. The carter was whistling along by the side of some nice fat horses. 1 could not help observing to my son how much happier this fellow was than his mas- ter, who had to govern Canadians and fight Ameri- cans. It is easy to talk about the " heroes of Tou- louse,'''^ forming part of his army. '* The heroes of Toulouse" are said to have remonstrated against the retreat. Tiiey ire said to have expressed a desire to storm the fort. Sir George Prevost would, I dare say, have been of the same mind, if he had had rea- son to suppose, that one half of the people within, were, as the people of Toulouse were, ready to join H 2 ( 90 ) }iim. But he well knew the contrary. He knew, that he had to get into the fort through a river of blood. He had just seen the fate of our fleet ; and he knew, as *' the heroes of Toulouse" might have kn-own, that the men in the fort were of the same stamp as those upon the water. We now find from a detailed statement in the American papers, com- ing from authority, and accompanied by an account of killed and wounded in the naval battle on the lake, that our fleet had 93 guns and 1,050 men, while that of America had but 86 guns and 820 men ; our fleet was all taken but the gun boats, carrying 16 guns amongst them all. And yet the naval people are praised, while Sir George Prevost is censured. Whence arises this injustice? Whence this secur- ity of the navy from all censure, and even from all criticism ? Do we feel that to censure any part of it is to discover to the world that it is not always in- fallible ? Do we suppose, that in discovering our fears of its inferiority, in point of quality, to that of America, we shall make the world perceive the la- mentable fact ? Are we fools enough to hope that the history of this battle can be hidden from France and the rest of Europe? Why, then, this injustice? Why not blame the naval part of the forces, if blame must fall somewhere ? I see no necessity for its fall- ing any where, for my part. We had 84 men killed and 110 wounded, which shews that there was some fighting. We had double the number killed and wounded that Jonathan had, which shews that Jonathan was the more able bodied and active of the two. A letter was, a little while ago, pubhshed as from one of our oflicers in the Chesapeake Bay, saying, that Jonathan must now look pretty sharp" ly about hbn. It appears from the result of this bat- lie, that Jonathan does look pretty sharply about ( 91 ) him. Now, then, let us hear what effect this eveftt has had upon the Times newspaper, which only a few weeks ago, insisted on it, that the Americaii government must be displaced, that the Americans were cowards, that they cared nothing about their country, and that the states would soon divide, and come over, one at a time, to the parent country. Now let us hear what this torch-bearer of the war, this trumpet of fire and sword, provoker to every act of violence and cruelty. Let us hear what he now has to say ; he, who has, for three years past, been urging the government on to this disastrous contest. ** Halifax papers to the 6th instant, New- York to " the 22d ult. and Boston to the 25th, have been re- " ceived. There is no dissembling that the popu- " lar outcry in Canada against sir George PrevOst's " conduct, on occasion of the late operations against " Piattsburg, is very general and very loud. We " cannot pretend to determine on the talents of this *' officer, or on the wisdom of his plans ; but we " recur to the suggestions which we made at a very "early period of the campaign, and regret exceed- ** iiigly that one of our most experienced generals "from Spain was not sent at once, flushed with " victory from the fields of Toulouse, to the heart " of the United States. Was it beneath the dignity " of lord Hill or even of the duke of Wellington ? "Fatal prejudice ! To despise^ to irritate, and, " after all, not to subdue our adversaries, is the worst " and weakest of all policy. Now we have reduc- " ed ourselves to this dilemma of being obliged to " carry our point by main force, or to retire from " the contest ten times worse than we began it, Avith " the mere postponement of an abstract question, " which has no reference to our present state of *' peace, with a fund of the bitterest animosity laid ( 92 ) " Up against us in future, with our fiag disgraced *' on the ocean and on the lakes, and with the laurels ** withered at Plattsburg, which were so hardly but *' so gloriously earned in Portugal, and Spain, and ** France. — The spirit of the British nation cannot ** stoop to the latter alternative ; and therefore, at ^^ whatever risk, or whatever expense, we must ^^ embrace the former. The invaluable year 1814, " when the treachery of America was fresh in the ** minds of the European powers, is past. — Already ** do they begin to relax in their deep and merited ** contempt of the servile hypocrite Madison. — Al- '* ready do they turn a compassionating look on the *'bmoking rafters of the would-be capital. Pre- ** sently, perhaps, the Russian cabinet may forget "that the Empress Catharine, to her dying day, " treated the Americans as rebels to their legal sov- ** ercign ; or the Spanish court, while it is endeav- " ouring to rivet its yoke on Buenos Ayres, may "join with the philosophers of Virginia, in con- " tending for the hberty of the seas. Such, and " still greater political inconsistencies we have be- " fore now witnessed. Therefore let time be taken ** by the forelock ; let not another campaign be wast- " ed in diversions and demonstrations ; let not anoth- ^'' er autumnal sun go down in disgrace to the '• BRITISH ARMS. Conmiodorc Macdonough's " laconic note savours a little of affectation : but we " are sorry he has so favourable an opportunity for " displaying the brevity of his style to advantc«ge. — *'Gcn. Macomb's orders, however, are sufficiently " lengthy ; and, untbrtunately, he also has some " unpleasant information to give us. He states that " .4,000 British veterans have been foiled by 1,500 " American regulars and some few mihtia, the " whole not exceeding 2,500 men. If he is correct ( 93 ) ^* in these estimates, it is surely high time that we " should either give up teaching the Americans war^ •*or send them some better instructors." The former is the best, be assured ! Why should com- modore Macdonough be charged with affectation, because he writes a short letter ? He has no sons or cousins, or patron's sons or cousins, or bastards, to recommend for the receipts of presents or pen- sions. But I have, at present, no room for further comment on this article. I will resume the subject in my next. FROM COBBETTS WEEKLY REGISTER, OF OCTOBER 29, 1814/ Retaliation, — A great deal has lately been said in the French, in the American, and in our own news- papers, about the destructive mode of warfare now waging in Canada, and in the United States, The two former have employed the most violent invec- tives against our government, on account of the burning of Washington, and other places, while we have set up, as a justification of these rigorous mea- sures, the plea of retaliation — tlmt is to say, have alleged that the burning and ransacking of defence- less towns, and the carrying away of private pro- perty from our provinces in Canada, began with the Americans ; and that what our troops have since done, what houses they have set fire to, what pro- perty they have taken away, and what numbers of innocent people they have ruined, instead of being either wanton, barbarous, or unjust, was a fair re- taliation for the injuries they have done us, and per- ( 94 ) fectly consistent with the established laws of nations. If the practice of shedding human blood in battle is at all justifiable, I do not see why one nation has a right more than another, of deviating from the com- mon and prescribed rules of carrying on this work of destruction. I cannot admit, because one peo- ple, who call themselves civilized, should, in order to get the better of their neighbours, take it into their head to copy the practises of savages and bar- bariansy that the others have not an equal right to adopt the same practices. The one having, in a moment of frenzy, employed an instrument to cut his neighbour's throat, different from that which, in cold blood, he had agreed to use in the performance of this humane act, it seems to be only fair play that his opponent should satiate his thirst for human gore in a way, at least, as horrible and savage as his neighbour. Were the party who had been provoked to seek his revenge in a still more terrible manner, perhaps something might even then be offered in his vindication. At all events, if the Americans were really guilty, in the first instance^ of the wanton and dreadful outrages of which we accuse them ; if they set the example of devastation and barbarity, of which we so loudly complain, and under which we shelter ourselves for the commission of similar out- rages, I am quit^ satisfied that they have suffered nothing more tnan they deserved, and that the French people, in place of assimulating us to Attila and his Huns, or Robespierre and his bravadoes, ought, in justice, to draw the comparison between these inhuman monsters and the Americans them- selves. But there is a circumstance whi h, it is necessary should be attended to in determiiiing this import- ant question, namely, whethtT th.^ acts and deeds of the Americans, which serve as a plea iox the ( 95 ) dreadful revenge we have taken, were unauthorised, or afterwards sanctioned, by the American govern- fiient. If it appeared that these cruelties were com- mitted, in consequence of an order from the secre- tary of war, or any other person holding a responsi- ble situation in the government, then there would be no room for doubt ; the question would be decid- ed agai7ist the Americans, and Great Britain stand acquitted in the eyes of the universe. If, however, it should turn out, that neither Mr. Madison, nor any individual connected with his government, di- rectly or indirectly, issued such an order, candour will compel us to acknowledge, that we have been rather rash in the severe censures we have pronounc- ed upon the American government. — But if, upon further enquiry, we find, that every thing has been done by that government which prudence could dictate, or which we ourselves could devise, to soften the rigours of the war ; If it should appear, that the American president, anticipating the dreadful evils consequent on a state of hostility, adopted precau- tionary measures, in order to ameliorate the condi- tion of the invaders as well as the invaded ; if we should discover, that wlure any thing contrary to the usages of war, any of those violences insepara- ble from a state of warfare, occurred, the individu- als engaged in these, or who may have exercised any unnecessary severity, were brought to trial, or pun- ished for the impropriety of their conduct. If, I say, such should appear to have been the way in which the American government have acted in sach cases, it will be impossible to condemn Mr. Madi- son upon just grounds, or to clear us of those charges of cruelty, barbarity, and wanton precipitancy, which our neighbours have so lavishly brought against us. The Courier, and all our hireling tribe of journals, ( 96 ) following its example, have stated, that ** from the *' first invasion of Upper Canada by the American " forces under brigadier general Hull, they mani- ** fested a disposition of marking out, as objects of^ " peculiar resentment, all loyal subjects of his ma- ** jesty, and dooming their property to plunder and *' conflagration." That the Americans invaded Up- per Canada after war had broken out between the two countries, is a fact we cannot doubt ; but that they should behave in the manner here pointed out ; that they should shew peculiar resentment towards some of the inhabitants merely because they were loyal subjects, and doom their property to destruc- tion, for no other reason than that they were attach- ed to their lawful sovereign, is what no reasonable person will believe, who knows any of the respect the American ministers have always shewn to the goverjiment of other states, and the extraordinary devotion of the people to their own political insti- tutions. The charge indeed has been held so ab- surd by the Americans, that they have never deign- ed to notice it, although they have uniformly met all general and undefined accusations with a digni- fied denial, and an explicit call upon their accusers to embody their charges in some tangible shape. Finding that this manly way of silencing calumny had its proper eifect, our corrupt press then pretend- ed to discover, in certain acts of the American army a sufiicient ground not only on which to rest their former accusations, but to warrant the adoption of these destructive measures that have lately attended our naval and military operations. It was said, that the proceedings of the Americans at the village of Newark, in Upper Canada, were m; rked with acts of the greatest atrocity, such as burning and de- stroying the farm-houses, and other buildings, of the ( 97 ) peaceable inhabitants. ** It will hardly be credit- ed," said the servile writer of the Courier, ** that, " in the inclemency of a Canadian winter, the troops ** of a nation calling itself civilized and christian, ** had wantonly, and without the shadow of a pre^ " text, forced 500 helpless women and children, to " quit their dwellings, and to be the mournful spec- *:* tators of the conflagration and total destruction of " all that belonged to them." When this writer affected, in this hyprocritical manner, to lament the success he has so pathetically described, he took special care not to inform his readers, that the vil- lage of Newark was situated so close to Fort George, that it was scarcely possible to carry on military operations at that place, either of a defensive or offensive nature, without destroying many of the surrounding buildings. iVccordingly, when it was said, that the American officer commanding at Fort George had exceeded the bounds of propriety, he justified himself on the ground, that the measures he had taken were essentially necessary to the mili- tary plans he had adopted. It is plain, from an in- quiry having been ordered by the American govern- ment into this officer's conduct, that it gave no au- thority to act rigorously towards the inhabitants of our states. But what establishes this beyond all controversy is, that on this very occasion, the Ame- rican minister openly and distinctly disavowed all intentions of carrying on war contrary to the estab- lished practice of civilized nations. Supposing, therefore, what does net even appear to be the case, that the American officer had, in this instance, been guilty of some violence, or had even done all the mischief of which he is accused, this would not afford a ground on which to blame the government, when it cannot be shewn that it sanctioned his acts I ( 98 ) either by previous orders or a subsequent approval. Aware of the conclusive nature of this fact, the Courier now attempts to shelter itself under the fal- lacious pretence, that the destruction of the houses at Newark " could in no degree assist the American operations," and that, when Mr. Monroe made his statement, " he knew it to be totally false. ''^ I leave it to the reader to judge, whether the edi- tor of the Courier, or the American secretary of state is entitled to the greatest credit, or which of I them is the most likely to be possessed of correct information on the subject. Could I suppose that | the preference would be given to the former, I ! would still maintain that the bare knowledge of these I outrages having been committed, would prove no- j thing. It must be distinctly shewn that they were authorized by the government, before they can be held as warranting the steps we have taken. As this is not even pretended by the Courier, it must continue an established fact, that the American go- i vernment was not the first aggressor, and conse- quently, that we cannot plead their example in jus- \ tification of our conduct. It has been said, that the \ burning of Long Point completely implicates the ^ American government. But it is only necessary, ; as in the last instance, to produce the evidence of \ their having sanctioned the deed, to adm^t the con- . elusion drawn from it. The American government ■ has repeatedly declared, that this act was totally un- i authorized; and to shew their entire disapprobation ^ of it, they delivered up the officer, under whose or- \ ders it was performed, to be tried by the laws of his \ country. " But (asks the Courier) what was the \ result? This is studiously concealed,^'* — Supposing the officer acquitted of the charge, what would the j Courier say to this ? Would he have the impudence \ ( 99 ) to assert, that the government ought to be held cul- pable, and the people visited with the most dread- ful of all calamities, because the tribunals establish- ed by law had not considered the evidence suffici- ent to convict the accused. Of what consequence is it to our government, or how far is it held impli- cated in the issue of a court martial, whether the party tried be found innocent or guilty ? Have not ministers done their duty, when they deliver up the accused to be tried by his proper judges ? Who ever thinks of connecting them, after this step, with the judgment that may be pronounced ? Would the Courier writer wish us to believe that ministers do influence the decisions of the judges ? Does he mean to insinuate, that juries are not beyond the influence of corruption ? If he does not : if, as he always pre- tends, he entertains a high opinion of the integrity of our judges, and a reverence for the trial by jury; if he considers it a direct violation of the constitu- tion to interfere with their verdicts; upon what prin- ciple is it that the American government should be blamed, and the people punished for shewing the same respect for the decisions of their judges, and the same deference for the verdicts of their juries? How can we censure or punish the Americans upon these grounds, without censuring and punishing the government and the people of this country also ? Let the Courier, or his admirers, answer these ques- tions, if they can. Another ground of retaliation, urged by corrup- tion against the American government, was the burning of St. David's. This, it appears, was done by a straggling party of soldiers, who, finding them- selves freed from all restraint, conceived they had a right to plunder and destroy every thing that came in their way belonging to the enemy. Have we not { 100 ) heard of thousands of such parties in the recent war on the continent ? And has not every newspaper in Europe dwelt with indignation on 'the atrocities committed by loose bands of soldiers belonging to all the armies of the belligerents? But who ever pre- - tended that any of the governments, or any of the ' nations to which these insolated parties of marauders belonged, should be so far held responsible for their acts, as to be placed beyond the protection of the law of nations, and to be made to suffer for crimes which they could neither foresee nor prevent ? It was enough that the guilty were made to suffer. In ordering this, the nation to whom they belonged did all that was incumbent on them to do, and all that could reasonably be required by the injured parties. The American government acted precisely in the same way. The officer who had the charge of the party that burned St. David's was dismissed from the service *' without a trial, for not preventing it." I think this was an arbitrary stretch of power. No man ought to be punished without a trial, great and however palpable his crime. To admit a con- trary practice is opening a door that may lead to great abuses, and 1 am sorry to find the fact admit- ted by an American secretary of state. But aggra- vated as this officer's case was by this breach of law and justice, the Courier writer would have it be- lieved, that it was not half severe enough. ("Was that an adequate punishment," he asks, " for such an unprovoked enormity ?") Thanks to the enlighten- ed minds of those who framed the American code of laws, diat it was considered an adequate punish- ment. To judge from the sanguinary disposition of this corruptionist, it appe. ±at nothing would Iiave satisfied him short of burning the wretch alive; and because some such punishment as this was not ( 101 ) inflicted, he now pretends that Madison's govern- ment ought to be implicated in the affair of bt. David's and that a circumstance so manifestly un- controllable, and so clearly unauthorized by any pro- per authority, is sufficient to countenance the plea we have set up in justification of the dreadful suf- fering we have inflicted on the American people ! If we were to form our opinions of the Americans, upon what this prostituted writer tells us, we could not fail to consider them the most barbarous, the most immoral, and the most uncultivated race of men existing on the face of the earth : yet with all their ignoranc^^ and all their savage propensities, we do not perceive that their rulers have been so stupidly precipitate as either to proclaim the inhabi- tants of countries they invaded beyond the protection of the law, or to treat them as if they had been their own subjects, in open rebellion against the state. The cases already alluded to evidently do not war- rant the conclusions drawn by the Courier, unfav- ourable to the humanity of the Americans; and if we are disposed to give a candid hearing to what they ^ themselves have published in their own defence, we shall soon be convinced, that they are neither barbarous nor inhuman ; that they are as well ac- quainted with the science of politics, and entertain as great a respect for the established laws of na- tions, and the rights of particular states, as the most civilized and christian people in Europe. It ap- pears, indeed that their superior acquirements, com- bined with an ardent attachment to liberty, is the cause of great hatred and rancour constantly display- ed, in our newspapers, against all their institutions. We envy the Ar^^ncans because they excel us, and from* envy prv. ceds enmity. — Nor do the re- cent-triumphs which they have obtained over our 12 { 102 ) fleets and armies, and the imposing attitude they have in consequence assumed, appear in every degree to lessen the deep rooted malice entertained against them by a great majority in this country. Disaster seems to have no other effect than to con- firm popular prejudices : the public have no wish to be undeceived, and the man that dares attempt to tell them the truth is sure to be treated with con- tempt, and to be looked upon as a suspected per- son, who, like the nation whose rights he defends ought to be punished for his laudable efforts. With such dispositions, it is no way surprising that the conductors of our vile press find admirers. They flatter their passions, they feed their appetite for lies th( y nourish their hatred, and they rekindle their fury, whenever circumstances occur to recon- cile them to the former objects of their hate. From this dreadful but no less fliithful picture of the pre* sent state of society, one would be almost compel- led to conclude, that man was naturally a savage aiumab It is not, however, from the corruption of his nature that these evils spring ; they are occa sioned by corrupt institutions, by perverted systems ct education, by inexorable laws that interested cheats have every where promulgated, and that can never be overcome until mankind return to reason the only sure guide to virtue, to peace, and to hap- FROM COEEETT'S WEEKLY REGISTER, OF NOV. 26, 1814. AMERICAN WAR. ^'^gociations at Ghent ^Measures of the Jmeri^ .an Congress-^Battk near Fort Ene^LakeZ^^^^ ( 103 ) rio — Despatches about the Lake Champlain Battles --—British attack on Fort Mobile, — The neirocia- tioiis at Ghent, though kept a secret from Johnny Bull, have reached him, as most other disclosures do, through the tell tale press of America. Oh ! that republic and her Press ! How many things the world knows through them ! Is there no way of reducing them to silence ? Take it in hand, good people, and see if there be no means of accomplish- ing it. These negociations show, that Jonathan, poor despised Jonathan, is not much less smart in the cabinet than he is in the field. Certainly no- thing was ever better managed than this negociation, on the part of Jonathan. He pricked our brains, and then would do nothing, until he heard what the people of America should say. The ground of Messrs. Bayard, Gallatin, &c. was very reasonable; for how could they be expected to have instructions, relating to matters never before matters of dispute F 1 The substance of the disclosure is this : we asked ^ as a preliminary/ J that the Republicans should give up part of their territory, including those very lakes, and their own borders of those Lakes whereon they have defeated us, and which are their only secure barrier against us and our Indian allies. The Pre- sident, of course, lost no time in laying these papers before the Congress, who are said to have heard them with unanimous indignation ; and the Times newspaper tells us, that *' these papers have been made tlie means of uniting against us the whole American people?'' Thou great ass, they were uni- ted against us before. There were only a handful of *' Serene Highnesses^"* and ** Cossacks^'' in Mas- sachusetts, the acquaintance of Mr. Henry, who were not united against us. This, I suppose, is the shift that you resort to in order to cover your dis- ( 104 ) grace, in having to announce that Mr. Madison is " yet'*^ president, and that he is not tvtnimpeachedy There is one passage in the last despatch of Mr. Monroe, worthy of great attention. He tells the Plenipotentiaries, that, " there is much reason to presume, that Great Britain has now OTHER OB- JECTS than those, for which she has hitherto pro- fessed to contend." Probably he built this pre- sumption on the language of our public prints, or on the report of a speech in Parliament, attributed by those newspapers to sir Joseph Yorke, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, in which report the re- porters made sir Joseph say, that we had Mr. Madi- son to DEPOSE before we could lay down our arms. This report was published some time in May or June ; and in August Mr. Monroe's des- patch was written. However, be the ground of presumpti'^n what it would, Mr. Madison does not seem to have changed his tone on account of it ; and there can be no doubt that the people must have been greatly inflamed by such an impudent declaration. This shews what mischief newspa- pers can do. The war is, in great part the war of the Times and the Courier, Let them, therefore, weep over the fate of our fleets and armies in Cana- da, and at Mobile. The measures of the American Congress seem to be of a very bold character, and well calculated for a war of long continuation. The President has not been afraid to lay bare all the w^ants of the government, and to appeal to the sense and patriotism of the people. From every thing that 1 can discover, the noblesse of Massachusetts will not be able to prevent, or even impede, any of J these measures, Johnny Bull is, in last Satur- \ day's Gazette, treated to an account of the late bat- \ tie near Fort Erie, from which Jonathan sallied J ( 105 ) out upon Gen. Drummond's army. According to this account, our loss was as follow : KILLED. Captains 1 Lieutenants 2 Serjeants 7 Rank and File 105 llj WOUNDED. Lieut. Colonels 3 Captains 3 Lieutenants 10 Ensigns 1 Sergeants 13 Drummers 1 Rank and File 147 178 MISSING. Majors .2 Captains 4 Lieutenants 3 Ensigns 2 Adjutants 1 Surgeons 1 Sergeants 21 Drummers 2 Rank and File 280 316 .609 A most bloody battle ! The armies, on both sides, are handfuls of men. These are battles of a very different description from those of the Peninsula, as it was called.— General Drummond complains of the overwhelming force of the enemy. How came he to besiege him then ? It was a sally, observe on the part of the Americans ; and it is the first time I ever heard of a sallying party being stronger than the army besieging them. In the teeth of facts hke ( 106 ) these the malignant ass of the Times newspaper has the impudence to say, with as much coohiess as if he had never heard of these things : " A peace be- tween Great Britain and the United States can pro- perly be made no were but in America. The con- ferences should be carried on at New- York or Phi- ladelphia, having previously fixed at those places the head quarters of a Pic ton or a Hill." If Mr, Madison had this writer in his pay, the latter could not serve the republican cause more effectu- ally than he is now doing. On Lake Ontario our newspapers now say, that we have a decided superi- ority of force. Very well. Let us bear that in mind. Let us have no nexv versio7is after a battle shall have taken place. The official accounts rela- tive to the affair at Plattsburg and Lake Champlain are the most curious, certainly, that ever was seen. Thev consist of a mere account of the number of killed, wounded and missing, up to the time that our army quitted, or was about to quit Plattsburg, that is to say, [mind the dates /] up to the FOUR- TEENTH OF SEPTEMBER. Not a word have we about the RETREAT from Plattsburg, nor about the battle on Lake Champlain, though we have an account from sir George Prevost, dated on the FOURTH OF OCTOBER.. Mark that well. The despatch is said to have been dated on the 11th, at Plattsburg, but it contains the account of the losses to the I4th ! Let us hear the apology of the Times newspaper : — *' The return from the 6th to the 14th of September being inclosed in the des- patch bearing date the 11th, is ^a^f/z/ accounted for, from the circumstance of that despatch not having been made up for some time after. Although des- patches having arrived of a later date from sir G. Prevost none have been received containing anu ( 1Q7 ) account of his retreat. Private letters, however, contradict the American statements of precipitation and embarrassment in sir George's movements on that occasion. The despatch of the 11th before mentioned, rejers to the action on the lake, but it is not thought proper to pubUsh this until an official account of the action reaches the admiralty. Very well, now. Let us grant that it would not be pro- per to publish sir George's account of the action on the Lake, though it was such a lumping concern as to require but little nautical skill to describe it : yet here is no reason at all given for not publishing sir George's account o/* his own retreat, other than its not having been received, which is most wonder- ful, seeing that it is the invariable practice to enclose duplicates and triplicates of every preceding des- patch, when forces are at such a distance. How came sir George, in his despatch of the 4th of Oc- tober, not to send a duplicate of the account of his retreat, if he had sent that account before ? And, if he had not sent it before, how came he not to send it along with his despatch of the 4th of October ? The solving of these questions will be very good amusement for the winter evenings of Johnny Bull, who was so anxious " to give the Yankees a good drubbing''^ and who thinks nothing at all of the pro- perty tax when compared with so desirable an ob- ject. Reader, pray let me bring you back to the affair of Plattsburg. It is situated on the side of lake Champlain, about 25 miles within the United States. There is a fortress near it, in which Jona- than had 1500 regulars and 5 or 6,000 militia. Against this fort and force, sir George Prevost, with 14 or 15,000 men marched early in Septem- ber, the fort being to be attacked by water by our fleet, at the same time that our army attacked it by ( 108 ) land. — The attack was made but the American fleet came up, attacked ours, beat and captured the whole of the ships. Sir George Prevost, seeing the fate of the fleet, retreated speedily into Canada, was followed, as the Americans say, by their army, who harassed it, took some cannon, a great quantity of stores, and many prisoners, and received from the British army, a great number of deserters^ who quitted sir George Prevost, and went over to them. This is the most serious part of the subject; and therefore, as the Montreal newspapers had stated that we lost 150 men by desertion, as the Ameri- cans made them amount to a great many hundreds ; and as Mr. Whitbread in the debate in Parliament a few days ago said he had heard that they amounted to 2000, and that too, of TVellingtoiuans, the people were very anxious to see sir George Prevosfs ac- count of his retreat* The Ministers said, that Sirs George Prevost had said NOTHING about DE- SERTION ; and that of course, he would have mentioned it, if it had been true. But the Times newspaper now tells us, that Sir George has sent no account of his retreat; or, at least, that none has been received. According to the Ministers, Sir George's account has been received, and mention is made in it of desertion. According to the Times, Sir George's account has not been received. We must believe the Ministers of course, and must set the Times down for a promulgator of wilful falsehoods. But, then, there is a rub left ; if the account of the retreat is come, WHY NOT PUBLISH IT? This is another riddle Johnny Bull, for your winter evenings' amusement. The attack of our forces on Mobile, furnishes a new feature to the war. Wc have before seen the two parties engaged, frigate to frigate, brig to brig, sloop to sloop, and in two in- ( 109 stances, fleet to fleet. We have seen them, on land, alternately besieged and besieging. We now see the Americans in a fort, containing only 108 men, attacked by a combined naval and military arma- ment, as to the result of which, after describing the scene of action, we must for the present take their own official account. Point Mobile is situated on the main land on the border of the Gulph of Mexi- co, not far from the mouth of the great river Mis- sissippi. On this point is a fort, called Fort Bow- yer, belonging to the Republican enemy, to the at- tack of which our squadrons proceeded in Septem- ber last, [Here follow the American official ac- counts.] I extract these articles from the Times newspa- per; and yet in the face of these facts, in defi- ance of these red hot balls, the consummate ass would make no peace, except at New- York or Phu ladelphia, thev being first the head quarters of a Picton or a Hill! This is as good a lift as the writer could have given to Mr. Madison, and as hard a blow as he could have given to the Noblesse of Massachusetts, on whom he and the rest of our war tribe had built, and do still build their hopes of ul- timate success. Let him look at the attitude of New-York and Philadelphia. I do not say that it is impossible to get at either of those cities with bomb shells or rockets ; but I am quite satisfied, that it would require a very large army to set foot in either of them, even for the purpose of burning and then quitting them in safety. I will now make • an observation or two with regard X.o public opinion as to the American war. People are disappointed. The continuance of the Property Tax pinches. But would they have the luxury of war without paying for it? No, no. Pay they must; or they ( 110 ) must put up with what they have gotten and see- the Stars and Stripes waving in every sea. They would have xvar. War was their cry. They have it, and they must pay for it. TO THE COSSACK PRIESTHOOD of the Slate of Massachusetts. Botlerj, J\'ov. 29, 1814. Ge?Jtlemen — I perceive, that there were held, in your state, and at your instigation, and under your guidance and mimairy, solemn fasts and thanksgiv- ings on account of the entrance of the Cossacks in- to Paris, and of the fall of Napoleon. Hence, I perceive that you are called the Chaplains of the Cossacks ; and sometimes, the Cossack Priesthood, That you, who used to be regarded as some of the best men in your republic, and the purity of whose religious motives were never even doubted, should have exposed yourselves to the application of such titles, I extremely regret to hear. But it is not my business to give way to private feelings upon such an occasion. It is for me, as far as I am able, and as I dare, to make truth known to the world; and, as you, in this case, appear to me to have shewn a more decided hostility to truth, than any other set of men of whom 1 have heard, not excepting the editors of the London newspapers, it is natural for me to address myself to you upon the subject. The religion, of which you profess to be teach. ^rs, is the Presbyterian. 1 believe there are three or four sorts of Presbyterian Christians. To which of these sorts you belong, or whether some of you are of one sort, and some of each of the others, I know not. Nor is it material ; it being well known, that, substantially, all these sorts are the same, and that the religion you professed, has existed, and has ( 111 ) been the generally prevailing religion in the four eas- tern states of the republic, where there has been born and reared an industrious, sober, humane, brave and free people, distinguished above all others for their good understanding of the — \_In the number from which xve copy^ two or three hues are obhterated] — Whether they would have been as good, better, or worse, without the religion that you have taught ; whether, discarding, as is the manner of some men, all mysteries, and believing in nothing, the truth of which cannot be substantiated by undeniable f. cts, or by incontrovertible argument, they would have been as good, better, or worse, than they are, is a question, which 1 will not meddle with. But you will excuse me, if I observe, that while this can pos- sibly be made a question amongst rational men, you, who receive pay for your teaching of religion, ought to be very careful to excite no doubt in the minds of mankind as to the purity of your views, or the sin- cerity of your faith. Your recent conduct does, however, appear to have excited such doubts in the minds of your countrymen. In my mind it has done more. It has convinced me that your motives are any thmg rather than pure, and that your professions are a mere pretence ; a trick to enable you to live with- out labour upon the earnings of those who do labour, just as are the tricks of monks and friars, and of all other imposers on popular credulity, from the gold- en-palmed showman of the Lady of Loretto down to thelousy-cowled consecrators of half-penny strmgs of beads, and the itinerant protestant bawlers, whose harangues are wholly incomprehensible, until they come round with their hat to collect the means of recruiting the belly. All the zeal of impostors of every kind ; all their calumnies of others ; all their ( 112 ) innumerable persecutions of those who have en- deavoured to withdraw the people from their de- grading influence, have had this great end in view : to extrac and secure to themselves the means of living xvelL without labour^ out of the earnings of those who do labour, I am very sorry to ascribe such a motive to you, whose forefathers fled to a wilderness rather than violate the dictates of their conscience ; but truth compels me to say, that you appear to have no claim to an exemption from the general charge. Yet, I am not so unjust as to suppose, much less to hold forth to the world, that all the priests of Massachusetts are of this descrip- tion ; but, as I find no account of any protest, on the part of any of the priests, against the odious and detestable celebrations and fasts before mentioned, I shall stand fully justified for not making any par- ticular exceptions. If any of the priests of Massa- chusetts feel sore under the appellation which I have given them, they ought to direct their resent- ment against those whose conduct has brought it upon them, and not against me, unless they are able to shew that I chargt- them unjustly. Had you, indeed, confined your thanksgivings to the release of certain countries of Europe from the arms of an ijivader^ a conqueror^ an oppressor^ an ambitious despot, who instead of giving liberty, add- ed to the civil sufferings of some of the nations,. \vhom he over-ran, having first extinguished Re- publican Government, and along with it political liberty, in France, where the people had put power into his hands to be used in the cause of freedom ; had you held solemn thanksgivings on account of the triumphs of the Cossacks, and their associates, in the cause of the civil and political independence of nations, you would not have excited indignation ( 113 ) in the breast of any rational man ; for thoug;h some men would have differed with you in opinion upon that point ; though some men would have said as some men thought, that the conqueror could not long have held under his sway so extensive an em- pire as he was grasping ; that in a few years, the several countries of which it was composed, begin- ning with France, would in all human probability, throw off his yoke, and form themselves into inde- pendent states, freed from all his as well as all former shackles; and that thus he would in the end, be found to have been instrumental in establishing liberty, civil as well as religious, in every part of Europe, where it did not before exist ; though some men would have said this and would of course not have join«rd you in your thanksgivings for the victories of the Cossacks, no just and considerate man could have censured you so bng as you con- fined your thanksgivings to the aforementioned ob- jects/ But when,'in your prayers and sermons, you called the Cossacks and others engaged on the same side ' • the bulwark of your religion ; when with the Rev'eretid Mr. PARISH at your head, you called Napoleon Anti-Chnst, and bawled out songs of praise to the Cossacks and their associates for pull- ing him down ; and especially when you maliciously threw on your political opponents the charge of be- ins: the abettors ofAnti- Christ; then you excited the indignation of ail those who did not turn with dis- o-ust from your horrid ejaculations and harangues. *" If there was one trait above all others, by which your sermons and prayers, until of late years, were characterized, it was by your zealous, your violent, not to say foul-mouthed, attacks on ihe Komish Pontiff, faith and worship ; you had no scruple to represent the Pope as an AiitiXhrist and as the ( 114 ) Scarlet Whore of Old Babylon, covered with abom- inations. How clearly did you prove that he was the beast of the Revelations ; that he had made the world drunk with the fornications ; that his seven heads were his seven hilis on which Rome is situ- ated ; his ten horns the ten principal catholic sov- ereigns of Europe ; and that his colour was scarlet^ because it was dyed in the blood of the Saints ? Was there a sermon, was there a prayer that issued from your lips, in which you did not call on the Lord for vengeance on this *' Man of Sin ^^"^ and in which you did not describe the Catholic Religion as idolatrous^ blasphemous^ diabolical and as evidently tending to the eternal damnation of millions and millions of precious souls ? Every one who shall read what I am now writing, must acknowledge that this description of your con« duct, in regard to the Romish church, is far short of the mark. What then have you now to say, in jus- tification of your recent conduct ? Where is your justification for your violent attacks on Napoleon and his family, to say nothing at present of your thanksgivings for the restoration of the ancient order of thing;s, or in your own language " the ancient and venerable institutions .^" Where is your justification for your attacks on Bonaparte ? Others, indeed, might consistently attack them. Such as thought that the church of Rome and her power were good things ; or such as regarded one religion as good as another, might consistently attack Bonaparte. But youy you who professed the opinions above describ- ed ; how \_Here also a few lines are obliterated'^ power commenced, existing in Europe a system of rehgion,or as you called it, irreligion, having at the head of it a Sovereign Pontiff with innumerable car- dinals, bishops, vicars, general abbots,priors,monks^ { 115 ) iriars, secular priests, &c. he. under him. To this body you ascribed false doctrines, tricks, frauds and cruelties, without end. You charged them with the propagation of idolatry and blasphemy, with keep- ing the people in ignorance ; with nourishing su- perstition ; with blowing the flames of persecution ; with daily murdering in the most horrid manner, the martyrs to the true faith. The Sovereign Pontiff himself, the corner stone of the whole body, you constantly called Anti- Christ, the Scarlet TVhore^ the beast, and the Man of Sin, and you prayed most vehemently for his overthrow, insisting that the system of which he was the foundation manifestly tended to the eternal damnation of the souls of the far greater part of the people of Europe. Well, Napoleon arose. He hurled down the Pope, he overthrew the Anti-Christ, the Scarlet Whore, the Beast, the Man of Sin ; and with him all the long WJ. of persecutors of the Saints. Napoleon and his associates did, in three years, what your prayers and preachings had not been able to effect in three centuries. The Pope was stripped of all temporal power ; the cardinals and bishops were reduced to mere cyphers ; the monks were driven from their dens of laziness and debauchery ; the tricks and frauds were exposed ; the adored images were turn- ed into fire wood ; the holy relics were laughed at ; the light of truth was suffered freely to beam upon the minds of the people ; rehgious persecution was put an end to; and all men were not oniy permit- ted but also encouraged, openly to profess, pursue and enjoy whatever species of religious faith and worship they chose. — Every man became eligible to offices, trusts and honours ; and throughout the domains of Italy and France, where a Presbyterian would have been tied to a stake and roasted rather ( 116 ) Uian be suffered to fill an office of trust, or to preach to a congregation, religious liberty, was under Na- poleon, made as perfect as in Pennsylvania, and more perfect than in your State of Massachusetts. These are facts, which none of you, not even Mr. Parish, will dare openly to deny. They are as no- torious as they will be and ought to be memorable. Ought you not, therefore, to have rejoiced at this wonderful change in favour of religious liberty? How could you see 50 millions of souls set free without feeling it impossible to suppres an expres- sion of your pleasure ? How could you see the fall of Anti- Christ without putting up thanksgiving to that God, whom you had so long been worrying with your importunities for die accomplishment of that object *? Was not this an event calculated to call forth your gratitude to heaven ? Ought it not to have been expected from you, that you should speak very cautiously in disapprobation of Napoleon and the French republicans, who had effected what you had so long been praying for apparently in vain ? Ought you not, if you had spoken at all of the sins of his ambition : if vou had blamed him as an in- vader, a conqueror, a destroyer of republican free- dom, to have touched him with a tender hand, con- sidering the immense benefits which rehgious li- berty had received in consequence of his invasions and conquests ? Ought he not to have found in you above all men living, if not impartial judges, at least, mild and moderate censors '^ If this was what might naturally and justly have been expected from you, what must have been the surprise and indignation • i those vho saw you amongst the very fiercest of Napoleon's foes ; amongst the foulest of his calumniators ; amongst the first and loudest of those who rejoiced at his ( 117 ) fall ; who saw you holding solemn fasts and thanks- givings for his overthrow ; who heard you hail with holy rapture the return of *' the ancient order of things," and the re-establishment of the '* venerable institutions^'' of Europe ; who heard you joinnig in the hosannas of the monks, styling the Cossacks and their associators " Bulwarks of 7?e'//^?072," "• De- liverers'*'^ and " Saviours ;^^ who heard you in the w^ords of Mr. Parish, shifting from the pope to Na- poleon himself the imputation of being Anti- Christ, and charging your political opponents with being the abbettors of that " Scarlet Whore," that ** Man of Sin !" — What must have been the surprise and indignation of those who were the witnesses of your conduct upon this memorable occasion ? How you may stand at this time, in the estimation of your flocks, it is impossible for me to know ; but if you still preserve your former weight and consequence, 1 must say that you exhibit an instance of success, of which, in an enlightened country, no former set of imposters ever had to boast. IF/iat was that '* ancient order of things," the return of which you hailed with such rapture? PFhat were thost " venerable institutions," of which you thanked the Lord for the approaching re-estab- lishment ? The Bolt/ See of Rome was one, and the Inquisition was another. Thousands of subal- tern '' venerable institutions" naturally followed in the train of these ; such as the Virgin Mary's house at Loretto, the shrine of Saint Antony, the Holy Cross, the exhibition of St. Catharine's Wheel, the Holy Thorn that penetrated Christ's cheek, of the Breeches of St. Polomo, so efficacious with barren wives, especially by a lusty monk. Hundreds and thousands of thousands of these *' venerable'' things naturallv followed the overthrow of him who had ( 118 ) overthrown them All the persecutions of the Pro- testantb ; all the frauds, insolence and cruelty of the Romish priests, must have been in your view. You are not ignorant men. On the contrary, you are some of the most cunning even of priests. You knew to a moral certainty that the pope, \vhom you had formerly led your flocks to believe was Anti- Christ, would be restored. You knew that, instead of a milder sway, he would naturally be more rigid than ever in the exercise of the power. All this you knew. You knew that the toleration of all Protestant sects, the encouragement of them, the free use of reason on religious subjects, and the free circulation of religious opinions, which were so complete under Napoleon, would be instantly de- stroyed in the far greater part of Europe. And yet you held a solemn thanksgiving to God that Napo- leon had been overthrown, and you had the impious hypocrisy to call his enemies " the bulwarks of re- ligion ;" you, aye, you, whose fathers fled to a ^vil- derness across the sea, rather than live where they were not permitted openly to renounce as damnable the remnants which the church of England had preserved of that very religion ; of which the ene- mies of Napoleon were the bulwark, and which you now thanked God for the prospect of seeing restored ! The holy father whom you had formerly called the '* Scarlet Whore," dyed in the blood of the saints. The '* beast, ''^ as you used to call him, whose ** mouth was full of blasphemies," remount- ed his chair even before " the most christian king" got upon his throne. One of his first acts was to restore the Jesuits, that ** ancient and tyenerahle in- stitution," which had become so odious on account of its wicked acts that it had been abolished by all ( 119 ) the princes of Europe, and even by a former pope himself. The next remarkable step was, the re- establishment of the Inquisition in Spain, where it had been abolished by Napoleon on the day that he took possession of the government of that coun- try ; and, what is worthy of particular notice, though perfectly natural, '^'Ferdinand the beloved,'' in his ordinance, dated 23d July last, for the re- establishment of that horrid tribunal, makes use of almost your very language in reproaching Napoleon with its abolition, as you will see by the ordinance itself, annexed to this letter. You yourselves well know what that tribunal was ; but as some of the good people whom you have deceived, may not know the precise nature of that '^ venerable institution," which Napoleon abol- ished, and which has been restored in consequence of the success of your *' bulwark of religion, "^"^ 1 will here insert an account of it from the last edition of Encyclopedia Britannica^ referring your flocks to Mr, Dobson's greatly improved Philadelphia edi- tion, that they may verify the correctness of the extract, which they will find under the words *' Inquisition''^ and *' act of faith,'' as follows: *' INQUISITION.— in the church of Rome, a tribunal in several Roman Catholic countries, erect- ed by the popes for the examination and punish- ment of heretics. — This court was founded in the 12th century by Father Dominic and his followers, who were sent by Pope Innocent III. with orders to excite the Catholic princes and people to extir- pate heretics, to search into their number and adul- tery, and to transmit a faithful account thereof to Rome. Hence they were called //7^z^w?7or5 ; and this gave birth to the formidable tribunal of the Inquisition, which was received in all Italy and the ( 120 ) dominions of Spain, except the kingdom of Naples and the Low Countries. This diabolical tribunal takes cognizance of Heresy, Judaism, Mahometan- ism, Sodomy and Polygamy ; and the people stand so much in fear of it that parents deliver their chil- dren, husbands their wives, and masters their ser- vants, to its officers, without daring in the least to murmur. The prisoners are kept for a long time, till they themselves turn their own accusers, and declare the cause of their imprisonment ; for they are neither told their crime nor confronted with witnesses. As soon as they are imprisoned, their friends go into mourning, and speak of them as dead, not daring to solicit their pardon, lest they should be brought in as accomplices. When there is no shadow of proof against the pretended crimi- nal he is discharged, after suffering the most cruel tortures, a tedious and dreadful imprisonment, and the loss of the greatest part of his effects. — The sentence against prisoners is pronounced publicly and with the greatest solemnity. In Portugal they erect a theatre capable of holding 3000 persons, in which they place a rich altar, and raise seats on each side in the form of an amphitheatre. There the prisoners are placed ; and over against them is a high chair, whither they are called one by one to hear their doom from one of the inquisitors.-These unhappy people know what they are to suffer by the clothes they wear that day. — Those who ap- pear in their own clothes are discharged upon pay- ment of a fine ; those who have a santo benito, or straight yellow coat without sleeves, charged St. Andrew's cross, have their lives, but forfeit all their effects ; those who have the resemblance of flames made of red serge sewed upon their sa?ito benito^ without any cross, are pardoned, but threatened to , ( 121 ) be burned if ever they relapse ; but those who be- sides these flames have on their santo bemto their own picture, surrounded with figures of devils, arc condemned to cj^pire in the flames. The inquisi- tors, who are ecclesiastics, do not pronounce the sentence of death, but form and read an act, in which they say, that the criminal being convicted of such a crime by his own confession, is, with much reluctance, delivered to the secular pow- er, to be punished according to his demerits ; and this writing they give to the seven judges who at- tend at the right side of the altar, who immediately pass sentence." " ACT OF FAITH— In the Romish Church is a solemn day held by the inquisition for the pun- ishment of heretics and the absolution of the inno- cent accused. They usually contrive the Auto to fall on some great festival, that the execution may pass with more awe and regard ; at least it is always on a Sunday. The Auto da Fe^ or Act of Faitfiy may be called the last act of the inquisitorial trage- dy ; it is a kind of gaol delivery, appointed as often as a competent number of prisoners, in the inquisi- tion, are convicted of heresy, either by their own voluntary or extorted confession or on the evidence of certain witnesses. — The process is thus : — In the morning they are brought into a great hall, where they have certain feabits put on, which they are to wear in the procession. The procession is led up by Dominican friars ; after which come the peni- tents, some with san benitoes and some without, ac- cording to the nature of the crimes ; being all in black coats widiout sleeves and barefooted, with a wax candle in their hands. These are followed by the penitents who have narrowly escaped being burnt, who, over their black coats, have flames paijit- L ( 122 ) cd with their points turned downwards, fuego re- volto. Next come the negative and relapsed, who are to be burnt, having flames on their habits point- ing upwards. After these come such as profess doctrines contrary to the faith of R3me, who, besides flames pointing upwards, have tlieir picture painted on their breasts, with dogs, serpents, and devils, all ©pen mouthed about it. Each prisoner is attended with a familiar of the inquisition ; and those to be burnt have also a Jesuit on each hand, who is con- tinually preaching to them to abjure. After the prisoners, come a troop of familiars on horseback, and, after them, the inquisitors and other officers of the court, on mules ; last of all, the inquisitor gene- ral, on a white horse, led by two men with black hats and green hat bands. A scaffbd is erect- ed in the Tertero de Pacs^ big enough for two or tliree thousand people ; at one end of which are the prisoners — at the other, the inquisitors. After a sermon, made up of encomiums of the inquisition and invectives against heretics, a priest ascends a desk near the middle of the scaffold, and, having ta- ken the abjuration of the penitents, recites the final sentence of those who are to be put to death, and de- livers them to the secular arm, earnestly beseeching, at the same time, the secular powers not to touch their blood or put their lives in danger. The prison- ers being thus in the hands of the civil magistrates, arc presently loaded with chains and carried first to the secular gaol, and from thence, in an hour or two, brought before the civil judge, who, after asking in what religion they intend to die, pronounces sen- tence on such as declare they die in the communion of Ronie, that they shall be first strangled and then burnt to ashes ; on such as die in any other faith, that they be burnt alive. Both are immediately carried to the Ribera, the place of execution ; where ( 123 ) there are as many stages set up as there are prison- ers to be burnt, with a quantity of dry furs about them. The stakes of the professed, that is, such as persist in theif heresy, are about four yards high, having a small board towards the top for the prison- er to be seated on. The negative and relapsed be- ing first strangled and burnt, the professed mount their stakes by a ladder, and the Jesuits, after seve- ral repeated exhortations to be reconciled to the Church, part with them, tellmg them they leave them to the Devil who is standing at their elbow to re- ceive their souls and carry them with him into the flames of hell. On this a great shout is raised, and the cry is. Let the dogs^ beards be tnade — which is done by thrusting flaming furzes fastened to long poles against their faces till their faces are burnt to a coal, which is accompanied with the loudest ac- clamations of joy. At last fire is set to the furze at the bottom of the stake over which the professed are chained so high that the top of the flame seldom reaches higher than the board they sit on ; so that they rather seem roasted than burnt. There can- not be a more lamentable spectacle ; the sufferers continually cry out while they are able, Miseri- cordia per amor de Dios* *' Pity for the love of God !" yet it is beheld by all sexes and ages with transports of joy and satisfaction." People of Massachusetts ! Sons of Englishmen w^ho fled to a wilderness, who sacrificed their dear- est connexions to religious liberty ! Merciful, hu- mane, gentle, kind, and brave people of Massachu- setts, though your Cossack priests can view with dry eyes and unmoved muscles this horrid spectacle, does it not chill the blood in your veins ? Though thev, with holy impudence, can put up thanksgiv- ing for the fall of him by whom this '' venerable ( 124 ) institution" had been overthrown, and at whose fall its revival was a natural, if not certain consequence ; do not your hearts revolt at the impiousness, the baseness, the cruelty of the sentiment ? People of Massachusetts (for to your hardened priests will I no longer address myself) what could have been the real cause of this conduct on the part of your priests ? In the people of England it is very natural and reasonable to rejoice at the fall of Napo- leon. He had immense power ; he had threatened to invade- their country ; he had made preparations for so doing. It was therefore natural for them to rejoice at his fall ; but even here, with the excep- tion of a few hyprocrites, despised by persons of sense of all parties, people did not rejoice at his fall as an enemy of religion. Had your priests not put up thanksgiving for the deliverance of religion, their conduct might have been passed over ; but, when they made that the ground of their gratitude to the Cossacks and to Heaven, they invited the lash of censure ; thev called aloud for the detestation of mankind. While, indeed, the French nation seems to have thrown aside all religion whatever ; while they were setting aside all the memorials and marks of the Christian era, while they were apparently all Athe- ists, there was some reason for your priests to wish their overthrow. Even in that case, however, they would have shown more confidence in Christianity if they had been less bitter against the French. — ^ Some men thought that their extreme asperity against such writers as Paine seemed not to say that they possesed ability to defeat him in the field of argument ; and, indeed, seemed to argue that they did not feel a sufficient des^ree of confi- dence in the goodness of their cause itself ; for if ( 125 ) they have been thoroughly convinced, as tlicy ought to have been, that the Christian rcHgion was built upon a rock, and that the gates of hell would never prevail against it, Paine would have been an object of their pity rather than of their persecution. Tlicir anger against him was madness, unless they appre- hended danger from his attempts ; and if they did apprehend danger from those attempts they shew^ed a want of sufficient confidence in their cause itself, which want of confidence should have taught them moderation in their attacks on the adversary. There "Nvas a great outcry about Atheism in France ; but w^hat was it after all but letting the human mind loose to range at pleasure ? When every man was at liberty to say what he liked, who need have been afraid of the cause of truth ? — He who was an in- sincere Christian ; he who doubted of the truth of Christianity ; he w^ho thought it false, but who pro- fessed it from interested motives, had reason to rail against the innovators : but he who was a real believer, and whose belief was founded on the con- clusions of reason, could not possibly have any ground for alarm, seeing that freedom of discussion is and eternally must be favourable to truth, and of course hostile to error and falsehood. Those, therefore, who are opposed to freedom of discus- sion on any subject, and who make use of clamours, slanders, or force to prevent it, may, in all cases, and acting under whatever pretence, be safely con- sidered as wishing to sustain error or falsehood. But these observations do not apply to the case of the emperor Napoleon. However just the ha- tred of your priests against the Atheists of France, there was no portion of that hatred due to him who re-opened the churches, who invited the perform- ance of religious worship, who encouraged the L2 ( 126 ) people to make provision for the maintenance of the purochial clergy, who went very regularly to hear mass himself; but who, at the same time, ef- fectually prevented all religious persecution, who countenanced and encouraged all religious sects, who put them all upon a footing of civil and politi- cal equality, and who, throughout his vast domin- ions, was speedily introducing such a system as to religion as must in a few years have inevitably root- ed out every fibre of superstition, and have put an end for ever to that spirit of persecution, which had so long been filling Europe with misery and crimes. Be he, therefore, what he might, in other re- spects, he had been, and he was a friend and protect- or of religious freedom. This quality, one would have thought, was that which above all others, ought to have pleaded in his behalf with other priests ; yet tliey rejoiced at his fall ; they hailed his enemies as the " bulwarks of religion ;" they put up thanksgivings for the restoration of the " ve- nerable institutions" which he had pulled down ; and they even called him **^ Antichrist," the appel- lation which they had formerly given to the pope. Let your priests say what they will of the French republicans and of Napoleon, the world are witness- es to the fact, that, even though a counter revolu- tion has taken place in France, that country has de- rived immense advantages from the revolution : that she is now freed from numerous oppressions before endured ; that her agriculture has made astonishing progress ; that she has got rid of her feudal tyran- Tiies^ her monks, her tithes; that her farmers are now able to undersell ours in our own markets ; that her manufactures are greatly increased ; and that, as vet, lier king has not ventured to overthrow Napo- leon's laws, securing to all men perfect religious li- ( 127 ) berty and an equality as to all matters connected with religious worship and the public capacities of the professors of different religions. Nothing could be a greater compliment to Napoleon, than the stipu- lation with the king, that NAPOLEON'S CODE, civil and religious, should remain untouched. What ground, then, could your priests have for their implacable hatred of Napoleon ? Why did they put up thanksgiving for his overthrow? Why did they call the Cossacks and their associates the ** bulwarks of religion !'' Why did they call him the oppressor of Spain, who abolished the Inquisition^ and had driven the monks from their convents and their lux- ury ? What could have been the cause of their be- ing amongst his calumniators ? How came they to join in the prayers and thanksgivings of the Jesuits and Dominicans ? The truth is, they were actuated by self-interest, — They were alarmed at the conse- quences to which freedom of discussion might lead. The sudden o\'erthrow of the old establishments of Europe ; the great shock which the French revolu- tion gave to long received opinions ; the burst of light which had come into the human mind ; these alarmed them. They began to fear, that, if reli- gion become out of fashion in Europe, it miglit be- come out of fashion in Massachusetts, and leave them in a situation like that of the buckle makers when shoe strings came in vogue. — They now be- ^an to perceive that the fiill of the pope and of the Romish superstition and persecutions, would be to them a v^st injur}'. They saw that the French and Napoleon were snatching the very bread and meat off their plates. This was the true cause of their hostility against him ; this was the true cause of their thanksgivings for the victories of the Cossacks and their associates, as the ** bulwarks of religion ; ( 128 ) that is to say, the bulwarks of their bread and meat; the bulwark of their living well, without labour, on the earnings of you who pay them, and who do la- bour. The same motive would, of course, have induced them to abuse the pullers down of Maho- met. Nor must they be surprised if the world should suspect, that, in a similar cause, they would have made, if they could, a solemn league and covenant with the devil himself, and have called him the '* bulwark of religioji^ If this conclusion against the Cossack Priests of Massachusetts were not obviously deducible from their above-described conduct, unsupported by any fact ; if any other proof were \vanted, you have that proof in their electioneering tricks of last year, when amongst their objections to the electing of a Republican, or as they termed it, Democratic Le- jyislature, they complained of a former Democratic ^Legislature in these memorable words: — " They " impaired \\\t consXiiuXiow^l provision for the sup- " port of public worship, by releasing the disaffected ** from contributing to the^ support of permanent *^ teachers of piety, religion^, and morality." — That is to say, they complained of the " Democrats^'' for having endeavoured to make Massachusetts, in point of religious liberty, what William Penn made Pennsylvania, and what Napoleon had made, as nearly as he possibly could, France and Italy, and all the countries which he had conquered. Here we see the REAL ground of the hostility of your Priests to the French Republicans, to Napoleon, and the Republican party in America. They had long enjoyed the benefices of a sort of established and dominant church ; they had long been receiving compulsory payments for their support ; they had long felt agreeable effects of this ** venerable institu- tion,'* The example of France, and the practical ( 129 ) effect thereof in America, had shaken their hold of valuable possessions ; and hence, and hence alone, their abuse of the French and Napoleon ; their dread of the continuance of his power ; their exul- tation at his overthrow ; and their thanksgivings for the restoration of those " venerable institutions" in Europe ; those ecclesiastical powers and profits of which the French and Napoleon had been the de- termined enemies. No more need be said. You, the people of Mas- sachusetts, who possess so much good sense who, have so often exercised that good sense as to other persons and things, cannot long remain the dupes of these hypocrites, who, while they have the de- sire of your welfare in the next world, constantly on their lips, are manifestly intent upon securing to themselves, in this world, ease and -plenty at the public expense. Wm. cobbett. POSTSCRIPT.— The following is the decree of the king of Spain, re-establishing the inquisition, published in a supplement to the Madrid Gazette, 23dof July, 1814. " The king our lord has been pleased to enact the following decree. The glorious title of Catho- lic y by which the kings of Spain are distinguished among the other Christian princes, because they do not tolerate in their kingdom any one who professes another religion than the Catholic Apostolic and Ro- many has powerfully excited my heart to employ all the means which God has placed in my hands, in or- der to make myself worthy of it. The past troubles and war which afflicted all the provinces of the kingdom during the space of six years ; the resi- dence therein, during that time, of foreign troops of different sects ^ almost all infected with abhorrence and hatred to the Catholic religion i and tlie disor- ( 130 ) der that these evils ahvays bring with them, toge- ther with the Httle care which was taken for some time in providing for what concerned the things of religion, gave to the wicked unlimited license to live after their free will, and to introduce in this kingdom, and fix in many persons, pernicious opin- ions^ by the same means with which they had been propagated in other countries. Desiring, therefore, to provide a remedy against so great an evil, and preserve in my dominions the holy religion of Jesus Christ, which my people love, and in which they have lived and do live happily, both by the duty which the fundamental laws of the kingdom impose on the prince which shall reign over it, and I have to observe and fulfil, as likewise being the most proper means to preserve my subjects from intes- tine dissentions, and maintain them in peace and tranquillity, I have thought it would be very conve- nient in the present circumstances that the tribunal of the holy office should return to the exercise of its jurisdiction. Upon which subject wise and virtu- ous prelates and many corporations and serious per- sons, both ecclesiastical and secular, have represent- ed to me that it was owing to this tribunal that Spain was not contaminated in the 16th century, with the errors that caused so much aflliction in other kingdoms, the nation flourishing at that time in all kinds of literature, in great men, in holiness and virtue. And that one of the principal ?neans employed by the oppressor of Europe^ in order to sow corruption and discord from which he derived so many advantages, was to destroy it under pre- tence that the light of the age could not bear its con- tirmance any longer ; and which afterwards the self-styled general Cortes with the same pretence^ and that of the constitution, which they had tumul- { 131 ) tuously framed, annulled, to the great sorrow of the nation. Wherefore they have ardently requested" me to re-establish that tribunal ; and according to their requests and the wishes of the people, who, from love to the religion of their Others, have restor- ed, of their own accord, some of the subaltern tri- bunals to their functions, I have resolved that the council of the inquisition, and the other tribunals of the holy office, should be restored, and continued in the exercise of their jurisdiction, both ecclesiasti- cal, which, at the request of my august predeces- sors, the pontiffs gave to it, and the royal, which the kings granted to it, observing, in the exercise of both, the ordinances by which they were governed in 1808, and the laws and processions, which to avoid certain abuses, and moderate some privileges, it was mete to take at different times. As besides these provisions it may perhaps be suitable to adopt others ; and my intention being to improve this es- tablishment that the greatest utility may arise to my subjects from it, I wish that as soon as the council of the inquisition shall meet, two of its members, with two others of my royal council, both of whish I sliall nominate, should examine the form and mode of proceeding in the causes appertaining to the holy office, and the method established for the censure and prohibition of books ; and if there should be found any thing in it contrary to the good of my subjects, and the upright administration of justice, or that ought to be altered, it shall be proposed to me, that I may determine what shall be proper. This com- municated for your information, and of whom it may concern. '' Palace, 21st July, 1814. THE KING. •' To Don Pedro de Macanaz." FROM COBBETT'S REGISTER OF JANUARY 21. 1815. Jnterica.-^Ve^cQ being now happily concluded with the country of freedom, it will not be necessa- ry for me to occupy so large a portion of the Re- gister as I lately have, with observations relating to it —But, still this country, now nearly as much above all others in military and naval prowess as she is, and long has been, in civil, rehgious, and political liberty ; still this favoured country this asylum and example to the oppressed ot all other nations, must continue to be a deeply interesting obiect with every one, whom I wish to see amongst my readers. I shall, therefore, in future, write of the afiairs of America under one general rule, num- bering the several articles from No. I. onwards. — Previous to the war, I wrote several articles, under the form oi Letters, and otherwise; during the war a great many more. And, I am of opinion, if all these were collected together, from the month of July 1810, to the 14th of this present month of January, 1815, thev would be found to contain as good a history of this important struggle, as is likely to appear in any other shape, — The rise, the progress, the termination, are all here to be found very amply detailed. The views on both sides ; ' the passions, the prejudices ; the means made use of to delude the people of England. The effect of the result of the contest on men's minds. AH will here lie found to have been faithfully recorded; ( 133 ) that is to say, as far as I have dared to go ; and for the restraint, which I have been under, and for which no human ingenuity could have compensa- ted, the judicious and impartial reader will make a suitable allowance. — This, however, is only said as to our side of the water ; for, in the country of free- dom, the naked truth will be told. There every man will write and publish what he pleases; there discussions will be really free ; there no man will tremble while he writes ; and there truth must and will prevail. It is often observed, that history to be impartial, must be written long after the date of the events of which it is a record. This is a strange notion. It is so contrary to every rule of common life, that it naturally staggers one. If we want to keep our accounts, or the records of any proceedings in life, accurately^ we never lose a mo- ment in minuting the facts down as they occur. If evidence is given from a written paper, it must, to make the evidence good, have been written at the moment that the facts occurred. How sti'ange, then is it, that, for history to be true, that it must be written a century, or two, after the period to which it relates ; that is to say, that, to come at the real truth of any national occurrence, in order to arrive at a just decision upon the conduct of a nation, yoii must enter upon the inquiry after all the witnesses are dead, and after all the springs, hidden from common eyes, and which no man has dared to re- cord an account of in print, are wholly forgotten, and sunk, for ever, out of sight.— It is said, that, at the time when the events occur, the historian is too near to the passions and prejudices of the times, and is too likely to partake of them. But, at a hun- dred years after the events, what has he to refer to but writings of the times ; and how then is he more M ( 134 ) likely to ^et at the truth? We suppose tlie histo- rian to seek earnestly for truth; and is he more likely to get at it, when all the springs are forgot- ten and all the witnesses dead, than when he has ac- cess to them all ? The real state of the case is this : the historian dares not ^'''•^"'"'f.w'har present events, and a true description of the char- acter of public histitutions, establishments, laws, and men, in any country except America. Iruth in England, may be a .ibel ; libels are punished more severely than the greatest part of felonies, as my lord Folkstone shewed, in the house of com- mons, from an examination of the Newgate Calen- dar ; and, it is well known, that m answering a charge of libel, the truth of what you have writ- ten or published, is not allowed even to be giv- EN IN EVIDENCE. This is the real, and the only ground for pretending, that history ought to be written long after the period to which it relates. But, how are you bettered by length of time ? It is a libel here to speak evil of the dead. The dead villain must not, if it give offence to certain per- sons, be truly characterized ; and, remember, that the sources, to which the historian has to refer, are precisely those which have been created under this law of libel. . In the great republic of America, the case is wholly different. There any man may publish any thin^ that he pleases of public measures, or public men provided that he confine himselt to truth m what he asserts to be facts. There any opinions \ may be published ; but here, even opinions expose writers, printers and publishers to punishment; and, observe, that that which a man may say, in a private letter, is held to be published, and it determined to be libellous, liable to punishment. ( 135 ) Well may we hold it to be a maxim, that the writing of history ought to be delayed u\\\a\ a remote period; but it would be a much more sensible maxim, that no history written under such circumstances, (with a law that punishes libels on the dead) ought ever to be regarded as any thing better than a sort of po- litical romancC' There is no reason, however, why a history of this war should not immediately be written, and published in the republic, with whom, thank the ministers, and the President, and the brave repubUcans, we are now at peace. From that country we may now receive such a history. It might be a little too strong to be published here ; or even to be sold here. But those who wishtd for copies might get them through private channels ; though, I ought to observe, for the good of the unwary, that to lend a book, or, to shew a book to another person, is to publish a book in the eye of our sharp sighted libel law. Nevertheless, if some able and animated pen, set to work on this fine subject, a subject so closely connected with the cause of freedom all over the world, there is no doubt of its obtaining circulation, even in England ; and while it would be sure, by means of a French translation, .o be read all over the continent, where it must produce a prodigious effect. But I hope to see nothing of the maudling kind ; nothing of the milk and water ; nothing of the "- gentlemanly'*^ sort ; no mincing of the matter. But, a real, true, history, applying to persons and acts the appellations yN\i\d\ justice assigns them. — If such a work were published, rather than not pos- sess a copy, I would make one of my sons traverse the Adantic, expressly to fetch it to me. I hope, however, that some man in America, who feels upon the subject as I feel, will take the trouble to ( 136 ) convey to me by a safe hand, (not through the post office) a copy or two of the first work of the above description that shall appear. But mind, I should despise any history which should not speak of all the actors, on both sides, without the smallest re- gard of the humbug and palaver of the day, apply- ing to their actions and their characters, and their motives, the plainest as well as the truest of epithets and terms. I am not much disposed to be unhappy. I never meet calamity half way. But really, such a work ; the reading of such a work, and hearing my children read it, would make up for years of misery, if I had passed such — and it would be much more than a compensation for all the sufferings of my life. In short, I have set my heart on this thing, and, if I am disappointed, I shall be grieved more than I ever yet have been ; ten thousand times more than I was, when I heard the sentence of Judge Grose on me of two years impri- sonment in Newgate, a thousand pounds fine to the king, and seven years bound to good behaviour afterwards, in bonds of 5,000 pounds, for having written about the flogging of English local militia at Ely, and about German dragoons. But, why should 1 be disappointed ? Have I not, if no one will take up the pen, a son to take it up in the cause of truth and liberty ? The world is wide ; and now it is open. In the mean while let us not neglect that which is yet within our own power. We ought to keep the republic constantly before our eyes. — Though we make her less the subject of observa- tion than we have done for some time past, we ought never to lose sight of her. The enemies of liberty are always on the watch to assail, through her sides, the object of their mortal hatred ; ?>nd, there- fore we ought to lose no occasion of facing and of ( 137 ) fighting them. In order to facilitate reference, and to give something of uniformity of arrangement to the matter in the Register, relating to America, I intend to insert, under one general head, all such matter of my own writing, and to mention under that general head the several topics treated of, in the following manner. No. I. Mr. Hunt's motion and Sir John Cox Hippisley's speech respecting America At a meeting of the county of Somerset, on the 9th instant, a curious occurrence took place with regard to the peace with America. I will first give the account of it from the Times newspaper of the 16th instant, and make on it such observations as most naturally present themselves. The reader should first be informed, however, that the meeting was held for the purpose of discussing a petition to parliament against the property tax, or tax upon income, which tax ought, by law, to expire in a few months, but which tax, it is supposed, the govern- ment means to propose the continuation, or revival. The following is the report of the Times : *' On Monday last, at a meeting of the freehold- ers, &c. holden at Wells, to petition the parlia- ment for the repeal of the property tax after the business of the day was disposed of, Mr Hunt remarked, that the meeting should not disperse without expressing their thankfulness to those by whose efforts peace had been made between us and America. He, therefore, read a resolution which he submitted for their approbation : ' 1 hat the thanks of this meeting are due to those by whose exertions peace with the Americans, the onUj Jree * M2 ( 138 ) remaining people in the worlds has been restored to this country." Sir J. C. Hippesley could set no reason whatever for calling the Aniericans the only free people in the worlds and should certainly divide the meeting if the motion were persisted in. It was a LIBEL on our own country ; for his part, he HATED THE AMERICANS. They were a set of slaves to the government of France, and — {some expressions of disapprobation arose) when Mr. Dickinson said, that he certainly must join in deprecating the resolution. He hoped the meeting would not consent to compliment any nation at the expense of our own, and of every other in the globe. He had considerable reason for believing that the congress at Vienna was now employed in endea- vouring to unrivet the chains of the suffering Afru cans ; and engaged, as the powers of Europe were, in so sacred a cause, he could not consent that any aspersion, direct or indirect, should be cast upon them. Mr. Hunt then requested the sheriff to put the resolution, which, upon the shew of hands, was negatived by a very considerable majority.'^'' Whether there be any yre-^ country in the world still remaining, besides the republic of America, is a question that 1 do not choose to decide, or to give my opinion upon. But, I cannot help observing, that the question was decided in the negative by a meet- ing of the county oi Somerset only by a *' considera- ble majority ;" and, I must further observe that the report of thi^ ^^considerable majority" comes to us through the Ti?nes newspaper, xhdX channel of skunk- like abuse of America and all that is American. Let it be remembered, too, that the power of decid- ing who had the majority, lay wholly and absolutely with the sheriff, who la an officer appointed by the crown. This being the case, the words " consider- ( 139 ) able majority** will be pretty well understood to mean any thing but a large majority ; and, perhaps, some people may doubt whether there was any ma- jority at all. At any rate, the county of Somerset divided upon the question of, whether America was, or was not, the only free country left in the world. This was, at last, a question for which many were in the affirmative, it was received and put to the vote without any marks of disapprobation ; while, on the other hand, he was hissed, who said that he hated the Americans, and who called them the slaves of the French government. And xuhy, good Sir John, do you hate the Americans ? What have they done to you ? You say, that they are the slaves of the government of France ; but you do not find it convenient to produce any proof of what you say. This, sir John, is one of the old stale falsehoods of the Times newspaper, which you are retailing at second hand, like a Grub-street pedlar. You are, in this instance, a poor crawling imitator of a wretched grinder of paid- for paragraphs. Prove, or attempt to prove what you say. Attempt, at least, to prove, that the Americans are the slaves, or have been, the slaves of the French ; or, you must be content to go about saddled with the charge of having made an assertion, that the Americans were not in any shape or degree, subservient to France. I assert, tliat they all along acted the part of a nation truly inde- pendent. I assert that they, in no case, shewed a partiality for the government of Napoleon. If any proof were wanted of their having placed no reliance upon France, we have it in the fact, the fact so hon- ourable, so glorious to them, and so unfortunate for us ; I mean the fact of their continuing the contest after Napoleon was put down, and still, as firmly as ( 140 ) before, refusing to give up to us one single poi?tt, though they saw us allied with all Europe, and though they saw the whole of our monstrous force directed against them, having no other enemy to contend with. This proves that they placed no re- liance upon France. When they declared war, they saw us with a powerful enemy in Europe. Upon that circumstance they, of course calculat- ed, as they had a right to do ; but, when that ene- my, contrary to their expectation, was put down all of a sudden, and the whole of our enormous force was bent against America, she was not intimidated. She still set us at defiance ; she faced us ; she fought u» ; and, at the end of a few months, instead of re- ceiving a vice rot/ at Washington, as we had been told she would, she brought us to make peace with her without her giving up to us one single point of any sort. Deny this, if you can, sir John ; and, if you cannot, answer to the people of Somerset for the speech, which the Times has published as yours. But, sir John, why do you hate the Americans ? You cannot, surely, hate them because they pay their President only about six thousand pounds a year, not half so much as our apothecary gene- ral receives. You, surely, cannot hate them be- cause they do not pay in the gross amount of their taxes as much as we pay for the mere collection and miKiagcment of ours. You, surely, cannot hate tlicm because they keep no sinecure placemen, and no pensioners, except to such as have actually ren- dered them services, and to them grant pensions only by vote of their real representatives. You, surt ly, cannot hate them because, in their country, the press is really free, and truth cannot be a libel. Y(;i., surely, cannot hate them because they have shewn that a cheap government is, in fact the ( 141 ) strongest of all governments, standing in no need of the troops or of treason- laws to defend it in times even of actual invasion. You may, indeed, /?zVy them, because they are destitute of the honour of being governed by some illustrious family ; because they are destitute of dukes, royal and others, of most noble marquises, of earls, viscounts and barons ; because they are desti- tute of knights of the garter, thistle and bath, grand crosses, commanders and companions ; because they are, in spite of the efforts of the Massachusetts intriguers, still destitute of illustrious highnesses, right honourables, honourables, and esquires ; be- cause they are destitute of long robes and big wigs, and see their lawyers, of all ranks, in plain coats of grey, brown, or blue, as chance may determine ; be- cause they are destitute of a church established by law and of tythes : you may, indeed, pity the repub- licans on these accounts ; but, sir John, it would be cruel to hate them. To hate is not the act of a christian, and very illy becomes a man like yourself, who has been a hero, a perfect dragon, in combat- ing the anti-christian principles of the French revo- lution. Pity the Americans, sir John. P^orgive them, sir John. Pray for them, sir John. But do not hate them, thou life-and-fortune defender of our holy religion. Pray that they may speedily have a king and royal family, with a commander in chief and field marshals; that they may have a civil list and sinecures ; that they may have lords, dukes, grand crosses, clergy, regular army, and tythes ; pray tor these things, in iheir behalf, liS long as you please ; pray that the Americans, may have as good a gov- ernment as we have ; but, because they have it not, do not hate them. I was really very happy to perceive, that you ( 142 ) were hissed for this sentiment, at the county nieet^ inff I was happy to perceive it, because it was a sign, that the people of England are coming to their senses upon this the most important of all subjects. Why could you not have expressed yourself m terms less hostile to every generous and humane feeling ? I confess that Mr, Hunt's motion, though if he thought it true, he was right in making it, might fairly be objected to by any one who thought differently. But, you might have reprobated the endeavour to describe England as not free, (if you regarded her as being free) without saying that you hated the xVmericans. This it was, that shocked the meetins;, and, accordingly it hooted you, as appears from the report, as published even by the Times newspaper. Every effort ought now to be made to produce reconciliation with America ; and you, ap- pear to have done all that you were able to do, to perpetuate the animosities engendered by the war. Mr. Dickinson managed his opposition to the mo- tion more adroitly. He observed, that the holy war powers, now in congress at Vienna, were, "A^ had considerable reason to believe," engaged man eftort to unrivet the chains of the African slave, and, therefore, he could not consent to any motion that mi8;ht seem to glance against their people being free.— So, Mr. Dickinson concluded, it seems, that if the ** sacred cause" powers should settle upon ^some general prohibition against the increase of slaves in the fVest Indies, there cannot possibly re- main any thing like slavery in Russia, Prussia, Po- land, Germany, Bohemia, Transylvania, Sclavcma, Italy, Spain or Portugal. ^ I should like to have heard the chain of argument through which this member for Somerset arrived at such a conclusion from such premises. I suppose ( 143 ) that it must have been something in this way : That the '^ sacred cause" powers are all perfectly sin- cere in their professions ; that, being so, it is impos- sible, to believe, that they would shew so much anx- iety for the freeing of the Africans, while they held their own subjects in slavery ; and that, therefore^ it is impossible to beheve, that the people of Rus- sia, Germany, and Hungary, are not perfectly free. I dare say, that Mr. Dickinson said a great deal more upon the subject, and produced ^ac^^ as well as arguments to prove, that Mr. Hunt's motion was an unjust attack upon those powers ; and 1 confess, that it would Le a great treat to me to see thoseyac^^ upon paper. A GLIMPSE OF THE AMERICAN VICTORIE S, &c. &c IT is a duty the people of the United States, both individually and collectively, owe their legiti- mate sovereign Lord and King the Great Jehovah, to remember with sentiments of unfeigned grati- tude and thankfulness our recent desperate conflict and pacification with Great Britain. 1 at first pur- posed merely to compile some of the most distin- guished of the American victories as an appendix to the prefixed letters of Mr. Cobbett, but I cannot let the present opportunity slip, (although I am cen- sured by bigots and pharisees tor writing on poli- tics) without reminding the American population, of the paternal kindness of their father and their king in their late time of trial ; that it may stimu- late us all to render unto him the grateful tribute of thanksgiving for his unspeakable goodness ; and those who refuse so to do, especially after reading these remarks are guilty of the basest and blackest ingratitude, than which a greater crime men cannot commit, nationally or individually. May every American heart palpitate with ardent love to our glorious king, and every eye glisten with tears of gratitude, while reading a concise recapitulation of his loving kindness to these rising states in the time of our greatest extremity. If one hundred, or even one reader is stimulated by these remarks to love and praise God for the national blessing we havti received, I will consider myself sufficientlv reward- N ( 146 ) ed Perhaps it would be proper in this place, to point out concisely the causes as well as the con- sequences of the late war. The impressment ot American seamen by the British naval command- ers, appears to be the chief cause thereof, h^ven president Washington remonstrated and reprobated this unlawful practise in the strongest terms. Also, the restrictions on Our commerce was a just cause of complaint. " On the 25th of March, 1807, an act of parlia- ment passed, the object of which was to permit the United States to trade to France and her dependen- cies, on condition, that our vessels should first en- ter some British port, pay a transit duty, and take out a license ! A compUance with this unprece- dented regulation would have subjected a single can>;o of flour to the payment of more than eight diousand dollars, and an ordinary cargo of cotton to more than fifty thousand dollars. On the article of tobacco alone Great Britain would have extorted from us the annual tribute of two millions, three hundred, and thirty-eight thousand dollars. Ihe payment of these duties on all our articles of ex- poVtation would have drawn from us a yearly sum more than sufficient to pay the interest on our na- tional debt. Under the orders in council more American vessels and cargoes were seized and con- demned than have been captured by the enemy since the declaration of war. Such, is a short, and impartial glimpse o^ the acts of ac:gression and rapacity which led to the war. Were we disposed to add^o the colouring of the picture we might call to recollection the outrages on our territorial jurisdiction by the blockade of the mouths of our harbours and rivers, the murder of our citizens within our own waters, the attack ( 147 ) on the Chesapeake, the disavowal of P>skine's ar- rangement, the excitement of the savages to hostiU ities oh our frontier inhabitants and the authorised mission of John Henry, for the purpose of j^rocluc- ing civil war and. a severance of the union.'' The ahnost miraculous transactions which hap. pened on the theatre of war in Europe soon after the declaration of war against England by the Amer- ican government, might be considered big with portentious events to this country. I wouli ask imy man who believes in the divine agency, and that a sparrow does not fall to the ground without the notice of God, if he cannot clearly see the finger of Heaven raised, or if you please, the spe- cial interposition of Providence exerted in our be- half in the recent sanguinary contest. After enduring with proverbial patience a thou- sand indignities, the loss of nearly one thousand sail of our ships, and impressment of thousands of our citizens, we declared war against the invader of our rights, when eight of the European nations combined with France against England. Soon after this eventful period France fails in her military enterprises. All Euroi)e arms against her, and the coalition triumphs at the gates of Paris. France being humbled, England turns her military and maratime vengeance upon us, wliile we had only one arm to raise against her accumulating fury, the other nervous and powerful arm being tied down by the spirit of faction and political rancour. Thus with one hand the United States found themselves engaged with the greatest power on earth. The *' bits of striped bunting" float alone against the crimson banner of the queen of the ocean. All the friends of liberty trembled for our fate ; and the ( 148 ) only free country on earth would have fallen a victim to the spirit of despotism, had not God been our defender. After the subjugation of France the arms of the United States were more victori- ous than they were ever before. Many and san- guinary were the conflicts on land and water in which victory crowned our just cause. In New- England the enemy gained a partial preponderance, because of the disaffection of its big men to our just cause : and in Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, they were permitted by a similar spirit in the little men to burn the capital. In the first instance the state-rulers would not lead on the brave Bostonians to repel and chastise the invading foe, and in the last the people would not support their rulers while repelling their enemies. I recollect about two years ago, I saw in Georgetown, hand- bills posted up, wherein the inhabitants were noti- fied that a meeting was appointed, also, a day of thanksgiving, rejoicing and feasting, for the recent Russian victories, and of course English victories over the French. An oration was delivered at the English church, and te deum was sung. When I saw these things, I exclaimed in the language of astonishment, "is it possible that toryism is thus permitted to flourish in the centre of the republic." The people who thus rejoiced at the victories of our enemy, I queried if they would defend their own capital if invaded ; the sequel proved that my fears were not without foundation. I had also pro- posed to disseminate a number of the fourth edition of my " Charms of Benevolence, and Patriotic Mentor, or the Rights and Privileges of Republi- canism contrasted with the Wrongs and Usurpa- tions of Monarchy," with this motto : ( 149 ) Freedom's the ]>earl of life, the poor man's store," But life is death when Freedom is no more. But I was informed by a patriotic plebian, that I would meet with no encouragement for a work of that description. Hence I directed my agert to disseminate them in other parts of Maryland and Virginia, and for my part I did not sell one myself in the above three towns. The reader is humbly intreated to pardon this digression which does not properly belong to the subject, but to which we now return by boldly asserting that no victory dur- ing the war, so effectually aided our just cause as this cowardly catastrophe, because it first united the hearts of all republicans in support of their gen- eral government, and at the same time disgusted all civilized nations, at the barbarous mode of -war- fare carried on by England, against the arts, as well as the arsenals of the United States. After this mortifying but most fortunate event, the American arms were triumphant, and an honourable peace was the fruit thereof. In this short but sanguinary conflict, we have taken the following public vessels from the enemy. ON TflE OCKAN. 1 Guerriere, 2 Macedonian, 3 Java, - - 4 Cyane, 5 Hermes, - 6 Frolic, 7 Pe Cock, - 8 Epervier, 9 Avon 10 Reindeer, 38 1 1 L-^vant, - - 18 38 12 Alert, - - • 16 38 13 Boxer, - - 16 34 14 St Lawrence, 12 28 15 Hii^hflytr, - • 11 18 16 Dominica, • • 12 18 17 Bdlahoo, - ■ 8 18 18 Whiiinpf, - • 4 18 19 Landraille, - • 4 18 N2 ( ( 150 ) ON THE LAKES. ^•Confiance, . . . 39 27 Hunter, . . . , 10 21 Burnt at York,) . , 38 28 Berrtsford, . . . 14 32 Detroit, .... 20 29 Duke of Gloucester, 12 23 Lady P revest, . 16 30 Chippewa, . . . 24 Linnet, . . . . 16| 3 I Nancy, .... 2 35 On L. Champlain,) . Ill 32 Little Belt, . . . 2 36 (Ditto) 11 Of packets, which are king's vessels, generally first rate vessels, from 200 to 400 tons burthen, armed with 10 guns, we have captured the follow- ing, viz. 1 Ann. 11 Nocton. 2 Carteret. 12 Prince Adolphus. 3 Duke of Montrose. 13 Princess Amelia. 4 Express. 14 Princess Elizabetho 5 Fox. 15 Princess Elizabeth, 6 Francis Freeling. 16 Swallow. 7 Lapwing. 17 Townsend. 8 Mary Ann. 18 Lady Mary Pelham 9 Manchester. 19 Windsor Castle. Morgiana. The preceding are public vessels ; of private vessels, Niles' last list is 1551, which have been brought safe into port or destroyed. Including the recaptures, it may be safely stated that we have taken at least 3000 vessels from the enemy. Before I proceed to give a more particular glimpse of our military and maritime victories, I will take the liberty to introduce my ^'■Persuasive to political 7noderation,^^ as it is in my view the most important part of our compilation, and lies nearest my heart. ( 151 ) A PERSUASIVE TO POLITICAL MODEJIA TlOiV, ^c, IT is most assuredly the duty of every rational being, to do all possible good to his fellow crea- tures, not only with a disinterested view of profiting them, but also of pleasing our common Creator. And m order to do good to men, we must accommo- date our admonitions to their passions, their prcju- dices, and their local prepossessions. 1 o cause the sons of error to see its fatality ; docility, mildness, and moderation must be used. The grand work I desire to accomplish herein, is no less than a union of all republicans in the United States, for the j^ros- perity of the republic. Was my power equal to my will, there should be but two parties in the United States ; namely, whig and tory ; the friend and the enemy of kingcraft. And though I would not ad- vise my compatriots, when they feel the hour of their dissolution approaching, like the father of Hannibal, to take their children to the altar, and swear them to eternal hostility against the invaders of their country's liberty and independence ; yet would I stimulate by the most reasonable argumen- tation, the votaries of republicanism, to inspire their children with a just detestation of monarchy, ^y presenting them with this, and similar publi- cations for their serious investigation. The present attempt, although romantic, is surely excusable. To break down party prejudice, to al- lay the impetuosity of political intolerance, requires a more powerful pen than mine. The late war has given all parties and politicians in our country, clearly to see the deleterious and gigantic evils which aie most likely to be produced in our soli- ( 152 ) tary republic, by political animosity and party strife. Our representative republic and federal gov- ernment was in danger from this cause, which will again and again produce the same effect, if not remedied or removed, and it is the duty of every friend to his country to use his individual endea- vours to contribute his aid, in order to accomplish this great and important object. If there are wor- shippers of royalty in the federal ranks, I verily believe there are also domestic tyrants and intole- rant politicians in the democratic ranks. I abhor the spirit of intolerance, both political and religious; appCcir in what party it may, it is most destructive to the public weal, and should be exploded as the bane of the republic. Surely the strong should always be ready to extend the hand of charity to the weak ! There are many, no doubt, true repub- licans in the federal ranks, and not a few fought, conquered, and died, in defence of the republic in the late war. These things should not be forgot by the powerful party. To each surviving hero, as well as those who are sleeping on a foreign shore, every tribute that is due to virtue and valour should be paid. Surely the worshippers of kings, dukes, marquises, earls, lords, and the Lord knows only what, are justly despised and execrated by all true rtpuolicans, in the federal as well as the democratig ranks. The servile worshippers of what they call *^ legitimate monarchs," in monarchical countries, I pity from my heart, because they are hood -wink- ed from youth to age, by their tory scholastic and eclesiastic teachers, so that they live and die the victims of political delusion ; but men who were bred and born in the United States, and with the best political information, practical, as well theo- retical, and who, notwithstanding, long for, sigh ( 153 ) for, pray for, preach for, write for, and act for a royal government ; such men, if such men exist in the United States, 1 have far less charity for than for the highway robber : and 1 do verily believe, they are as hateful in the sight of Heaven, as they are in my sight, and equally an enemy of God and man. I feel nothing but love and charity to all mankind, my bitterest enemies included, and could circle them all in one kind embrace — these mis- creants only excepted, if there be any such in the United States. Even the royalists who have slaugh- tered tens of thousands of the population of Spanish America, because, forsooth, they willed to be free, and fought for independence, 1 feel charity for, be- cause they are blindly led on against their fellow citizens by the prejudice of education, and think they are fighting for, and supporting a just cause ; but not so with the American royalist. Who, I ask, can read the following recent intelligence from Spanish America, and not feel pity for the one party and detestation for the other : Barbadoesy March 20. INTERESTING DETAIL OF RECENT OCCURREN- CES ON THE SPANISH MAIN. «* We published on the 6th ult. important infor- mation received by the way of Curracoa, respecting the operations of the belligerent republicans and royalists, in the provinces of Venezuela and the Carraccas. The army of the royalist party, under Bovis, had taken Barcelona and Cumana, and was then marching on towards Maturin, near which place a battle had been fought, in which the re- publicans, under Bolivar, had sustained considera. ble loss. ( 154 ) A continuation of this intelligence is furnished by the Jamaica papers, brought up by H. M. ship Niemen, which arrived at this place on the 14th inst, and has since sailed for England. The royalist general Morales, having laid siege to the town of Maturin, sent them the following summons : ** Inhabitants of Maturin. — The rapidity with which the arms of the Spanish monarchy have sub- dued the several provinces of Venezuela, is a clear proof that Divine Providence favours a just cause. You are the last that oppose to us resistance, which must prove fruitless. I do now offer to you an honourable capitulation. — Lay down your arms, and any one among you who do not wish to live under the royal government, shall have a passport to any colonial he may choose. The others, who consent to remain, shall have their rights and pro- perty respected. Thomas Morales^ General in Chiefs To which summons, the following answer was returned by the commander in chief of the town of Maturin, Don Jose Francisco Btrmudez : *' Since Maturin has raised the standard of liberty, the valour of its inhabitants has been conspicuous more than once ; they have sworn to bury them- selves under the ashes of their town, rather than submit aofain to tht- despotic government that has for ages oppressed them : — that oath they now re- new. You boast of your jH'ecarious advantages and of the large force under your command, which you say is more than adequate to compel us to surren« der ; you may. General, put them in motion ; we are ready and disposed to face it, and if you con- quer us, it shall be on ashes and dead bodies that ( 155 ) your victory shall be celebrated ; by consent of all those under mv orders. •I Jose Francisco Bermudez." Finding that the city of Maturin was determin- ed to make manly resistance, general Morales made the requisite preparations, and immediately storm- ed the works of the republicans, and took posses- sion of the place. In this sanguinary conflict the royalists are said to have lost about three thousand men, and the republicans upwards of four thousand. Morales, who is the successor of the brutal Broves, who put all the inhabitants of Cumana to death (with the exception of eight families) caused him- self to be proclaimed by the army, which destroyed Maturin, *' Commander in chief," and all eastward from the capital, inclusive, is considered under his government ; whilst Valencia, Puerto, Cabello, and the territory to the westward, acknowledged general Cagigal as their chief." Yet these royalists are angels compared to those in the United States, who were it not for the in- terposition of our mighty and merciful sovereign, would have produced the same reverse, the same desolation, the same degradation in the United States, as was experienced by the republicans of Maturin. O ! reader, pause a moment and reflect upon their anguish, and your recent narrow escape from similar wretchedness, and love, and thank, and praise your good king who delivered you therefrom. The population of Massachusetts, although they have, through their legislature, opposed the general govtrnnient, in the late sanguinary conflict, are *' e-sh 'itiully n publican :" they have been led astray from the path in which their lathers trod by the ( 156 ) wrong association of ideas exhibited before their intellectual eyes, by men who pant for power in the republic, and not as many suppose, royalty. 1 do not, I cannot believe that even the American born leaders of the federalists of New-England would erect a monarchical government on the ruins of our republic, if it was in their power. There may be some indeed, who are base and abominable enough to act thus, but I believe they are very few, and are chiefly foreigners ; but I do contend that all federal republicans are bound to cashier such men when recognized in their ranks, or they should at least come out from among the eulogists of monar- chy, who have the consummate effrontery to advo- cate directly or indirecilv the ** Divine ris^ht of kings," and the laws of primogenitureship in this free country. Let them rally under the standard of their country, that their children may participate the precious liberty their own fathers died to pur- chase for posterity. The Almighty has most in- dubitably a predilection for the United States as he had for his Israelitish theocracy, and the fact is clearly demonstrated in the late war ; and it requires no spirit of divination to foresee that what the Bri- tish navy is now, the American nayy, though at present in its infancy, will be in following years. I will take the liberty to particularize a thought that this moment struck my mind, which will ap- pear, no doubt, both chimerical and romantic — it is this : that the nations of Europe, who will not suffer the light of political knowledge to shine upon their minds, and will, forsooth, worship their wick- ed kings, popes, bishops, and priests, lords, dukes, earls, and marquises, will be kft to dwindle into their primeval insignificance, and take a counter- march back to their original barbarian ignorance, ( 157 ) while our gracious sovereign will reserve these United States to be the asylum for all the indivi- duals of Europe who wish to be free, and refuse to kiss the royal foot that kicks them, and support the episcopal hand that loads them with chains, and immuies ihem in an inqnisition. Thus, by impor- tation, as well as by propagation, will our free, en- lightened, and independent population be extended to South America on the one part, and the Pacific Ocean on the other. Although at present the peo- ple of Spanish America are permitted by Heaven to be unfortunate, and are forced to serve their op- pressors, in order, when they are delivered there- from, they may duly appreciate the intrinsic value of civil and religious liberty. Yet I firmly believe the day is not far distant when they will rise supe- rior to their present tyrants, and become a sister republic, adopting our institutions and government. Thus, in my opinion, will all America be rtivolu- tionized, north and south, from the frigid to the torrid zone, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific Oceans. Those who feel disposed to laugh at this (as they will think) premature hypothesis, will please to remember what the Jb?liropean nations were when the Roman commonwealth was in the full tide of its glory, and now contrast the one with the other : so great \viU be the dissimilarity between the Eu- ropean and American states in following years. The American nation will not only be the most potent and enlightened, but also the most singular nation that is, or ever was on earth ; while the Eu- ropean villas will become jungels for wild beasts — the American wilderness will blossom like the rose —-flourishing cities will be erected on the shores of the Pacific as on the Atlantic Ocean, and an inland passage established of three thousand miles between O ( 158 ) thenl : — the natives thereof will be instructed, not by the votaries of bigotry and superstition, and the slaves of priest anu king- craft, as the aborigines of Europe originally were, b^it by the free-born, the liberal, the enlightened sons of liberty and Colum bia : and as our ships no\^ plougn the /vtiantic, so will they in following years plough the Pacific Ocean. — Our land will extend to all climates, and our ^^ bits of striped bunting^'' wave wherever the billows roll or winds can wave them : then will England be, at least in a naval point of view, what Carthage is now, and America what England is now. However, let this hypothesis be as it may, I devoutly pray that the light of religious and po- litical knowledge may shine upon ail men who wish to be free and independent, and who feel disposed to worship uq king but the King of Heaven, and pay homage to no priest but our blessed Redeemer, the high priest of our holy religion. But to re- turn : — I would beseech both of the great political parties in the United States, to learn from the for- bearance of God to them to bear with one another : let the demo's of the south, when they are nbout dealing political anathemas to their brethren of the east, let them remember Bunkers-hill, and be mild and moderate in their animadversions, and noti punish or wish to punish the innocent with the guilty ; and even the subsequent vice of a delin- quent should not totally obliterate his antecedent virtue. Mild words and kind expostulations will metamorphosis an enemy to a friend, and vice versa, with bitter words of reproach and calumny. A WORD TO THK Federalists of Massachusetts. Perhaps no state in the union contributed more largely and invincibly to establish the liberty and independence of the United States than your state. Then let not the imperfection of the men in power cause you to oppose the government your fathers died to establish; use all constitutional means to correct abuses, but no violent means. He who is not willing to submit to a government established and supported by the majority, is- not a true repub- lican, profess what he may ; and should not the federalists in power in Massachusetts use political moderation themselves, while they declaim against the intolerance of the democrats in power in the district of Columbia ? Surely they should. A con- trary line of conduct will have a direct tendency to hurl them from office, or otherwise cause their en- terprising and valuable opponents to emigrate to other states more congenial to their principles, and favourable to their talents. This they have done and are still doing : — I mean emigrating from the eastern to the western states ; and this is a \cTy se- rious evil, and pregnant with the must fatal conse- quences to the eastern states, which 1 tremble to think of, much more to express. From such fatal consequences good Lord deliver us. The federalists now in power in Massachusetts by acting intolerant, will give the lie in form to the assertions of all the federalists in the union, and be a burlesque on their collective pretensions. It will cause all people who have common sense to dread and despise them, because every body knows that ( 160 ) if all the state legislatures, opposed tlie general gov- ernment as that of Massachusetts unhappily have done during the late war ; the republicans of the United States, would be this day in the same la- mentable state as those of Spanish America now are in, and the bloody standard of despotism would now surmount the ^^bits of striped bunting^'' through- out the United States, and the last remains of civil and religious freedom would l^e exterminated from the face of the earth. A WORD TO THE POPULATION OF MASSACHU- SETTS IN GENERAL. Your wealth, your numbers, your talents, your private virtues ; but above all, the distinguished, the honourable, the successful part you acted in the revolution, entitle you to a large share of influ- ence in the national legislature. This influence you have totally lost ; investigate and remove the cause that has produced this unplea- sant and mortifying effect. You say the constitution of the United States is defective. If sO, the proper mode of amendment is at hand, and ready provided; let these defects be exhihited in a constitutional manner, and let the majority correct them, if real, and if only supposed, let the minoiTty submit to the decision of the majority as they are in duty bound, agreeable to the fundamental principles of republi- canism. THE PEOPLE OF NEW-ENGLAND COLLECTIVELY, I would entreat to remember the valour of their departed i)arents, and the guardian care of their heavenly Parent in "the times that tried men's souls," and show their gratitude by properly appre- ciating and protecting the liberty they purchased with their blood. A vaunt then, all party prejudices, ( 161 ) and let the sons of the north join their brethren of the south, in returning the grateful tribute of thanks- giving to our Almighty Sovereign, for tlie recent restoration of an honourable peace. Let us all re- joice in the happy result of the contest in w hich we were engaged. The rights and honour of the re- public, have been maintained under peculiar disad- vantages. The w(yr\d has seen what we have done with one hand, and they know what we could do with both. The energies, the public spirit, the unexampled valour of the sons of liberty at a time of arduous trial, have been unfolded, and will, no doubt, in future guard us from the insult and in- jury which previously were heaped upon us by the belligerents till the cup of our patient endurance was full and running over. Let us all, now peace is restored, prove faithful to the federal union, re- verence the laws, and look down local prejudice and political intolerance, seeing " we arc all repub- licans, all federalists." Let all tories, monarchists and aristocrats in this free country, be considered as snakes in the grass, or like the dog in the man- ger. If they will not enjoy the blessings of civil liberty themselves, let them not at their peril at- tempt to rob their neighbours of this sacred bles- sing. And if they wish for royalty, let them cross the'^Atlantic, and there enjoy it in superabundance, and there worship their kings and priests as much as they choose. Oh ! people of the United States, let us all with one accord recapitulate the mercies of our gracious King, that our hearts may be en- flamed with supreme gratitude to him. 1 hear, or mtthinks 1 hear, the true American repeating the following soliloquy, or acknowledgment of the di- vine bounty to these United States, with sentiments of unfeigned gratitude. O 2 ( 162 ) " Yes, I humbly acknowledge that no people on earth ought to feel greater obligations to celebrate the goodness of the great disposer of events, and of the destiny of nations, than the people of the United States. His kind Providence originally conducted them to one of the best portions of the^ dwelling place, allowed for the great family of the human race. He protected and cherished them, under all the difficulties and trials to which they were exposed in their early days. Under his fos- tering care, their habits, their sentiments, and their pursuits, prepared them for a transition in due time, for a state of independence and of self government. In the arduous struggle by which it was attained, they were distinguished by multiplied tokens of his benign interposition. During the interval which succeeded, he reared them into the strength, and endowed them with the resources, which have en- abled them to assert their national rights, and to enhance their national character, in another arduous conflict, which is now happily terminated, by a peace and reconciliation with those who have been our enemies. And to the same Divine Author of every good and perfect gift, we are indebted for all those privileges and advantages, religious as well as civil, which are "so richly enjoyed in this favoured land. " If there is a country on earth, since the days of the ancient Jews, that may be styled happy, it is the territory occupied and inhabited by the people of the United States of America. It is a country (including Louisiana) of great extent, embracing every desirable degree of climate, and containing all the varic ties of soil. It produces in abundance all kinds of nourishing grain, vegetables, fruits, and mineral substances. Animals of every tribe flour- ish and luxuriate in its extensive pastures. Man ( 163 ) (by divine bounty) the Lord of the inferior creation here rears his head with becoming dit^nitv. " Unawed by the arbitrary mandate of a master, uncramped by the imperious will and command ol a tyrant, he can call himself and his possessions his 0XV71, The operations of his mind are free ; he can reason upon the subjects of religion and civil gov- ernment and publish his sentiments without con- trol ; and choose his own religion and his ow n le- gislator ; without being compelled to support a sect or profession he cannot with a good conscience embrace, or to obey a law that he has not by his representatives given his consent to. *' Other nations may be mentioned, who possess a fine climate, a rich soil, valuable produce of every kind ; but divested of the civil and religious rights of man, The poor inhabitant Sighs, in the nndst of nature's bounties curst. And in the gen'rous vineyard dies for tliirst ! " Where is the country (America excepted) diat possesses a free representative government. W'lurc is the country, that is not more or 4ess encumbered with a civirestablishment in religion It is tiie peculiar excellence of the American Constitution, that it not only possesses a general representative government, but that every particular state has its own distinct legislature within itself. This pre- serves a proper eqniliorium, answers every pur})0se of security, protection and dt fence, and seems to promise stabilitv and long duration.— America ha^ set an instructive example to the world, that religion mav exist, may prosper and flouribh, without the aid 'of a civil es'tablishment. How many churches { 164 ) have been erected, and are supported in this city, and elsewhere, by the voluntary donations and con- tributions of individuals. How pleasing, how ex- ceedingly gratifying is it to a generous and philan- thropic mind to behold them all on an equal foot- ing — to think that the richest and most numerous sects enjoy no legal privileges or prerogatives above the smallest and the least opulent, that none are guarded by test or corporation acts, that none exist only by connivance or permission, that all are equal- ly under the protection of the laws of the state,- and that intoleration is unknown in this happy country* *' It was God who preserved and protected the first settlers in this country, when they were com- paratively few, and struggling almost under unsur- mountable difficulties. Under his guardian and fos- tering hand they grew up and flourished, and con- verted woods and deserts into fruitful lands. It was God who carried our countrymen honourably and succebstully through the hard and difficult trials and conflicts of the revolutionary vi^ar. He saved them with a mighty salvation. He was the shield of their help and the sword oj^ their excellency. It was God who inspired and directed their wise men to form good and estimable Constitutions, and es- tablish a system of civil and religious Hberty which may jusdy challenge the admiration of the world. It was the same almighty and merciful Being who saved us in the late war, who covered the heads of our dear countr) men in the day of battle, infused courage, skill and activity into the minds of our warriors by sea and land, and granted us so many splendid victories over our enemies. This salvation appears still the more illustrious when we take into consideration, that by a strange and unexpected revolution in the affiiirs of Europe, the most war~ ( 165 ) like and best disciplined troops of a powerful na- tion, highly exasperated, were sent against us, and vet were foiled and defeated in repeated actions, by inen lately raised and little accustomed to martiul operations." . , These are only a lew of the many mercies and favours conferred upon our country by a knul Providence, for which may we ever prove gratelui. As our limits will not permit us to enlarge wc will briefly exhibit a glimpse or specimen o the AmericanVictorieson Land, on the Lakes, and on the Ocean : particularly the gal ant defence o No - Orleans, of the frigate President, and the MCtorj o^i Lake Erie. It would take a folio volume to contain a de iled account of all the distinguished vktories that crowned the American ^^^^ W war • but as they are fresh in the memories ot my ead;rs In gener'al, and as a volunu- is .k.w pub Ikhimr with a detailed account thcreol, t u .11 e sSfl"o- for me to particularise ^^^^^^'^^ as^a specimen of the valour and patriotism of the American people. BATTLE OF NEW OULE ANS. enemy had been actmly ennplo^^d '" - ,^ '>,J ,,, parations Tor an attack un m - Lbour they had succecoed on Uk mgni o ( 166 ) in getting their boats across from the lake to the river, by \vidtiiing and deepening the canal on which they had effected their disembarkation. It had not been in my power to impede these opera- tions by a general attack ; added to other reasons, the nature of the troops under my command, mostly militia, rendered it too hazardous to attempt extensive offensive movements in an open country, against a numerous and well disciplined army. Although my forces, as to number, had been in- creased by the arrival of the Kentucky division, my strength had received very little addition ; a small portion only of that detachment being pro- vided with arms. Compelled thus to wait the at- tack of the enemy, 1 took every measure to repel it when it should be made, and to defeat the object he had in view. General Morgan, with the Or- leans contingent, the Louisiana militia, and a strong detachment of the Kentucky troops, occupied an entrenched camp on the opposite side of the river, protected by strong batteries on the bank, erected and superintended by commodore Patterson. In my encampment every thing was ready for action, when, early on the rnorning of the 8th, the enemy, after throwing a heavy shower of bombs and Congreve rockets, advanced their columns on my right and left, to storm my entrenchments. I cannot speak sufficiently in praise of the firmness and deliberation with whicli my whole line re- ceived their approach — more could not have been expected from veterans inured to war. — For an hour, the fire of the small arms was as incessant and severe as can be imagined. The artillery, too, directed by officers who displayed equal skill and courage, did great execution. Yet the columns ( 167 ) uF the enemy continued to advance with a firm- ness which reflects upon them the greatest credit. Twice the column which approached me on my left was repulsed by the troops of Ciciura! Carroll, those of general Coftcc, and a division of Kentucky militia, and twice they formed again and renewed the assault. At length, however, cut to pieces, they fled in confusion from the field, leaving it covered with their dead and wounded. The loss which the enemy sustained on this occasion, cannot be estimated at less than 1500 in killed, woundtd and prisoners. Upwards of 300 have already been delivered over for burial ; and my men are still engaged in picking them up within my lines and carrying them to the point where the enemy are to receive them. — This is in addition to the dead and wounded whom the enemy have been enabled to carry from the field, during and since the action, and to those who have since died of the wounds they received. We have taken about 500 prison- ers, upwards of three hundred of whom arc wound- ed, and a great part of them mortally. My loss has not exceeded, and I believe has not amounted to ten killed, and as many wounded. Tlie entire destruction of the enemy's army was now inevita- ble, had it not been for an unfortunate occurrence which at this moment took place on the other side of the river. Simultaneously with his advance up- on my lines, he had thrown over in his boats a considerable force to the other side of the river. These having landed, were hardy enougli to ad- vance against the works of General Morgan ; and, what is strange and difficult to account for, at the very moment when their entire discomfiture was looked for with a confidence approaching to cer- ( i^s ) taint}', the Kentucky reinforcements, in whom so much reliance had been placed, ingloriously fled, drawing after them, by their example, the remain- der of the forces : and thus yielding to the enemy that most important position. The batteries which had rendered me, for many days, the most import- ant service, though bravely defended, were of course now abandoned ; not however until the guns had been spiked. This unfortunate rout had totally changed the as- pect of aftiiirs. The enemy now occupied a position from which they might annoy us without hazard, and by means of which they might have been en- abled to defeat, in a great measure, the efforts of our success on this side of the river. It became, therefore, an object of the first consequence to dis- lodge him as soon as possible. For this object all the means in my power, which I could with any safety use, were immediately put in preparation. Perhaps, howevtr, it was owing somewhat to ano- ther cause that I succeeded even beyond my expec- tations. In negociaiing the terms of a temporary suspension of hosiiiities to enable the enemy to bury their dead, and provide for their wounded, 1 had required certain j)ropositions to be acceded to as a basis, among which this was one — that although hostilities should cease on this side of the river until 12 o'clock of this day, yet it was not to be under- stood that they should cease on the other side ; but that no reinforcements should be sent across by either army until the expiration of that day His ex- cellency major general Lambert beg.e:ed time to .con- sider of those propositions until lOo'clock of lo-day, and in the mean time re- crossed his troops. I nted not tell you with how much eagerness 1 immedi- ( 169 ) ately regained possession of tlie position he had thus hastily quitted. The enemy havintr concentrated Ills forces, may agam attempt to drive me from m}- position by storm. Whenever he does, I have no doubt my men will act with their usual firmness, and sustain a character now become dear to them. I have the honour to be, with great respect ^ Your obedient servant, ANDREW JACKSON, Major General Commanding, Head Quarters, left bank of the Mississippi. Five miles below JVew Orleans, January 10, 1815. Sir — I HAVE the honour to make the following repvjrt of the killed, wounded and prisoners taken at the battle of Laron's plantation, on the left bank of the Mississippi, on the night of the third of De- cember, 1814, 7 miles below New Oilcans. Killed, left on the field of battle, - 100 Wounded, left on the field of battle, 280 Prisoners taken — 1 major, 2 lieuten- ants, 1 midshipman, 66 non-com- missioned officers and privates, making a grand total of 4(X). I have the honour to be, sir, very respectfully, Your obedient servant, A. P. HAYNE, Lisp. Gen. Major General Jndrew Jackson, commanding the Army of the Mississippi. P FURTHER PARTICULARS. rnbu of a Letter from a gentleman in N. Orleans, ^•^ to a member of Congress. JVew Orleam, Januarn 13, 1815. Dear Sin~KNOWING the interest you must feel in the movements of the enemy '" *is qu W I will now cominue my account up to this date. In mv last I mentioned a reinforcement daily ex- pec7d by the enemy, which 1 now ""derstand wa« at that time actually received by them at Cat Island, having arrived ina fleet of twenty-one sail, said to be t"o!n Portsmouth.-This force is said to consist of 3000 men, and to be commanded by gen-^-""- bert, and probably forms the first brigade oi their pre- sent army On the 6th these troops were disenibark. ed at the Bayou Benvenu. The enemy had now remained quiet for three or four days, keeping us m a state of uneasy suspense and fearful uncertainty. During this ominous interval, part of their forces was cmnloved in preparing scaling ladders, and collect- ing faicincs (made of sugar canes) for their intend- ed assauk upon our lines, while others were diggmg a canal, communicating with that through which they entered, and extended to the levee, which, on the evening of the 7th, was cut through to ad- mit the river. Through this canal they floated or drao-eed 24 of their smaller boats, supposed to con- tain" 25 men each, and thus transported about 6Q0 men to the opposite side of the river, some distance below tlie spot where we had constructed our bat- teries. These troops, under the command of colo- ( 171 ) nel Thornton, were intended to make a dash at our batteries, and create a diversion on that side of ilic river, while the main attack was carried on this side. Accordingly, before day-light, on the niorninJV of the 8th, they silently drew out a large force to storm our liiiCs, their columns advancing uupcrceiv- ed in the obscurity of the morning, to within about half a mile of our camp, where they met, and d ove in our piquet guard. About da} -break they advanced with great vivacity to the entrenchnKuts, led gallantly on by their officers up to the very muzzles of our guns. Some of their men pene- trated into our lines, where they were immediately killed or taken prisoners; many fell mounting the breast works ; others upon the works themselves, and the ditch in front, was, in many places, literally filled with dead and wounded. The roar of ar- tillery from our lines was incessant, while an unre- mitted rolling fire was kept up from our muskets. The atmosphere was filled with sheets of fire, and volumes of smoke. For an hour and a quarter the enemy obstinately continued the assault ; fresh men constantly arriving to fill up their lines, thinned by our fire. Their determined perseverance and steady valour, were worthy a better cause ; nor did their troops faulter, until almost all the officers who led them on, had fallen. They then retreated, leav- ing from 1500 to 2000 in killed, wounded and pri- soners — in this number are included tliirty-nine of- ficers. On our side the loss was confined to about 20 men, 7 only of whom were killed. Though our extreme right was attacked with great vivacity, yet the principal assault was made on our left, where General Coffee^s brigade of riflemen were stationed, and the carnage there was prodigious. ( 172 ) Our men, covered by their breastworks, took steady ?"d TeUberate aim,\nd almost every she to,d The enemy drew out eight regiments to the attacK, .^mated by the presence of their commander in chXPackenham, and led on by geiierals Gibbs andkean. The two former were killed, and the S general Kean was wounded, they acknowledge the loss of 3000 men in this conflict. An Interesting account of the Naval Conflict on LAKE ERIE. COMMODORE PERRY arrived at Erie in June with five small vessels, from Black Kock.— The Queen Charlotte and Lady Prevost were cruising off Long Point to intercept J"m-he pass ed them in the night unperceived. The Lawrence and Niagara were then on the stocks— every exer. tion was made to expedite their buildmg and equip- ment, and early in August they were ready to sail. But it was necessary to pass the bar at the entrance of the harbour, over which there was but «x teet water, and the brigs drew nine. The British fleet appeared off the harbour, for the purpose of pre- venting our's from going to the lake f— 1 he means employed by our officers to take the brigs over the bar, was ingenious and deserve mention. Iwo large scows, 'fifty feet long, ten feet wide, a"d eight feet deep, were prepared— they were first filled with water and then floated along side one of the vessels in a parallel direction ; they were then secured by means of larsre pieces of hewn timber placed ath- wart ship, with both ends projecting from the port ( 173 ) holes across the scows; the space between the tim- bers and the boat, being secured by otlicr i)icces properly arranged ; the water was then bailed liom the scows, thereby giving them an astonibhiug lift- ing po^ver. It was thus that the bar was passed, before the enemy had taken the proper steps to oj)- pose it. One obstacle was surniountccl, but the fleet was not in a condition to seek the cncniv at Maiden. There was not at this time more than' hall* sailors enough to man the fleet. However, a num- ber of Pennsylvania militia having volunteered their services, the Commodore made a short cruise off Long Point, more perhaps, for the purpose of ex- ercising his men, than seeking an enemy. About the last of Auurust Commodore Perrv left Erie, to co-operate with genenil Harrison in the re- duction of Maiden. He anchored ofl the mouth of Sandusky river, and had an interview with general Harrison, who furnished him with about seventy volunteers, principally Kentuckians, to serve as ma- rines on board the fleet. Capt. Dobben, in the Ohio, was ordered to return to Erie for provisions. The Amelia had been left there for want of men to man her. Exclusive of these he had nine sail, mounting in all flfty-four guns. The British fleet at Maiden, consisted of six sail, and mountii>g sixty- six guns. Commodore Perry appeared before Maiden, offer- ed battle, recoimoitered the enemy and retired to Put-in-Bay, diirty-five miles distant from liis anta- gonist. Both parties remained a few days ir.aetive; but their repose was that of the lion. On the morning of the 10th September, at sun< rise, the enemy were discovered bearing down from Maiden for the evident purpose of attacking our squadron, then at anchor in Put-in-Bay. Not a mo- P 2 ( 174 ) ment was to be lost. Our squadron immediately got under way, and stood out to meet the British fleet, which at this tune had the weather gage. At 10 A. M. the wind shifted from S. W. to S. E. which brought our squadron to windward. The wind was light, the day beautiful — not a cloud ob- scured the horizon. The line was formed at 11, and Commodore Perry caused an elegant flag, which he had privately prepared, to be hoisted at the mast head of the Lawrence ; on this flag was painted, in characters legible to the whole fleet, the dying words of the immortal LAWRENciz : — ''DON'T GIVE UP THE SHIP. " Its effect is not to be described — every heart was electrified — the crews cheered — the exhilarating can was passed. Both fleets appear- ed eager for the conflict, on the result of which so much depended. At 15 minutes before 12, the De- troit, the head- most ship of the enemy, opened upon the Lawrence, which for ten minutes, was obliged to sustain a well directed and heavy fire, from the enemy's two large ships, without being able to re- turn it with carronades ; at five minutes before 12 -the Lawrence 0[>ened upon the enemy — the other vessels was ordered to support her, but the wind was at this time too light to enable them to come up. Every brace and bowline of the Lawrence being soon shot away, she became unmanageable, and in this situation she sustained the action upwards of two hours, within canister distance, until every gun was rendered useless, and but a small part of her crew left unhurt upon deck. At half past two the wind increased and enabled the Niagara to come into close action — the erun- boats took a nearer position. Commodore Per- ry left his ship in charge of Lt. Yarnel, and went on board the Niagara. Just as he reached th^it ( 175 ) vessel, the flag of the Lawrence came down ; the crisis had arrived. Capt. EUiot at this moment an- ticipated the wishes of the commodore, by volun- teering his services to bring the schooners iiito close action. At forty-five minutes past two the signal was made for close action. The Niagara l^eing little in- jured, and her crew fresh, the commodore deter- mined to pass through the enemy's line ; he accord- ingly bore up and passed aliead of the Detroit, Queen Charlotte, and Lady Prevost, pouring a tcr- rible raking fire into them from the starboard guns, and on the Chippeway and Little Belt, from the lar- board side, at half pistol shot distance. The small vessels at this time having got within grape and canister distance, kept up a well directed and de- structive fire. The action now raged with the, great- est fury — the Queen Charlotte having lost her com- mander and several of her principal officers, in a moment of confusion got foul of the Detroit— in this situation the enemy in their turn had to sustain a tremendous fire without the power of returning it with much effect; the carnage was horrible- the flags of the Detroit, Queen Charlotte, and Lady Prevost, were struck in rapid succession. The brig Hunter, and schooner Chipjx^way, ^^ere scK)n com- pelled to follow the example. The Little Belt at- tempted to escape to Maiden, but she wis i ur.-.ued by two of the gun-boats and surrendered about three miles distant from the scene of action. The writer of this account, in company with fiy« others, arrived at the head of Put-in-Bay island, on the evening of the 9th, and had a view of the action at the distance of only ten miles. The spectacle was truly grand and awful. The firing was incessant for tlie space of three hours, and continued at short i»- ( 176 ) tervals forty-five minutes longer. In less tlian one hour after the battle began, most of the vessels of both fleets were enveloped in a cloud of smoke, which rendered the issue of the action uncertain, till the next morning, when we visited the fleet m the harbour on the opposite side of the island. Ihe reader will easily judge of our solicitude to learn the result. There is no sentiment more paintul than suspense, when it is excited by the uncertain issue of an event like this. ^ x,r . .. If the wind had continued at S. W. it was the intention of Admiral Barclay to have boarded our squadron ; for this purpose he had taken on board his fleet about two hundred of the famous 41st re- eiment ; they acted as marines and fought bravely, but nearly two-thirds of them were either killed or wounded. , . ,. . The carnage on board the prizes was proaigious —they must have lost two hundred in killed be- sides wounded. The sides of the Detroit and Queen Charlotte were shattered from bow to stern ; there was searcely room to place one's hand on their lar- board sides without touching the impression ot a shot -a s-reat many balls, canister and grape, were found lodged in their bulwarks, which were too thick to be peneti'ated by our carronades unless within pistol shot distance. Their masts were so much shattered that they fell overboard soon alter they eot into the bay. The loss of the Americans was severe, particu- larly on board the Lawrence. When her flag was struck she had but nine men fit for duty remaining on deck. Her sides were completely riddled by the shot from the long guns of the British ships. Her deck the morning after the conflict, when 1 tirst went on board, exhibited a scene that defies descnp- ( 177 ) tion — for it was literally covered with blood, which still adhered to the plank in clots — brains, hair and fragments of bones were still sticking to the rigging and sides. The surgeons were still busy with tl^ wounded — enough ! horror appalled my senses. Among the wounded were several brave fellows, each of whom had lost a leg or an arm — they ap- peared cheerful and expressed a hoiK" that they had done their duty. Rome and Sparta would have been proud of these heroes. It would be invidious to particularize instances of individual merit, where every one so nobly per« formed his part. Of the nine seamen remaining un- hurt at the time the Lawrence struck her flag, five were imnediately promoted for their unshaken firm- ness in such a trying situation. The most of these had been in the actions with the Gurriere and Java. Every ofliicer of the La^vrence, except the com- modore and his little brother, a promising youth, 13 years old, were either killed or wounded. The efficacy of the gun-boats was fully proved in this action, and the sterns of all the prizes l)car am- ple testimony of the fact. They took raking posi- tions and galled the enemy severely. The L .dy Prevost lost twelve men before either of the brigs fired on her. Their fire was quick and precise. Let us hear the enemy. The general order of adjutant general Baynes, contains the following words : '* His (Perry's) numerous gun boats, (four,) which had proved the greatest annoyance during the action, were all uninjured." The undaunted bravery of Admiral Barclay en- titled him to a better fate ; to the loss of tlie day was superadded grievous and dangerous wounds. He had before lost an arm ; it was now his hard for- tune to lose the use of the other, by a shot wluch ( 178 ) carried away the blade of the right shoulder; a canis- ter shot made a violent contusion in his hip ; his wounds were for some days considered mortal. Every possible attention was paid to his situation. When com. Perry sailed for Buffaloe, he was so far recovered that he took passage on board our fleet. The fleet touched at Erie. The citizens saw the af- fecting spectacle of Harrison and Perry leading the wounded British Hero, still unable to walk without help, from the beach to their lodgings. On board of the Detroit, twenty-four hours after her surrender, were found snugly stowed away in the hold, two Indian Chiefs, who had the courage to go on board at Maiden, for the purpose of actmg as sharp shooters to kill our officers. One had the courage to ascend into the round top and discharged his piece, but the whizzing of shot, splinters, and bits of rigging, soon made the place too warm for him— he descended faster than he went up ; at the moment he reached the deck, the fragments of a seaman's head struck his comrade's face, and cover- cd it with blood and brains. He vociferated the savage interjection " quoth P' and both sought safe. ty below. . , , The British officers had domesticated a bear at Maiden. Bruin accompanied his comrades to bat- tie— was on the deck of the Detroit during the en- eag-ement, and escaped unhurt. The killed of both fleets were thrown overboard as fast as they fell. Several were washed ashore upon the island and the main during the gales that sue- ceeded the action. Com. Perry treated the prisoners with humanity and indulgence ; several Canadians having wives at Maiden, were permitted to visit their families on parole. ( 179 ) The British were superior in the length and num. her of their guns, as well as in the number of men. The American fleet was manned with a motley set of beings, Europeans, Africans, Americans from every part of the United States. Full one fourth were blacks. I saw one Russian, who could not speak a word of English. They were brave — and who could be otherwise under the comnumd of Perry? STATEMENT OF THE FORCE OF THE BRITISH SQIJADRON. Ship Detroit 19 guns 1 on pivot and 2 howilicrs. Queen Charlotte 17 do. 1 do. Schr. Lady Prevost 13 do. I do. 10 do. 3 do. 1 do. and 2 swivels. Brig Hunter Sloop Little Belt Schr. Chippeway 63 guns. STATEMENT OF THE FORCE OF THE UNITED STATES* SQUADRON. Brig Lawrence Niagara Caladonia Schr. Ariel Scorpion Somers Sloop Trippe Schr. Tigress Porcupine 20 guns 20 do. 3 do. 4 do. (Iburst early in the action) 2 do. 2 do. and 2 swivels. 1 do. 1 do. 1 do. 54 guns. ( 180 ) VICTORY BY LAND AND WATER. DEFEAT OF THE BRITISH ARMY AT PLATTSBURG. Copy of a letter from Gen, Macomb to his Father in Albany y dated Fort Moreau, September 12th, 1814. My dear Father,— The British army under Sir George Prevost, consisting of four brigades, each commanded by a major-general of experience— a light corps and squadron of dragoons, and an nn- mense train of artillery, invested us for six days, during which period our troops in small parties skirmished with them and took prisoners and killed many. Yesterday they opened their batteries on us with bombs, 24 prs. howitzers and rockets ; but we silenced the whole by six in the evening. Their fleet attacked ours at the same tmie, and after an engagement of two hours their large vessels all struck to our gallant commodore. The gallies ran off. The British commodore was slain, and the killed and wounded is numerous. Our loss is one lieutenant, and 15 killed, and one lieutenant, and 30 men wounded. The British army raised the sieg-e last night or rather this mornine:, at 2 o'clock ; and are now m full retreat, leaving on the field their wounded and sick. Sir George has requested me to treat them with humanity and kindness. Our whole force does not exceed 1500 effectives. I have sent the militia and my light troops m pursuit— they are constantly taking prisoners and sending in deserters — I am in hopes of destro) ing ftt least one third of the British army. 1 am m perfect health. My poor troops riic the remnant ol Gen. Izard's army, invalids and convalescents, ex- cept about 600 men. / am ill Jiaste^ bV. ALEXANDER MACOMB. Extract to the Editor of the Aurora, dated Eiirlington, September 12, 18 Ik " Yesterday, after an action of two hours, 5 mi- nutes, Macdonough beat and cajnurcd the British fleet, of a much superior force, on Lake Champlain — and this morning, at 2 o'clock, sir George Prc- vost raised the siege and al^andoned the field, leav- ing his dead and wounded." Capture of the Frigate Presuknt. OF all our conflicts on the ocean in the late war, I consider that in which this frigate was tiiken as the most heroic on the part of Commodore Decatur. Ahhough the li/in^ English journals UMi/ and tm- bkishinghj assert \hat the President was captured by the Endvmion ; and the merchants of Bcnnu- da, presented captain Hope, of the above Ir.gate, with a service of silver pLtc for so doing, ^^ hich he had the meanness to accept. Notwithstanding these mental and vocal lies it is a sttibborn ac^ that the Endvmion ^^^.s sdenced, dismantled, and fairlu BEATEN by the PresKlent. •^ '^Vith the exception of the ahen encmjes amongst us, who have been natnrahzed, in order He^spies: all persons heard o. the eve,U w.d^ mingled emotions of pnde and rcgret-pude that 'if' ( 182 ) tlie honour of our flag was gloriously sustained, and thirt the flag was not levelled to an equal foe—* regret that such skill and courage had such fearful odds to contend against, and that so niany brave fellows fell in such an unequal conflict. This is the third frigate that the enemy have ta- ken from us — the Chesapeake by a vessel of su- perior force; the Essex by two vessels carrying twice as many guns as she did ; and the President by three frigates and a 74 — all of them after long and bloody actions. We, on the other hand, have captured, three frigates, not with squadrons, but with single ships, of nearly, if not quite equal force ; the Giierrierey in a few minutes, and the Macedonian, in a few minutes, and the Java, after an action comparative- ly short, when contrasted with those in which the enemy succeeded. The honour of our flag, and our naval superiori- ty, ship to ship, far from" being sullied or doubted, are in this last instance exalted and confessed ; Europe will hear with astonishment, that a single frigate, just out of port, silenced one frigate, and was in the act of silencing the second, when the broadsides of another frigate and a 74 were found necessary in order to capture her. It would have been expecting too much, if one of the frigates, the largest, had claimed and taken the honour of sihgle combat — but if it had done so, and had triumphed, the victory would have been a proud one ; but very different is the event, it is such a tiiumph as brutal force may at any time enjoy over a comparatively weak and unprepared antagonist.'* OFFICIAL. Copy of a letter from Commodore Decatur, to tfw Secretary of the J^'avy, dated. H. B. J\[. ship Endi/iniorjf at sea, JmnuiTy IM, If^li Sir, — THE painful duty of detailing to you the particular causes which preceded and kd to the c.»p- ture of the late United States' frii^ate President, by a squadron of his B. Majesty's ships, (as j)er mar- gin,) has devolved upon me. In my communica- tion of the 14th I made known to you my intention of proceedini^ to sea on that evening. Owing to some mistake of the pilots, the ship in going out grounded on the bar, where slie continued to strike heavily for an hour and a half; althougli she had broken several of her rudder-braces, and had receiv- ed such other material injury as to render her return into port desirable, I was unable to do so from the strong westerly wind which was then blowing. It being now high water, it became necessary to force her over the bar before the tide fell, in this we sue- ceeded by ten o'clock, when we shaped our course along the shore of Long Island for 50 miles, and then steered S. E. by E. At 5 o'clock, three ships were discovered ahead ; we immediately hauled \\\> the ship and passed two miles to the northward of them. At day-light we discovered four ships in chase, one on each quarter, and t^\o asttrn, the leading ship of the enemy a razee— he commenced a fire upon us, but without effect. At meridian the wind became light and baffling, we had n^rt^as- ed our distance from the razee, but the next ship ( 184 ) astern, which was also a large ship, had gained and continued to gain upon us considerably ; we immediately occupied all hands to lighten ship, by starting water, cutting away the anchors, throw- ing o\erboard provisions, cables, spars, boats, and every article that could be got at, keeping the sails wet from the royals down. At 3 we had the wind fjuite light ; the enemy who had now been joined by a brig, had a strong breeze and were coming up with us rapidly. The Endymion (mounting iifty guns, twenty-four pounders on the main deck) had now approached us within gun-shot, and had commenced a lire with her bow guns, which we returned from our stern. At 5 o'clock she had obtained a position on our starboard quar- ter, within half point blank shot, on which nei- ther our stern nor quarter guns would bear ; we were now steering E. by N. the wind N. W. I remained with her in this position for half an hour, in ihe hope that she would close w^ith us on our broadside, in W'hich case I had prepared my crew to board, but from his continuing to yaw his ship to maintain his position, it became evident that to close was not his intention. — Every fire now cut some of our sails or riQ:Q:in2:. To have con- tinucd our course under these circumstances, would have been placing it in his power to crip- ple us, without being subject to injury himself, and to have hauled up more to the northward to bring our stern guns to bear, would have exposed us to his raking fire. It was now dusk, when I de- termined to alter my course south, for the pur- pose of bringing the enemy abeam, and although their ships astern were drawing up fast, I felt satis- fied 1 should be enabled to throw him out of the combat before they could come up, and was I 1B5 ) not without hopes if the nii^ht proved dark, (of which there was every appearance) that I mii^ht still be enabled to eHect my escape. Our oppo- nent kept off at the same instant we did, and our fire commenced at the same time. — We continu- ed engaged, steering south with steering sails set, two hours and a half, when we completely suc- ceeded in dismantling: her. Previouslv to her dropping entirely out of the action, there were in- tervals of minutes when the ships were broadside and broadside, in which she did not fire a gun. At this period (half past 8 o'clock) although dark, the other sliips of the squadron were in siglu, and almost within gun-shot. We were of course compelled to abandon her. In resuming our for- mer course for the purpose of avoiding the scjuad- ron, we were compelled to present our stern to our antagonist ; but such was his state, thougli we were thus exposed and within range of his guns for half an hour, that he did not -avail himscH" of this favourable opportunity of raking us. We continued this course until eleven o'clock, when two fresh ships of the enemy (the Pomona and Tenedos) had come up. The Pomona had open- ed her fire on the larboard bow, within musket- shot ; the other about two cables length astern, ta- king a raking position on our quarter; and the rest, (with the exception of the Kndymion) with- in gun shot. Thus situated, with about one fifih of my crew killed and wounded, my ship crippkd, and a more than fourfold force opposed to ine< without a chance of escape left, I deemed it my duty to surrender. It is with emotions of pride I fx\ir testimony of the gallantry and steadiness of every officer and man 1 hud the honour to command on tliis occa*- ( 18G ) sioii, and 1 Tcel satisfied that the fact of their hav- ing beaten a force equal to themselves, in the pre- sence and almost under the guns of so vastly a su- perior force, when too, it was almost self-evident, that whatever their exertions might be, they must ultimately be captured, will be taken as evidence of w hat they would have performed, bad the force opposed to them been in any degree equal. It is with extreme pain I have to inform you that lieutenants Babbit, Hamilton, and Howell fell in the action. They have left no officers of superior merit behind them. If, sir, the issue of this affair had been fortunate, I should have felt it my duty to have recommended to \our attention lieutenants Shubrick and Gal- lagher. They maintained throughout the day the reputation they had acquired in former actions. Lieut. Twiggs, of the marines, displayed great zeal, his men were well supplied and their fire in- comparable, so long as the enemy continued within musket range. Midshipman Randolph, who had charge of the forecastle division, managed it to my entire satis- faction. From Mr. Robinson who was serving as a volun- teer, I received essential aid, particularly after I was deprived of the services of the master, and the severe loss I had sustained in my officers on the quarter- deck. Of our loss in killed and wounded, I am unable at present to give you a correct statement ; the at« tention of the surgeon being so entirely occupied with ihe wounded, that he was unable to make out a correct return when I left the President, nor shall 1 be able to make it until our arrival in port we having parted company with the squadron yes- terday. The enclosed list, with the exception I ( 187 ) ^ fear of its being short of the number will l)e found correct. For twenty-four hours after the action it was nearly calm, and the squadron were occupied in re- pairin.^ the crippled ships. Such of the crew of the President as were not badly wounded, were put on board the different ships : mybeli' and a part of my crew WTre put on board this ship. On the ITtfi we had a gale from the eastward, when this ship lost her bowsprit, tore and mainmasts, and mlzen top- mast, all of which were badly wounded, and was in consequence of her disabled condition, oblii^ed to throw overboard all of her uj:)per deck guns ; her loss in killed and wounded must have been very great. I have not been able to ascertain the extent. Ten were buried after I came on board, (36 hours after the action ;) the badly wounded, such as are obliged to keep the.r cots, occupy the starboard side of the gun-deck, from the cabin bulk head to the inainmast. From the crippled state of the Presi- dent's spars, 1 feel satisfied she could not ha\e sa- ved her masts, and 1 feci serious apprehensions for the safety of our wounded left on board. It is due to captain Hope to state, that everi^ at- tention has been paid by him to myself and officers that have been placed on board his ship, tliat deli- cacy and humanity could dictiite. I have the honour to be with much respect, sir, your obedient servant, STEPHEN DECATUR. The Hon Benjamin W. Crowninahidd, Sci^retary of the Mzvy. British Squadron referred to in the l.etttr. Majestic, razee; Endymion, Foiugd€, TcaeUos, Dispatch, briir * ( 188 ) Copy of a letter from Com. Alexander Murray, presi- dent of a court of inquiry, lately held at New-York, to in- vestigate the causes of the capture of the United States' frigate President, to the secretary of the navy, dated, NeHi)-York, AtiriU 17, 1815. « Sir, — I herewith transmit to you the result of the court of inquiry, respecting the capture of the frigate President, with the opinion of the court. " We have been more minute in our investiga- tion than might at first view have been deemed ne- cessarv ; but as there has been a diversity of opi- nions prevailing among the British commanders, NOTE BY THE EDITOR. I feel inclined to give a particular account of the above conflict, as the foul and false tory journals of England pub- lish to the world that the President was fairly captured by the Endymion, than which a more impudent falsehood can- not be propagated I have copies of our other most dis- tinguished naval engagements, but postpone publishing them to miike room lor Mr. Cobbett's excellent letters, i feel a peculiar predilection for this gentleman (to whom I presented for publication the first piece 1 ever wrote for the press, seventeen years ago) because I know of no other journalist in all Europe who is either able or willing to vindicate injured innocence, and advocate the rights of man. Surely the whig citizens of London should collect among themselves and refund to this injured patriot the one thousand pounds he paid the king for declaring the truth Who can view with his intellectual eyes the debased and degraded state of the population of all Europe, with- out political, social, or even intellectual liberty or rights, and not venerate the man who endeavours to ameliorate the condition of perishing old age and starving infancy with the halter dangling before his eyes, held by the spirit of despotism in one hand, while in the other glitters the sword of vengeance, with the word treason written thereon. Many of our republican champions in the United States would lie dormant in England under similar di&couragemeniSo ( 189 ) concerned in her capture, it was desirahle irr oxir view, to lay before the w orld in the most correct manner, every circumstance that led to that events Iiidct d both England and America have cause to thank Mr. Cobbett, as also Mi Carey, author of the ** Olive Branch,'* who, under God, were lh« primary means of bringjint^ the late war to a sp* cdy conclusion Mr. Cob- bett clearly sees the wretched slavery oi the Europeans,, vvhi.e the knot of imperial, royal, and rit^ht lionMuruble villains at the Vienna congress are praiin,^ about the liber- ty of Europe, and the same moment are sharint^ the plun- der thereof, and dividing the people amont^ ilicm like a herd of swine. And there are tory villains in the United States will reverberate the p^olden lies of these royal wretches. Their tyranny and duplicity is enough to force a curse from holiness itself. I have seen with my own eyes the human species in Prussia, Russia, Ireland, and Spain, degraded almost as much as in Africa or the West- Indies, and this Mr. Cobbett is not afraid to testify. " The spirit of rapacity and plunder which prevailed in the dark ages of barbarism in the 1 1th century, is ab much the spirit of the governments of the coalesced powers at this day. " We have seen it in the repeated plunder and partition of Poland — in the war maintained for 25 years against France — and recently soberly debated at Vienna. *' The Germans, whether it be under the dominion of Austria or Prussia, are as much slaves as the poi tuje enem) , threatened with a force so superior, possessing advantages which must have appeared to render all opposition unavailing, otherwise than as it might affect the honour of our navy, and the character of our seamen. TIk y Ibught |with a spirit which no prospect of success could have heightened, and, if victory had met its com- mon reward, tlie Endymion's name would h;ivc been added to our lists of naval conqucbt^ In tiiis ( 192 ) unetiual conflict the enemy gained a ship, but the vicu'ry was ours. When the President was ob hged to leiive the Endymion to avoid the other ships, vhich were fast coming up, the Endynuon was subdued ; and if her friends had not been at haiid to rescue htr, she was so entirely disabled that she soon must have struck her flag. A prooi of this is that she made no attempt to pursue the President or to annoy her by a single shot while the i resi- dent was within her reach, when, with the hope ot escape from >he overwhelming force which was nearly upon her, the President presented her s era to the Endymion's broadside. A further proof that the Endvmion was conquered is, the shattered con- dition in' which she appeared, while the President in die contest with her had sustamed but little in- iurv ; and the foct that the Endymion did not jom ihe squadron till many hours after die President had been surrounded by the other lour enemy s ships, and had surrendered to them, is strong cor- , roborative evidence of the disabled state m which the President left the Endymion. We think it due to commodore Decatur ana Ills heroic officers and crew, to notice the propo- sition he made to board the Endymion, when he found she was coming up, and the manner m which this proposition was received by his gallant crew. Such a design, at such a time, could only have been conceived by a soul without fear, and appro- ved with enthusiastic cheerings by men regardless of danger. Had not the enemy perceived the at- tempt, 'and availed himself of the power he had in^ the carlv part of the action to shun the approach of the President, the American stars might now be shininsr on the Endymion. In the subsequent part of tlie cngugemeut the enemy's squadron was ( 193 ) too near to permit the execution of this design, and the disabled state of the Endymion ^vould Iiavc frustrated the principal object which commodore Decatur had in making so bold an attempt, which was to avail himself of the Endymion^ superior sailing to escape with his crew from his pursuers. We conclude by expressing our opinion that commodore Decatur, as well during the chase as through his contest with the enemy, evinced great judgment and skill, perfect coolness, the most de- termined resolution and heroic courage. That his conduct, and the conduct of his officers and crew, is highly honourable to them, and to the American na- vy, and deserves the warmest gratitude of their country. That they did not give up their ship tilf she was surrounded and overpowered b}- a force so superior that further resistance would have been un- justifiable and a useless sacrifice of the lives of brave men. The order of the secretary of the navy requires us to express an opinion as to the conduct of the offi- cers and crew of the President after tlie capture. The testimony of all the witnesses concurs in ena- bling us to give it our decided approbation. £1/ the Court, ALEX. MURRAY, Prcs't, True copy from the original. Cadwalader D. Golden, Judge Advocate, Navy Department, Jpril 20, 1815. APPROVED 1^^W. CROWNIXSHIELD. JR OFFICIAL ACCOUNTfe OF A FEW OF THE AIVIERICAN VICTORIES, ON THE OCEAN, DURING THE LATE WAR. United States' Frigate Constitution, off Boston Light. August SO, 1812. Sir, I have the honour to inform you that on the 19th instant, at 2, P. M. being in latitude 41 deg. 41 min. and longitude 5B deg. 48 min. with the Constitution under my command, a sail was discov- ered from the mast-head, beari ng E. by S. or E. S. E. but at such a distance we could not tell what she was. All sail was instantly made in chase, and soon found w^e came up with her. At 3. P. M, could plainly see that she was a ship on the star- board tack under easy sail, close on a wind — at half past 3, P. M. made her out to be a frigate — contin- ued the chase until we were within about three miles, when I ordered the light sails taken in, the courses hauled up, and the ship cleared for action. At this time the chase had backed her main-top- sail, waiting for us to come down. As soon as the Constitution was ready for action, I bore down with an intention to bring him to close action immediate- ly : but on our coming within gun shot, she gave us a broadside, and filled away and wore, scivins: us a broadside on the other tack, but without effect, her shot falling short. She continued wearing and manoeuvring for about three quarters of an hour, to ( 195 get a raking position— but finding she could not, shr bore up and run under her top-sails and jib, \\iili tht wind on the quarter. I immediately made sail to bring the ship up uith her, and at five minutes be- fore 6, P. M. being along side within lialf pistol shot, we commenced a heavy fire from all cnu' guns, double-shotted with round and grape, and so well directed were they, and so warmly kept up, that in 16 minutes her mizen-mast went by the board, and his main.yard in the slings, and the hull, rigging, and sails, very much torn to pieces. The fire Was kepi up with equal warmth for 15 minutes longer, when his main-mast and fore-mast went, taking v.ith them every spar, excepting the bowsprit ; on seeing this we ceased firing ; so that in thirt}- minutes after wc got fairly along side of the enemy, sIk- suiRnckrcd, and had not a spar standing, and her hull below and above water so shattered, that a few more broadsides must have carried her down. After informing that so fine a ship as the Gucr- riere, commanded by an able and experienced officer, had been totally dismasted and otherwise cut to i)ie- ces, so as to make her not worth towing into port, in the short space of 30 minutes, you can ha\c no doubi of the gallantry and good conduct of the ofiicers and ship's company I have the honour to eonunand. Ii only remains, therefore, for me to assure you, that they all fought with great bravery ; and it gives me great pleasure to say, that from the smallest boy in the ship, to the oldest seaman, not a look of fear was seen. They all went into action giving three cheers, and requesting to be laid close alongside the enemy. Enclosed I have the honour to send you a list oi li.e killed and wounded on board the Constitution, and a report of the damages slie sustained — also a list of ( 196 ) killed and wounded on board the enemy, with his quarter bill, &c. I have the honour to be, with very great respect, sir, your obedient servant, ^ ISAAC HULL. The Hon. Paid Hamilton^ £s?c. %^c. Copy of a letter from Captain Jones, late ef the United States'* Sloop of War the Wasp, to the Secretary of the Navy, dated New^York, Nov. 24, 1812. Sir, I here avail myself of the first opportunity of informing you of the occurrences of our cruize which terminated in the capture of the Wasp on the 18th of October, by the Poictiers of seventy-four guns, while a wreck from the damages received in an engagement with the British sloop of war Frolic of twenty -two guns; sixteen of them thirty-two pound carronades, and four twelve pounders on the main-deck, and two twelve pounders, carronades, on the top-gallant-fore-castle, making her superior to us by four twelve pounders. The Frolic had struck to us, and was taken possession of, about two hours before our surrendering to the Poic- tiers. We had left the Delaware on the 13th. The 16th had a heavy gale, in which we lost our jib-boom and two men. Half past eleven on the night of the 17th, in the latitude of 37 degrees N. and longitude 65 degrees W. we saw several sail, two of them ap- pearing very large ; we stood from them for some time, then shortened sail and steered the remainder of the night the course we had perceived them on. At day light on Sunday, the 18th, we saw them ( 1^^7 ) ahead — gave chase, and soon discovered ihtni to be a convoy of six sail, under the protection of a sloop of war, four of them large ships mounting from six- teen to eighteen guns. At thirty-two minutes past eleven, A. M. wc engaged tlie sloop of ^\'ar, having first received her lire, at the distance of fifty or sixty yards, which space we gradually lessened un- til we laid her on board, after a well supported fire of forty-three minutes ; and although so near, while loading the last broadside, that our rammers were shoved against the side of the enemy, our men ex- hibited the same alacrity which thc}- had done dur- ing the whole of the action. They immcdiately surrendered upon our gaining their forecastle, so that no loss was sustained on either side after board- ing. Our main-top-mast was shot away between ibur and five minutes from the commencement of the firing; and falling, together w^ith the main-top-sail yard, across the larboard fore and ibre-top-sail bra- ces, rendered our head-yards unmanageable the re- mainder of the action. At eight minutes the gait .and mizen-top-gallant-mast came down, and al twenty minutes from the commencement of the ac- ' tion every brace and most of the rigging uas shot away. A few minutes after separating horn the Frolic both her masts fell upon the deck, the main- mast going close by the deck, and the lorc-mast 12 or 15 feet above it. n i n- i The courage and exertions of the oilieers and crew fully answered my expectations and nn ishes. Lieutenant Biddle's active conduct contnbuted much to our success, by tlie exact attention paid to everv department during thc enga.L.^cment and the Sting example he afforded the crew by his ,n- Sityf Lieutenants Rodgers, Booth, and M. R 2 ( 198 ) Rapp, shewed by the incessant fire from their divi- sions, that they were not to be surpassed in resolu- tion or skill. Mr. Knight and every other officer, acted with a courage and promptitude highly honour- able, and I trust have given assurance that they may be relied on whenever their services may be requir- ed, I could not ascertain the exact loss of the enemy, as many of the dead lay buried under the mast and spars that had fallen upon the deck, which two hours* exertion had not sufficiently removed. Mr. Bid- die, who had charge of the Frolic, states, that from what he saw, and from information from the officers, the number of killed must have been about thirty, and that of the wounded about fort}^ or fifty — of the killed is her first lieutenant and sailing master, of the wounded captain Whinyates and the second lieu- tenant. We have five killed and five wounded, as per list ; the wounded are recovering. Lieutenant Clexton, who was confined by sickness, left his bed a little previous to the engagement, and though too weak to be at his division, remained upon deck, and shewed by his composed manner of noting its inci- dents, that we had lost by his illness the services of a brave officer, I am, respectfully, yours, JACOB JONES. The Hon, Paul Hamilton^ Secretary of the Navy, { ^99 ) Letter from Commodore Decatur to the Secretary of the Navy. U. States' Ship ^United States^ at Sea, Oct, 30, 1812. Sir, I have the honour to inform you that on the 25th instant, being in latitude 29 deg. N. and lon- gitude 29 deg. 50 min. W, we fell in with, and af- ter an action of an hour and a half, captured his Britannic majesty's ship Macedonian, commanded by captain John Garden, and mounting 49 carriage guns (the odd gun shifting.) She is a frigate of the largest class, two years old, four months out of dock, and reputed one of the best sailers in the Bri- tish service. The enemy being to windward had the advantage of engaging us at his own distance, which was so great, that for the first half hour we did not use our carronades, and at no moment was he within the complete effect of our musquetry or grape — to this circumstance and a heavy swell, which was on at the time, I ascribe the unusual length of the action. The enthusiasm of every officer, seaman, and ma- rine, on board this ship, on discovering the enemy — their steady conduct in battle, and precision of their fire, could not be surpassed. W^hcre all met my fullest expectations, it would be unjust in me to discriminate. Permit me, however, to recom- mend to your particular notice my first lieutenant, William H. Allen. He has served with mc up- wards of five years, and to his unremitted exertions in disciplining the crcw% is to be imputed the obvi- ous superiority of our gunnery ( xhibited in the result of this contest. Subjoined is a list of the killed and wounded on both sides. Our loss, compared with tiiat of the { 200 ) enemy, will appear small. Amongst our wounded, you will observe the name of lieutenant Funk, who died a few hours after the action — he was an officer of great gallantry and promise, and the service has sustained a severe loss in his death. The Macedonian lost her mizen-mast, fore and main-top.masts and main yard, and was much cut up in her hull. The damage sustained by this ship was not so much as to render her return into port necessary, and had I not deemed it important that we should see our prize in, should have continued our cruise. With the highest consideration and respect, I am sir vour obedient humble servant, (Signed) STEPHEN DECATUR. Bon. Paul Hamilton^ ^c. Letter from Commodore Bainhridge to the Secreta- ry of the Navy. United States' Frigate Constitution, St. Salvadore.Jan. 3, 1812. Sir, , I have the honour to inform you, that on the 29th ult. at 2, P. M. in south latitude 13 deg. 6 min. and west longitude 38 deg. about ten leagues distance from the coast of Brazil, I fell in with and captured his Britannic majesty's frigate Java, of 49 guns, and upwards of 400 men, commanded by cap- tain Lambert, a very distinguished officer. The ac- tion lasted one hour SS minutes, in which time the enemy was completely dismasted, not having a spar of any kind standing. The loss on board the Con- stitution was nine killed and 25 wounded. The enemy had 60 killed and 101 wounded certainly, ( 201 ) (among the latter, captain Lambert mortally ;) but by the enclosed letter written on board this ship (by one of the officers of the Java,) and accidentally found, it is evident that the enemy's wounded must have been much greater than as above stated, and who must have died of their wounds previously to their being removed. The letter states 60 killed and 170 wounded. For further details of the action I beg leave to refer you to the enclosed extracts from my journal. The Java had, in addition to her own crew, upwards of 100 supernumerary officers and seamen to join the British ships of war in the East Indies ; also lieutenant-general Hislop, appointed to the com- mand of Bombay, major Walker and captain Wood of his staff, and captain Marshall^ master and com- mander in the British Navy, going to the East Indies to take command of a sloop of war there. Should I attempt to do justice by representation to the brave and good conduct of all my officers and crew, during the action I should fail in the attempt ; therefore, suffice it to say, that the whole of their conduct was such as to merit my highest encomi- ums. I beg leave to recommend the officers par- ticularly to the notice of government, as also the unfortunate seamen who were wounded, and the families of those brave men who fell in the action. The great distance from our own coast, and the perfect wreck we made the enemy's frigate, forbad every idea of attempting to take her to the United States, I had, therefore, no alternative I)ut burning her, which I did on the 3Ist ult. after receiving all the prisoners and their baggage, which was very tedious work, only having one boat left (out of eight,) and not one left on board the Java. On blowing up the frigate Java, I proceeded to ^ 202 ) this place, where I have landed all the prisoners on their parole, to return to England and there remain until regularly exchanged, and not to serve in their professional capacities in any place or in any manner whatever against the U. States of America, until their exchange shall be effected. I have the honour to be sir, with the greatest respect, (Signed) W. BAINBRIDGE. Letter from captain Lawrence to the Secretary of the Navy, U, States* Ship Hornet ^ Holmes* Hole, March 19, 1813. Sir, I have the honour to inform you of the arrival at this port of the United States ship Hornet, under my command, from a cruise of 145 days ; and to state to you, that after commodore Bain! jridi^e left the coast of Brazil, January Gth, I continutd off the harbour of St. Sulvadore, blockading the Bonne Citoyenne, until the 24th, when the Montag-ue, 74, hove in sight and chased me into theharbovrr ; but night coming on, 1 wore and stood out to th south- ward. Knowing that she had left Rio Janeiro for the ex()ress purpose of relieving the Bonne Citoy- enne and the packet (which I had also blockaded for 14 days, and obliged her to send her mail to Rio, in a l^ortuguese smack,) I judged it most prudent to shift my cruising ground, and hauled by the wind to the eastward, with the view of cruising off Per- nambucco, and on the 4th of February, captured the English brig Resolution, of 10 guns, from Rio Ja- neiro, bound to Moranham, with coffee, jerked beef, (; 205 ); flour, fustic, and butter, and about 23,000 dollars in specie. As she sailed dull, and I could not spare hands to man her, I took out the money and set her on fire. I then ran down the coast of Moranham, and cruised there a short time ; from thcj.ce ran off Surinam. After cruising off that coast from the 15th to the 22d of February, without meeting a vessel, I stood for Demarara, with an intention, should I not be fortunate on that station, to run through the West Indies, on my way to the United States. But on the 24th, in the morning, I disco- yered a brig to leeward, to which I gave chase — ran into quarter less four, and not having a pilot was obliged to haul off— the fort at the entrance of Dc- marara river at this time bearing S.W. distant two and a half leagues. Previous to giving up the chase I discovered a vessel at anchor without tlic bar, with English colours flying, apparently a brig of war. In beating around Carobana bank, in order to get at her, at half past 3, P. M. I discovered another sail on my weather quarter, edging down for us. At 20 mi- nutes past 4, she hoisted Enghsh colours, at \> hich time we discovered her to be a large man of war brig — beat to quarters, and cleared ship for action, and kept close to the wind, in order, if possible, to get the weather guage. At 10 minutes past 5, finding I could weather the enemy, I hoisted American co- lours, and tacked. At 25 minutes past 5, ni passing each other exchanged broadsides within hall pistol shot. Observing the enemy in the act of wearing, I bore up, received his starboard broadside, ran him close on board on the starboard quaner, and kepi up such a heavy and well directed fire, that in less than 15 minutes he surrendered (^ being literally cut to pieces,) and hoisted an ensign, union down, from his ' fore-rigging, as a signal of distress. Shortly alter her main-mast went by the board. Despatched lieutenant Shubrick on board, who soon returned with her first lieutenant, who reported her to be his Britannic majesty's late brig Pf ^o/^' 5°"^^ „^^ bv captain WiUiam Peake, who fell in the latter part of the action-that a number of her crew were killed and wounded, and that she was sinkmg last, having then six feet water in her ho d. Despatched the boats immediately for the wounded, and brought both vessels to anchor. Such shot holes as could be got at, were then plugged ; her guns thrown overboard, and every possible exertion used to keep her afloat, until the prisoners could >e reniov- ed, by pumping and bailing, but without effect, as S; unfortunately sunk in five and a half adioms water, carrying down 13 of her crew, and three of my bmve fellows, viz. John Hart, Joseph Wilhams, and Hannibal Boyd.-Lieutenant Conner, m.dsh^- man Cooper, and the remainder of W men^ ^'^- Soyed in removing the prisoners, with difficulty Sd themselves, by jumping into a boat that was Ivin? on her booms, as she went down. Four men of the 13 mentioned, were so fortu- nate as to gain the fore-top, and were afterwards taken off by the boats. Previous to her gomg down, four of her men took to her stern boat, that had been much damaged during the action, wno, 1 sin- cerely hope,' reached the shore m safety; but rom the heavy sea running at that time, the shattered state of the boat, and the difficulty ot landmg on the coast, I am fearful they were lost. I have not been able to ascertain from her officers the exact number killed. Captain Peake and four men were found dead on board. The master, one midshmman, carpenter, and captain's clerk, and 29 seamen were wounded ; most of them very seyerely, three ot ( 205 ) whom died of their wounds after being removed, and nine drowned. Our loss was trifling in com- parison, John Place killed, Samuel Coulsan, and John Dalrymple, slightly wounded ; Gtorgc Coffin and Lewis Todd, severely burnt by the explosion of a cartridge. Todd survived only a few days. Our rigging and sails were much cut. One shot through the foremast : and the bowsprit slightly in- jured. Our hull received little or no damage. At the time I brought the Peacock to action, the L'Ks- piegle (the brig mentioned as being at anchor) mounting 16 two-and-thirty-pound carronadcs and two long nines, lay about six miles in shore of me, and could plainly see the whole of the action. Ap- prehensive that she would beat out to the assistance of her consort, such exertions were made by my officers and crew in repairing damages, &:c. that by 9 o'clock my boats were stowed away, a new set of sails bent, and the ship completely ready for action. At 2, A. M. got under way, and stood by the wind to the northward and westward, under easy sail. On mustering next morning, found ^ve had two hundred and seventy-seven souls on board (includ- ing the crew of the American brig Hunter, of Port- land, taken a few days before by the Peacock.) As we had been on two-thirds allowance of provisions for some time, and had but 3400 gallons of water on board, I reduced the allowance to three pints a man, and determined to make the best of my way to the United States. The Peacock was deservedly styled one of l!ic finest vessels of her class in the Briti^,h navy. I should judge her to be about the tonnage of the Hornet, Her beam was greater by five inches ; but her extreme length not so great by four feet, bhc mounted sixteen 24.pound carronades, tAvo long S ( 206 ) . nines, one twelve-pound carronade on her top-gal- lant forecastle as a shifting gun, and one four or six- pounder, and two swivels mounted aft. I find by her quarter bills, that her crew consisted of 134 men, four of whom were absent in a prize. The cool and determined conduct of my officers and crew during the action, and their almost unex- ampled exertions afterwards, entitle them to my warmest acknowledgments, and I beg leave most earnestly to recommend them to the notice of gov- ernment. By the indisposition of lieutenant Stewart, I was deprived of the services of an excellent officer. — Had he been able to stand the deck, I am confident his exertions would not have been surpassed by any one on board. I should be doing injustice to the merits of lieutenant Shubrick, and acting-lieuten- ants Conner and Newton, were I not to recommend them particularly to your notice. Lieutenant Shu- brick was in the actions with the Guerriere and Java. Captain Hull and commodore Bainbridge can bear testimony to his coolness and good conduct on both occasions. I have the honour to be, sir, your obedient ser- vant, (Signed) JAMES LAWRENCE. Ho7u JViTi, JofieSf Secretary/ of the Navy. P. S. At the commencement of the action, my sailing master and seven men were absent in a prize: and lieutenant Stewart and six men on the sick list. As there is every prospect of the wind being to the eastward, in the morning I shall make the best of my way to New- York. ( 207 ) Copy of a letter from Capt. Hull to the Secretary of the jXuvy. Portland, Sept, 7, 1813. Sir, — I had the honour last evening to forward you by express, through die hands of commodore Bainbridge, a letter I received from Samuel Storer, Esq. navy agent at this place, detailing an account of the capture of the British brig Boxer by the U. States brig Enterprise. I have now to inform )-ou that I left Portsmouth this morning, and have this moment arrived, and as the mail is closing, I have only time to enclose you the report of lieutenant M'Call of the Enter- prise, and to assure you that a statement of the sit- uation of the two vessels as to the damage they have received, &c. shall be forwarded as soon as surveys can be made. The Boxer has received much damage in her hull, masts, and sails, indeed it was whh difficulty slie could be kept afloat to get her in. The Enterprise is only injured in her masts and sails. I have the honour to be, S;c. ISAAC HULL. The Hon. TFm. Jones, Sec'ry of the Navy, United States' Brig Enterprise, Portland, Sept. 7, 1813. Sir —In consequence of the unfortunate deaUi of lieutenant commandant William Burrows, late commander of this vessel, it devolves on me to ac- quaint you with the result of our cruise. Atter sail- il,g from Portsmouth on the 1st n.stant we steered to the eastward ; and on the morning oi the od, utt Wood Island, discovered a schooner, which wc ( 208 ) chased into this harbour, where we anchored. On the morning of the 4th, weighed anchor and swept out, and continued our course to the eastward. Having received information of several privateers being oft' Manhagan, we stood for that place ; and on the following morning, in the bay near Penguin Point, discovered a brig getting under way, which appeared to be a vessel of war, and to which w^e immediately gave chase. She fired several guns and btood for us, having four ensigns hoisted. After reconnoitring and discovering her force and the na- tion to which she belonged, we hauled upon a wind to stand out of the bay, and at 3 o'clock shortened sail, tacked and run down with an intention to bring her to close action. At twenty minutes after three, P. M. when within half pistol shot, the firing com- menced from both, and after being w^armly kept up, and with some manoeuvring, the enemy hailed, and said they had surrendered, about 4, P. M. their colours being nailed to the masts, could not be haul- ed dov^n. She proved to be his Britannic majesty^s brig Boxer, of 14 guns, Samuel Blythe, Esq. com- mander, \\ho fell in the early part of the engagement, having received a cannon shot through the body. And I am sorry to add that lietenant Burrows, who had gallantly led us to action, fell also about the same time by a musket ball, which terminated his existence in eight hours. The Enterprise suffered much in spars and rig- ging, and the Boxer both in spars, rigging, and hull, having many shots between wdnd and water. It would be doing injustice to the merit of Mr. Tillinghast, second lieutenant, were I not to men- tion the able assistance I received from him during the remiunder of the engagement, by his strict at- tention to his own division and other departments* ( 209 ) And the officers and crew generally, 1 am happy to add, their cool and determined conduct have my warmest approbation and applause. As no muster roll that can be fully relied on has come into my possession, I canuotexacll\ slalc the number killed on board the Boxer, but Irom inlor- mation received from the officers of that vessel, it appears there were between twenty and twenty. five killed, and fourteen wounded. I have the honour to be, &:c. EDWAUD R. M'CALL, Senior Officer, Isaac Hull, Esq. comtnanding Naval Officer, on the Eastern Station. Copy of a letter from Isaac Hull, Esq. commandinfr Naval Officer on the station East of Portsmouth, Neiv-Hampshire. United States JSavij lard, Portsmouth, Sept. 14, 1813. Sir _I have the honour to forward you by the mail, the'flags of the late British brig Boxer which were nailed to her mast-heads at the time she was captured by the United States brig Lnterpriv.. Great as the pleasure is that I derive irom per- forming this part of my duty, 1 ijcd not tell you how ddF.rent mv feelings would have been, could the gallant Burrows have had th,s honour He w.nt into action most gallantlv, and the d f- ference of injury done die two vessels proves how vour obedient servant, I^^AAC HULL. 'Hon. mn. Jones, Sec'rij ophe .\avy. b 2 ( 210 ) CONCLUSION. I cannot resist the inclination I feel to make room for an extract from another of Mr. Cobbeit's excel- lent letters to lord Castlercagh, on the late revolu- tion in France, hoping the reader may enjo\ the same delight on viewing a true statement of Euro- pean affairs as I have myself. In a country crouded with lying journalists, I cannot sufficiently admire one who exhibits the naked truth, although he has already suffered for so doing, two years imprison- ment and the forfeiture of a thousand pounds to the king of P^ngland. Peace ! Peace I TO LORD CASTLEREAGIL My Lord — THE grand event which has just taken place in France, and which is so well calcu- lated to convince all mankind of the folly as well as the injustice, of using foreign force for the purpose of dictating to a great nation who they shall have for their rulers, or what shall be the form of gov- ernment ; this grand event, instead of procuring such conviction in the minds of those persons con- nected with the London newspupers, magazines and reviews, who are called Cossack Writers ; so far from procuring such conviction in their minds, this grand event seems to have made them more eager than ever for interference in the domestic affairs of France ; and while the cries of our countrymen at New-Orleans are yet vibrating in our ears, these men are endeavouring to urge you and your col- leagues on to the sending of thousands upon thou- sands more of our men, and to expend hundreds of millions more of our money, in order to overset ( ^11 ) a government which the French nation love, and te compel them to submit to one which ihcy hate, or at least, despise, from the bottom of their hearts, and with unanimity absokitcly unparalleled. My Lord, if my advice had been lollowed, wc should have had no American war ; the 20 or 30,000 men, and the 50 or 60 millions of money, which that unfortunate war has cost us ; and which have only, as it turns out, created an American na- vy, and exalted the republic among the nations of the world, would all have been saved. The litera- ry Cossacks of London, were, 1 verily believe, the chief cause of war. They urged you and your colleagues on to the destruction of the ylmcrican FORM OF GOVERNMENT. Napoleon being, as they thought, down, never to rise again, they urged you to make war, till you had put do^vn James Madison^ and "delivered the world of the existence of that EXAMPLE of the suc- cess of DEMOCRATIC REBELLION." -Ab peace with Madison y^' wi\s their cry. Kill! kill! keep killing, till he is put down ! This was their incessant cry. And, in a short time after Napo- leon was exiled to the isle of Elba, these literary Cossacks published a paragraph, which they insert- ed in the report of the debates in the house of com- mons, as the report of the speech of sir Joseph Yorke, then and now one of the lords of the admi- ralty, in the following words : to wit — " Sir Joseph Yorke observed, that although one great enemy of this country, Bonaparte, had been deposed, there was another gentleman whose DETOSITION w^as only necessary to our interest ; he meant Mr. President Madison ; and with a view to that de- position, a considerable naval force must be kept up, especially in the Atlantic. But as to his hop- ( 212 ) ourablc friend's opinion respecting the reduction of the navy, he wished it to be considered that a num- ber of shipping were employed in conveying French prisoners to France, and bringing home our own countrymen. So much for the occupation of the navy on the home station. But from the Medi- terranean, for instance, several three deckers were ordered home, and he could aver that no practical exenion would be remitted to reduce the expense of our naval department." With what shame ! — with what sorrow, would these writers, iCthey had not lost all sense of shame, and all feeling for their country, now look back on tlieir conduct, at the time to which 1 am referring ! Instead of feeling shame for that conduct, they are now acting the same part over again ; they are now reviving all iheir old calumnies against the emperor Napoleon ; they are abusing the French army and the French people ; they are bestowing on them appellations almost too infamous to be repeated; and they are calHng upon you and your colleagues to make a war of extermination upon that people, unless they will receive and adopttheruler and the government appointed, or pointed out by England. These men calkd Mr. Madison a TRAITOR and a RI1.BEL ; and they are now calling Napoleon a TRAITOR and a' REBEL. They called the Americans slaves, villains, thieves ; and with these appellations with many others, not excepting cow- ards^ they are now bestowing on the French people ! — They now see you and your colleagues have found it necessary to make a treaty of peace and amity with Mr. Madibon, whom they called a trai- tor and a rebel ; but, these men are of that descrip- tion of fools to whom experience cannot teach wis- dom, and they are now repeating their cry 710 peace ( 213 ) xoith Xapoleon ; no peace till the Bourbons arc again on the throne of France : war w iih the French until they adopt a ruler in whom ive have confi- dence. l^JJter this introduction, the writer vjit/i /m usual acumen, expostulates with Lord Castlcrcai^h on the subject of a new French war.'\ But, my lord, long as this address to you alreudy is, there is one view of this impcndin;^ danger to which I must yet beg leave to call your serious at- tention. It is said that ** war will, as hitherto, favour our shipping and commercial interests, w hile our navy secures us the sovereignty of the seas^ And af- terwards it is said that our " manufactures will prosper with the continent of Europe and .hnerica open.'' Does not the very name of America, coupled with that of war in Europe, give rise to a thousand thoughts in the mind of your lordship '? Do you not see the rising navy in the mouths of the Sus- quehanna and Hudson ? In short, what English- man can look that way without alarm *? It is well known that our commerce and shipping, during the late war, were supported by the restrictions which our navy enabled us to impose on the com- merce and navigation of neutrals, and cspcci.'.lly on those of America. It is well known that, had we not claimed the sea as our own, and exercised our power accordingly, our commerce and naxigalion must have dwindled into a very small c omj)a5.s, and those of America would have swelled loan enormous size, while France, open to the shippmg and commerce of America, would have i xperienccd little injury from the po\\er of our navy. ( 214 ) Well, then, is it to be believed, when we look at the progress and conclusion of the American war, that we shall again attempt those restrictions on her commerce and navigation ? This is not to be be- lieved ; and if we were to attempt them, is it to be believed that we should not find America a party in the war against us ? — The late event in France will excite in America joy unbounded, and espe- cially amongst those against whom the malicious shafts of the editors of our newspapers were level- led. When they hear these men describe Napo- leon as a " traitor and a rebel,'' they will recollect that the very same men described the President, their constitutional chief magistrate, as a " traitor and rebel'' and that they called upon his fellow- citizens, who had freely chosen him, to depose him and kill him. The Americans, my lord, are not to « be made to believe that Napoleon has forced him- self upon the French nation ; they are not to be made to believe that he has none but the army on his side ; they are not to be made to believe that he is merely at the head of *' « band of Janissaries ;" they are not to be made to believe that, with a mere handful of soldiers, he could have marched from Cannes to Paris, unless he had been the man of the people ; they are. not to be made to believe that the Bourbons would have fled from a throne and from a sovereignty over thirty millions of people, unless they had been convinced that the people wcvq on the side of Napoleon ; they are not to be made to believe all or any of these things, but they will see in this event a proof of the fact, of which fact some of them before doubted, that Napoleon reigns in virtue of the love and choice of the French nation. The American government will, for a while at least, be disposed to remain at peace with us ; but ( 215 ) we may be well assured that it will never a,^aiii submit to any restrietions on its commeree and navigation, not warranted by the well known and universally aeknowledged laws of nations ; — and it w^ould not be at all surprising, if it should lean very strongly toward France, if we were to make war upon the latter for the purpose of dictating a gov- crmnent to her in direct opposition to her will, now so clearly declared. Here therefore, is a difficulty which we had not to contend with in the last war. — These prizes y which this writer holds out as a bait to our naval officers and their connections, would not be so nu- merous. Indeed they would be very few in num- ber The commerce of France would, to a great extent, be carried on in American ships. — America would be the carrier for both nations. The increase of her navigation, would signify nothing to France ; indeed France would rejoice at it, because it would be tremenduously dangerous to us. Let no flatterer persuade your lordslup, that the Americans are to be either ^vheedled or corrnpted, They love peace ; but they are n wise people, and they will well know that they m*ust provide for war. The last year has taught them that they must depend solely on their arms. They will remember the flames of Frcnchtown, Stoniiigton and Wash- ington. They will remember their sufferings from the hand of our Indian allies. I'hey will remember our considerins: their naturalized citizens as traitors. f CONCLUDING NOTE OF THE EDITOH. FROM the glimpse we have given of ihe religious and political delusion, and consequent misery, and degradation of the European population ; the free, enlightened, and independent American rea- der, may be inclined to pity, and despise the people who thus suf- fer themselv es to be degraded to beasts of burthen, by their Royal, Right Honourable, and Right Reverend Tyrants. They should in- deed be pitied, but not despised. Tears of compassion for them, atid tears of gratitude to God, should flow spontaneously from the eyes of every tree born American, when he beholds ihe deleterious clouds of error, whicJi the genius of smiling Liberty has for ever exterminated from his independent mind, but which she is prohi- bited, by the frowning spirit of despotism, from even attempting to exiciminate, from the debased minds of the wondering, cheated, king ridden, and priest ridden population of Euroj)e. While I piiy irom ray heart's core, those wretched and degraded millions, my breastswells with affection, gratitude and veneration for such men as Wdliam Cnbbett and Sir Fruncis Burdett, who have used their best and boldest endeavours to attenuate the miserable degradation, unt'.er wlacli they crouch> and have magnanimously endured the la.-n of despotism therefor, but that lash has not infiiced so bitter a pang, as ttie recollection that their patriotic labours and suHerings have all proved abortive. But let them he encouraged. The ray of pol t:cal light, they have displayed, will soon become a might/ flame — then, and not till then wdl a bold and valiaiit people break their epnemeral bonds and rise in all the majesty of their strength. Then will they think and wonder at the thought, that they were chanetl by local and l<)ng standing prejudices, as the giant Gulliver by the Lilliputians, whose bonds were as imperceptible as his enemies were diminutive. Then will they see the super-inhuman villainy of those weak and wicked worms of the earth, arrused in Royal purple and sacerdotal silk and cambrick, who ciicMmvent the mouth of labour, and cause the many to endure every privation, to exalt the few, and force th«ir fellow- men, contrary to their in- terest and inclination, to go forth to murder and be murdered, to gratify the pride of Aristocracy. What a pity, what a shame. W ?& < '* o'' * ^^°* I .1^1'. ^-^ • « ^ ;♦ -^ V •1'°- ^ ,0 ^^ • .♦^'V '-•- *«•„ „•?►* .' -^^^ .<^ • .^^-"^ x^ « V 'p- c 0^ . • • • ' *t> • • • ^w* o.^ L>^ , - • • * '^o j> . ,♦' ' * * I •^t. ■i^o^ •>t> «.^