Glass _^L^/^. Book ^ ^ ' li BOSTON: OLD SOUTH MEETING-HOUSE. 1899. ^v^r^wr^yv-Mk^lu. y^n INTRODUCTION. The Old South Leaflets were prepared primarily for circulation among the attendants upon the Old South Lectures for Young People. The subjects of the Leaflets are immediately related to the subjects of the lectures, and they are intended to supplement the lectures and stimulate historical interest and inquiry among the young people. They are made up, for the most part, from original papers of the periods treated in the lectures, in the hope to make the men and the public life of the periods more clear and real. The Old South Lectures for Young People were instituted in the sum- mer of 1883, fs a means of promoting a more serious and intelligent atten- tion to historical studies, especially studies in American history among the young people of Boston. The success of the lectures has been so great as to warrant the hope that such courses may be sustained in many other cities of the country. The Old South Lectures for 1883, intended to be strictly upon subjects in early Massachusetts History, but by certain necessities somewhat modi- fied, were as follows : " Governor Bradford and Governor Winthrop," by Edwin D. Mead. "Plymouth," by Mrs. A. M. Dlaz. "Concord," by Frank B. Sanborn. "The Town-meeting," by Prof. James K. HosMER. " Franklin, the Boston Boy," by George M. Tovvle. "How to' study American History," by Prof. G. Stanley Hall. "The Year 1777." by John Fiske. " History in the Boston Streets," by Edward Everett Hale. The Leaflets prepared in connection with these lectures consisted of (i) Cotton Mather's account of Governor Bradford, from the " Magnalia"; (2) the account of the arrival of the Pilgrims at Cape Cod from Bradford's Journal; (3) an extract from F:merson's Concord Address "1 i^3S'^ (4) extracts from Emerson, Samuel Adams, De Tocqueville, and others, upon the Town-meeting; (5) a portion of Franklin's Autobiogra- phy; (6) Carlyle on the Study of History; (7) an extract from Charles Sumner's oration upon Lafayette, etc.; (8) Emerson's poem, "Boston." The lectures for 1884 were devoted to men representative of certain epochs or ideas in the history of Boston, as follows : " Sir Harry Vane, in New England and in Old England," by Edward Everett Hale, Jr. "John Harvard, and the Founding of Harvard College," by Edward Channi^g, Ph.D. "The Mather Family, and the Old Boston Ministers," by Rev. Samuel J. Barrows. " Simon Bradstreet, and the Struggle for the Charter," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " Samuel Adams and the Beginning of the Revolution," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. " Josiah Quincy, the Great Mayor," by Charles W. Slack. "Daniel Webster, the Defender of the Constitution," by Charles C. Coffin. " John A: Andrew, the great War Governor," by CoL. T. W. Higginson. The Leaflets prepared in connection with the second course were as follows : {.!) Selections from Forster's essay on Vane, etc.; (2) an extract from Cotton Mather's "Sal Gentium"; (3) Increase Mather's "Narrative of the Miseries of New England"; (4) an original account of " The Revolu- tion in New England" in 1689; (5) a letter from Samuel Adams to John Adams, on Republican Government ; (6) extracts from Josiah Quincy's Boston Address of 1830; {7) Words of Webster; (8) a portion of Gover- nor Andrew's Address to the Massachusetts Legislature in January, 1861. The lectures for 1885 were upon " The War for the Union," as follows : "Slavery," by William Lloyd Garrison, Jr. "The Fall of Sumter," by Col. T. W. Higginson. "The Monitor and the Merrimac," by Charles C. Coffin. "The Battle of Gettysburg," by Col. Theodore A. DoDGK. "Sherman's March to the Sea," by Gen. William Cogswell. " The Sanitary Commission," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Abraham Lincoln," by Hon. John D. Long. "General Grant," by Charles C. Coffin. The Leaflets accompanying these lectures were as follows : (i) Lowell's " Present Crisis," and Garrison's Salutatory in the Liberator of January i, 183 1 ; (2) extract from Henry Ward Beecher's oration at Fort Sumter in 1865; (3) contemporary newspaper accounts of the engagement between the Monitor and the Merrimac; (4) extract from Edward Everett's address at the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, with President Lmcoln's address; (5) extract from General Sherman's account of the March to the Sea, in his Memoirs ; (6) Lowell's " Commemoration Ode"; (7) extract from Lincoln's First Inaugural Address, the Emanci- pation Proclamation, and the Second Inaugural Address; (8) account of the service in memory of General Grant, in Westminster Abbey, with Arch- deacon Farrar's address. The lectures for 1S86 w'ere upon "The War for Independence," as follows: "Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry," by Edwin D. Mead. "Bunker Hill, and the News in England," by John P'iske. "The Declara- tion of Independence," by James MacAllister. "The Times that tried Men's Souls," by Albert B. Hart, Ph.D. " Lafayette, and Help from France," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. "The Women of the Revolu- tion," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Wasiijuigton and his Generals^ by George M. Towle. "The Lessons of the R'evoTutibn for these Times," by Rf:v. Brooke Herford. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) Words of Patrick Henry; (2) Lord Chatham's Speech, urging the removal of the British troops from Boston ; (3) extract from Webster's oration on Adams and Jefferson; (4) Thomas Paine's "Crisis," No. i; (5) extract from Edward Everett's eulogy on Lafayette ; (6) selections from the Letters of A bigail Adams; (7) Lowell's "Under the Old Elm"; (8) extract from Whipple *slessayoir'*^Vashington and the Principles of the Revolution." The course for the summer of 1887 was upon " The Birth of the Nation," as follows : " How the men of the English Commonwealth planned Constitutions," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. " How the American Colo- nies^_gre\y together/' by,_JOHN Fiske. " l^he Confusion after the Revolu- tion," by X> A VIS R. bEWEY,'PH.D. "The Convention and the Constitu- tion," by Hon. John D. Long. " James Madison and his Journal," by Prof. Y.. B. Andrews. " How Patrick Henry opposed the Constitution," by Henry L. Southwick. "Alexander Hamilton and the Federalists — i^-Vi[aslvnSt£U}!s Part and the Nation's First Years," by Edward Everett Hale. The Leaflets prepared for these lectures were as follows: (i) Extract from Edward Everett Hale's lecture on " Puritan Politics in England and New England"; (2) "The English Colonies in America," extract from De Tocqueville's "Democracy in America"; (3) Wash- ington., Circular Letter to the Governors _pf the States on Disbanding v_the Army; (4) the Constitution of the United States'; (5) " The Last'Day of the Constitutional Convention," from Madison's Journal ; (6) Patrick Henry's First Speech against the Constitution, in the Virginia Convention; (7) the Federalist, No. IX.; (8) Washington's First Inaugural Address. . ■ ■? The course for the summer of 18S8 had the general title of " The Story of the Centuries," the several lectures being as follows : " The Great Schools after the Dark Ages," by Ephraim Fmerton, Professor of History in Harvard University. " Richard the Lion-hearted and the Crusades," by Miss Nina Moore, author of " Pilgrims and Puritans." " The World which Dante knew," by Shattuck O. Hartwell, Old South first prize essayist, 1883. "The Morning Star of the Reformation," by Rev. Philip S. MoxoM. " Copernicus and Columbus, or the New Heaven and the New Earth," by Prof. Edward S. Morse. "The People for whom Shakespeare wrote," by Charles Dudley Warner. " The Puritans and the English Revolution," by Charles H. Levermore, Professor of His- tory in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. " Lafayette and the Two Revolutions which he saw," by George Makepeace Towle. The Old South Lectures are devoted primarily to American history. But it is a constant aim to impress upon the young people the relations of our own history to Englibh and general European history. It was hoped that the glance at some striking chapters in the history of the last eight centuries afforded by these lectures would be a good preparation for the great anniversaries of 1889, and give the young people a truer feeling of the continuity of history. In connection with the lectures the young people were requested to fix in mind the following dates, observing that in most instances the date comes about a decade before the close of the cen- tury. An effort was made in the Leaflets for the year to make dates, which are so often dull and useless to young people, interesting, significant, and useful. — nth Century: Lanfranc, the great mediaeval scholar, who studied law at I^ologna, was prior of the monastery of Bee, the most famous school in P>ance in the lith century, and archbishop of Canterbury under William the Conqueror, died 1089. 12th Cent.: Richard I. crowned 1189. 13th Cent. : Dante, at the battle of Campaldino, the final overthrow of the Ghibellines in Italy, 1289. Mth Cent.: Wyclif died, 1384. 15th Cent.: America discovered, 1492. i6th Cent.: Spanish Armada, 1588. 17th Cent. : William of Orange lands in England, 1688. i8th Cent. : Washington inaugurated, and the Bastile fell, 1789. The Old South Leaflets for 1888, corresponding with the several lectures, were as follows : (I ) " The Early History of Oxford," from Green's " History of the English People,"; (2) "Richard Coeur de Lion and the Third Crusade," from the Chronicle of Geoffrey de Vinsauf; (3) "The Universal Empire," passages from Dante's De Alouarchia ; (4) " The Sermon on the Mount," Wyclif 's translation ; (5) " Copernicus and the Ancient Astronomers," from Hum- boldt's " Cosmos " ; (6) " The Defeat of the Spanish Armada," from Cam- den's "Annals"; (7) "The Bill of Rights," 1689; (8) " The Eve of the French Revolution," from Carlyle. The selections are accompanied by very full historical and bibliographical notes, and it is hoped that the series will prove of much service to students and teachers- engaged in the general survey of modern history. The year 1889 being the centennial both of the beginning of our own Federal government and of the French Revolution, the lectures for the year, under the general title of " America and France," were devoted en- tirely to subjects in which the history of America is related to tliat of France as follows: " Champlain, the Founder of Quebec," by Charles C. Coffin. "La Salle and the French in the Great West," by Rev. W. E. Griffis. "The Jesuit Missionaries in America," by Prof. James K. HosMER. " Wolfe and Montcalm : The Struggle of England and France for the Continent," by John Fiske. " Franklin in France," by George M. Towle. "The Frie4idship of Washingtori and Lafayette/L by Mrs. Abra Goold Woolson. "Thomas Jefferson" and the Louisiana Purchase," by Robert Morss Lovett, Old South prize essayist, 1888. "The Year 17S9," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale. The Leaflets for the year were as follows : (i) Verrazzano's account of his Voyage to Amer- ica ; (2) Marquette's account of his Discovery of the Mississippi; {3) Mr. Parkman's Histories; (4) the Capture of Quebec, from Parkman's " Con- spiracy of Pontiac"; (5) selections from Franklin's Letters from France; (6) Letters of Washington and Lafayette j (7) the Declaration of Inde- pendence ; (8) the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, 1789. The lectures for the summer of 1890 were on "I'he American Indians," as follows : " The Mound Builders," by Prof. Georcie H. Perkins. " The Indians whom our Fathers Found," by Gen. H. B. Carrington. " John Eliot and his Indian Bible," by Rev. Edward G. Porter. " King Philip's War," by Miss Caroline C. Stecker, Old South prize essayist, 1889. "The Conspiracy of Pontiac," by Charles A. Eastman, M.D., of the Sioux nation. " A Century of Dishonor," by Herbert Welsh. "Among the Zunis," by J. Walier Fewkes, Ph.D. " The Indian at School," by Gen. S. C. Armstrong. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) extract from address by William Henry Harrison on the Mound Builders of the Ohio Valley ; (2) extract from Morton's " New English Canaan " on the Manners and Customs of the Indians ; (3) John Eliot's " llnei Narrative of the Prog- ress of the Gospel, among the Indians of New England," 1670; (4) extract from Hubbard's "Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians" (1677) on the Beginning of King Philip's War; (5) the Speech of Pontiac at the Council at the River Ecorces, from Parkman's " Conspiracy of Pontiac"; (6) extract from Black Hawk's autobiography, on the cause of the Black Hawk War; (7) Coronado's Letter to Mendoza (1540) on his Explorations in New Mexico; (8) Eleazar Wheelock's Narrative (1762) of the Rise and Progress of the Indian School at Lebanon, Conn. The lectures for 1S91, under the general title of "The New Birth of the World," were devoted to the important movements in the age preceding the discovery of America, the several lectures being as follows : " The Results of the Crusades," by F. E. E. Hamilton, Old South prize essay- ist, 1883. " The Revival of Learning," by Prof. Albert B. Hart. " The Builders of the Cathedrals," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " The Changes which (Gunpowder made," by Frank A. Hill. "The Decline of the Barons," by William Everett. " The Invention of Printing," by Rev. Edward G. Porter. "When Michel Angelo was a IJoy," by Hamlin Garland. " The Discovery of America," by Rev. E. E. Hale. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) "The Capture of Jerusalem by the Cru- saders," from the Chronicle of William of Malmesbury ; (2) extract from More's "Utopia";. (3) " The Founding of Westminster Abbey," from Dean Stanley's " Historical Memorials of W"estminster Abbey " ; (4) " The Siege of Constantinople," from Gibbon's " Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire"; (5) "Simon de Montfort," selections from Chronicles of the time; (6) " Caxton at Westminster," extract from Blade's Life of William Caxton; (7) " The Youth of Michel Angelo," from Vasari's " Lives of the Italian Painters " ; (8) " The Discovery of America," from Ferdinand Colum- bus's life of his father. The lectures for 1892 were upon "The Discovery of America," as fol- lows : " What Men knew of the World before Columbus," by Prof. Edward S. Morse. " Leif Erikson and the Northmen," by Rev. Edward A. HoRTON. "Marco Polo and his Book," by Mr. O. W. Dimmick. "The Story of Columbus," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Americus Vespucius and the Early Books about America," by Rev. E. G. Porter. "Cortes and Pizarro," by Prof. Chas. H. Levermore. " De Soto and Ponce de Leon," by Miss Ruth Ballou- Whittemore, Old South prize essayist, 1891. " Spain, France, and England in America," by Mr. John FiSKE. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Strabo's Introduction to Geog- raphy; (2) The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red; (3) Marco Polo's account of Japan and Java; (4) Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing his First Voyage; (5) Amerigo Vespucci's account of his First Voyage ; (6) Cortes's account of the City of Mexico ; (7) the Death of De Soto, from the "Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas " ; (8) Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. The lectures for 1893 were upon " The Opening of the Great West," as follows: "Spain and France in the Great West," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis. "The North-west Territory and the Ordinance of 1787," by John M. Merriam. " Washington's Work in Opening th e West," by Edwin D. Mead. " Marietta. and the Western Reserve,'' by Miss Lucy W. W^arren, Old South prize essayist, 1892. " How the Great West was settled," by Charles C. Coffin. "Lewis and Clarke and the Explorers of the Rocky Mountains," by Rev. Thomas Van Ness. " California and Oregon," by Prof. Josiah Royce. " The Story of Chicago," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) De Vaca's account of his Journey to New Mexico, 1535; (-) Manasseh Cutler's De- scription of Ohio, 1787; (3) Washington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1770; (4) Garfield's Address on the North-west Territory and the Western Reserve; (5) GLeoige.Rpgers Clark's account of the Capture of Vincennes, 1779; (6) Jefferson's Life of ~ Captain Meriwether Lewis; (7) Fremont's account of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak ; (8) Father Marquette at Chi- cago, 1673. The lectures for 1894 were upon " The Founders of New England," as follows : " William Brewster, the Elder of Plymouth," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale. " William Bradford, the Governor of Plymouth," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis. " John Winthrop, the Governor of Massachusetts," by Hon. Frederic T. Greenhalge. "John Harvard, and the Founding of Harvard College," by Mr. William R. Thayer. " John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians," by Rev. James De Normandie. " John Cotton, the Minister of Boston," by Rev. John Cotton Brooks. " Roger- Williams, the Founder of Rhode Island," by President F.. Benjamin Andrews. "Thomas Hooker, the Founder of Connecticut," by Rev. Joseph H. Twichell. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Brad- ford's Memoir of Elder Brewster; (2) Bradford's First Dialogue; (3) Winthrop's Conclusions for the Plantation in New England ; (4) New England's First Fruits, 1643; (5) John Eliot's Indian Grammar Begun; (6) John Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation"; (7) Letters of Roger Williams to Winthrop; (8) Thomas Hooker's "Way of the Churches of New England." The lectures for 1895 were upon " The Puritans in Old England," as follows: "John Hooper, the First Puritan," by Edwin D. Mead; " Cam- bridge, the Puritan University," by William EvERErrj "Sir John Elipt \ 8 and the House of Commons," by Prof. Albert B. Hart ; " John Hamp- den and the Ship Money," by Rev. F. W. Gunsaulus; "John Pym and the Grand Remonstrance," by Rev. John Cuckson ; " OUver Cromwell and the Commonwealth," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale; "John Milton, the Puritan Poet," by John Fiske; " Henry Vane in Old England and New England," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) The English l^ible, selections from the various versions; (2) Hooper's Letters to Bullinger; (3) Sir John EJiot's "Apology for Soc- rates"; (4) Ship-money Papers ; (5) Pym's Speech against Strafford; (6) Cromwell's Second Speech ; (7) Milton's " Free Commonwealth " ; (8) Sir Henry Vane's Defence. The lectures for 1896 were upon " The American Historians," as follows : " Bradford and Winthrop and their Journals," by Mr. Edwin D. Mead ; "Cotton Mather and his ' Magnalia,' " by Prof. Barrett Wendell; " Governor Hutchinson and his History of Massachusetts," by Prof. Charles H. Levermore ; "Washington Irving and his Services for American History," by Mr. Richard Burton; "Bancroft and his His- tory of the United States," by Pres. Austin Scott; " Prescott and his Spanish Histories," by Hon. Roger Wolcott; " Motley and his History of the Dutch Republic," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis; " Parkman and his Works on France in America," by Mr. John Fiske. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) Winthrop's " Little vSpeech " on Liberty; (2) Cotton Mather's " Bostonian Ebenezer," from the " Magnalia " ; (3) Governor Hutchinson's account of the Boston Tea Party ; (4) Adrian Van der Donck's Description of the New Netherlands in 1655; (5) The Debate in the Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress ; (6) Columbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella, on his Second Voyage ; (7) The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581; (8) Captain John Knox's account of the Battle of Quebec. The last five of these eight Leaflets illustrate the original material in which Irving, Bancroft, Prescott, Motley, and Parkman worked in the preparation of their histories. The lectures for 1897 were upon "The Anti-slavery Struggle," as follows : " William Lloyd Garrison, or Anti-slavery in the Newspaper," by William Lloyd Garrison, Jr.; "Wendell Phillips, or Anti-slavery on ihe Platform," by Wendell Phillips Stafford; "Theodore Parker, or Anti-slavery in the Pulpit," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale ; " John G. Whittier, or Anti-slavery in the Poem," by Mrs. Alice Freeman Palmer ; " Harriet Beecher Stowe, or Anti-slavery in the Story," by Miss Maria L. Baldwin; "Charles Sumner, or Anti-slavery in the Senate," by Moorfield Storey; "John Brown, or Anti-slavery on the Scaffold," by Frank B. Sanborn; "Abraham Lincoln, or Anti-slavery Trium- phant," by Hon. John D. Long. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) The First Number of The Liberator ; (2) Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of Garrison ; (3) Theodore Parker's Address on the Dangers from Slavery ; (4) Whittier's account of the Anti-slavery Convention of 1833; (5) Mrs. Stowe's Story of "Uncle Tom's Cabin"; (6) Sumner's ^Speech on the Crime against Kansas; (7) Words of John Brown; (8) The First Lincoln and Douglas Debate. The lectures for 1898 were upon " The Old World in the New," as follows: "What Spain has done for America," by Rev. Edward (i. Porter; " What Italy has done for America," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis ; " What France has done for America," by Prof. Jean Charle- Magne Bracq ; " What England has done for America," by Miss Kath- arine CoMAN; "What Ireland has done for America," by Prof, F. Spencer Baldwin; "What Holland has done for America," by Mr. Edwin D. Mead; "What Germany has done for America," by Miss Anna B. Thompson; "What Scandinavia has done for America," by Mr. Joseph P. Warren. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) Account of the Founding of St. Augustine, by Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales ; (2) Amerigo "Vespucci's Account of his Third Voyage; (3) Champlain's Ac- count of the Founding of Quebec; (4) Barlowe's Account of the First Voyage to Roanoke; (5) Parker's Account of the Settlement of London- derry, N.H.; (6) Juet's Account of the Discovery of the Hudson River; (7) Pastorius's Description of Pennsylvania, 1700: (8) Acrelius's Account of the Founding of New Sweden. The lectures for 1S99 were upon "The Life and Influence of Washing- ton," as follows : "Washington in the Revolution," by Mr. John Fiske; "Washington and the Constitution," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale; "Washington as President of the United States," by Rev. Albert E. Winship; "Washington the True Expander of the Republic," by Mr. Edwin D. Mead ; " Washington's Interest in Education," by Hon. Alfred S. Roe; "The Men who worked with Washington," by Mrs. Alice Freeman Palmer; "Washington's Farewell Address," by Rev. Franklin Hamilton; "What the Worid has thought and said of Washington," by Prof. Edwin A. Grosvenor. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) Washington's Account of the Army at Cambridge in 1775; (2) Washington's Letters on the Constitution; (3) Washington's Inaug- urals; (4) Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison in 17S4; (5) Wash- ington's Words on a National University; (6) Letters of Washington and Lafayette; (7) Washington's Farewell Address; (8) Henry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington. The Old South Leaflets, which have been published during the years since 1883 in connection with these annual courses of historical lectures at the Old South Meeting-house, have attracted so much attention and proved of so much service that the Directors have entered upon the pub- lication of the Leaflets for general circulation, with the needs of schools, colleges, private clubs, and classes especially in mind. The Leaflets are prepared by Mr. Edwin D. Mead. They are largely reproductions of im- portant original papers, accompanied by useful historical and bibliographi- cal notes. They consist, on an average, of sixteen pages, and are sold at the low price of five cents a copy, or four dollars per hundred. The aim is to bring them within easy reach of everybody. The Old South Work, founded -by Mrs. Mary Hemenway, and sdll sustained by provision of her will, is a work for the education of the people, and especially the education of our young people, in American history and politics ; and its promoters believe that few things can contribute better to this end than the wide cir- culation of such leaflets as those now undertaken. It is hoped that pro- fessors in our colleges and teachers everywhere will welcome them for use in their classes, and that they may meet the needs of the societies of young men ^nd women now happily being organized in so many places for histori- cal and political studies. Some idea of the character of these Old South Leaflets may be gained from the following list of the subjects of the first hundred numbers, which are now ready. It will be noticed that most of the later numbers are the same as certain numbers in the annual series. 10 Since 1S90 they are essentially the same, and persons ordering the Leaflets need simply observe the following numbers. No. 1. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's' Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 7. Charter of Massachusetts liay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Con- necticut, 163S. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's ^Inaugurals. 11. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. The P'ederalist, jSos. i a^id 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Constitution of Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Gover- nors of the States, 17S3. IB. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 17S4. 17. \'errazzano's Voyage, I 524. 18. The Constitution of Switz- erland. 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Men- doza, 1540. 21. Eliot's Brief Narrative of the Progress of the Gospel among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Rise of the Indian School at Lebanon, Conn., 1762. 23. The Petition of Rights, 1628. 24. The Grand Remonstrance. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 26. The Agreement of the People. 27. The Instrument of Government. 28. Cromwell's First Speech to his Parliament. 29. The Discovery of America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus. 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and Java. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the First \'oyage and Discovery. 34. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. The Death t)f De Soto, from the " Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 37. Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. <^enry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington. 39. De Vaca's Account of his Journey to New Mexico, 1535. 40. Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio, 17S7. 41. Wash- ington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1 770. 42. Garfield's Address on the North-west Territory and the Western Reserve. 43. George Rogers HJlark's Account of the Capture of Vincennes, 1779. 44. Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 45. Fremont's Account of his Ascent of Fremont's Peak. 46. Father Marcjuette at Chicago, 1673. 47: Washing- ton's Account of the Army at Cambridge, 1775. 48. Bradford's Memoir of Elder Brewster. 49. Bradford's First Dialogue. 50. Winthrop's" Con- clusions for the Plantation in New England." 51. "New England's Fi'st Fruits," 1643. ^2. John Eliot's " Indian Grammar Begun." 53. John Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation." 54. Letters of Roger Will- iams to Winthrop. 55. Thomas Hooker's " Way of the Churches of New England." 56. The Monroe Doctrine: President Monroe's Message of 1823. 57. The English Bible, selections from the various versions. 58. noo])er's" Letters to Bullinger. 59. Sir John Eliot's " Apology for Soc- rates." 60. Ship-money Papers. 61. Pym's Speech against Strafford. 62. Cromwell's Second Speech. 63. Milton's " A Free Commonwealth." 64. Sir Henry Vane's Defence. 65. -'Washington's Addresses to the J,^lMirches. 66. Winthrop's "Little Speech" on Liberty. 67. Cotton Mather's " Bostonian P^benezer," from the " Magnalia." 68. Governor Hutchinson's Account of the Boston Tea Party. 69. Adrian Van der Donck's Description of New Netherlands in 1655. ^^ The Debate in the Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress. 71. C^^lumbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella, on his Second Voyage. 72. The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 15S1. 73. Captain John Knox's Account of the Battle of Quebec. 74. Hamilton's Report on the Coinage. 75. William Penn's Plan for the Peace of Europe. 76. Wash- ington's Words on a National University. 77. Cotton Mather's Lives of Bradford and Winthrop. 78. The First Number of The Liberator. 79. Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of Garrison. 80. Theodore Parker's Ad- dress on the Dangers from Slavery. 81. Whittier's Account of the Anti- slavery Convention of 1833. ^2. Mrs. Stowe's Story of " Uncle Tom's Cabin." 83. Sumner's Speech on the Crime against Kansas. 84. The Words of John Brown. 85. The First Lincoln and Douglas Debate. 86. ■AVashington's Account of his Capture of Boston. 87. The Manners and Customs of the Indians, from Morton's "New English Canaan." 88. The Beginning of King Philip's War, from Hubbard's History of Philip's War, 1677. 89. Account of the Founding of St. Augustine, by Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales. 90. Amerigo Vespucci's Ac- count of his Third Voyage. 91.. Champlain's Account of the Founding of Quebec. 92. Barlowe's Account of the First Voyage to Roanoke. 93. Parker's Account of the Settlement of Londonderry, N.PL 94. Juet's Account of the Discovery of the Hudson River. 95. Pastoiius's Description of Pennsylvania, 1700. 96. Acrelius's Account of the Founding of New Sweden. 97. Lafayette in the American Revolution. 98. Letters of Washington and Lafayette. 99. Washington's Letters on the Constitution. 100. Robert Browne's " Reformation without Tarrying for Any." The leaflets, which are sold at five cents a copy or four dollars per hundred, are also furnished in bound volumes, each volume containing twenty-five leaflets : Vol. i., Nos. 1-25 ; Vol. ii., 26-50; Vol, iii., 51-75 ; Vol. iv., 76-100. Price per volume, $1.50. Title-pages with table of contents will be furnished to all purchasers of the leaflets who wish to bind them for themselves. Annual series of eight leaflets each, in paper covers, 50 cents a volume. Address DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, Old South Meeting-house, Boston. It is hoped that this list of Old South Lectures and Leaflets will meet the needs of many clubs and classes engaged in the study of history, as well as the needs of individual students, serving as a table of topics. The subjects of the lectures in the various courses will be found to have a logical sequence; and the leaflets accompanying the several lectures can be used profitably in connection, containing as they do full historical notes and references to the best literature on the subjects of the lectures. <©i[b J>out]^ Heaflct^ No. Washington at Cambridge. Washington's Letter to the President of Congress, on his Arrival AT Cambridge to take Command of the Army. Sir, Camp at Cambridge July lo, 1775. I arrived safe at this Place on the 3d inst., after a Journey attended with a good deal of Fatigue, and retarded by neces- sary Attentions to the successive Civilities which accompanied me in my whole Rout. Upon my arrival, I immediately visited the several Posts occupied by our Troops, and as soon as the Weather permitted, reconnoitred those of the Enemy. I found the latter strongly entrench'd on Bunker's Hill about a Mile from Charlestown, and advanced about half a Mile from the Place of the last Action, with their Gentries extended about 150 Yards on this side of the narrowest Part of the Neck leading from this Place to Charlestown ; 3 floating Batteries lay in Mystick River, near their camp; and one 20 Gun Ship below the Ferry Place between Boston and Charlestown. They have also a Battery on Copse Hill, on the Boston side, which much annoyed our Troops in the late attack. Upon the Neck, they are also deeply entrenched and strongly forti- fied. Their advanced Guards 'till last Saturday morning, occu- pied Brown's Houses, about a mile from Roxbury Meeting House and 20 roods from their Lines : But at that Time a Party from General Thomas's Camp surprized the Guard, drove them in and burnt the houses. The Bulk of their Army commanded by Genl. Howe, lays on Bunker's Hill, and the Remainder on Roxbury Neck, except the Light Horse, and a few Men in the Town of Boston. On our side we have thrown up Intrenchments on Winter and Prospect Hills, the Enemies camp in full View at the Distance of little more than a Mile. Such intermediate Points, as would admit a Landing, I have since my arrival taken care to strengthen, down to Sewall's Farm, where a strong Entrenchment has been thrown up. At Roxbury General Thomas has thrown up a strong Work on the Hill, about 200 Yards above the Meeting House which with the Broken-ness of the Ground and great Number of Rocks has made that Pass very secure. The Troops raised in New Hampshire, with a Regiment from Rhode Island occupy Winter Hill. A Part of those from Connecticut under General Puttnam are on Prospect Hill. The Troops in this Town are intirely of the Massachusetts : The Remainder of the Rhode Island Men, are at Sewall's Farm : Two Regiments of Connecticut and 9 of the Massachusetts are at Roxbury. The Residue of the Army, to the Number of about 700, are posted in several small Towns along the Coast, to prevent the Depre- dations of the Enemy : Upon the whole, I think myself author- ized to say, that considering the great Extent of Line, and the nature of the Ground we are as well secured as could be ex- pected in so short a Time and under the Disadvantages we labour. These consist in a Want of Engineers to construct proper Works and direct the men, a Want of Tools, and a suffi- cient Number of Men to man the Works in Case of an attack. You will observe by the Proceedings of the Council of War, which I have the Honor to enclose, that it is our unanimous Opinion to hold and defend these Works as long as possible. The Discouragement it would give the Men and its contrary Effects on the ministerial Troops, thus to abandon our Incamp- ment in their Face, form'd with so much Labor, added to the certain Destruction of a considerable and valuable Extent of Country, and our Uncertainty of finding a Place in all Respects so capable of making a stand, are leading Reasons for this Determination : at the same Time we are very sensible of the Difficulties which attend the Defence of Lines of so great extent, and the Dangers which may ensue from such a Division of the Army. My earnest Wishes to comply with the Instructions of the Congress in making an early and complete Return of the State of the Army, has led into an involuntary Delay in addressing you, which has given me much Concern. Having given orders for this Purpose immediately on my Arrival, and unapprized of the imperfect Obedience which had been paid to those of the like Nature from General Ward, I was led from Day to Day to expect they would come in, and therefore detained the" Messenger. They are not now so complete as I could wish, but much Allowance is to be made for Inexperience in Forms, 3. and a Liberty which has been taken (not given) on this sub- ject. These Reasons I flatter myself will no longer exist, and of Consequence more Regularity and exactness in future pre- vail. This, with a necessary attention to the Lines, the Move- ments of the Ministerial Troops, and our immediate Security, must be my Apology, which I beg you lay before the Congress with the utmost Duty and Respect. We labor under great Disadvantages for Want of Tents, for tho' they have been help'd out by a Collection of now useless sails from the Sea Port Towns, the Number is yet far short of our Necessities. The Colleges and Houses of this Town are necessarily occupied by the Troops which affords another Reason for keeping our present Situation : But I most sin- cerely wish the whole Army was properly provided to take the Field, as I am well assured, that besides greater Expedition and Activity in case of Alarm, it would highly conduce to Health and discipline. As Materials are not to be had here, I would beg leave to recommend the procuring a farther supply from Philadelphia as soon as possible. I should be extremely deficient in Gratitude, as well as Jus- tice, if I did not take the first opportunity to acknowledge the Readiness and Attention which the provincial Congress and different Committees have shewn to make every Thing as con- venient and agreeable as possible : but there is a vital and inherent Principle of Delay incompatible with military service in transacting Business thro' such numerous and different Channels. I esteem it therefore my Duty to represent the In- convenience that must unavoidably ensue from a dependence on a Number of Persons for supplies, and submit it to the Consideration of the Congress whether the publick Service will not be best promoted by appointing a Commissary Gen- eral for these purposes. We have a striking Instance of the Preference of such a mode in the Establishment of Connecti- cut, as their Troops are extremely well provided under the Direction of Mr. Trumbull, and he has at different Times assisted others with various Articles. Should my Sentiments happily coincide with those of your Honors, on this subject, I beg leave to recommend Mr. Trumbull as a very proper Person for this Department. In the Arrangement of Troops collected under such Circumstances, and upon the Spur of immediate Necessity several Appointments are omitted, which appear to be indispensably necessary for the good Government of the Army, particularly a Quartermaster General, a Com- missary of Musters and a Commissary of Artillery. These I 4 must Earnestly recommend to the Notice and Provision of the Congress. I find myself already much embarrassed for Want of a Mili- tary Chest ; these embarrassments will increase every day : I must therefore request that Money may be forwarded as soon as Possible. The want of this most necessary Article, will I fear produce great Inconveniences if not prevented by an early Attention. I find the Army in general, and the Troops raised in Massachusetts in particular, very deficient in necessary Cloathing. Upon Inquiry there appears no Probability of obtaining any supplies in this Quarter, And the best Con- sideration of this Matter I am able to form, I am of Opinion that a Number of hunting Shirts not less than 10,000, would in a great Degree remove this Difficulty in the cheapest and quickest manner. I know nothing in a speculative View more trivial, yet if put in Practice would have a happier Tendency to unite the Men, and abolish those Provincial Distinctions which lead to Jealousy and Dissatisfaction, In a former part of this Letter I mentioned the want of Engineers ; I can hardly express the Disappointment I have experienced on this Sub- ject. The Skill of those we have, being very imperfect and confined to the mere manual Exercise of Cannon : Whereas — the War in which we are engaged requires a Knowledge com- prehending the Duties of the Field and Fortifications. If any Persons thus qualified are to be found in the Southern Col- onies, it would be of great publick Service to forward them with all expedition. Upon the Article of Ammunition I must re-echo the former Complaints on this Subject : We are so exceedingly destitute, that our Artillery will be of little Use without a supply both large and seasonable : What we have must be reserved for the small Arms, and that managed with the. utmost Frugality. I am sorry to observe that the Appointments of the General Officers in the Province of Massachusetts Bay have by no Means corresponded with the Judgement and Wishes of either the civil or Military. The great Dissatisfaction expressed on this Subject and the apparent Danger of throwing the Army into the utmost Disorder, together with the strong Representa- tions of the Provincial Congress, have induced me to retain the Commissions in my Hands untill the Pleasure of the Con- gress should be farther known, (except General Puttnanvs which was given the Day I came into Camp and before I was apprized of these Uneasinesses.) In such a Step I must beg the Congress will do me the Justice I believe, that I have been 5 actuated solely by a Regard to the publick Good. I have not, nor could have any private Attachments ; every Gentleman in Appointment, was an intire Stranger to me but from Character. I must therefore rely upon the Candor of the Congress for their favorable Construction of my Conduct in this Particular. General Spencer was so much disgusted at the preference given to General Puttnam that he left the Army without visit- ing me, or making known his Intentions in any respect. Gen- eral Pomroy had also retired before my Arrival, occasioned (as is said) by some Disappointment from the Provincial Congress. General Thomas is much esteemed and earnestly desired to continue in the service : and as far as my Opportunities have enabled me to judge I must join in the general opinion that he is an able good Officer and his Resignation would be a publick Loss. The postponing him to Pomroy and Heath whom he has commanded would make his Continuance very difficult, and probably operate on his Mind, as the like Circum- stance has done on that of Spencer. The State of the Army you will find ascertained with toler- able Precision in the Returns which accompany this Letter. Upon finding the Number of men to fall so far short of the Establishment, and below all Expectation, I immediately called a Council of the general Officers, whose opinion as to the mode of filling up the Regiments, and providing for the present Exigency, I have the Honor of inclosing together with the best Judgment we are able to form of the ministerial Troops. From the Number of Boys, Deserters, and Negroes which have been inlisted in the troops of this Province, I entertain some doubts whether the number required can be raised here ; and all the General Officers agree that no Dependance can be put on the militia for a Continuance in Camp, or Regularity and Discipline during the short Time they may stay. This un- happy and devoted Province has been so long in a State of Anarchy, and the Yoke of ministerial Oppression been laid so heavily^ on it that great Allowances are to be made for Troops raised under such Circumstances : The Deficiency of Numbers, Discipline and Stores can only lead to this Conclu- sion, that their Spirit has exceeded their Strength. But at the same Time I would humbly submit to the consideration of the Congress, the Propriety of making some farther Provision of Men from the other Colonies. If* these Regiments should be completed to their Establishment, the Dismission of those unfit for Duty on account of their Age and Character would occasion a considerable Reduction, and at all events they have been inlisted upon such Terms, that they may be disbanded when other Troops arrive : But should my apprehensions be reahzed, and the Regiments here not filled up, the publick Cause would suffer by an absolute Dependance upon so doubt- ful an Event, unless some Provision is made against such a Disappointment. It requires no military Skill to judge of the Difficulty of introducing proper Discipline and Subordination into an Army while we have the Enemy in View, and are in daily Expecta- tion of an Attack, but it is of so much Importance that every Effort will be made which Time and Circumstance will admit. In the mean Time I have a sincere Pleasure in observing that there are Materials for a good Army, a great number of able bodied Men, active zealous in the Cause and of unquestionable courage. I am now Sir, to acknowledge the Receipt of your Favor of the 28th Inst, inclosing the Resolutions of the Congress of the 27th ult. and a Copy of a Letter from the Committee of Albany, to all which I shall pay due Attention. General Gates and Sullivan have both arrived in good Health. My best Abilities are at all Times devoted to the Service of my Country, but I feel the Weight Importance and variety of my present Duties too sensibly, not to wish a more immediate and frequent Communication v/ith the Congress. I fear it may often happen in the Course of our present Oper- ations, that I shall need that Assistance and Direction from them which Time and Distance will not allow me to receive. Since writing the above, I have also to acknowledge your Favour of the 4th Inst, by Fessenden, and the Receipt of the Commission and Articles of War. The Former are yet 800 short of the number required, this deficiency you will please supply as soon as you conveniently can. Among the other Returns, I have also sent one of our killed, wounded and miss- ing in the late Action, but have been able to procure no certain Account of the Loss of the ministerial Troops, my best Intelli- gence fixes it at about 500 killed and 6 or 700 wounded; but it is no more than Conjecture, the utmost Pains being taken on their side to conceal it. P.S, Having ordered the commanding Officer to give me the earliest Intelligence ^of every Motion of the Enemy, by Land or Water, discoverable from the Heighths of his Camp, I this inst , as I was closing my Letter received the enclosed from the Brigade Major. The Design of this Manoeuvre I know not, perhaps it may be to make a Descept some where along the Coast ; it may be for New York, or it may be prac- tised as a Deception on Us. I thought it not improper how- ever to mention the matter to you. I have done the same to the commanding Officer at New York, and I shall let it be known to the Committee of Safety here, so that the Intelli- gence may be communicated as they shall think best along the Sea Coast of this Government. On the 15th of June, 1775, Washington was appointed commander-in- chief of the American army by the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, of which he was a member. He arrived in Cambridge on the 2d of July, after a journey of eleven days; and on the next day, under the great elm which still stands by Cambridge Common, he took command of the army. On June 24 the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts appointed a com- mittee to consider the steps "proper to be taken for receiving General Washington with proper respect, and to provide a house for him accord- ingly." The report was made on the 25th, but was not perfected until the next day. ''^ Resolved^ that Doct. Benjamin Church and Mr. Moses Gill, be a committee to repair to Springfield, there to receive Generals Washing- ton and Lee, with every mark of respect due to their exalted characters and stations; to provide proper escorts for them, from thence, to the army before Boston, and the house provided for their reception at Cambridge; and to make suitable provision for them, in manner following, viz. : by a number of gentlemen of this colony from Springfield to Brookfield; and by another company raised in that neighborhood, from there to Worcester ; and by another company, there provided, from thence to Marlborough ; and from thence, by the troop of horse to that place, to the army aforesaid; and [to make suitable provision for] their company at the several stages on the road, and to receive the bills of expenses at the several inns, where it may be convenient for them to stop for refreshment, to examine them, and make report of the several sums expended at each of them, for that purpose, that orders may be taken by the Congress for the payment of them ; and all inn-keepers are hereby directed to make provision agreeably to the requests made by the said committee: and that General Ward be notified of the appointment of General Washington, as commander in chief of the American forces, and of the expectation we have, of his speedy arrival with Major General Lee, that he, with the generals of the forces of the other colonies, may give such orders for their honorable reception, as may accord with the rules and circumstances of the army, and the respect due to their rank, without, however, any expense of powder, and without taking the troops off from the necessary attention to their duty, at this crisis of our affairs." The appointment of Washington was soon known in the camp at Cam- bridge, and preparations were made to receive him. On the 26th of June the Provincial Congress had ordered that the " President's [of the College] house in Cambridge, excepting one room reserved for the president for his own use, be taken, cleared, prepared and furnished, for the reception of General Washington and General Lee." On June 29, the word of parole in Cambridge Camp was Washington, and of countersign, Virginia. July ist the Congress directed the committee in whose charge the orders respect- ing the house had been placed to "purchase what things are necessary that 8 they cannot hire," a matter of some delay and difficulty, as on the 5th the same committee was ordered to "complete the business." General Wash- ington arrived in Cambridge on Sunday, July 2, about two o'clock in the afternoon. The first of the general orders issued is dated July 3. On the 5th the Provincial Congress appointed some of its members to confer with Washington "on the subject of furnishing his table and know what he expects relative thereto." Some question may have been raised on the general acceptableness of the President's house for Washington's purposes, as on the 6th the Congress directed the Committee of Safety to "desire General Washington to let them know if there is any house at Cambridge that would be more agreeable to him and General Lee than that in which they now are ; and in that case the said Committee are directed to procure such house and put it in proper order for their reception." The general thought a change expedient, and on the 8th the Committee of Safety directed that the house of John Vassall, subsequently known as the " Craigie house," belonging to a refugee loyalist, should be immediately put in a proper condition for the reception of his excellency and his attendants. The student is referred to further notes in Ford's edition of Washing- ton's Writings, vol. iii. ; also to the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Histor- ical Society^ September, 1872. OLD SOUTH LEAFLETS, GENERAL SERIES. "No. I. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of Con- federation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's Fare- well Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connect- icut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's In- augurals. II. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. The Federalist, Nos. i and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Con- stitution of Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States, 1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage. 18. The Swiss Constitution, 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Mendoza, 1540. 21. John Eliot's Brief Narrative of Work among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Founding of his Indian School, 1762. 23. The Petition of Right, 1628. 24. The Grand Remonstrance, 1641. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 26. The Agreement of the People, 1648-9. 27, The Instrument of Govern- ment, 1653. 28. Cromwell's First Speech to his Parliament, 1653. 29. The Discovery of America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus. 30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and Java. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanches. describing the First Voyage and Discovery. 34. Americus Ves- pucius's Account of his First Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. The Death of De Soto, from the "Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 37. Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. General Henry Lee's Funeral Oration on Washington, 1 799- 39- Cabeza De Vaca's Relation of his Journey across Texas and New Mexico in 1S35. 40 Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Washington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio River in 1770. 42. Gen. Garfield's Address on the Organization of the North-west Territory and the Settlement of the Western Reserve. 43. George Rogers Clark's Account of his Capture of Vincennes. 44. Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 45. Fremont's Account of the First Ascent of Fremont's Peak. 46. Marquette's Account of his Explorations about Chicago, 1673. 47. Washington's Account of taking Command of the Army, 1775. PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, Old South Meeting: House, Boston. No. 99. Washington's Letters on the Constitution. To John Jay, August i, 1786. Your sentiments, that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be, is also beyond the reach of my foresight. We have errors to correct. We have probably had too good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution measures the best .calculated for their own good, without the intervention of a coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation without having lodged somewhere a power, which will, pervade the whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the State governments extends over the several States. To-be fearful of investing Congress, constituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the public, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater proportion ? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents ? By the rotation of appointment, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens ? Is it not rather to be apprehended, if they were possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously for fear of losing their popularity and future election .? We must take human nature as we find it. Perfection falls not to the share of mortals. Many are of opinion that Congress have too frequently made use of the suppliant, humble tone of requisition in applications to the States, when they had a right to assert their imperial dignity and command obedience. Be that as it may, requisitions are a perfect nuHity where thirteen' sovereign, independent, disunited States are in the habit of discussing and refusing compliance with them at their option. Requisitions are actually little better than a jest and a by-word throughout the land. If you tell the legislatures they have violated the treaty of peace, and invaded the prerogatives of the confederacy, they will laugh in your face. What then is to be done ? Things cannot go on in the same train forever. It is much to be feared, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with the circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatever. We are apt to run from one extreme into another. To anticipate and pre- vefit disastrous contingencies would be the part of wisdom and patriotism. What astonishing changes a few years are capable of produc- ing. I am told that even respectable characters speak of a monarchical form of government without horror. From think- ing proceeds speaking ; thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! What a triumph for our enemies to verify their predictions ! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems founded on the basis of equal liberty are merely ideal and fallacious ! Would to God, that wise measures may be taken in time to avert the conse- quences we have but too much reason to apprehend. Retired as I am from the world, I frankly acknowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet, having hap- pily assisted m bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharged, it is not my business to embark again on a sea of troubles. Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in the most solemn manner. I had then perhaps some claims to public attention. I consider myself as having none at present. To James Madison, November 5, 1786. Fain would I hope that the great and most important of all subjects, the federal government, may be considered with that calm and deliberate attention, which the magnitude of it so critically and loudly calls for at this critical moment. Let pre- judices, unreasonable jealousies, and local interests yield to reason and liberality. Let us look to our national character, and to things beyond the present moment. No morn ever dawned more favorably than ours did ; and no day was ever more clouded than the present. Wisdom and good examples are necessary at this time to rescue the political machine from the impending storm. Virginia has now an opportunity to set the latter, and has enough of the former, I hope, to take the lead in promoting this great and arduous work. Without an alteration in our political creed, the superstructure we have been seven years in raising, at the expense of so much treasure and blood, must fall. We are fast verging to anarchy and con- fusion. By a letter which I have received from General Knox, who had just returned from Massachusetts, whither he had been sent by Congress consequent of the commotions in that State, is replete with melancholy accounts of the temper and designs of a considerable part of that people. Among other things he says : " Their creed is, that the property of the United States has been pro- tected from the confiscation of Britain by the joint exertions of all ; and therefore ought to be the common property of all ; and he that attempts op- position to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice, and ought to be swept from off the face of the earth." Again: "They are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, and have agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of unfunded paper money, which shall be a tender in all cases whatever." He adds : " The number of these people amount in Massachusetts to about one fifth part of several populous coun- ties, and to them may be collected people of similar sentiments from the States of Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Hampshire, so as to consti- tute a body of about twelve or fifteen thousand desperate and unprincipled men. They are chiefly of the young and active part of the community." How melancholy is the reflection, that in so short a space we should have made such large strides towards fulfilling the predictions of our transatlantic foes ! " Leave them to them- selves, and their government will soon dissolve." Will not the wise and good strive hard to avert this evil ? Or will their su- pineness suffer ignorance and the arts of self-interested, designing, disaffected and desperate characters to involve this great country in wretchedness and contempt ? What stronger evidence can be given of the want of energy in our govern- ment than these disorders ? If there is not power in it to check them, what security has a man for life, liberty, or prop- erty ? To you I am sure I need not add aught on this subject. The consequences of a lax or inefficient government are too obvious to be dwelt upon. Thirteen sovereignties pulling against each other, and all tugging at the federal head, will soon bring ruin on the whole ; whereas a liberal and ener- getic constitution, well guarded and closely watched. to prevent encroachments, might restore us to that degree of respectability and consequences, to which we had a fair claim and the bright- est prospect of attaining. To Henry Knox, Dece7nber 26, 1786. In both your letters you intimate that the men -of reflection, principle, and property in New England, feeling the inefficacy of their present government, are contemplating a change ; but you are not explicit with respect to its nature. It has been supposed that the constitution of the State of Massachusetts was amongst the most energetic in the Union. May not these disorders then be ascribed to an indulgent exercise of the powers of administration? If your laws authorized, and your powers are equal to the suppression of these tumults in the first instance, delay and unnecessary expedients were im- proper. These are rarely well applied ; and the same causes would produce similar effects in any form of government, if the powers of it are not exercised. I ask this question for in- formation. I know nothing of the facts. That Great Britain will be an unconcerned spectator of the present insurrections, if they continue, is not to be expected. That she is at this moment sowing the seeds of jealousy and discontent among the various tribes of Indians on our frontiers, admits of no doubt m my mind ; and that she will improve every opportunity to foment the spirit of turbulence within the bowels of the United States, with a view of distracting our governments and promoting divisions, is with me not less certain. Her first manttuvres in this will no doubt be covert, and may remain so till the period shall arrive Avhen a decided line of conduct may avail her. Charges of violating the treaty, and other pretexts, will then not be wanting to color overt acts, tending to effect the great objects of which she has long been in labor. A man is now at the head of their xAmerican affairs, well calculated to conduct measures of this kind, and more than probably was se- lected for the purpose. W'e ought not therefore to sleep nor to 5 . slumber. Vigilance in watching and vigor in acting is become in my opinion indispensably necessary. If the powers are inadequate, amend or alter them ; but do not let us sink into the lowest state of humiliation and contempt, and become a by-word in all the earth. To Henry Knox, February 3, 1787. In your letter of the 14th you express a wish to be informed of my intention, respecting the convention proposed to be held in Philadelphia May next. In coiifi deuce I inform you, that it is not, at this time, my intention to attend it. When this matter was first moved in the Assembly of this State, some of the principal characters of it wrote to me, requesting they might be permitted to put my name in the delegation. To this I objected. They again pressed, and I again refused, assign- ing among other reasons my having declined meeting the So- ciety of the Cincinnati at that place about the same time, and that I thought it would be disrespectful to that body, to whom I owe much, to be there on any other occasion. Notwithstanding these intimations, my name was inserted in the act ; and an of- ficial communication thereof made by the executive to me, to whom, at the same time that I expressed my sense for the confi- dence reposed in me, I declared that, as I saw no prospect of my attending, it was my wish that my name might not remain in the delegation to the exclusion of another. To this I liave been requested in emphatical terms not to decide abso- lutely, as no inconvenience would result from the new appoint- ment of another, at least for some time yet. Thus the matter stands, which is the reason of my saying to ^ou in confidence^ that at present I retain my first intention not to go. In the mean while, as I have the fullest conviction of ^our friendship for and attachment to me, know your abilities to judge, and your means of information, I shall receive any communications from you on this subject with thankfulness. My first wish is to do for the best, and to act with propriety. You know me too well to believe that reserve or concealment of any opinion or circumstance would be at all agreeable to me. The legality of this convention I do not mean to discuss, nor how problematical the issue of it may be. That powers are wanting none can deny. Through what medium they are to be derived will, like other matters, engage the attention of the wise. That which takes the shortest course to obtain them, in my opinion will, under present circumstances, be found best ; otherwise, like a house on fire, whilst the most regular mode of extinguishing the flames is contended for, the building is reduced to ashes. My opinions of the energetic wants of the federal government are well known. My public annunciations and private declarations have uniformly ex- pressed these sentiments ; and, however constitutional it may be for Congress to point out the defects of the federal system, I am strongly inclined to believe that it would not be found the most efficacious channel for the recommendations, more especially the alterations, to flow, for reasons too obvious to enumerate.* The system on which you seem disposed to build a national government is certainly more energetic, and I dare say in every point of view more desirable than the present, which from ex- perience we find is not only slow, debilitated, and liable to be thwarted by every breath, but is defective in that secrecy, which, for the accomplishment of many of the most important national objects, is indispensably necessary ; and besides, hav- ing the legislative, executive, and judiciary departments con- centred, is exceptionable. But, at the same time that I gave this opinion, I believe the political machine will yet be much tumbled and tossed, and possibly be wrecked altogether, be- fore that or anything like it will be adopted. The darling sovereignties of each State, the governors elected and elect, the legislators, with a long tribe of et ceteras, whose political importance will be lessened, if not annihilated, would give their weight of opposition to such a revolution. But I may be speaking without book ; for, scarcely ever going off my own farms, I see few people, who do not call upon me, and am very little acquainted with the sentiments of the great public. Indeed, after what I have seen, or rather after what I have heard, I shall be surprised at nothing ; for, if three years since any person had told me that there would have been such a formidable rebellion as exists at this day against the laws *To Mr. Jay he wrote, touching upon the same subject, more than a month later: " I would fain try what the wisdom of the proposed convention will suggest, and what can be effected by their counsels. It may be the last peaceable mode of essaying the practicability of the present form, without a greater lapse of time, that the exigency of our affairs will allow. In strict propriety, a convention so holden may not be legal. Congress, however, may give it a coloring by recommendation, which would fit it more to the taste, without pro- ceeding to a definition of the powers. This, however constitutionally it might be done, would not in my opinion be expedient." — March loth. and constitution of our own making, I should have thought him a bedlamite, a fit subject for a mad-house. To James Madison, March 31, 1787. I am glad to find that Congress have recommended to the States to appear in the convention proposed to be holden in Philadelphia next May. I think the reasons in favor have the preponderancy over those against it. It is idle in my opin- ion to suppose that the Sovereign can be insensible to the inadequacy of the powers under which they act, and that, see- ing it, they should not recommend a revision of the federal system ; especially when it is considered by many as the only constitutional mode by which the defects can be remedied. Had Congress proceeded to a delineation of the powers, it might have sounded an alarm ; but, as the case is, I do not conceive that it will have that effect.* . . . I am fully of opinion that those who lean to a monarchical government have either not consulted the public mind, or that they live in a region which (the levelling principles in which they were bred being entirely eradicated) is much more pro- ductive of monarchical ideas, than are to be found in the southern States, where, from the habitual distinctions which, have always existed among the people, one would have ex- pected the first generation and the most rapid growth of them, I am also clear, that, even admitting the utility, nay, necessity of the form, yet that the period is not arrived for adopting the change without shaking the peace of this country to its founda- tion. That a thorough reform of the present system is indis- pensable, none, who have capacities to judge, will deny; and with hand [and heart] I hope the business will be essayed in a full convention. After which, if more powers and more de- cision is not found in the existing form, if it still wants energy and that secrecy and despatch (either from the non-attendance or the local views of its members), which is characteristic of good government, and if it shall be found (the contrary of which, however, I have always been more afraid of than of the abuse of them), that Congress will, upon all proper occasions, *Tlie commissioners, who had met at Annapolis in September, 1786, sent a letter to Congress, accompanied by their address to the several States, proposing a convention at Philadelphia on the second Monday of May. These papers were taken up by Congress, and referred to a committee, consisting of one member from each State, who reported in favor of recommending to the several legislatures to send delegates. exert the powers which are given, with a firm and steady hand, instead of frittering them back to the States, where the mem- bers, in place of viewing themselves in their national character, are too apt to be looking, — I say, after this essay is made, if the system proves inefficient, conviction of the necessity of a change will be disseminated among all classes of the people. Then, and not till then, in my opinion, can it be attempted without involving all the evils of civil discord. I confess, however, that my opinion of public virtue is so far changed, that I have my doubts whether any system, without the means of coercion in the sovereign, will enforce due obe- dience to the ordinances of a general government ; without which everything else fails. Laws or ordinances unobserved, or partially attended to, had better never have been made ; because the first is a mere nihil, and the second is productive of much jealousy and discontent. But what kind of coercion, you may ask. This indeed will require thought, though the non-compliance of the States with the late requisition is an evidence of the necessity. It is somewhat singular that a State (New York), which used to be foremost in all federal measures, should now turn her face against them in almost every instance. . . . It gives me great pleasure to hear that there is a probability of a full representation of the States in convention ; but, if the delegates come to it under fetters, the salutary ends proposed will, in my opinion, be greatly embarrassed and retarded, if not altogether defeated. I am desirous of knowing how this mat- ter is, as my wish is that the convention may adopt no tempor- izing expedients, but probe the defects of the constitution to the bottom, and provide a radical cure, whether they are agreed to or not. A conduct of this kind will stamp wisdom and dignity on their proceedings and hold up a light which sooner or later will have its influence.* * " It gives me pleasure to find by your letter, that there will be so full a representa- tion from this State. If the case had been otherwise, I would in emphatic terms have urged again that, rather than depend upon my going, another might be chosen in my place ; for, as a friend and in confidencej I declare to you, that my assent is given contrary to my judgment ; because the act will, I apprehend, be considered as inconsistent with my public declaration, delivered in a solemn manner at an interesting era of my life, never more to intermeddle in public matters. This declaration not only stands on the files of Congress, but is I believe registered in almost all the gazettes and magazines that are published; and w'hat adds to the embarrassment is, I had, previous t o my appointment, informed by a circular letter the sev- eral State Societies of the Cincinnati of my intention to decline the presidency of that order, and excused myself from attending the next general meeting at Philadelphia on the first Monday in May; assigning reasons for so doing, which apply as well in the one case as in the other. Add to these, I very much fear that all the States will not appear in convention, and that some of them will come fettered so as to impede rather than accelerate the great To Patrick Henry, Septeinbcr 2d,, 1787. In the first moment after my return, I take the Uberty of sending you a copy of the constitution, which the federal con- vention has submitted to the people of these States. I accom- pany it with no observations. Your own judgment will at once discover the good and the exceptionable parts of it; and your experience of the difficulties, which have ever arisen when at- tempts have been made to reconcile such variety of interests and local prejudices, as pervade the several States, will render explanation unnecessary. I wish the constitution, which is offered, had been made more perfect ; but I sincerely believe it is the best that could be obtained at this time. And, as a constitutional door is opened for amendment hereafter, the adoption of it, under the present circumstances of the Union, is in my opinion desirable. From a variety of concurring accounts it appears to me, that the political concerns of this country are in a manner sus- pended by a thread, and that the convention has been looked up to, by the reflecting part of the community, with a solici- tude, which is hardly to be conceived ; and, if nothing had been agreed on by that body, anarchy would soon have en- sued, the seeds being deeply sown in every soil. To Henry Knox, October, 1787. The constitution is now before the judgment-seat. It has, as was expected, its adversaries and supporters. Which will preponderate is yet to be decided. The former more than probably will be most active, as the major part of them will, it is to be feared, be governed by sinister and self-important motives, to which everything in their breasts must yield. The opposition from another class of them may perhaps (if they should be men of reflection, candor, and information), subside in the solution of the following simple questions: i. Is the constitution, which is submitted by the convention, preferable to the government (if it can be called one,) under which we now live ? 2. Is it probable that more confidence would at the object of their convening : which, under the peculiar circumstances of my case, would place me in a more disagreeable situation than anv other member would stand in. As I have yielded, howtver, to what appeared to be the earnest wishes of my friends, I will hope for the best."'— ]Vashmgto7i to Edjiiund Randolph, 9 April, 1787. lO time be placed in another convention, provided the experiment should be tried, than was placed in the last one, and is it likely that a better agreement would take place therein ? What would be the consequences if these should not happen, or even from the delay, which must inevitably follow such an experi- ment ? Is there not a constitutional door open for alterations or amendments ? and is it not likely that real defects will be as readily discovered after as before trial ? and will not our suc- cessors be as ready to apply the remedy as ourselves, if occa- sion should require it ? To think otherwise will, in my judg- ment, be ascribing more of the amor patric?^ more wisdom and more virtue to ourselves, than I think we deserve. It is highly probable that the refusal of our Governor and Colonel Mason to subscribe to the proceedings of the conven- tion will have a bad effect in this State ; for, as you well observe, they must not only assign reasons for the justification of their own conduct, but it is highly probable that these rea- sons will be clothed in most terrific array for the purpose of alarming.* Some things are already addressed to the fears of the people, and will no doubt have their effect. As far, how- ever, as the sense of this part of the country has been taken, it is strongly in favor of the proposed constitution. Further I cannot speak with precision. If a powerful opposition is given to it, the weight thereof will, I apprehend, come from the south side of James River, and from the western counties. To BusHROD Washington, A^ove??tber lo, 1787. That the Assembly would afford the people an opportunity of deciding on the proposed constitution, I had scarcely a doubt. The only question with me was, whether it would go forth under favorable auspices, or receive the stamp of disap- probation. The opponents I expected (for it ever has been that the adversaries to a measure are more active than its friends,) would endeavor to stamp it with unfavorable impres- sions, in order to bias the judgment, that is ultimately to decide on it. This is evidently the case with the writers in opposition, whose objections are better calculated to alarm the fears, than to convince the judgment of their readers. They * Randolph explained his position in a letter to the Speaker of the House of Delegates, 10 October, 1787. It was widely circulated in the newspapers, and printed in pamphlet form. It was reprinted in Ford, Fainphlets on the Co}ustit7itiou, 359. II build their objections upon principles that do not exist, which the constitution does not support them in, and the existence of which has been, by an appeal to the constitution itself, flatly denied ; and then, as if they were unanswerable, draw^ all the dreadful consequences that are necessary to alarm the appre- hensions of the ignorant or unthinking. It is not the interest of the major part of those characters to be convinced ; nor will their local views yield to arguments, which do not accord with their present or future prospects. A candid solution of a single question, to w^iich the plainest understanding is competent, does, in my opinion, decide the dispute ; namely, Is it best for the States to unite or not to unite ? If there are men who prefer the latter, then unques- tionably the constitution which is offered must, in their esti- mation, be wrong from the w^ords, " We the people,'' to the signature, inclusively ; but those who think differently, and yet object to parts of it, would do well to consider, that it does not He with any one State, or the minority of the States, to super- struct a constitution for the whole. The separate interests, as far as it is practicable, must be consolidated ; and local views must be attended to, as far as the nature of the case will admit. Hence it is, that every State has some objection to the present form, and these objections are directed to different points. That which is most pleasing to one is obnoxious to another, and so vice versa. If then the union of the wdiole is a desira- ble object, the component parts must yield a little in order to accomplish it. Without the latter, the former is unattainable ; for again I repeat it, that not a single State, nor the minority of the States, can force a constitution on the majority. But, admitting the power, it will surely be granted, that it cannot be done without involving scenes of civil commotion, of a very serious nature. Let the opponents of the proposed constitution in this State be asked, and it is a question they certainly ought to have asked themselves, what line of conduct they would advise to adopt, if nine other States, of which I think there is little doubt, should accede to the constitution. Would they recom- mend that it should stand single? Will they connect it with Rhode Island ? Or even with two others checkerwise, and re- main with them, as outcasts from the society, to shift for them- selves ? Or will they return to their dependence on Great Britain ? Or, lastly, have the mortification to come in when they will be allowed no credit for doing so ? 12 The warmest friends and the best supporters the constitu- tion has, do not contend that it is free from imperfections ; but they found them unavoidable, and are sensible, if evil is likely to arise therefrom, the remedy must come hereafter ; for in the present moment it is not to be obtained : and, as there is a constitutional door open for it, I think the people (for it is with them to judge), can. as they will have the advantage of experience on their side, decide with as much propriety on the alterations and amendments which are necessary, as ourselves. I do not think we are more inspired, have more wisdom, or possess more virtue, than those who will come after us. The power under the constitution will always be in the people. It is intrusted for certain defined purposes, and for a certain limited period, to representatives of their own choos- ing : and, whenever it is executed contrary to their interest, or not agreeable to their wishes, their servants can and un- doubtedly will be recalled. It is agreed on all hands, that no government can be well administered without powers ; yet, the instant these are delegated, although those, who are intrusted wnth the administration, are no more than the creatures of the people, act as it were but for a day, and are amenable for every false step they take, they are, from the moment they receive it, set down as tyrants ; their natures, they would con- ceive from this, immediately changed, and that they can have no other disposition but to oppress. Of these things, in a government constituted and guarded as ours is, I have no idea ; and do firmly believe, that, whilst many ostensible reasons are assigned to prevent the adoption of it, the real ones are con- cealed behind the curtains, because they are not of a nature to appear in open day. I believe further, supposing them pure, that as great evils result from too great jealousy as from the want of it. We need look, I think, no further for proof of this, than to the constitution of some, if not all, of these States. Xo man is a warmer advocate for proper restraints and wholesome checks in every department of government, than I am ; but I have never yet been able to discover the propriety of placing it absolutely out of the power of men to render essential services, because a possibilitv remains of their doing ill. To David ^vva^t, Noi'embe?- t^o, 1787- I have seen no publication yet, that ought in my judgment to shake the proposed constitution in the mind of an impartial and candid public. In fine, I have hardly seen one, that is not addressed to the passions of the people, and obviously cal- culated to alarm their fears. Every attempt to amend the con- stitution at this time is in my opinion idle and vain. If there are characters, who prefer disunion, or separate confederacies, to the general government, which is offered to them, their opposition may, for aught I know, proceed from principle ; but as nothing, according to my conception of the matter, is more to be deprecated than a disunion or these distinct confeder- acies, as far as my voice can go it shall be offered in favor of the latter. That there are some writers, and others perhaps who may not have written, that wish to see this union divided into several confederacies, is pretty evident. As an antidote to these opinions, and in order to investigate the ground of objections to the constitution which is submitted, the Fed- erals f, under the signature of Publius, is written. The numbers, which have been published, I send you. If there is a printer in Richmond, who is really well disposed to sup- port the new constitution, he would do well to give them a place in his paper. They are, I think I may venture to say, written by able men; and before they are finished will, or I am mistaken, place matters in a true point of light. Although I am acquainted with the writers, who have a hand in this work, I am not at liberty to mention names, nor would I have it known that they are sent by me to yon for promulgation.* To Edmund Randolph, /^?;///'^7;7 8, 1788. The diversity of sentiments upon the important matter, which has been submitted to the people, was as much expected as it is regretted by me. The various passions and motives^ * " Pray, if it is not a secret, who is the author or authors of Publius.-'" — Washington to Knox, 5 February, 7788. October 30th, Hamilton sent to Washington the first lumber of the Federalist, without any intimation as to the authorship. '' For the remaining numbers of Publius,'' wrote W'ashington in reply, " I shall acknowledge myself obliged", as I am persuaded the subject will be well handled by the author of them.' November iSth, Madison sent him seven numbers, suggesting that they be republished in Virginia, and saying that his own degree of connecticn with the publication was such as to " afford a restraint of delicacy from interesting myself directly in the republication elsewhere. You will recognize one of the pens concerned ill the task. There are three in the whole. A fourth may possibly bear a part " 14 by which men are influenced, are concomitants of faUibihty, engrafted into our nature for the purposes of unerring wis- dom ; but, had I entertained a latent hope (at the time you moved to have the constitution submitted to a second conven- tion,) that a more perfect form would be agreed to, in a word, that any constitution would be adopted under the impressions and instructions of the members, the publications, which have taken place since, would have eradicated every form of it. How do the sentiments of the influential characters in this State, who are opposed to the constitution, and have favored the public with their opinions, quadrate with each other ? Are they not at variance on some of the most important points ? If the opponents in the same State cannot agree in their princi- ples, what prospect is there of a coalescence wdth the advocates of the measure, when the different views and jarring interests of so wade and extended an empire are to be brought forward and combated ? To my judgment it is more clear than ever, that an attempt to amend the constitution, which is submitted, would be pro- ductive of more heat and greater confusion than can well be conceived. There are some things in the new form, I will readily acknowledge, which never did, and I am persuaded never will, obtain my cordial approbation ; but I then did con- ceive, and do now most firmly believe, that in the aggregate it is the best constitution, that can be obtained at this epoch, and that this, or a dissolution of the Union, awaits our choice, and are the only alternatives before us. Thus believing, I had not,, nor have I now, any hesitation in deciding on which to lean. To THE Marquis de Chastellux, y://;-// 25, 1788. The constitution which was proposed by the federal conven- tion has been adopted by the States of Massachusetts, Connec- ticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Georgia. No State has rejected it. The convention of Maryland is now sitting, and will probably adopt it ; as that of South Carolina is expected to do in May. The other conventions will assem- ble early in the summer. Hitherto there has been much greater unanimity in favor of the proposed government, than could have reasonably been expected. Should it be adopted (and I think it will be), America will lift up her head again, and in a few years become respectable among .the nations. It is a flattering IS and consolatory reflection, that our rising republics have the good wishes of all the philosophers, patriots, and virtuous men in all nations ; and that they look upon them as a kind of asy- lum for mankind. God grant that we may not disappoint their honest expectations by our folly or perverseness. . . . To Thomas Jefferson, ^//^'■//j-/ 31, 1788. The merits and defects of the proposed constitution have been largely and ably discussed. For myself, I was ready to have embraced any tolerable compromise, that was competent to save us from impending, ruin ; and I can say there are scarcely any of the amendments, which have been suggested, to which I have much objection, except that which goes to the prevention of direct taxation. And that, I presume, will be more strenuously advocated and insisted upon hereafter, than any other. I had indulged the expectation, that the new government would enable those entrusted with its admin- istration to do justice to the public creditors, and retrieve the national character. But, if no means are to be employed but requisitions, that expectation was vain, and we may as w^ell recur to the old confederation. If the system can be put in operation, without touching niuch the pockets of the people, perhaps it may be done ; but, in my judgment, infinite circum- spection and prudence are yet necessary in the experiment. It is nearly impossible for anybody who has not been on the spot (from any description) to conceive what the delicacy and danger of our situation have been. Though the peril is not past entirely, thank God the prospect is somewhat brightening. You will probably have heard, before the receipt of this letter, that the general government has been adopted by eleven States, and that the actual Congress have been prevented from issuing their ordinance for carrying it into execution, in conse- quence of a dispute about the place at which the future Con- gress shall meet. It is probable, that Philadelphia or .New York will soon be agreed upon. I will just touch on the bright side of our national state, before I conclude ; and we may perhaps rejoice, that the people have been ripened by misfortune for the reception of a good government. They are emerging from the gulf of dissi- pation and debt, into which they had precipitated themselves at the close of the war. Economy and industry are evi- i6 dently gaining ground. Not only agriculture, but even manu- factures, are much more attended to than formerly. Not- withstanding the shackles under which our trade in general labors, commerce to the East Indies is prosecuted with con- siderable success. Salted provisions and other produce (par- ticularly from Massachusetts,) have found an advantageous market there. The voyages are so much shorter, and the vessels are navigated at so much less expense, that we may hope to rival aud supply, (at least through the West Indies,) some part of Europe with commodities from" thence. This year the exports from Massachusetts have amounted to a great deal more than their imports. I wish this w^as the case every- where. ... To Henry Lee, Septe??iher 22, 1788. Your observations on the solemnity of the crisis, and its application to myself, bring before me subjects of the most momentous and interesting nature. In our endeavors to es- tablish a new general government, the contest, nationally considered, seems not to have been so much for glory as existence. It was for a long time doubtful w^hether we were to survive as an independent republic, or decline from our federal dignity into insignificant and wretched fragments of an empire. The adoption of the constitution so extensively, and wdth so liberal an acquiescence on the part of the minori- ties in general, promised the former ; until lately the circular letter of New York carried, in my apprehension, an unfavor- able if not an insidious tendency to a contrary policy. I still hope for the best ; but, before you mentioned it, I could not help fearing it would serve as a standard to which the dis- affected might resort. It is now evidently the part of all honest men, who are friends to the new constitution, to en- deavor to give it a chance to disclose its merits and defects, by carrying it fairly into effect in the first instance. For it is to be apprehended that, by an attempt to obtain amendments before the experiment has been candidly made, " more is meant than meets the ear," that an intention is concealed to accomplish slyly what could not have been done openly, to undo all that has been done. If the fact so exists, that a kind of combination is forming to stifle the government in embryo, it is a happy circumstance that the design has become suspected. Preparations should be the sure attendant upon forewarning. Probably prudence wisdom, and patriotism were never more essentially necessary, than at the present moment ; and so far as it can be done in an irreproachably direct manner, no effort ought to be left unessayed to procure the election of the best possible charac- ters to the new Congress. On their harmony, deliberation, and decision everything wall depend. I heartily wish Mr. Madison was in our Assembly, as I think with you it is of unspeakable importance Virginia should set out with her fed- eral measures under right auspices. The principal topic of your letter is to me a point of great delicacy indeed, insomuch that I can scarcely without some impropriety touch upon it. In the first place, the event to which you allude may never happen ; among other reasons, because, if the partiality of my fellow citizens conceive it to be a means by which the sinews of the new government would be strengthened, it will of consequence be obnoxious to those who are in opposition to it, many of whom unquestionably will be placed among the electors. This consideration alone would supersede the expediency of announcing any definite and irrevocable resolution. You are among the small number of those who know my invincible attachment to domestic life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely until my final hour. But the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so candidly disposed, as to beUeve me uninfluenced by sinister motives, in case any circumstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct I had prescribed to myself indispensable. Should the contingency you suggest take place, and (for argument's sake alone let me say it) should my unfeigned re- luctance to accept the office be overcome by a deference for the reasons and opinions of my friends, might I not, after the declarations I have made (and Heaven knows they were made in the sincerity of my heart), in the judgment of the impartial world and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsist- ency, if not with rashness and ambition ? Nay, farther, would there not even be some apparent foundation for the two former charges J Now justice to myself and tranquillity of conscience require that I should act a part, if not abo\;e impu- tation, at least capable of vindication. Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. Though I prize as I ought the good opinion of my fellow citizens, yet, if I know i8 myself, I would not seek or retain popularity at the expense of one social duty or moral virtue. While doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my God, my country, and myself, I could despise all the party clamor and unjust censure, which must be ex- pected from some whose personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government. I am conscious that I fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. And certain I am, whensoever I shall be convinced the good of my country requires my reputation to be put in risk, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. If I declined the task, it would lie upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for agricultural amusements, and my growing love of retirement, augment and confirm my de- cided predilection for the character of a private citizen, yet it would be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, nor the terror of en- countering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance ; but a belief that some other person, who had less pretence and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties fully as satisfactorily as myself. To say more would be indiscreet, as a disclosure of a refusal beforehand might incur the application of the fable in which the fox is represented as undervaluing the grapes he could not reach. You will perceive, my dear Sir, by what is here observed, (and which you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confi- dential communication,) that my inclinations will dispose and decide me to remain as I am, unless a clear and insurmount- able conviction should be impressed on my mind that some very disagreeable consequences must, in all human probability, result from the indulgence of my wishes. To Alexander Hamilton, October t^^ 1788.* Although I could not help observing, from several publica- tions and letters, that my name had been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible the cofitingeficy which is the subject * See Hamilton's letter upon the importance of Washington serving as first President of the L'nited States under the Constitution, in Ford's edition of Washington, xi. 329. "On your acceptance of the office of President,'' Hamilton wrote, " the success of the new govern- ment in its commencement may materially depend." 19. of your letter might happen, yet I thought it best to maintain a guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my best friends, (which I certainly hold in the highest estimation,) rather than to hazard an imputation unfriendly to the delicacy of my feel- ings. For, situated as I am, I could hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion even in the most confidential manner, without betraying, in my judgment, some impropriety of conduct, or without feeling an apprehen- sion, that a premature display of anxiety might be construed into a vainglorious desire of pushing myself into notice as a candidate. Now, if 1 am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice in case the electors, by giving their votes in favor of some other person, would save me from the dreaded dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the next place earnestly desirous of searching out the truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would be just as happily and effectually carried into execution without my aid as with it. I am truly solicitous to obtain all the previous information, which the circumstances will afford, and to deter- mine (when the determination can with propriety be no longer postponed) according to the principles of right reason, and the dictates of a clear conscience, without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences, which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to conviction, though I allow your sentiments to have weight in them ; and I shall not pass by your arguments without giv- ing them as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon them. In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, 1 will not suppress the acknowl- edgment, my dear Sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have been taught to expect I might, and perhaps must, ere long, be called to make a decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion, (though I have little expectation it would gain credit from those who are less acquainted with me,) that, if I should receive the appoint- ment, and if I should be prevailed upon to accept it, the ac- ceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance than I ever experienced before in my life. It would be, how- ever, with a fixed and sole determination of lending w'hatever assistance might be in my power to promote the public weal, in 20 hopes that at a convenient and early period my services might be dispensed with, and that I might be permitted once more to retire, to pass an unclouded evening after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestic tranquillity. The personal influence of Washington in securing the meeting of the Constitutional Convention, in directing its deliberations, and in commending the new constitution to the people, was the greatest and the determning in- fluence in that critical period. The accompanying selections from his large correspondence upon this important subject while it was pending will indi- cate the character of that influence and of Washington's sentiments con- cerning the new national government. The student is referred to Volume XI. of Ford's edition of the writings of Washington for the complete col- lection of his letters during this period. He will also find in that volume (page 140) Washington's Diarv during the Constitutional Convention, which, although but a skeleton, will give him an insight into Washington's life in Philadelphia from May to September, 1787. In the various Lives of Washington, in the last volume of Bancroft's History of the United States, in Fiske's " Critical Period of American Histor}-," and elsewhere are good accounts of the disorders following the Revolution, to which the earlier letters in the present leaflet relate, and of the successful measures, so largely directed by Washington, which gradually brought order out of chaos. In theseries of Old South Leaflets are many which will be of use in this connection. Among these are Washington's Circular Letter to the governors of the States in 17S3 (No. 15). Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison in 17S4 (No. 16), Selection from the Debates in the Constitu- tional Convention (No. 70), Selections from the Federalist (No. 12), and Washington's Inaugural (No. 10). PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. <©Iti J^outl^ Ecaflet^ General Series No. io. Washington's Inaugurals. INAUGURAL SPEECH To both Houses of Congress, April jo, ijSg. Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives: Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could hav( filled me with greater anxieties, than that of which the notifica tion was transmitted by your order, and received on the i4tl day of the present month. On the one hand, I was summonec by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with venera tion and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fond est predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutabh decision, as the asylum of my declining years ; a retreat whicl was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear t( me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent inter ruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it b] time. On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust, to which the voice of my country called me, being suffi cient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citi zens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not bu overwhelm with despondence one, who, inheriting inferior en dovvments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civi administration, ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own de ficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that i has been my faithful study to collect my duty from a jiist appre elation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. Al I dare hope is, that, if in executing this task, I have been to( much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, o: by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of th( confidence of my fellow-citizens ; and have thence too little con suited my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weights and untried cares before me ; my error will be palliated by th( motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they orig- inated. Such being the impressions under which I have, in obediA ence to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first olBcial act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being, who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose ~ providential aids can supply every human defect, that his bene- diction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the peo- ple of the United States a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the func- tions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own ; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. ' No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand, which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step, by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distin- guished by some token of providential agency. And, in the im- portant revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude along with an humble anticipation of the future bless- ings which the past seems to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspi- ci*ously commence. By the article establishing the executive department, it is made the duty of the President "to recommend to your consid- eration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedi- ent." The circumstances, under which I now meet you, will acquit me from entering into that subject farther than to refer you to the great constitutional charter under which we are assembled ; and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recom- mendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism, which adorn the char- acters selected to devise and adopt them. In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges, that as, on one side, no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views or party ani- mosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye, which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests; so, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of pri- vate morality, and the preeminence of a free government be ex- emplified by all the attributes, which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction, which an ardent love for my country can inspire ; since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the econ- omy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness, between duty and advantage, between the genu- ine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity ; since we ought to be no less persuaded that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained ; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply, perhaps cisjtnally staked on the experiment intrusted to the hands of the American people. Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional power delegated by the fifth article of the Constitu- tion is rendered expedient at the present juncture by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. In- stead of undertaking particular recommendations on this sub- ject, in which I could be guided by no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire con- fidence in your discernment and pursuit of the public good; for I assure myself, that, whilst jou carefully avoid every alteration, which might endanger the benefits of a united and effective gov- ernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experi- ence ; a reverence for the characteristic rights of freemen, and a regard for the public harmony, will sufhciently influence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and advantageously promoted. To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will 3e most properly addressed to the House of Representatives, [t concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. ^Vhen I was first honored with a call into the service of my :ountry, then on the eve of an arduous struggle for its liberties, ;he light in which I contemplated my duty required, that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this res- olution I have in no instance departed. And being still under the impressions which produced it, I must decline as inappli- cable to myself any share in the personal emoluments, which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the sxecutive department ; and must accordingly pray, that the pecuniary estimates for the station in which I am placed ,may, during my continuance in it, be limited to such actual expendi- tures as the public good may be thought to require. Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave ; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that, since he has been pleased to favor the American people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of government for the security of their union and the advance- ment of their happiness ; so his divine blessing may be equally cotispiaious in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures, on which the success of this government must depend. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE SENATE. Gentlemen, I thank you for your address, in which the most affectionate sentiments are expressed in the most obliging terms. The coincidence of circumstances, which led to this auspicious crisis, the confidence reposed in me by my fel- low-citizens, and the assistance I may expect from counsels, which will be dictated by an enlarged and liberal policy, seem to presage a more prosper- ous issue to my administration, than a diffidence of my abilities had taught me to anticipate. I now feel myself inexpressibly happy in a belief, that Heaven, which has done so much for our infant nation, will not withdraw its providential influence before our political felicity shall have been completed ; and in a conviction, that the Senate will at all times cooperate in every meas- ure, which may tend to promote the welfare of this confederated republic. Thus supported by a firm trust in the great Arbiter of the universe, aided by the collected wisdom of the Union, and imploring the divine benediction on our joint exertions in the service of our country, I readily engage with you in the arduous but pleasing task of attempting to make a nation happy. REPLY TO THE ANSWER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Gentlemen, Your very affectionate address j^roduces emotions, which I know not how to express. I feel, that my past endeavours in the service of my coun- try are far overpaid by its goodness ; and I fear much, that my future ones may not fulfil your kind anticipation. All that I can promise is, that they will be invariably directed by an honest and an ardent zeal. Of this resource my heart assures me. For all beyond, I rely on the wisdom and patriotism of those with whom I am to cooperate, and a continuance of the blessings oi Heaven on our beloved country. SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF CONGRESS. December ^d, lygj. Fellow- Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives, Since the commencement of the term, for which I have been again called into office, no fit occasion has arisen for ex- .pressing to my fellow-citizens at large, the deep and respectful sense, which I feel, of the renewed testimony of public approba- tion. While, on the one hand, it awakened my gratitude for all those instances of affectionate partiality, with which I have been honored by my country ; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from which no private consider- .ation should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief, that my conduct would be estimated according to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exertions having nothing personal for their ob- ject, I have obeyed the suffrage, which commanded me to resume the executive power ; and I humbly implore that Being, on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavours for the general happiness. As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers, with whom the United States have the most extensive relations, there was reason to apprehend, that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn into question, by the suspicions too often entertained by belligerent nations. It seemed, therefore, to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequences of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties ; and to obtain, by a declaration of the existing legal state of things, an easier admission of our right to the immunities belonging to our situation. Under these im- pressions, the Proclamation, which will be laid before you, was issued. In this posture of affairs, both new and delicate, I resolved to adopt general rules, which should conform to the treaties and assert the privileges of the United States. These were reduced into a system, which will be communicated to you. Although I have not thought myself at liberty to forbid the sale of the prizes, permitted by our treaty of commerce with France to be brought into our ports, I have not refused to cause them to be restored, when they were taken within the protection of our territory, or by vessels commissioned or equipped in a warlike form within the limits of the United States. It rests with the wisdom of Congress to correct, improve, or enforce this plan of procedure ; and it will probably be found expedient to extend the legal code, and the jurisdiction of the courts of the United States, to many cases, which, though de- pendent on principles already recognised, demand some further provisions. - — ^ Where individuals shall within the United States array' themselves in hostility against any of the powers at war ; or enter upon military expeditions or enterprises within the juris- diction of the United States ; or usurp and exercise judicial authority within the United States ; or where the penalties on violations of the law of nations may have been indistinctly marked, or are inadequate ; these offences cannot receive too early and close an attention, and require prompt and decisive remedies. Whatsoever those remedies may be, they will be well ad- ministered by the judiciary, who possess a long-established course of investigation, effectual process, and ofhcers in the habit of executing it. In like manner, as several of the courts have doubted^ under particular circumstances, their power to liberate the vessels of a nation at peace, and even of a citizen of the United States, although seized under a false color of being hostile property ; and have denied their power to liberate certain captures within the protection of our territory ; it would seem proper to regulate their jurisdiction in these points. But if the executive is to be the resort in either of the two last-men- tioned cases, it is hoped, that he will be authorized by law to have facts ascertained by the courts, when, for his own informa- tion, he shall request it. r cannot recommend to your notice measures for the fulfil- ment of our duties to the rest of the world, without again press- 7- ing upon you the necessity of placing ourselves in a condition of complete defence, and of exacting from them the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United States ought not to indulge a persuasion, that, contrary to the order of human events, they will for ever keep at a distance those painful appeals to arms, with which the history of every other nation abounds. FThere is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputation of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it ; if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our rising prosperity, it must be known, that we are at all times ready for war. The documents, which will be presented to you, will show the amount and kinds of arms and military stores now in our magazines and arsenals ; and yet an addition even to these supplies cannot with prudence be neglected, as it would leave nothing to the uncertainty of procuring a warlike apparatus in the moment of public danger. Nor can such arrangements, with such objects, be exposed to the censure or jealousy of the warmest friends of republican government. They are incapable of abuse in the hands of the militia, who ought to possess a pride in being the depository of the force of the Republic, and may be trained to a degree of energy, equal to every military exigency of the United States. But it is an inquiry, which can- not be too solemnly pursued, whether the act " more effectually to provide for the national defence by establishing a uniform militia throughout the United States," has organized them so as to produce their full effect ; whether your own experience in the several States has not detected some imperfections in the scheme; and whether a -material feature, in an improvement of it, ought not to be to afford an opportunity for the study of those branches of the military art, which can scarcely ever be attained by practice alone. The connexion of the United States with Europe has be- come extremely interesting. The occurrences, which relate to it, and have passed under the knowledge of the executive, will be exhibited to Congress in a subsequent communication. When we contemplate the war on our frontiers, it may be truly af^rmed, that every reasonable effort has been made to adjust the causes of dissension with the Indians north of the Ohio. The instructions given to the commissioners evince a moderation and equity proceeding from a sincere love of peace, and a liberality having no restriction but the essential interests and dignity of the United States. The attempt, however, of 8 an amicable negotiation having been frustrated, the troops have marched to act offensively. Although the proposed treaty did not arrest the progress of military preparation, it is doubtful how far the advance of the season, before good faith justified active movements, may retard them, during the remainder of the year. From the papers and intelligence, which relate to this important subject, you will determine, whether the deficiency in the number of troops, granted by law, shall be compensated by succours of militia; or additional encouragements shall be proposed to recruits. An anxiety has been also demonstrated by the executive for peace with the Creeks and the Cherokees. The former have been relieved with corn and with clothing, and offensive measures against them prohibited, during the recess of Congress. To satisfy the complaints of the latter, prosecu- tions have been instituted for the violences committed upon them. But the papers, which will be delivered to you, disclose the critical footing on which we stcmd in regard to both those tribes ; and it is with Congress to pronounce what shall be done. After they shall have provided for the present emergency, it will merit their most serious labors, to render tranquillity with the savages permanent by creating ties of interest. Next to a rigorous execution of justice on the violators of peace, the es- tablishment of commerce with the Indian nations on behalf of the United States is most likely to conciliate their attachment. But it ought to be conducted without fraud, without extortion, with constant and plentiful supplies, with a ready market for the commodities of the Indians, and a stated price for what they give in payment, and receive in exchange. Individuals will not pursue such a traffic, unless they be allured by the hope of profit ; but it will be enough for the United States to be reimbursed onlv. Should this recommendation accord with the opinion of Congress, they will recollect, that it cannot be ac- complished by any means yet in the hands of the Executive. Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, The commissioners, charged with ihe settlement of accounts between the United and individual States, concluded their im- portant functions within the time limited by law ; and the balances, struck in their report, which will be laid before Con- gress, have been placed on the books of the treasury. On the first day of June last, an instalment of one million of florins became payable on the loans of the United States in Holland. This was adjusted by a prolongation of the period of reimbursement, in the nature of a new loan, at interest at five per cent for the term of ten years ; and the expenses of this operation were a commission of three per cent. The first instalment of the loan of two millions of dollars from the bank of the United States has been paid, as was di- rected by law. For the second, it is necessary that provision should be made. No pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the regular redemption and discharge of the public debt ; on none can delay be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable. The productiveness of the public revenues hitherto has continued to equal the anticipations which were formed of it; but it is not expected to prove commensurate with all the ob- jects, which have been suggested. Some auxiliary provisions will, therefore, it is presumed, be requisite ; and it is hoped that these may be made, consistently with a due regard to the con- venience of our citizens, who cannot but be sensible of the true wisdom of encountering a small present addition to their con- tributions, to obviate a future accumulation of burdens. But here I cannot forbear to recommend a repeal of the tax on tlie transportation of public prints. There is no resource so firm for the government of the United States, as the affec- tions of the people, guided by an enlightened policy; and to this primary good, nothing can conduce more than a faithful representation of public proceedings, diffused without restraint throughout the United States. An estimate of the appropriations necessary for the current service of the ensuing year, and a statement of a purchase of arms and military stores made during the recess, will be pre- sented to Congress. Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives, The several subjects, to which I have now referred, open a wide range to your deliberations, and involve some of the choicest interests of our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. Without an unprejudiced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded; without harmony, as far as consists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may be lost. But as the legislative pro- ceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper or candor ; so shall not the public happi- ness languish from the want of my strenuous and warmest cooperations. THE INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON. " The inauguration took place on the 30th of April. . At nine o'clock in the morning, there were religious services in all the churches, and prayers put up for the blessing of heaven on the new government. At twelve o'clock the city troops paraded before Washington's door, and soon after the committees of Congress and heads of departments came in their carriages. At half past twelve the procession moved forward preceded by the troops; next came the committees and heads of departments in their carriages; then Washington in a coach of state, his aide-de-camp, Colonel Humphreys, and his secretary, Mr. Lear, in his own carriage. The foreign ministers and a long train of citizens brought up the rear. About two hundred yards before reaching the hall, Wash- ington and his suite alighted from their carriages, and passed through the troops, who were drawn up on each side, into the hall and senate-chamber, where the Vice President, the Senate and House of Representatives were assembled. The Vice President, John Adams, recently inaugurated, advanced and conducted Washington to a chair of state at the upper end of the room. A solemn silence prevailed ; when the Vice President rose, and informed him that all things were prepared for him to take the oath of office required by the constitution. The oath was to be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New York in a balcony in front of the senate chamber, and in full view of an immense multitude occupying the street, the windows, and even roofs of the adjacent houses. The bal- cony formed a kind of open recess, with lofty columns support- ing the roof. In the center was a table with a covering of crimson velvet, upon which lay a superbly bound Bible on a crimson velvet cushion. This was all the paraphernalia for the august scene. All eyes were fixed upon the balcony, when, at the ap- pointed hour, Washington made his appearance, accompanied by various public functionaries, and members of the Senate and House of Representatives. He was clad in a full suit of dark-brown cloth, of American manufacture, with a steel-hilted dress sword, white silk stockings, and silver shoe buckles. His hair was dressed and powdered in the fashion of the day, and worn in a bag and solitaire. His entrance on the balcony was hailed by universal II . shouts. He was evidently moved by this demonstration of public affection. Advancing to the front of the balcony he laid his hand upon his heart, bowed several times, and then retreated to an arm-chair near the table. The populace appeared to understand that the scene had overcome him ; and were hushed at once into profound silence. After a few moments Washington rose and again came for- ward. John Adams, the Vice President, stood on his right; on his left the Chancellor of the State, Robert R. Livingston; somewhat in the rear were Roger Sherman, Alexander Hamil- ton, Generals Knox, St. Clair, the Baron Steuben and others. The chancellor advanced to administer the oath prescribed by the constitution, and Mr. Otis, the secretary of the Senate, held up the Bible on its crimson cushion. The oath was read slowly and distinctly ; Washington at the same time laying his hand on the open Bible. When it was concluded, he replied solemnly, 'I swear — so help me God!' Mr. Otis would have raised the Bible to his lips, but he bowed down reverently and kissed it. The chancellor now stepped forward, waved his hand and exclaimed, 'Long live George Washington, President of the United- States ! ' At this moment a flag was displayed on the cupola of the hall ; on which signal there was a general dis- charge of artillery on the battery. All the bells in the city rang out a joyful peal, and the multitude rent the air with accla- mations. Washington again bowed to the people and returned into the senate chamber, where he delivered, to both Houses of Congress, his inaugural address, characterized by his usual modesty, moderation and good sense, but uttered with a voice deep, slightly tremulous, and so low as to demand close atten- tion in the listeners. After this he proceeded with the whole assemblage on foot to St. Paul's church, where prayers suited to the occasion were read by Dr. Prevost, Bishop of the Prot- estant Episcopal Church in New York, who had been appointed by the Senate one of the chaplains of Congress. So closed the ceremonies of the inauguration." — Irving' s Life of Washington, •" Every one without exception appeared penetrated with veneration for the illustrious chief of the republic. The hum- blest was proud of the virtues of the man who was to govern him. Tears of joy were seen to flow in the hall of the senate, 12 at church, and even in the streets, and no sovereign ever reignec more completely in the hearts of his subjects than Washingtor in the hearts of his fellow-citizens. Nature, which had giver him the talent to govern, distinguished him from all others b] his appearance. He had at once the soul, the look and th( figure of a hero. He never appeared embarrassed at homag( rendered him, and in his manners he had the advantage of join ing dignity to great simplicity." — From the report of Moustier the French minister^ to his goverm?ie7it, on the inauguration of Wash ington. Washington took the oath of office for his second term, on the 4th oj March, 1793. ^lie address which is here printed as his second inaugural i< the address delivered upon the assembling of Congress in December follow- ing. In the time of Washington's administration, it was customary for th( President, at the opening of each session of Congress, to meet the twc houses in person and deliver a written speech. Each house returned an an- swer to this speech some days afterwards, by a committee, who waited or him for the purpose, and he at the same time made a brief reply. All oJ Washington's speeches to Congress, and all his replies to the answers of th€ two houses, are given in vol. xii of Sparks' s edition of the Writings of Wash- ington. OLD SOUTH LEAFLETS, GENERAL SERIES. No. I. Constitution of the United States. 2. Articles of Confedera tion. 3. Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's Farewell Ad dress. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 7. Charte; of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, 1638 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's Inaugurals. 11. Lin coin's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. The Federalist Nos. I and 2 — etc. Price, five cents per copy; one hundred copies PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, Old South Meeting House, Boston. #lb .^outft Xcaflet^ General Series, No. i6. Washington's Letter to Benja- min Harrison, GOV. OF VA., On the Opening of Communication with the West. Mount Vernon, lo October, J'184. Dear Sir : Upon my return from the western country a few days ago, I had the pleasure to receive your favor of the 17th ultimo. It has always been my intention to pay my respects to you, before the chance of another early and hard winter should make a warm fireside too comfortable to be relinquished. And I shall feel an additional pleasure in offering this tribute of friendship and respect to you, by having the company of the Marquis de Lafayette, when he shall have revisited this place from his eastern tour, now every day to be expected. I shall take the liberty now, my dear Sir, to suggest a mat- ter, which would (if I am not too short-sighted a politician) mark your administration as an important era in the annals of this country, if it should be recommended by you and adopted by the Assembly. It has long been my decided opinion, that the shortest, easiest, and least expensive communication with the invaluable and extensive country back of us would be by one or both of the rivers of this State, which have their sources in the Apala- chian mountains. Nor am I singular in this opinion. Evans, in his Map and Analysis of the Middle Colonies, which, con- sidering the early period at which they were given to the public, are done with amazing exactness, and Hutchins since, in his Topographical Description of the western country, a good part of which is from actual surveys, are decidedly of the same sen- timents ; as indeed are all others, who have had opportunities, and have been at the pains, to investigate and consider the sub- ject. But that this may not now stand as mere matter of opinion and assertion, unsupported by facts (such at least as the best maps now extant, compared with the oral testimony, which my opportunities in the course of the war have enabled me to obtainX I shall give you the different routes and distances from Detroit, by which all the trade of the northwestern parts of the united territory must pass ; unless the Spaniards, contrary to their present policy, should engage part of it, or the British should attempt to force nature, by carr}-ing the trade of the Upper Lakes by the River Utawas into Canada, which I scarcely think they will or could effect. Taking Detroit then (which is putting ourselves in as unfavorable a point of view as we can be well placed in, because it is upon the line of the British territor}-) as a point by which, as 1 have already observed, all that part of the trade must come, it appears from the statement enclosed, that the tide waters of this State are nearer to it by one hundred and sixty-eight miles, than those of the River St. Lawrence; or than those of the Hudson at Albany, by one hun- dred and seventy-six miles. Mar}-land stands upon similar ground with Virginia. Penn- sylvania, although the Susquehanna is an unfriendly water, much impeded, it is said, with rocks and rapids, and nowhere communicating with those, which lead to her capital, has it in contemplation to open a communication betvreen Toby's Creek, which empties into the Allegany River ninety-tive miles above Fort Pitt, and the west branch of the Susquehanna, and to cut a canal between the waters of the latter and the Schuylkill ; the expense of which is easier to be conceived, than estimated or described by me. A people, however, who are possessed of the spirit of commerce, who see and who will pursue their advan- tages, may achieve almost any thing. In the mean time, under the uncertainty of these undertakings, they are smoothing the roads and paving the ways for the trade of that western world. That Xew York will do the same as soon as the British garri- sons are removed, which are at present insurmountable obstacles m their way, no person, who knows the temper, genius, and policy of those people as well as I do, can harbour the smallest doubt. Thus much with respect to rival States. Let me now take a short view of our own ; and, being aware of the objections which are in the way, I will, in order to contrast them, enumer- ate them with the advantages. The first and principal one is, the unfortunate jealousy^ which ever has, and it is to be feared ever will prevail, lest one part of the State should obtain an advantage over the other parts, as if the benefits of the trade were not diffusive and bene- ficial to all. Then follows a train of difficulties, namely, that our people are already heavily taxed ; that we have no money ; that the advantages of this trade are remote ; that the most direct route for it is through other States, over which we have no control ; that the routes over which we have control are as distant as either of those which lead to Philadelphia, Albany, or Montreal ; that a sufficient spirit of commerce does not pervade the citizens of this commonwealth ; and that we are in fact doing for others, what they ought to do for themselves. Without going into the investigation of a question, which has employed the pens of able politicians, namely, whether trade with foreigners is an advantage or disadvantage to a country, this State, as a part of the confederated States, all of which have the spirit of it very strongly working within them, must adopt it, or submit to the evils arising therefrom without receiving its benefits. Common policy, therefore, points clearly and strongly to the propriety of our enjoying all the advantages, which nature and our local situation afford us; and evinces clearly, that, unless this spirit could be totally eradicated in other States as well as in this, and every man be made to become either a cultivator of the land or a manufacturer of such articles as are prompted by necessity, such stimulus should be employed as will force this spirit, by showing to our country- men the superior advantages we possess beyond others, and the importance of being upon an equal footing with our neighbours. If this is fair reasoning, it ought to follow as a conse- quence, that we should do our part towards opening the com- munication for the fur and peltry trade of the Lakes, and for the produce of the country which lies within, and which will, so soon as matters are settled with the Indians, and the terms on which Congress mean to dispose of the land, found to be favor- able, are announced, be settled faster than any other ever was, or any one would imagine. This, then, when considered in an interested point of view, is alone sufficient to excite our endeav- ours. But in my opinion there is a political consideration for so doing, which is of still greater importance. I need not remark to you. Sir, that the flanks and rear of the United States are possessed by other powers, and formi- dable ones too ; nor how necessary it is to apply the cement of interest to bind all parts of the Union together by indissoluble bonds, especially that part of it, which lies immediately west of us, with the middle States. For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people ? How entirely unconnected with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing stumbling-blocks in their way, as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance ? What, when thev get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive \from the emigration of foreigners, who will have no particular predilection towards us, as well as from the removal of our own citizens\ will be the consequence of their having . formed close connexions with both or either of those powers, in a commercial way ? It needs not, in my opinion, the gift of prophecy to foretell. The western States (I speak now from my own observation) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. They have looked down the Mississippi, until the Spaniards, very impolitically I think for themselves, threw difficulties in their way; and they looked that way for no other reason, than because they could glide gently down the stream; without considering, perhaps, the difficulties of the voyage back again, and the time necessar}- to perform it in; and because they have no other means of coming to us but by long land transportations and unimproved roads. These causes have hitherto checked the industry of the present settlers ; for, except the demand for provisions, occasioned by the increase of population, and a little flour, which the necessities of the Span- iards compel them to buy, they have no incitements to labor. But smooth the road, and make easy the way for them, and then see what an influx of articles will be poured upon us ; how amazingly our exports will be increased by them, and how amply we shall be compensated for any trouble and expense we may encounter to effect it. A combination of circumstances makes the present con- juncture more favorable for Virginia, than for any other State in the Union, to fix these matters. The jealous and untoward disposition of the Spaniards on one hand, and the private views of some individuals, coinciding with the general policy of the court of Great Britain, on the other, to retain as long as pos- sible the posts of Detroit, Niagara, and Oswego, (which, though done under the letter of the treaty, is certainly an infraction of the spirit of it, and injurious to the Union,) may be improved to the greatest advantage by this State, if she would open the avenues to the trade of that' country, and embrace the present moment to establish it. It only wants a beginning. The west- ern inhabitants would do their part towards its execution. Weak as they are, they would meet us at least half way, rather than be driven into the arms of foreigners, or be made dependent upon them ; which would eventually either bring on a separa- 5 tion of them from us, or a war between the United States and one or the other of those powers, most probably with the Span- iards. The preliminary steps to the attainment of this great object would be attended with very little expense, and might, at the same time that it served to attract the attention of the western country, and convince the wavering inhabitants of our disposi- tion to connect ourselves with them, and facilitate their com- merce with us, be a means of removing those jealousies, which otherwise might take place among ourselves. These, in my opinion, are, to appoint commissioners, who, from their situation, integrity, and abilities, can be under no suspicion of prejudice, or predilection to one part more than to another. Let these commissioners make an actual survey of James River and the Potomac from tide-water to their respective sources ; note with great accuracy the kind of navigation and the obstructions, the difficulty and expense attending the removal of these obstructions, the distances from place to place through their whole extent, and the nearest and best portage between these waters and the streams capable of improvement, which run into the Ohio ; traverse these in like manner to their junction with the Ohio, and with equal accuracy. The navigation of the Ohio being well known, they will have less to do in the examination of it ; but, nevertheless, let the courses and distances be taken to the mouth of the Muskingum, and up that river (notwithstanding it is in the ceded lands) to the carrying-place to the Cayahoga ; dovv^n the Cayahoga to Lake Erie ; and thence to Detroit. Let them do the same with Big Beaver Creek, although part of it is in the State of Penn- sylvania ; and also with the Scioto. In a word, let the waters east and west of the Ohio, which invite our notice by their proximity, and by the ease with which land transportation may be had between them and the Lakes on one side, and the Rivers Potomac and James on the other, be explored, accurately delin- eated, and a correct and connected map of the whole be pre- sented to the public. These things being done, I shall be mistaken if prejudice does not yield to facts, jealousy to candor, and, finally, if reason and nature, thus aided, do not dictate what is right and proper to be done. In the mean while, if it should be thought that the lapse of time, which is necessary to effect this work, may be attended with injurious consequences, could not there be a sum of money granted towards opening the best, or, if it should be deemed more eligible, two of the nearest communications (one to the northward and another to the southward) with the settlements to the westward; and an act be passed, if there should not appear a manifest disposition in the Assembly to make it a pub- lic undertaking, to incorporate and encourage private advent- urers, if any should associate and solicit the same, for the purpose of extending the navigation of the Potomac or James River; and, in the former case, to request the concurrence of Maryland in the measure ? It will appear from my statement of the different routes (and, as far as my means of information have extended, I have done it with the utmost candor), that all the produce of the settlements about Fort Pitt can be brought to Alexandria by the Youghiogany in three hundred and four miles, whereof only thirty-one are land transportation ; and by the Monongahela and Cheat Rivers in three hundred and sixty miles, twenty of which only are land carriage. Whereas the common road from Fort Pitt to Philadelphia is three hundred and twenty miles, all land transportation ; or four hundred and seventy-six miles, if the Ohio, Toby's Creek, Susquehanna, and Schuylkill are made use of for this purpose. How much of this is by land, I know not ; but, from the nature of the country, it must be very considerable. How much the interest and feel- ings of people thus circumstanced would be engaged to promote it, requires no illustration. For my own part, I think it highly probable, that, upon the strictest scrutiny, if the Falls of the Great Kenhawa can be made navigable, or a short portage be had there, it will be found of equal importance and convenience to improve the navigation of both the James and Potomac. The latter, I am fully per- suaded, affords the nearest communication with the Lakes; but James River may be more convenient for all the settlers below the mouth of the Great Kenhawa, and for some distance per- haps above and west of it ; for I have no expectation, that any part of the trade above the Falls of the Ohio will go down that river, and the Mississippi, much less that the returns will ever come up them, unless our want of foresight and good manage- ment is the occasion of it. Or, upon trial, if it should be found that these rivers, from the before-mentioned Falls, will admit the descent of sea-vessels, in that case, and the navigation of the former becoming free, it is probable that both vessels and cargoes will be carried to foreign markets and sold ; but the returns for them will never in the natural course of things ascend the long and rapid current of that river, which with the Ohio to the Falls, in their meanderings, is little if any short of two thousand miles. Upon the whole, the object in my estima- tion is of vast commercial and political importance. In this light I think posterity will consider it, and regret, if our conduct should give them cause, that the present favorable moment to secure so great a blessing for them was neglected. One thing more remains, which I had like to have for- gotten, and that is, the supposed difficulty of obtaining a pas- sage through the State of Pennsylvania. How an application to its legislature would be relished, in the first instance, I will not undertake to decide ; but of one thing I am almost certain, such an application would place that body in a very delicate situation. There are in the State of Pennsylvania at least one hundred thousand souls west of the Laurel Hill, who are groan- ing under the inconveniences of a long land transportation. They are wishing, indeed they are looking, for the improve- ment and extension of inland navigation ; and, if this cannot be made easy for them to Philadelphia (at any rate it must be long), they will seek a mart elsewhere ; the consequence of which would be, that the State, though contrary to the interests of its sea-ports, must submit to the loss of so much of its trade, or hazard not only the loss of the trade but the loss of the settlement also; for an opposition on the part of government to the extension of water transportation, so consonant with the essential interests of a large body of people, or any extraordi- nary impositions upon the exports or imports to or from another State, would ultimately bring on a separation between its east- ern and western settlements; towards which there is not want- ing a disposition at this moment in that part of it beyond the mountains. I consider Rumsey's discovery for working boats against the stream, by mechanical powers principally, as not only a very fortunate invention for these States in general, but as one of those circumstances, which have combined to render the present time favorable above all others for fixing, if we are disposed to avail ourselves of them, a large portion of the trade of the western country in the bosom of this State irrevocably. Long as this letter is, I intended to have written a fuller and more digested one, upon this important subject ; but have met with so many interruptions since my return home, as almost to have precluded my writing at all. What I now give is crude ; but if you are in sentiment with me, I have said enough; if there is not an accordance of opinion, I have said too much; and all I pray in the latter case is, that you will do me the justice to believe my motives are pure, however erroneous my judgment may be in this matter, and that I am, with the most perfect esteem and friendship. Dear Sir, yours, &:c. George Washington, WASHINGTON'S LETTER TO THE CHEVALIER DE CHASTELLUX. Princeton, 12 October, lySj. My Dear Chevalier : I have not had the honor of a line from you since the 4th of March last ; but I will ascribe my disappointment to any cause, rather than to a decay of your friendship. Having the appearance, and indeed the enjoyment of peace, with- out a final declaration of it, I, who am only waiting for the ceremo- nials, or till the British forces shall have taken leave of New York, am placed in an awkward and disagreeable situation, it being my anxious desire to quit the walks of public life, and to seek those enjoyments and that relaxation, which a mind, that has been constantly upon the stretch for more than eight years, stands so much in need of. I have fixed this epoch at the arrival of the definitive treaty, or the evacuation of my country by our newly acquired friends. In the mean while, at the request of Congress I spend my time with them at this place, where they came in consequence of the riots at Philadelphia, of which you have doubtless (for it is not a very recent transaction) been fully apprized. They have lately determined to make a choice of some convenient spot near the Falls of the Delaware for the perma- nent residence of the sovereign power of these United States ; but where they will hold their sessions till they can be properly established at that place, is yet undecided. I have lately made a tour through the Lakes George and Cham- plain, as far as Crown Point. Thence returning to Schenectady, I proceeded up the Mohawk River to Fort Schuyler (formerly Fort Stanwix), and crossed over to Wood Creek, which empties into the Oneida Lake, and affords the water communication with Ontario. I then traversed the country to the head of the eastern branch of the Susquehanna, and viewed the Lake Otsego, and the portage between that Lake and the Mohawk River at Canajoharie. Prompted by these actual observations, I could not help taking a more extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these United States, from maps and the information of others; and could not but be struck with the immense extent and importance of it, and with the goodness of that Providence, which has dealt its favors to us with so profuse a hand. Would to God we may have wisdom enough to improve them. I shall not rest contented, till I have explored the western country, and traversed those lines, or great part of them, which have given bounds to a new empire. But when it may, if it ever shall, happen, I dare not say, as my first attention must be given to the deranged situation of my pri- vate concerns, which are not a little injured by almost nine years' absence and total disregard of them. With every wish for your health and happiness, and with the most sincere and affectionate regard, I am, my dear Chevalier, &c. WASHINGTON'S LETTER TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Mount VernoUy zg March, 1784. Dear Sir: It was not in my power to answer your favor of the 15th by the last post, for the reason then assigned. I wish I may be able to do it to your satisfaction now, as I am again obliged to pay my attention to the other company, the Governor being gone. My opinion coincides perfectly with yours respecting the practi- cability of an easy and short communication between the waters of the Ohio and Potomac, of the advantages of that communication and the preference it has over all others, and of the policy there would be in this State and Maryland to adopt and render it facile. But I con- fess to you freely, I have no expectation, that the public will adopt the measure ; for, besides the jealousies which prevail, and the diffi- culty of proportioning such funds as may be allotted for the purposes you have mentioned, there are two others, which, in my opinion, will be yet harder to surmount. These are (if I have not imbibed too unfavorable an opinion of my countrymen) the impracticability of bringing the great and truly wise policy of the measure to their view, and the difficulty of extracting money from them for such a purpose, if it could be done; for it appears to me, maugre all the sufferings of the public creditors, breach of public faith, and loss of public reputa- tion, that payment of the taxes, which are already laid, will be post- poned as long as possible. How then are we to expect new ones for purposes more remote .'^ I am not so disinterested in this matter as you are ; but I am made very happy to find that a man of discernment and liberality, who has no particular interest in the plan, thinks as I do, who have lands in that country, the value of which would be enhanced by the adoption of such a measure. More than ten years ago I was struck with the importance of it; and, despairing of any aid from the public, I became a principal mover of a bill to empower a number of subscribers to undertake at their own expense, on conditions which were expressed, the extension of the navigation from tide water to Will's Creek, about one hundred and fifty miles ; and I devoutly wish that this may not be the only expedient by which it can be effected now. To get this business in motion, I was obliged even upon that ground to comprehend James River, in order to remove the jealousies, which arose from the attempt to extend the navigation of the Potomac. The plan, however, was in a tolerably good train, when I set out for Cambridge in 1775, and would have been in an excellent way, had it not been for the difficul- ties, which were met with in the Maryland Assembly from the oppo- sition which was given (according to report) by the Baltimore mer- chants, who were alarmed, and perhaps not without cause, at the consequence of water transportation to Georgetown of the produce, which usually came to their market by land. lO The local interest of that place, joined to the short-sighted politics or contracted views of another part of that Assembly, gave Mr. Thomas Johnson, who was a warm promoter of the scheme on the north side of the Potomac, a great deal of trouble. In this situa- tion I left matters when I took command of the army. The war afterwards called men's attention to different objects, and all the money they could or would raise was applied to other purposes. But with you I am satisfied that not a moment ought to be lost in recom- mencing this business, as I know the Yorkers will delay no time to remove every obstacle in the way of. the other communication, so soon as the posts of Oswego and Niagara are surrendered ; and I shall be mistaken if they do not build vessels for the navigation of the lakes, which will supersede the necessity of coasting on either side. It appears to me, that the interest and policy of Maryland are proportionably concerned with those of Virginia, to remove obstruc- tions, and to invite the trade of the western country into the channel you have mentioned. You will have frequent opportunities of learn- ing the sentiments of the principal characters of that State, respecting this matter ; and I wish, if it should fall in your way, that you would discourse with Mr. Thomas Johnson, formerly governor of Maryland, on this subject. How far, upon mature consideration, I may depart from the resolution I had formed, of living perfectly at my ease, exempt from every kind of responsibility, is more than I can at pres- ent absolutely determine. The sums granted, the manner of granting them, the powers and objects, would merit consideration. The trouble, if my situation at the time would permit me to engage in a work of this sort, would be set at nought ; and the immense advan- tages, which this country would derive from the measure, would* be no small stimulus to the undertaking, if that undertaking could be made to comport with those ideas, and that line of conduct, with which I meant to glide gently down the current of life, and it did not interfere with any other plan I might have in contemplation. I am not less in sentiment with you, respecting the impolicy of this State's grasping at more territory than they are competent to the government of; and, for the reasons you assign, I very much approve of a meridian from the mouth of the Great Kenhawa as a convenient and very proper line of separation, but I am mistaken if our chief magistrate will coincide with us in this opinion. ' I will not enter upon the subject of commerce. It has its advan- tages and disadvantages ; but which of them preponderates, is not now the question, f^rom trade our citizens will not be restrained, and therefore it behoves us to place it in the most convenient chan- nels under proper regulations, freed as much as possible from those vices, which luxury, the consequence of wealth and power, naturally introduces. The incertitude, which prevails in Congress, and the non-attend- ance of its members, are discouraging to those, who are willing and ready to discharge the trust, which is reposed in them ; whilst it is disgraceful in a high degree to our country. But it is my belief, that the case will never be otherwise, so long as that body persist in their present mode of doing business, and will hold constant instead of I r annual sessions ; against the f®rmer of which my mind furnishes me with a variety of arguments ; but not one, in times of peace, in favor of them. Annual sessions would always produce a full representation, and alertness in business. The delegates, after a separation of eight or ten months, would meet each other with glad countenances. They would be complaisant; they would yield to each other all, that duty to their constituents would allow ; and they would have better oppor- tunities of becoming acquainted with their sentiments, and removing improper prejudices, when they are imbibed, by mixing with them during the recess. Men, who are always together, get tired of each other's company ; they throw off that restraint, which is necessary to keep things in proper tune ; they say and do things, which are per- sonally disgusting ; this begets opposition; opposition begets faction; and so it goes on, till business is impeded, often at a stand. I am sure (having the business prepared by proper boards or a committee) an annual session of two months would despatch more business than is now done in twelve, and this by a full representation of the Union. Long as this letter is, I intended to be more full on some of the points, and to touch on others ; but it is not in my power, as I am obliged to snatch from company the moments, which give you this hasty production of my thoughts on the subject of your letter. With very great esteem and regard, I am, &c. WASHINGTON'S LETTER TO BENJAMIN HARRISON. Mouni Vernon, 22 yanuary, ijSj. My Dear Sir: It is not easy for me to decide by which my mind was most affected upon the receipt of your letter of the 6th instant, surprise or gratitude. Both were greater than I have words to express. The attention and good wishes, which the Assembly have evidenced by their act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty shares in the navi- gation of the rivers Potomac and James, are more than mere compli- ment. There is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed. But believe me, Sir, notwithstanding this, no circumstance has hap- pened to me since I left the walks of public life, which has so much embarrassed me. On the one hand, I consider this act, as I have already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the affection, and disposition of my country to serve me; and I should be hurt, if, by declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be construed into disrespect or the smallest slight upon the generous intention of the coTintry, or it should be thought that an ostentatious display of dis- interestedness or public virtue was the source of refusal. On the other hand it is really my wish to have my mind, and my actions, which are the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air; that I may be more at liberty (in things which my opportunities and experience have brought me to the knowledge of) to express my sen- 12 timents, and, if necessary, to suggest what may occur to me under the fullest conviction, that, although my judgment may be arraigned, there may be no suspicion that sinister motives had the smallest influence in the suggestion. Not content, then, with the bare con- sciousness of my having, in all this navigat on business, acted upon the clearest conviction of the political importance of the measure, I would wish that every individual, who may hear that it was a favorite plan of mine, may know also that I had no other motive for promot- ing it, than the advantage of which I conceived it would be productive to the Union, and to this State in particular, by cementing the eastern and western territory together, at the same time that it will give vigor and increase to our commerce, and be a convenience to our citizens. How would this matter be viewed, then, by the eye of the world, and what would be the opinion of it, when it comes to be related, that George Washington has received twenty thousand dollars and five thousand pounds sterling of the public money as an interest therein? Would not this in the estimation of it (if I am entitled to any merit for the part I have acted, and without it there is no foundation for the act,) deprive me of the principal thing, which is laudable in my con- duct? Would it not in some respects be considered in the same light as a pension ? And would not the apprehension of this make me more reluctantly offer my sentiments in future? In a word, under whatever pretence, and however customarily these gratuitous gifts are made in other countries, should I not thenceforward be considered as a dependent? One moment's thought of which would give me more pain, than I should receive pleasure from the product of all the tolls, were every farthing of them vested in me; although I consider it as one of the most certain and increasing estates in the country. I have written to you with an openness becoming our friendship. I could have said more on the subject ; but I have already said enough to let you into the state of my mind. I wish to know whether the ideas I entertain occurred to, and were expressed by, any member in or out of the House. Upon the whole you may be assured, my dear Sir, that my mind is not a little agitated. I want the best informa- tion and advice to settle it. I have no inclination, as I have already observed, to avail myself of the generosity of the country ; nor do I wish to appear ostentatiously disinterested (for more than probably my refusal would be ascribed to this motive), nor that the country should harbour an idea, that I am disposed to set little value on her favors, the manner of granting which is as flattering as the grant is important. My present difficulties, however, shall be no impediment to the progress of the undertaking. I will receive the full and frank opinions of my friends with thankfulness. I shall have time enough between the sitting of the next Assembly to consider the tendency of the act, and in this, as in all other matters, will endeavour to decide for the best. I am, my dear Sir, &c. 13 EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON'S WILL. After stating the manner in which he became possessed of or!e hundred shares in the Company established for the purpose of extending the naviga- tion of James River, and of fifty shares in the Potomac Company, he adds: '* I proceed, after this recital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare, that, as it has always been a source of serious regret with me to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purposes of education, often before their minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own ; contracting,' too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles iinfriendly to reptiblican gcrjernment, and to the triie and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome ; for these reasons it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised, on a liberal scale, which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and State prejudices, as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our national councils. Looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estimation), my mind has not been able to con- template any plan more likely to effect the measure, than the establishment of a university in a central part of the United States, to which the youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof might be sent for the completion of their education in all the branches of polite literature, in the arts and sciences, in acquiring knowledge in the principles of politics and good gov- ernment ; and, as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment, by associ- ating with each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habit- ual jealousies, which have just been mentioned, and which, when carried to excess, are never-failing sources of disquiet to the public mind, and pregnant with mischievous consequences to this country. Under these impressions, so fully dilated, " I give and bequeath in perpetuity the fifty shares, which I hold in the Potomac Company (under the aforesaid acts of the legislature of Virginia), towards the endowment of a university to be established within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the general government, if that government should incline to extend a fostering hand towards it ; and until such seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further will and desire is, that the profit accruing therefrom shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in purchasing stock in the bank of Columbia, or some other bank, at the discretion of my executors, or by the treasurer of the United States for the time being, under the direction of Congress, provided that honorable body should patronize the measure ; and the dividends proceeding from the purchase of such stock are to be invested in more stock, and so on until a sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained, of which I have not the smallest doubt before many years pass away, even if no aid or encouragement is given by legislative authority, or from any other source. " The hundred shares, which I hold in the James River Company, I have given, and now confirm, in perpetuity, to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the county of Rockbridge, in the commonwealth of Virginia." Washington's letter to Governor Harrison is here published as perhaps the best illustration of Washington's interest in the opening of the great West and as the document which may best serve as a basis for the study of that important side of Washington's thought and service. Washington's interest in the western country began as early as 1749, when his brothers, Lawrence and Augustine Washington, became members, and Lawrence the chief manager, of the Ohio Company, formed in Virginia that year for the colonization of the Ohio country — the first scheme for the settlement of the West by Englishmen. See account of the Ohio Company in Sparks's edi- tion of Washington's Writings, ii, 47S. Washington's letter to Governor Dinwiddie, Oct. 17, 1753, with his remark that "a pusillanimous behavior would ill suit the times," and his Joiirjial of a Tour to the Ohio hi lyjj^ published in Williamsburg and London in 1754, after his visit to the French posts on the Alleghany (see Ford's edition of Washington's Writings, i, 9), show his early realization of the importance of the struggle between France and England for the possession of the great West. No other Virginian took so important active part in that struggle. At the close of the French war he received 5,000 acres on the Ohio, his claim as an officer for services in the war; and he possessed himself of other claims to a large extent, so that at one time he controlled over 60,000 acres on the Ohio.- At the out- break of the Revolution he was probably the largest owner of western lands in America. His advertisement in the Miuyland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser of August 20, 1773, is an interesting indication of his efforts for the settlement of these lands. See the Wash ijtgton-Craioford Letters Con- cerning Western Lands, edited by C. W. Butter field. Crawford was the surveyor employed by Washington on the Ohio. These letters, says Profes- sor Herbert B. Adams (see his paper on Washington's Interest in Western Lands, in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in History, third series, No. i), "throw a strong light upon the enterprising nature of that man who was, assuredly, * first in peace,' and who, even if the Revolution had not broken out, would have become the most active and representative spirit in Ameri- can affairs. Washington's plans for the colonization of his western lands, by importing Germans from the Palatinate, are but an index of the direction his business pursuits might have taken, had not duty called him to command the Army and afterwards to head the State." See Washington's letter to the Countess of Huntingdon, Feb. 27, 1785 (Sparks, ix, 98, — see also note to letter to Richard Henry Lee, p. 92), in relation to her scheme for missionary work among the Indians in the West, for reference to his posses- sion of these Ohio lands at that time ; also the schedule attached to his will. The Journal of his own tour to the Ohio in 1770, to inspect these lands, should be read for the impressions of the western country recorded in it. In a letter to Thomas Johnson, the first state-governor of Maryland, dated July 20, 1770, Washington suggested that the opening up of the Poto- mac be "recommended to public notice upon a more enlarged plan, as a means of becoming the channel of conveyance of the extensive and valuable trade of a rising empire ;" and he became the principal mover of a bill for the incorporation of a company to attempt the extension of the navigation of the Potomac (see his reference to this in his letter to Jefferson, above). Fifteen years before this he had recommended the construction of a military road to the Ohio. His first thought at the close of the Revolution was of the importance of establishing good communication with the West. Even before peace was definitely declared, he left the camp at Newburg and, at great personal risk, explored on horseback the Mohaw route (see his account of this trip in his letter to the Chevalier de Chastellux, above. Oct. 12, 1783). "Prompted by these actual observations," he says, "I could not help taking a more contemplative and extensive view of the vast inland navigation of these United States, and could not but be struck with the immense diffusion and im])ortance of it, and with the goodness of that Providence which has dealt his favors to us with so profuse a hand Would to God we may have wisdom enough to improve them ! I shall not rest contented until I have explored the western country, and traversed those rivers (or a great part of them) which have given bounds to a new em- pire." Three months after his return to Mount Vernon, he wrote the letter to Jefferson, given above. On the ist of September, he started on an exploring tour to the head waters of the Ohio, traveling nearly 700 miles on horseback, writing a careful journal, making careful maps, and selecting routes which have since become substantially the lines of the branches of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. The first result of this tour was the letter to Governor Harrison, here printed, Oct. 10, 1784. The next result was the Potomac Company, organized in 17815, with Washington as its first president. See Pickell's A iVeiu Chapter in the Early Life of Washington, for a full history of the Potomac Company; also Andrew Stewart's Report on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, in 1826 — containing many striking observations of Washington to members of Congress on the importance of opening up the West and binding the sections of the country firmly together ; and various letters to Richard Henry Lee and others in 1784 and 1785 (Sparks, ix). For Washington's interest in the Ordinance of 1787 and his services in behalf of General Ruf us Putnam and the Ohio Company, in the settlement of Marietta and the organization of the Northwest territory, see Cone's Life of Rufus Putnam, the Life, Journals, and Correspondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler, _and the St. Clair Papers. Read his warning against jealousies and differ- "ences between the East and the West, in the Farezvell Address. The whole history of Washington's interest in the West, his earnest efforts for its open- ing and its settlement by men of character, and his visions of its future, show him to have been in this great matter the most far-sighted and sagacious man of his time. Benjamin Harrison, Governor of Virginia in 1784, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, was the father of William Henry Harrison, and great-grandfather of Benjamin Harrison, President of the United States in 1889. Washington's letter of January 22, 1785, to Harri- son, also included in the present leaflet, was in acknowledgment of a letter from the Governor, informing him of the vote of the Virginia Assembly complimenting him with fifty shares in the Potomac Company and one hundred in the James River Company, in recognition of the great advantage to the State which his influence and services in behalf of these schemes had been (see notes in Sparks, ix, 83, 85). Washington, in deference to the kind public feeling, finally consented to receive the shares, with the under- standing that they should be applied to such public interests as he might direct. The James River stock he donated to Liberty Hall Academy, at Lexington, Va., which in consideration of this endowment was then named Washington College, and is now^ since the presidency of Gen. Robert E. Lee after 'the civil war and his death there, known as Washington and Lee University (see art. on W^ashington and Lee University, in appendix to Professor Herbert B. Adams's monograph on Thomas Jefferson and the University of Virginia, published by the U. S. Bureau of Education). The Potomac stock, which unhappily never became productive, he left in his will (see extract, above) toward the endowment of a National University, which he hoped would be established at Washington under the auspices of the general government. He believed that a plan for such a university at the national capital should be " devised on a liberal scale," and that it " would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and State prejudices, as far as the nature of things would or indeed ought to admit, from our national councils.'' Jie especially mentions "the principles of politics and good £oveii*nment " as among those things with which such an institution should lb concern itself. This project of a National University was one of Washing- ton's favorite projects in his last years (see letters to John Adams, Jefferson and others, in Sparks, xi, 1-23; see also chapter on the subject in Professor Herbert B. Adams's pamphlet in the Johns Hopkins Studies, iii, i, quoted above, and his address of Feb. 22, 1889, on The Encotiragemeiit of Higher Education). He desired to incorporate a clause concerning it in his Fare- well Address (see letters in Binney's Inquiry into the Foj-jnation of Washing- ton's Farewell Address, pp. 63, 64), but was persuaded by Hamilton to urge the matter instead in his last speech to Congress (see the same in Sparks", xii, 71). The whole subject of Washington's interest in education should receive more careful attention than it has received. It is of the highest interest that he should have appropriated to these two important educa- tional causes the shares which came to him for his services in opening up the great West. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. With Bibliographical and Historical Notes and Outlines for Study. Prepared by Edwin D. Mead. This manual is published by the Directors of the Old South Studies in History and Politics, for the use of schools and of such clubs, classes and individual students as may wish to make a careful study of the Constitution and its history. The societies of young men and women now happily being organized everywhere in America for historical and political study can do nothing better to begin with than to make themselves thoroughly familiar with the Constitution. It is especially with such societies in view that the table of topics for study, which follows the very full bibliographical notes in this manual, has been prepared. A copy of the manual will be sent to any address on receipt of twenty-five cents ; rrnn hnnrh-tiit rnpi n-i ; fiftcrn rinllm n Address Directors of Old South Studies, Old South Meeting House^ f \ lhni \ & i CTd i; J i fu i iiuiULitu^i ui', Jli'ij^ »r < i OLD SOUTH LEAFLETS, GENERAL SERIES. No. I. Constitution of the United States. 2. Articles of Confedera- tion. 3. Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's Farewell Ad- dress. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's "Healing Question." 7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Connecticut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's Inaugurals. 11. Lin- coln's Inaugurals and Emancipation Proclamation. 12. The Federalist, Nos. I and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The Constitution of Ohio* 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States, 1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 1784. — etc. Price, five cents per copy ; *iaM»i4wMidiMAi^iftiiiaapwriMM^ riillwui Directors of Old South Studies, Old South Meeting House, Boston. PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, Old South Meeting House, Boston. <^\r} M>ontt^ ntafltt^. No. 76. Washington's Words on a National University. EXTRACT FROM WASHINGTON S WILL. Item — Whereas by a law of the Commonwealth of Virginia, enacted in the year 1785, the Legislature thereof was pleased (as an evidence of it's approbation of the services I had ren- dered the public, during the Revolution — and partly, I believe in consideration of my having suggested the vast advantages which" the community would derive from the extension of its Inland navigation, under legislative patronage) to present me with one hundred shares, of one hundred dollars each, in the incorporated company established for the purpose of extending the navigation of James River from tide water to the moun- tains ; and also with fifty shares of one hundred pounds sterl- ing each in the corporation of another company likewise estab- lished for the similar purpose of opening the navigation of the River Potomac from tide water to Fort Cumberland ; the ac- ceptance of which, although the offer was highly honorable and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted, and had never departed from, nalnely not to receive pecuniary compensation for any services I could render my country in it's arduous struggle with Great Britain for it's Rights ; and because I had evaded similar propositions from other States in the Union — adding to this refusal however an intimation, that, if it should be the pleasure of the Legislature to permit me to appropriate the said shares io public uses, I would receive them on those terms with due sensibility — and this it having consented to in liatter- ing terms, as will appear by a subsequent law and sundry reso- lutions, in the most ample and honorable manner, I proceed after this recital for the more correct understanding of the case to declare — That as it has always been a source of serious regret with me to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before their minds were formed or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own, contracting too frequently not only habits of dissipation and extravagence, but principles un- friendly to Republican Governm't and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind, which thereafter are rarely overcome. ■ — For these reasons it has been my ardent wish to see a plan devised on a liberal scale which would have a tendency to spread systematic ideas through all parts of this rising Empire, thereby to do away local attachments and state prejudices as far as the nature of things would, or indeed ought to admit, from our national councils — Looking anxiously forward to the accomplishment of so desirable an object as this is, (in my esti- mation) my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure than the establishment of a University in a central part of the United States to which the youth of fortune and talents from all parts thereof might be sent for the completion of their education in all the branches of polite literature in arts and sciences — in acquiring knowl- edge in the principles of Politics and good Government and (as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment) by asso- ciating with each other and forming friendships in Juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves in a proper degree from those local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned and which when carried to excess are never failing sources of disquietude to the Public mind and pregnant of mischievous consequences to this country : — under these impressions so fully dilated, — Item - — I give and bequeath in perpetuity the fifty shares which I hold in the Potomac Company (under the aforesaid Acts of the Legislature of Virginia) towards the endowment of a University to be established within the limits of the District of Columbia, under the auspices of the General Government, if that Government should incline to extend a fostering hand towards it,- — and until such seminary is established, and the funds alising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further will and desire is that the profit accruing therefrom shall whenever the dividends are made be laid out in purchas- ing stock in the Bank of Columbia or some other Bank at the discretion of my Executors, or by the Treasurer of the United States for the time being under the direction of Congress, pro- vided that Honorable body should patronize the measure. And the dividends proceeding from the purchase of such Stock is to be vested in more Stock and so on until a sum adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained, of v/hich I have not the smallest doubt before many years pass away, even if no aid or eticoiiraged is given by Legislative authority or from any other source. Item — The hundred shares which I held in the James River Company I have given and now confirm in perpetuity to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy in the County of Rockbridge, in the Commonwealth of Virga. TO JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. T-. o Saturday, 27 November, 1704. Dear Sir, ' > /y^ I have not been able to give the papers herewith enclosed more than a hasty reading, returning them without delay, that you may offer the perusal of them to whomsoever you shall think proper. The picture, drawn in them, of the Genevese is really interesting and affecting. The proposition of transplant- ing the members entire of the university of that place to America, w^ith the requisition of means to establish the same, and to be accompanied by a considerable emigration, is impor- tant, requiring more consideration than under the circum- stances of the moment I am able to bestow upon it. That a national university in this country is a thing to be desired,^ has always been my decided opinion ; and the appro- priation of ground and funds for it in the Federal City has long been contemplated and talked of ; but how far matured, or how far the transporting of an entire seminary of foreigners, who may not understand our language, can be assimilated therein, is more than I am prepared to give an opinion upon ; or, indeed, how far funds in either case are attainable. My opinion, with respect to emigration, is, that except of useful mechanics, and some particular descriptions < . men or professions, there is no need of encouragement ; w^hile the policy or advantage of its taking place in a body (I mean the settling of them in a body) may be much questioned ; for by so doing they retain the language, habits, and principles, good or bad, which they bring with them. Whereas, by an intermixture with our people, they or their descendants get assimilated to our customs, measures, and laws ; in a word, soon become one people. I shall, at any leisure hour after the session is fairly opened, take pleasure in a full and free conversation with you on this subject, being with much esteem and regard, dear Sir, &c. TO EDIilUND RANDOLPH, SECRETARY OF STATE, T^ ^ Philadelphia, 15 December, 1794. JJEAR oIR, For the reasons mentioned to you the other day, namely, the Virginia Assembly being in session, and a plan being on foot for establishing a seminary of learning upon an extensive scale in the Federal City, it would oblige me if you and Mr. Madison would endeavour to mature the measures, which will be proper for me to pursue,* in order to bring my designs into view as soon as you can make it convenient to yourselves. I do not know that the enclosed, or sentiments similar to them, are proper to be engrafted in the communications, which are to be made to the legislature of Virginia or to the gentle- men who are named as trustees of the seminary which is pro- posed to be established in the Federal City ; but, as it is an extract of what is contained in my Will on this subject, I send it merely for consideration. The shares in the different navigations are to be located and applied in the manner, which has been the subject of conversa- tion. Yours, &c. TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE FEDERAL DISTRICT. „ Philadelphia, 2S January, i7QS- Gentlemen, ^ A plan for the establishment of a university in the Federal City has frequently been the subject of conversation ; but, in * In regard to the disposition of the shares in the Potomac and James River Navigation, which had been given to him by Virginia, and which he proposed to appropriate for purposes of education within the State. .5 what manner it is proposed to commence this important msti- tution, on how extensive a scale, the means by which it is to be effected, how it is to be supported, or what progress is made in it, are matters aUogether unknown to me. It has always been a source of serious reflection and smcere regret with me, that the youth of the United States should be*^ sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education. Although there are doubtless many, under these circumstances, who escape the danger of contracting principles unfavorable to republican government, yet we ought to deprecate the hazard attending ardent and susceptible minds, from being too strongly and too early prepossessed in favor of other political systems, before they are capable of appreciating their own. For this reason I have greatly wished to see a plan adopted, by which the arts, sciences, and belles-lettres could be taught in their fullest extent, thereby embracing all the advantages of European tuition, with the means of acquiring the liberal knowledge, which is necessary to qualify our citizens for the exigencies of public as well as private life ; and (which with me is a consideration of great magnitude) by assembling the youth from the different parts of this rising republic, contributing from their intercourse and interchange of information to the removal of prejudices, which might perhaps sometimes arise from local circumstances. The Federal City, from its centrality and the advantages which in other respects it must have over any other place in the United States, ought to be preferred, as a proper site for such a university. And if a plan can be adopted upon a scale as extensive as I have described, and the execution of it should commence under favorable auspices in a reasonable time, with a fair prospect of success, I will grant in perpetuity fifty shares in the navigation of the Potomac River towards the endowment of it. . , , What annuity will arise from these fifty shares, when the navigation is in full operation, can at this time be only conjec- tured ; and those who are acquainted with it can form as good a judgment as myself. As the design of this university has assumed no form with which I am acquainted, and as I am equally ignorant who the persons are, who have taken or are disposed to take the matur- ing of the plan upon themselves, I have been at a loss to whom I should make this communication of my intentions. If the Commissioners of the Federal City have any particular agency in bringing the matter forward, then the information, which I now give to them, is in its proper course. If, on the other hand, they have no more to do in it than others, who may be desirous of seeing so important a measure carried into effect, they will be so good as to excuse my using them as the medium for disclosing these my intentions ; because it appears neces- sary that the funds for the establishment and support of the institution should be known to the promoters of it ; and I see no mode more eligible for announcing my purpose. For these reasons, I give you the trouble of this address, and the assur- ance of being, Gentlemen, &c. TO THOMAS JEFFERSON. Philadelphia, i ; March, 170 c;. Dear Sir, -^ I received your letter of the 23d ultimo ;* but not at so early a period as might have been expected from the date of it. My mind has always been more disposed to apply the shares in the inland navigation of the Potomac and James Rivers, which were left to my disposal by the legislature of Virginia, towards the endowment of a university in the United States, than to any other object it had contemplated. In pursuance of this idea, and understanding that other means are in embryo for establishing so useful a seminary in the Federal City, I did, on the 28th of January last, announce to the commissioners thereof my intention of vesting in perpetuity the fifty shares I hold under that act in the navigation of the Potomac, as an additional means of carrying the plan into effect, provided it should be adopted upon a scale so liberal as to extend to and embrace a complete system of education. I had little hesitation in giving the Federal City a preference over all other places for the institution, for the following rea- sons. First, on account of its being the permanent seat of the government of. this Union, and where the laws and policy of it must be better understood than in any local part thereof. Secondly, because of its centrality. Thirdly, because one half (or near it) of the District of Columbia is within the Common- * Respecting a plan of several professors of Geneva for migrating to the United States. See Mr. Jefferson's letter in the appendix to vol. xi. of Sparkss edition of Washington's writings. wealth of Virginia, and the whole of the State not inconvenient thereto. Fourthly, because, as a part of the endowment, it would be useful, but alone would be inadequate to the end. Fifthly, because many advantages, I conceive, would result from the jurisdiction which the general government will have over it, which no other spot would possess. And, lastly, as this seminary is contemplated for the completion of education and study of the sciences, not for boys in their rudiments, it will afford the students an opportunity of attending the debates in Congress, and thereby becoming more liberally and better acquainted with the principles of law and government. My judgment and my wishes point equally strong to the application of the James River shares to the same subject at the same place ; but, considering the source from wdience they were derived, I have, in a letter I am writing to the executive of Virginia on this subject, left the application of them to a seminary within the State, to be located by the legislature. Hence you will perceive, that I have in a degree anticipated your proposition. I was restrained from going the whole length of the suggestion by the following considerations. First, I did not know to what extent or when any plan would be so matured for the establishment of a university, as would enable any assurances to be given to the application of M. D'lvernois. Secondly, the propriety of transplanting the pro- fessors in a body might be questioned for several reasons; among others, because they might not be all good characters, nor all sufficiently acquainted with our language. And again, having been at variance with the levelling party of their own country, the measure might be considered as an aristocratical movement by more than those who, without any just cause that I can discover, are continually sounding the bell of aris- tocracy. And, thirdly, because it might preclude some of the first professors in other countries from a participation, among whom some of the most celebrated characters in Scotland, in this line, might be obtained. Something, but of what nature I am unable to inform' you, has been written by Mr. Adams to M. D'lvernois. Never having viewed my intended donation as more than a part of the means that were to set this establishment on foot, I did not incline to go too far in the encouragement of professors, before the plan should assume a more formal shape, much less to induce an entire college to migrate. The enclosed is the 8 answer I have received from the commissioners ; from which, and the ideas I have here expressed, you will be enabkd to decide on the best communication to be made to M. D'lvernois. My letter to the commissioners has bound me to the fufil- ment of what is therein engaged ; and, if the legislature of Virginia, on considering the subject, should view it in the same light as I do, the James River shares will be added thereto r for I think one good institution of this sort is to be preferred to two imperfect ones, which, without other aid than the shares in both navigations, is more likely to fall through, than to suc- ceed upon the plan I contemplate ; which is, in a few words, to supersede the necessity of sending the youth of this country abroad for the purpose of education, where too often principles and habits unfriendly to republican government are imbibed, and not easily discarded. Instituting such a one of our own, as will answer the end, and associating them in the same semi- nary, will contribute to wear off those prejudices and unreason- able jealousies, which prevent or weaken friendships and impair the harmony of the Union. With very great esteem, I am, &c. P. S. Mr. Adams laid before me the communications of M. D'lvernois ; but I said nothing to him of my intended dona- tion towards the establishment of a university in the Federal District. My wishes would be to fix this on the Virginia side of the Potomac River ; but this would not embrace or accord with those other means, which are proposed for the establish- ment. TO ROBERT BROOKE, GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA. Slj^ Philadelphia, i6 March, 1795. Ever since the General Assembly of Virginia were pleased to submit to my disposal fifty shares in the Potomac, and one hundred in the James River Company, it has been my anxious desire to appropriate them to an object most w^orthy of public regard. It is with indescribable regret that I have seen the youth of the United States migrating to foreign countries, in order to acquire the higher branches of erudition, and to obtain a knowledge of the sciences. Although it would be injustice to many to pronounce the certainty of their imbibing maxims not congenial with republicanism, it must nevertheless be admitted that a serious danger is encountered by sending abroad among other poUtical systems those who have not well learned the value of their own. The time is therefore come, when a plan of universal educa- tion ought to be adopted in the United States. Not only do the exigencies of public and private life demand it, but, if it should ever be apprehended that prejudice would be enter- tained in one part of the Union against another, an efficacious remedy will be, to assemble the youth of every part under such circumstances as will, by the freedom of intercourse and colli- sion of sentiment, give to their minds the direction of truth, philanthropy, and mutual conciliation. It has been represented, that a university corresponding with these ideas is contemplated to be built in the Federal City, and that it will receive considerable endowments. This position is so eligible from its centrality, so convenient to Virginia, by whose legislature the shares were granted and in which part of the Federal District stands, and combines so many other con- veniences, that I have determined to vest the Potomac shares in that university. Presuming it to be more agreeable to the General Assembly of Virginia, that the shares in the James River Company should be reserved for a similar object in some part of that State, I intend to allot them for a seminary to be erected at such place as they shall deem most proper. I am disposed to believe, that a seminary of learning upon an enlarged plan, but yet not coming up to the full idea of a university, is an institu- tion to be preferred for the position which is to be chosen. The students who wish to pursue the whole range of science may pass with advantage from the seminary to the university, and the former by a due relation may be rendered cooperative with the latter. I cannot however dissemble my opinion, that if all the share-s were conferred on a university, it would become far more important than when they are divided ; and I have been con- strained from concentring them in the same place, merely by my anxiety to reconcile a particular attention to Virginia with a great good, in which she will abundantly share in common with the rest of the United States. • I must beg the favor of your Excellency to lay this letter be- fore that honorable body, at their next session, in order that I may appropriate the James River shares to the place which 10 they may prefer. They will at the same time again accept my acknowledgments for the opportunity, with which they have favored me, of attempting to supply so important a desideratum in the United States as a university adequate to our necessity, and a preparatory seminary. With great consideration and respect, I am. Sir, &c.* TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. ,, -r. n. Philadelphia, i September, 1706. My Dear Sir, ^ '^ About the middle of last week I wrote to you ; and that it might escape the eye of the inquisitive (for some of my letters have lately been pried into), I took the liberty of putting it under a cover to Mr. Jay. Since then, revolving on the paper that was inclosed therein, on the various matters it contained, and on the first expression of the advice or recommendation which was given in it, I have regretted that another subject (which in my estimation is of interesting concern to the well-being of this country) was not touched upon also ; — I mean education generally, as one of the surest means of enlightening and giving just ways of thinking to our citizens, but particularly the establishment of a university ; where the youth from all parts of the United States might receive the polish of erudition in the arts, sciences, and belles-lettres ; and where those who were dis- * This letter was accordingly communicated by the Governor of Virginia to the Assembly at their next session, when the following resolves were passed. " In the House of Delegates, i December, 1795. " Whereas the migration of American youth to foreign countries, for the completion of their education, exposes them to the danger of imbibing political prejudices disadvantageous to their own republican forms of government, and ought therefore to be rendered unnecessary and avoided ; " Resolved, that the plan contemplated of erecting a university in the Federal City, where the youth of the several States may be assembled, and their course of education finished, deserves the countenance and support of each State. "And whereas, when the General Assembly presented sundry shares in the James River and Potomac Companies to George Washington, as a small token of their gratitude for the great, eminent, and unrivalled services he had rendered to this commonweaitli, to tlie United States, and the world at large, in support of the principles of liberty and equal government, it was their wish and desire that he should appropriate them as he miglit think, best ; and whereas, the present General Assembly retain the same high sense of his virtues, wisdom, and patriotism ; " Resolved, therefore, that the appropriation by the said George Washington of the afore- said sliares in the Potomac Company to the university, intended to be erected in the Federal City, IS made in a manner most worthy of public regard, and of the approbation of this com- monwealth. " Resolved, also, that he be requested to appropriate the aforesaid shares in the James River Company to a seminary at such place in the upper country, as he may deem most con- venient to a majority of the inhabitants thereof." II posed to run a political course might not only be instructed in the theory and principles, but (this seminary being at the seat of the general government) where the legislature would be in session half the year, and the interests and politics of the nation of course would be discussed, they would lay the surest foundation for the practical part also. But that which would render it of the highest importance, in my opinion, is, that the juvenal period of life, when friendships are formed, and habits established, that will stick by one ; the youth or young men from different parts of the United States would be assembled together, and would by degrees discover that there was not that cause for those jealousies and preju- dices which one part of the Union had imbibed against another part : — of course, sentiments of more liberality in the general policy of the country would result from it. What but the mixing of people from different parts of the United States dur- ing the war rubbed off these impressions ? A century, in the ordinary intercourse, w^ould not have accomplished what the seven years' association in arms did ; but that ceasing, preju- dices are beginning to revive again, and never will be eradi- cated so effectually by any other means as the intimate inter- course of characters in early life, — who, in all probability, will be at the head of the counsels of this country in a more ad- vanced stage of it. To show that this is no new idea of mine, I may appeal to my early communications to Congress ; and to prove how seriously I have reflected on it since, and how well disposed I have been, and still am, to contribute my aid towards carry- ing the measure into effect, I inclose you the extract of a letter from me to the governor of Virginia on this subject, and a copy of the resolves of the legislature of that State in conse- quence thereof. I have not the smallest doubt that this donation (when the navigation is in complete operation, which it certainly will be in less than two years), will amount to ^^"1200 to ;^i5oo sterl- ing a year, and become a rapidly increasing fund. The -pro- prietors of the federal city have talked of doing something handsome towards it likewise ; and if Congress would appro- priate some of the western lands to the same uses, funds suffi- cient, and of the most permanent and increasing sort, might be so established as to invite the ablest professors in Europe to conduct it. Let me pray you, therefore to introduce a section in the address expressive of these sentiments, and recommendatory of the measure, without any mention, however, of my proposed personal contribution to the plan. Such a section would come in very properly after the one which relates to our religious obligations, or in a preceding part, as one of the recommendatory measures to counteract the evils arising from geographical discriminations. With af- fectionate regard, 1 am always. TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE FEDERAL DISTRICT. ^ Mount Vernon, 21 October, 1796. Gentlemen, According to my promise, I have given the several matters, contained in your letter of the ist instant the best considera- tion I am able. The following is the result ; subject, however, to alterations, if upon fuller investigation and the discussion I mean to have with you on these topics on my way to Phila- delphia, I should find cause therefor. Had not those obstacles opposed themselves to it, which are enumerated by one of the commissioners, I should, for reasons which are now unnecessary to assign, have given a decided preference to the site which was first had in contemplation for a university in the Federal City. But, as these obstacles appear to be insurmountable, the next best site for this pur- pose, in my opinion, is the square surrounded by numbers twenty-one, twenty-two, thirty-four, forty-five, sixty to sixty- three, and I decide in favor of it accordingly. Conceiving, if there be space sufficient to afford it, that a botanical garden would be a good appendage to the institution of a university, part of this square- might be applied to that purpose. If inadequate, and the square, designated in the plan of Major L'Enfant for a marine hospital, is susceptible of that institution and a botanical garden also, ground there might be appropriated to this use. If neither will admit of it, I see no solid objection against commencing this work within the President's square, it being previously understood that it is not to be occupied for this purpose beyond a certain period, or until circumstances would enable or induce the public to improve it into pleasure-walks, Although I have no hesitation in giving it as my opinion, that all the squares, excepting those of the Capitol and Presi- dent, designated for public purposes, are subject to such appropriations as will best accommodate public views ; yet it is and always has been my belief, that it would impair the con- fidence which ought to be had in the public, to convert them to private uses, or to dispose of them otherwise than tempo- rarily to individuals. The plan which has been exhibited to, and dispersed through, all parts of the world, gives strong indications of a different design ; and an innovation in one instance would lay the foundation for applications in many, and produce consequences which cannot be foreseen nor perhaps easily remedied. My doubts, therefore, with respect to designating the square on the Eastern Branch for a marine hospital, did not proceed from an idea that it might be con- verted, advantageously, into salable lots, but from the utility of having an hospital in the city at all. Finding, however, that it is usual in other countries to have them there, the practice, it is to be presumed, is founded in convenience ; and, as it might be difficult to procure a site out of the city, which would .answer the purpose, I confirm the original idea of placing it where it is marked in L'Enfant's plan. I am disposed to believe, if foreign states are inclined to erect buildings for their representatives near the government of the United States, that the sites for these buildings had better be left to the choice of their respective ministers. For, besides the reasons which have been already adduced against innovations, it is very questionable, whether ground so low as that in the Capitol square, west of the building, would be their choice. To fix them there, then, might be the means of defeating the object altogether. As the business of the executive officers will be chiefly, if not altogether, with the President, sites for their offices ought to be convenient to his residence. But, as the identical spots can be better chosen on the ground, with the plan of the city before me, than by the latter alone, I will postpone this deci- sion until my arrival therein ; as I shall also do other appro- priations of public squares, if it be necessary to take the matter up before my return to Philadelphia. It might be well to amplify on those subjects which you conceive ought to be laid before Congress, or the national council, and to suggest the mode which you may have con- templated as best for the purpose, against my arrival, which, probably, will be on Tuesday or Wednesday next. With great esteem, I am, &:c. TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE CITY OF WASHINGTON. ^ Philadelphia, i December, 1796. Gentlemen, Your Letter of the 25th ulto. came to hand on Tuesday last ; but it was not in my power to give it an earlier acknowledg- ment : — and now I must do it without resorting to papers (to be perfectly correct.) — The pressure of my business with the different Departments, previous to the meeting of X'ongress — and my own preparation for that event, leaves me but little time to attend to other matters. The discontents with which you are assailed by one or other of the proprietors in the Federal City, must, unquestionably, be very disagreeable and troublesome to you, for they are ex- tremely irksome to me. In the case however before us, I conceive Mr„ Corachichi might have ' received a definitive answer, without referring the matter to the Executive. On what part of the Contract with Greenleaf he has founded an opinion that a site was designated for a University, and has built his complaints — or how it came to pass, that any allusion to such a measure should have found its way into that contract, I have no more recollection than I have a conception, of what could have induced it ; — for your clerk has omitted sending the Extract. It is a well known fact, or to say the least, it has been always understood by me, that the establishment of a Univer- sity in the Federal City depended upon several contingencies ; — one of which, and a material one too — was donations for the purpose. Until lately, this business could scarcely be said to have advanced beyond the zuishes of its advocates, although these wishes were accompanied generally with expressions of what might be expected; and whenever the names of Mr. Blodget and the proprietors of that vicinity were mentioned in relation to this business the idea (expressed or implied) always was — that they meant to give the ground. Is this the intention of Mr. Corachichi relative to the object he is now contending for? if it is, and a sufficient space of ground, on these terms, can be obtained there for this purpose. 15. without interfering with the property of Orphans, my opinion is, that the University ought to be placed there. — But, if this is not the design, can that Gentleman, or any other expect that the public will buy (for an exchange is a purchase, and may be of the most troublesome kind) when it has unappropriated ground nearly as convenient ? — and why do this ? — because a site has been loosely talked of, because a proprietor to enhance the sale of his property has colored the advantages of it as highly as he could, — and because the purchaser, omitting to investigate matters beforehand, wants the public to encounter an expence — it is unable to bear — by way of redress for his own incaution. — For what would have been the ansv/er of the Commissioners, if he had previously applied to them, to know if a University w^ould be placed where he is now contending for ? — Certainly, that he ought not to calculate upon it. — If that would have been the answer then (and unless there are facts which have escaped my recollection) I can conceive no other could have been given, it is not inapplicable at present. A University was not even contemplated by Major L'Enfant in the plan of the city which was laid before Congress ; taking its origin from another source. — This plan you shall receive by the first safe hand who may be going to the Federal City. — By it you may discover (tho' almost obliterated) the directions given to the Engraver by Mr. Jefferson, with a pencil, what parts to omit. — The principle on which it was done I have communicated to you on more occasions than one. With esteem &c. P. S. Since writing the foregoing, I have received the ex- tract, omitted to be enclosed in your letter of the 25 th ulto. I do not recollect ever to have seen or heard of it before. — Nor' do I see any cause to change my opinion since I have done so, unless upon the condition which is mentioned in the body of this letter — that is, receiving the ground for the pur- posed site, as a donation. FROM Washington's speech to congress, December 7, 1796. I have heretofore proposed to the consideration of Congress, the expe- diency of establishing a national university, and also a military academy. The desirableness of both these institutions has so constantly increased with every new view I have taken of the subject, that I cannot omit the opportunity of once for all recalling your attention to them. i6 The assembly to which I address myself is too enlightened not to be fully sensible how much a flourishing state of the arts and sciences con- tributes to national prosperity and reputation. True it is, that our country, much to its honor, contains many seminaries of learning highly respectable and useful ; but the funds upon which they rest are too narrow to command the ablest professors, in the different departments of liberal knowledge, for the institution contemplated, though they would be excellent auxiliaries. Amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the prin; ciples, opinions, and manners of our countrymen, by the com.mon education of a portion of our youth from every quarter, well deserves attention. The more homogeneous our citizens can be made in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a primary object of such a national institution should be the education of our youth in the science of government. In a republic, what species of knowledge can be equally imiportant, and what duty more pressing on its legislature, than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to l)e the future guardians of the liberties of the country ? The project of a national university was a favorite project with Washington during all his later years. Broached in his early communications to Congress, it soon found important and frequent place in liis letters and addresses. It became more definite as he considered the public use to wiiich he sliould put the shares in the Potomac Company presented him by tha State of Virginia in consideration of his servnces in organizing that company to pro- mote commimication with the Great West. See, with reference to this, Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, and notes, in Old South Leaflet, No. i6. He desired to introduce a section recommending the national university into his Farewell Address (see his letter to Hamilton in this leaflet); but Hamilton persuaded him to put this instead into his last speech to Congress,— although, in respecting Hamilton's advice, he wrote him as follows: "To be candid, I much question whether a recommendation to the legislature will have a better effect «;icrfy. It may show, indeed, my sense of its importance, and that is a sufficient inducement with 7ne to bring the matter before the public, in some shape or another, at the closing scenes of my political exit. IMy object for proposing to insert it where I did (if not improper) was to set the people ruminating on the importance of the measure as the most likely means of bringing it to pass." See Binney's Inquiry info ike Formation of Washington s Fareivcll Address, pp. 63, 64. The Potomac stock which Washington left in his will toward the endowment of the national university unhappily never became pro- ductive. But in our own time the demand for a national university at \\^ashington has be- come frequent and strong, and is supported by the same arguments which Washington used a hundred years ago. See the various addresses and articles by President Andrew D. White, President Jordan, Hon. John W. Ho^'t, and other leading educators. " It would seem," says Professor Herbert B. Adams, " as though, in one way or another, all lines of our public policy lead back to Washington, as all roads lead to Rome." See Professor Adams's paper on George JVashi7igto>i's Interest in JVestern Lands, the Potomac Company, and a Na- tional University, in the Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, iii. i; also his address (Feb. 22, 18S9) on The Enconragement of Higher Educa- tion. One of the subjects proposed for the Old South Essays in 1889 was Washi7igto7i's Interest ill the Caiise of Education ; consider especially his prof ect of a N'ational Univer- sity. The two prize essays upon this subject have been publislied, — that by Miss Caroline C. Stecker in a pamphlet, wliich can be procured at the Old South Meeting House; that by Miss Julia K. Ordway in the New England Magazi/ie for May, 1S90. No. 98. Letters of Washington and Lafayette. LAFAYETTE TO WASHINGTON. '■'^ Camp, JO December, lyjj. " My Dear General : — I went yesterday morning to head- quarters, with an intention of speaking to your Excellency, but you were too busy, and I shall state in this letter what I wished to say. I need not tell you how sorry I am at what has lately happened ; it is a necessary result of my tender and respectful friendship for you, which is as true and candid as the other sentimeats of my heart, and much stronger than so new an acquaintance might seem to admit. But another reason for my concern is my ardent and perhaps enthusiastic wish for the happiness and liberty of this country. I see plainly that America can defend herself, if proper measures are taken ; but I begin to fear that she may be lost by herself and her own sons. "When I was in Europe, I thought that here almost every man was a lover of liberty, and would rather die free than live a slave. You can conceive my astonishment when I saw that Toryism was as apparently professed as Whigism itself. There are open- dissensions in Congress ; parties who hate one another as much as the common enemy ; men who, without knowing any thing about war, undertake to judge you, and to make ridiculous comparisons. They are infatuated with Gates, with- out thinking of the difference of circumstances, and believe that attacking is the only thing necessary to conquer. These ideas are entertained by some jealous men, and perhaps secret friends of the British government, who want to push you, in a moment of ill humor, to some rash enterprise UDon the lines, or against a n) ich stronger army. ' i should not take the liberty of mentioning these particu- lars to you, ii I had not received a letter from a young, good- natured gentleman at Yorktown, whom Conway has ruined by his cunning and bad advice, but who entertains the greatest respect for you. I have been surprised to see the poor establishment of the Board of War, the difference made between northern and southern departments, and the orders from. Congress about military operations. But the promotion of Conway is beyond all my expectations. I should be glad to have new major-generals, because, as I know that you take some interest in my happiness and reputation, it will perhaps afford an occasion for your Excellency to give me more agreeable' commands in some instances. On the other hand, General Conway says he is entirely a man to be disposed of by me, he calls himself my soldier, and the reason of such behaviour towards me is, that he wishes to be well spoken of at the French Court ; and his protector, the Marquis de Castries, is an intimate acquaintance of mine. " But since the letter of Lord Stirling, I have inquired into his character, and found that he is an ambitious and dangerous man. He has done all in his power to draw off my confidence and affection from you. His desire was to engage me to leave this country. I now see all the general officers of the army against Congress. Such disputes, if known to the enemy, may be attended with the worst consequences. I am very sorry whenever I perceive troubles raised amongst defenders of the same cause; but my concern is much greater, when I find officers coming from France, officers of some character in my country, to whom a fault of that kind may be imputed. The reason for my fondness for Conway was his. being a very brave and very good officer. However, that talent for manoeuvering, which seems so extraordinary to Congress, is not so very difficult a matter for any man of common sense, who applies himself to it. I must render to General Duportail and some other French officers, who have spoken to me, the justice to say, that I found them as I could wish upon this occasion, although it has made a great noise amongst many in the army, 1 wish your Excellency could let them know how necessary you are to them, and engage them at the same time to keep peace and reinstate love among themselves, till the moment when these little disputes shall not be attended with such inconveniences, it would be too greac a pity, that slavery, dishonor, ruin, and the unhappiness of a whole nation, should issue from trifiai^ differences betwixt z. few men. •'You will perhaps find this letter very unimportant ; but I was desirous of explaining to you some of my ideas, because it will contribute to my satisfaction to be convinced, that you, my dear General, who have been so indulgent as to permit me to look on you as a friend, should know my sentiments. I have the warmest love for my country, and for all good Frenchmen. Their success fills my heart with joy ; but, Sir, besides that Conway is an Irishman, I want countrymen, who in every point do honor to their country. That gentleman had engaged me, by entertaining my imagination with ideas of glory and shining projects, and I must confess this was a too certain way of deceiving me. I wish to join to the few theories about war, which I possess, and to the few dispositions which nature has given me, the experience of thirty campaigns, in the hope that I should be able to be more useful in my present sphere. My desire of deserving your approbation is strong ; and, whenever you shall employ me, you can be certain of my trying every exertion in my power to succeed. I am now bound to your fate, and I shall follow it and sustain it, as well by my sword as by all the means in my power^ You will pardon my importunity. Youth and friendship perhaps make me too warm, but I feel the greatest concern at recent events. With the most tender and profound respect, I have the honor to be, &c." WASHINGTON TO LAFAYETTE. ^"^ Head- Quarters, 2 1 December, I'J'J'J. "My Dear Marquis : — Your favor of yesterday conveyed to me fresh proof of that friendship and attachment, which I have happily experienced since the first of our acquaintance, and'for which I entertain sentiments of the purest affection. It will ever constitute part of my happiness to know that I stand well in your opinion ; because I am satisfied that you can have no views to answer by throwing out false colors, and that you possess a mind too exalted to condescend to low arts and intrigues to acquire a reputation. Happy, thrice happy. Would it have been for this army, and the cause we are embarked in, if the same generous spirit had pervaded all the actors in it. But one gentleman, whose name you have mentioned, had, I am confident, far different views. His ambition and great desire of being puffed off, as one of the first officers of the age, could only be equalled by the means which he used to obtain them ; but, finding that I was determined not to go beyond the line of my duty to indulge him in the first, nor to exceed the strictest rules of propriety to gratify him in the second, he became my inveterate enemy ; and he has, I am persuaded, practised every art to do me an injury, even at the expense of reprobating a measure, which did not succeed, that he himself advised to. How far he may have accomplished his ends, I know not; and,^ except for considerations of a public nature, I care not; for it is well known, that neither ambitious nor lucrative motives led me to accept my present appointments; in the discharge of which, I have endeavoured to observe one steady and uniform system of conduct, which I shall invariably pursue, while I have the honor to command, regardless of the tongue of slander or the powers of detraction. The fatal tendency of disunion is so obvious, that I have in earnest terms exhorted such officers, as have expressed their dissatisfaction at General Conway's promotion, to be cool and dispassionate in their decision upon the matter; and I have hopes that they will not suffer any hasty determination to injure the service. At the same time, it must be acknowledged, that officers' feelings upon these occasions are not to be restrained, although you may control their actions. ''The other observations contained in your letter have too much truth in them ; and it is much to be lamented, that things are not now as they formerly were ; but we must not, in so great a contest, expect to meet with nothing but sunshine. I have no doubt that everything happens for the best, that we shall triumph over all our misfortunes, and in the end be happy ; when, my dear Marquis, if you will give me your company in Virginia, we will laugh at our past difficulties and the folly of others; and I will endeavour, by every civility in my power, to show you how much and how sincerely I am your affectionate and obedient servant." LAFAYETTE TO WASHINGTON. ^' S^. Jean d^ Angely, 12 Jtine, ij^g. " My Dear General : — There is at length a safe occasion of writing to you, and of assuring you what sincere concern 1 feel at our separation. I had acquired such a habit of being inseparable from you, that I am more and more afflicted at the distance, which keeps me so far from my dearest friend, and especially at this particular time, as I think the campaign is opened, and that you are in the field. I ardently wish I might 5. be near you, know every interesting event, and if possible con- tribute to your success and glory. "Enclosed is a copy of my letter to Congress, in which you will find such intelligence as I was to give them. The Chevalier de la Luzerne intends going to Congress by the way of head- quarters. I promised that I would introduce him to your Excellency, and I have desired him to let you know any piece of news, which he has been entrusted with. By what you will hear, my dear General, you will see that our affairs take a good turn. Besides the favorable dispositions of Spain, Ireland is a good deal tired of English oppression. In confidence I would tell you, that the scheme of my heart would be to make it as free and independent as America. God grant that the sun of freedom may at length arise for the happiness of mankind. I shall know more about Ireland in a few weeks, and I will immediately inform your Excellency. As to Congress, there are so many people in it, that one cannot safely unbosom himself, as he does to his best friend. After referring you to the Chevalier de la Luzerne for what concerns the public news, the present situation of affairs, and the designs of our ministry, I will only" speak to your Excellency about the great article of money. It gave me much trouble, and I so much insisted upon it, that the director of finances looks upon me as his evil genius. France has incurred great expenses lately. The Spaniards will not easily give their dollars. However, Dr. Franklin has got some money to pay the bills of Congress, and I hope I shall determine the government to greater sacrifices. Serving America is to my heart an inexpressible happiness. "There is another point upon which you should employ all your influence and popularity. For God's sake prevent the Congress from disputing loudly together. Nothing so much hui-ts the interests and reputation of America, as these intestine quarrels. On the other hand, there are two parties in France ; Mr. Adams and Mr. Lee on one part; Dr. Franklin and his friends on the other. So great is the concern, which these divisions give me, that I cannot wait on these gentlemen as much as I could wish, for fear of mentioning disputes, and bring- ing them to a greater height. " I send enclosed a small note for M. Neuville. Give me leave to recommend to your Excellency the bearer thereof, our new minister plenipotentiary, who seems to me extremely well qualified for deserving general esteem and regard. " I know you wish to hear something about my private affairs. I gave an account of them to Congress, and shall only add, that I am here as happy as possible. My family, my friends, my countrymen, gave me such a reception, and show me every day such an affection, as I could not have hoped. For some days I have been in this place, where are the King's own regiment of dragoons, which I command, and some, regiments of infantry, which are for the present under my orders. But what I want, my dear General, and what would make me the happiest of men, is to join again the American colors, or to put under your orders a division of four or five thousand of my countrymen. In case any such cooperation, or any private expedition is wished for, I think, if peace is not settled this winter, that an early demand might be complied with for the next campaign. Our ministers are rather slow in their operations, and have a great desire for peace, provided it is an honorable one ; so that I think America must show her- self in earnest for war, till such conditions are obtained. American independence is a certain, an undoubted point; but I wish that independence to be acknowledged on advantageous terms. On the whole, between ourselves, as to what concerns the royal and ministerial good will towards America, I, an American citizen, am fully satisfied with it, and I am sure the alliance and friendship between both nations will be established in such a way as will last for ever. " Be so kind as to present my respects to your lady, and tell her how happy I should feel to present them myself, and at her own house. I have a wife, my dear General, who is in love with you, and affection for you seems to me so well justi- fied, that I cannot oppose that sentiment in her. She begs you will receive her compliments, and make them acceptable to Mrs. Washington. I hope you will come to see us in Europe ; and most certainly I give you my word, that, if I am not happy enough to be sent to America before the peace, I shall by all means go there as soon as I can escape. I beg you will present my best compliments to your family, and remind them of my tender regard for them all ; and also to the general officers, to all the officers of the army, and to all the friends I have there. I entreat you to let me hear from you. Write to me how you do, and how things are going on. The minutest details will be interesting to me. Do not forget anything concerning yourself. With the highest respect and the most sincere friendship, I have the honor to be, &c." WASHINGTON TO LAFAYETTE. ^^IP^est Point, JO September, i^jg. "My Dear Marquis : — A few days ago I wrote you a letter in much haste. Since tliat, I have been honored witli the company of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, and by him was favored with your obliging letter of the 12th of June, which filled me with equal pleasure and surprise; the latter at hearing that you had not received one of the many letters I had written to you since you left the American shore. It gave me infinite pleasure to hear, from yourself, of the favorable reception you met with from your sovereign, and of the joy, which your safe arrival in France had diffused among your friends. I had no doubt that this would be the case. To hear it from yourself adds pleasure to the account; and here, my dear friend, let me congratulate you on your new, honorable, and pleasing appoint- ment in the army commanded by the Count de Vaux, which I shall accompany with an assurance, that none can do it with more warmth of affection, or sincere joy, than myself. Your forward zeal in the cause of liberty; your singular attachment to this infant world; your ardent and persevering efforts, not only in Anierica, but since your return to France, to serve the United States ; your polite attention to Americans, and your strict and uniform friendship for me^ have ripened the first impressions of esteem and attachment, which I imbibed for you, into such perfect love and gratitude, as neither time nor absence can impair. This will warrant my assuring you, that, whether in the character of an officer at the head of a corps of gallant French- men, if circumstances should require this, whether as a major- general commanding a division of the American army^, or whether, after our swords and spears have given place to the ploughshare and pruning-hook, I see you as a private gentle- man, a friend and companion, I shall welcome you with all the warmth -of friendship to Columbia's shores; and, in the latter case, to my rural cottage, where homely fare and a cordial reception shall be substituted for delicacies and costly living. This, from past experience, I know you can submit to ; and if the lovely partner of your happiness will consent to participate with us in such rural entertainment and amusements, I can undertake, in behalf of Mrs. Washington, that she will do every thing in her power to make Virginia agreeable to the Marchion- ess. My inclination and endeavours to do this cannot be doubted, when I assure you, that I love every body that is dear 8 to you, and consequently participate in the pleasure you feel in the prospect of again becoming a parent, and do most sincerely congratulate you and your lady on this fresh pledge she is about to give you of her love. " I thank you for the trouble you have taken and your polite attention, in favoring me with a copy of your letter to Congress ; and feel, as I am persuaded they must do, the force of such ardent zeal as you therein express for the interest of this country. The propriety of the hint you have given them must carry conviction, and I trust will have a salutary effect ; though there is not, I believe, the same occasion for the admonition now, that there was several months ago. Many late changes have taken place in that honorable body, which have removed in a very great degree, if not wholly, the discordant spirit which, it is said, prevailed in the winter; and I hope measures will also be taken to remove those unhappy and improper differences, which have extended themselves elsewhere, to the prejudice of our affairs in Europe. '' I have had great pleasure in the visit, which the Chevalier de la Luzerne and Monsieur Marbois did me the honor to make at this camp; concerning both of whom I have imbibed the most favorable impressions, and I thank you for the honorable mention you made of me to them. The Chevalier, till he had announced himself to Congress, did not choose to be received in his public character. If he had, except paying him military honors, it was not my intention to depart from that plain and simple manner of living, which accords with the real interest and policy of men struggling under every difficulty for the attainment of the most inestimable blessing of life, liberty. The Chevalier was polite enough to approve my principle, and condescended to appear pleased with our Spartan living. In a word, he made us all exceedingly happy by his affability and good humor, while he remained in camp. • "You are pleased, my dear Marquis, to express an earnest desire of seeing me in France, after the establishment of our independency, and do me the honor to add, that you are not singular ni your request. Let me entreat you to be persuaded, that to meet you any where, after the final accomplishment of so glorious an event, would contribute to my happiness ; and that to visit a country, to whose generous aid we stand so much indebted, would be an additional pleasure ; but remember, my good friend, that I am unacquainted with your language, that I am too far advanced in years to acquire a knowledge of 9 it, and that, to converse through the medium of an interpreter upon common occasions, especially with the ladies, must appear so extremely awkward, insipid, and uncouth, that I can scarcely bear it in idea. I will, therefore, hold myself disengaged for the present ; but when I see you in Virginia, we will talk of this matter and fix our plans. "The declaration of Spain, in favor of France has given universal joy to every Whig ; while the poor Tory droops, like a withering flower under a declining sun. We are anxiously expecting to hear of great and important events on your side of the Atlantic. At present, the imagination is left in the wide field of conjecture. Our eyes one moment are turned to an invasion of England, then of Ireland, Minorca, Gibraltar. In a word, we hope every thing, but know not what to expect, or where to fix. The glorious success of Count d'Estaing in the West Indies, at the same time that it adds dominion to France, and fresh lustre to her arms, is a source of new and unexpected misfortune to our tender a?i(l ge?icrous parent^ and must serve to convince her of the folly of quitting the substance in pursuit of a shadow ; and, as there is no experience equal to that which is bought, I trust she will have a super-abundance of this kind of knowledge, and be convinced, as I hope all the world and every tyrant in it will be, that the best and only safe road to honor, glory, and true dignity, vs> justice. " We have such repeated advices of Count d'Estaing's being in these seas, that, though I have no olBcial information of the event, I cannot help giving entire credit to the report, and looking for his arrival every moment, and I am preparing accordingly. The enemy at New York also expect it ; and, to guard against the consequences, as much as it is in their power to do, are repairing and strengthening all the old fortifications, and adding neW ones in the vicinity of the city. Their fears, however, do not retard an em.barkation, which was making, and generally believed^to be for the West Indies or Charleston. It still goes forward ; and, by my intelligence, it will consist of a pretty large detachment. About fourteen days ago, one British regiment (the forty-fourth completed) and three Hessian regiments -were embarked, and are gone, as is supposed, to Halifax. The operations of the enemy this campaign have been confined to the establishment of works of defence, taking a post at King's Ferry, and burning the defenceless tow^ns of New Haven, Fair- field, and Norwalk, on the Sound within reach of their shipping, where little else was or could be opposed to them, than the lO cries of distressed women and helpless children ; but these were offered in vain. Since these notable exploits, they have never stepped out of their works or beyond their lines. How a con- duct of this kind is to effect the conquest of America, the wisdom of a North, a Germain, or a Sandwich best can decide. It is too deep and refined for the comprehension of common understandings and the general run of politicians. *'Mrs. Washington, who set out for Virginia when we took the field in June, has often in her letters to me inquired if I had heard from you, and will be much pleased at hearing that you are well and happy. In her name, as she is not here, I thank you for your polite attention to her, and shall speak her sense of the honor conferred on her by the Marchioness. When I look back to the length of this letter, I have not the courage to give it a careful reading for the purpose of correction. You must, therefore, receive it with all its imperfections, accompanied with this assurance, that, though there may be many inaccuracies in the letter, there is not a single defect in the friendship of, my dear Marquis, yours, &c." WASHINGTON TO LAFAYETTE. * ' Head- Quarters, 5 April, 178 j. " My Dear Marquis : — It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to express, the sensibility of my heart at the com- munications in your letter of the 5th of February from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are indebted for the only ac- count yet received of a general pacification. My mind, upon the receipt of this intelligence, was instantly assailed by a thousand ideas, all of them contending for preeminence ; but, believe me, my dear friend, none could supplant, or ever will eradicate that gratitude which has arisen from a lively sense of the conduct of your nation, and from my obligations to many of its. illustrious characters (of whom, I do not mean to flatter, when I place you at the head), and from my admiration of the A'irtues of your august sovereign, who, at the same time that he stands confessed the father of his own people, and defender of American rights, has given the most exalted example of modera- tion in treating with his enemies. " We are now an independent people, and have yet to learn political tactics. We are placed among the nations of the earth, and have a character to establish; but how we shall acquit our- selves, time must discover. The probability is, (at least I fear it), that local or State politics will interfere too much with the more liberal and extensive plan of government, which wisdom and foresight, freed from the mist of prejudice, would dictate; and that we shall be guilty of many blunders in treading this boundless theatre, before we shall have arrived at any perfection in this art; in a word, that the experience, which is purchased at the price of difficulties and distress, will alone convince us, that the honor, power, and true interest of this country must be measured by a Continental scale, and that every departure therefrom weakens the Union, and may ultimately break the band which holds us together. To avert these evils, to form a new constitution, that will give consistency, stability, and dig- nity to the Union, and sufficient powers to the great council of the nation for general purposes, is a duty incumbent upon every man who wishes well to his country, and will meet with my aid as far as it can be rendered in the private walks of life. " The armament which was preparing at Cadiz, and in which you were to have acted a distinguished part, would have carried such conviction with it that it is not to be wondered at that Great Britain should have been impressed with the force of such reasoning. To this cause, I am persuaded, the peace is to be ascribed. Your going to Madrid from thence, instead of coming immediately to this country, is another instance, my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the American cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of her sons, who will at all times receive you with open arms. As no official despatches are yet received, either at Philadelphia or New York, concerning the completion of the treaty, nor any measures taken for the reduc- tion of the army, my detention with it is quite uncertain. Where I may be, then, at the time of your intended visit, is too uncertain even for conjecture; but nothing can be more true than that the pleasure with which I shall receive you will be equal to your wishes. I shall be better able to determine then, than now, on the practicability of accompanying you to France, a country to which I shall ever feel a warm aitection ; and, if I do not pay it that tribute of respect, which is to be derived from a visit, it may be ascribed with justice to any other cause, than a want of inclination, or the pleasure of going there "under the auspices of your friendship. " I have already observed that the determination of Congress, if they have come to any, respecting the army, is yet unknown to me. But, as you wish to be informed of every thing that concerns it, I do, for your satisfaction, transmit authentic docu- ments of some very interesting occurrences, which have hap- pened within the last six months. But I ought first to premise, that, from accumulated sufferings and little or no prospect of relief, the discontents of the officers last fall put on the threat- ening appearance of a total resignation, till the business was diverted into the channel, which produced the address and peti- tion to Congress, which stand first on the file herewith enclosed. « I shall make no comment on these proceedings. To one so well acquainted with the sufferings of the American army as you are, it is unnecessary. It wdll be sufficient to observe, that the more its virtue and forbearance are tried, the more resplen- dent it appears. My hope is, that the military exit of this valu- able class of the community will exhibit such a proof of amor patricB, as will do them honor in the page of history. "These papers, with my last letter, which was intended to go by Colonel Gouvion, containing extensive details of military plans, will convey to you every information. If you should get sleepy and tired of reading them, recollect, for my exculpation, that it is in compliance with your request I have run into such prolixity. I made a proper use of the confidential part of your letter of the 5th of February. " The scheme, my dear Marquis, which you propose as a precedent to encourage the emancipation of the black people in this country from that state of bondage in which they are held, is a striking evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be happy to join you in so laudable a work; but will defer going into a detail of the business, till I have the pleasure of seeing you. "Tilghman is on the point of matrimony with a namesake and cousin, sister to Mrs. Carroll of Baltimore. It only remains for me now, my dear Marquis, to make a tender of my respect- ful compliments, in which Mrs. Washington unites, to Madame de Lafayette, and to wish you, her, and your little offspring, all the happiness this life can afford. I will extend my compli- ments to the gentlemen in your circle, with whom I have the honor of an acquaintance. I need not add how happy I shall be to see you in America, and more particularly at Mount Ver- non, or with what truth and warmth of affection I am, &c." WASHINGTON TO LAFAYETTE. " Mount Vernon, 8 December, 1784. " My Dear Marquis : — The peregrination of the day in which I parted from you ended at Marlborough. The next day, bad as it was, I got home before dinner. "In the moment of our separation, upon the road as I travelled, and every hour since, I have felt all that love, respect, and attachment for you, with which length of years, close con- nexion, and your merits have inspired me. I often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether that was the last sight I ever should have of you? And though I wished to say No, my fears answered Yes. I called to mind the days of my youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more; that I was now descending the hill I had been fifty-two years climbing, and that, though I was blest with a good constitution, I was of a sliort-lived family, and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. These thoughts darkened the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, and con- sequently to my prospect of seeing you again. But I will not repine ; I have had my day. " Nothing of importance has occurred since I parted with you. I found my family well, and am now immersed in com- pany ; notwithstanding which, I have in haste produced a few more letters to give you the trouble of, rather inclining to commit them to your care, than to pass them through many and unknown hands. . -" It is unnecessary, I persuade myself, to repeat to you, my dear Marquis, the sincerity of my regards and friendship ; nor have I words which could express my affection for you, were I to attempt it. My fervent prayers are offered for your safe and pleasant passage, happy meeting with Madame de Lafayette and family, and the completion of every wish of your heart; in all which Mrs. Washington joins me ; as she does in compli- ments to Captain Grandecheau, and the Chevalier, of whom little Washington often speaks. With every sentiment, which is propitious and endearing, I am, &c." WASHINGTON TO LAFAYETTE. " Philadelphia, 75- August, 1787. "My Dear Marquis: — Although the business of the federal convention is not yet closed, nor I, thereby, enabled to give you an account of its proceedings, yet the opportunity afforded by Commodore Paul Jones's return to France is too favorable for me to omit informing you, that the present ex- pectation of the members is, that \t will end about the first of next month, when, or as soon after as it shall be in my power, I will communicate the result of our long deliberation to you. 14 "Newspaper accounts inform us, that the session of the Assembly of Notables is ended; and3'0u have had the goodness, in your letter of the 5th of May, to communicate some of the proceedings to me ; among which is that of the interesting motion made by yourself, respecting the expenditure of public money by Monsieur de Calonne, and the consequence thereof. " The patriotism, by which this motion was dictated, throws - a lustre on the action, which cannot fail to dignify the author; and I sincerely hope with you, that much good will result from the deliberations of so respectable a council. I am not less ardent in my wish, that you may succeed in your plan of tolera- tion in religious matters. Being no bigot myself to any mode of worship, I am disposed to indulge the professors of Christianity in the church with that road to Heaven, which to them shall seem the most direct, plainest, easiest, and least liable to exception. "The politicians of this country hardly know what to make of the present situation of European affairs. If serious conse- quences do not follow the blood, which has been shed in the United Netherlands, these people will certainly have acted differently from the rest of mankind ; and, in another quarter, one would thiiik there could hardly be so much smoke without some fire between the Russians and Turks. Should these dis- putes kindle the flame of war, it is not easy to prescribe bounds to its extension or effect. The disturbances in Massachusetts have subsided, but there are seeds of discontent in every part of this Union ; ready to produce other disorders, if the wisdom of the present convention should not be able to devise, and the good sense of the people be found ready to adopt, a more vigorous and energetic government, than the one under which we now live ; for the present, from experience, has been found too feeble and inadequate to give that security, which our liberties and property render absolutely essential, and which the fulfil- ment of public faith loudly requires. "Vain is it to look for respect from abroad, or tranquillity at home ; vain is it to murmur at the detention of our western posts, or complain of the restriction of our commerce ; vain are all the attempts to remedy the evils complained of by Dr. Dumas, to discharge the interest due on foreign loans, or satisfy the claims of foreign officers, the neglect of doing which is a high impeachment of our national character, and is hurtful to the feelings of every well-wisher to this country in and out of it; vain is it to talk of chastising the Algerines, or doing ourselves justice in any other respect, till the wisdom and force of the Union can be more concentrated and better applied. With sentiments of the highest respect, and most perfect regard for Madame de Lafayette and your family, and with the most affec- tionate attachment to you, I am ever yours, &c." EXTRACT FROM LETTER OF LAFAYETTE TO WASHINGTON. " Paris, March f]t/i, lygo. " Our revolution is getting on as well as it can with a nation that has attained its liberty at once, and is still liable to mistake licentiousness for freedom.' The Assembly have more hatred to the ancient system, than experience in the proper organiza- tion of a new and constitutional government. The ministers are lamenting their loss of power, and afraid to use that, which they have; and, as every thing has been destroyed, and not much of the new building is yet above ground, there is room for criticisms and calumnies. To this it may be added, that we still are pestered by two parties, the aristocratic, that is panting for a counter revolution, and the factious, which aims at the division of -the empire and destruction of all authority, and perhaps of the lives of the reigning branch; both of which parties are fomenting troubles. "After I have confessed all this, I will tell you with the same candor, that we have made an admirable and almost incredible destruction of all abuses and prejudices; that every thing not directly useful to, or coming from, the people has been levelled ; that, in the topographical, moral, and political situation of France, we have made more changes in ten months, than the most saguine patriots could have imagined; that our internal 'troubles and anarchy are much exaggerated; and that, upon the whole, this revolution, in which nothing will be wanting but energy of government as it was in America, will implant liberty and make it flourish throughout the world ; while we must wait for a convention in a few years to mend some defects, which are not now perceived by men just escaped from aristocracy and despotism. " Give me leave, my dear General, to present you with a picture of the Bastille, just as it looked a few days after I had ordered its demolition, with the main key* of the fortress of * The key of the Bastille, and the drawing here mentioned, are still pre- served in the mansion-house at Mount Vernon. i6 despotism. It is a tribute, which I owe as a son to my adopted father, as an aid-de-camp to my general, as a missionary of lib- erty to its patriach." EXTRACT FROM LETTER OF LAFAYETTE TO \vAsriixt;TON. " I rejoice and glory in the happy situation of American affairs. I bless the restoration of your health, and wish I could congratulate you on your side of the Atlantic, but we are not in that state of tranquillity which may admit of my absence; the refugees hovering about the frontiers, intrigues in most of the despotic and aristocratic cabinets, our regular army divided into Tory otiicers and undisciplined soldiers, licentiousness among the people not easily repressed, the capital, that gives the tone to the empire, tossed about by anti-revolutionary or factious parties, the Assembly fatigued by hard labor, and very unman- ageable. However, according to the popular motto, Ca ira, ' It will do.' We are introducing as fast as we can religious liberty. The Assembly has put an end to its existence by a new convo- cation ; has unfitted its own members for immediate reelection and for places in the executive ; and is now reducing the consti- tution to a few principal articles, leaving the legislative assem- blies to examine and mend the others, and preparing every thing for a convention as soon as our machine shall have had a fair trial. As to the surrounding governments, they hate our revolu- tion, but do not know how to meddle with it, so afraid are they of catch ifig the plague. LAFAVEITE TO WASHINGTON. '^ Paris, I J March, ryg2. '' Mv Dear General : — I have been called from the army to this capital for a conference between the two other generals, the ministers, and myself, and am about returning to my military post. The coalition between the continental powers respect- ing our affairs is certain, and will not be broken by the Emper- or's death. But, although warlike preparations are going on, it is very doubtful whether our neighbours will attempt to stifle so very catching a thing as liberty. " The danger for us lies in our state of anarchy, owing to the ignorance of the people, the number of non-proprietors, the jealousy of every governing measure, all which inconveniences are worked up by designing men, or aristocrats in disguise, but both extremely tend to defeat our ideas of public order. Do not believe, however, the exaggerated accounts you may receive, particularly from England. That liberty and equality will be preserved in France, there is no doubt; in case there were, you well know that I would not, if ihey fall, survive them. But you may be assured, that we shall emerge from this unpleasant situation, either by an honorable defence, or by internal improvements. How far this constitution of ours insures a good government has not been as yet fairly experienced. This only we know, that it has restored to the people their rights, destroyed almost every abuse, and turned French vassalage and slavery into national dignity, and the enjoyment of those faculties, which nature has given and society ought to insure. " Give me leave to you alone to offer an observation respect- ing the late choice of the American ambassador. You know I am personally a friend to Gouverneur Morris, and ever as a private man have been satisfied with him. But the aristocratic, and indeed counter-revolutionary principles he has professed, unfitted him to be the representative of the only nation, whose politics have a likeness to ours, since they are founded on the plan of a representative democracy. This I may add, that, surrounded with enemies as France is, it looks as if America was preparing for a change in this government ; not only that kind of alteration, which the democrats may wish for and bring about, but the wild attempts of aristocracy, such as the restora- tion of a noblesse, a House of Lords, and such other political blemishes, which, while we live, cannot be reestablished in France. I wish we had an elective Senate, a more independent set of judges, and a more energetic administration ; but the people must be taught the advantages of a firm government before they reconcile it to their ideas of freedom, and can dis- tinguish it from the arbitrary systems, which they have just got over. You see, my dear General, I am not an enthusiast for every part of our constitution, although I love its principles, which are the same as those of the United States, except the hereditary character of the president of the executive, which I think suitable to our circumstances. But I hate every thing like despotism and aristocracy, and I cannot help wishing the American and French principles were in the heart and on the lips of the American ambassador in France. This I mention to you alone. iS " There have been changes in the ministry. The King has chosen his council from the most violent popular party in the Jacobin club, a Jesuitic institution, more fit to make deserters from our cause than converts to it. The new ministers, how- ever, being unsuspected, have a chance to restore public order, and say they will improve it. The Assembly are wild, unin- formed, and too fond of popular applause : the King, slow and rather backward in his daily conduct, although now and then he acts full well : but upon the whole it will do. and the success of our revolution cannot be questioned. " My command extends on the frontiers from Givet to Bitche. I have sixty thousand men. a number that is increasing now, as young men pour in from every part of the empire to fill up the regiments. This voluntary recruiting shows a most patriotic spirit. I am going to encamp thirty thousand men, with a detached corps, in an intrenched camp. The remainder will occupy the fortified places. The armies of Mare'chals Luckner and Rochambeau are inferior to mine, because we have sent many regiments to the southward : but. in case we have a war to undertake, we may gather respectable forces. *• Our emigrants are beginning to come in. Their situation abroad is miserable, and, in case even we quarrel with our neighbours, they will be out of the question. Our paper monev has been of late rising very fast. Manufactures of every kind are much employed. The farmer finds his cares alleviated, and will feel the more happy under our constitution, as the Assembly are going to give up their patronage of one set of priests. You see, that, although we have many causes to be as yet unsatisfied, we may hope every thing will by and by come right. Licentious- ness, under the mask of patriotism, is our greatest evil, as it threatens property, tranquillity, and liberty itself. Adieu, my dear General. My best respects wait on Mrs. Washington. Remember me most affectionately to our friends, and think sometimes of your respectful, loving, and filial friend. Lafavette." ^yASHIXGTOX TO LAFAYETTE. •* Mount Vernon, 2j Dccenihr, jygS. " My de-\r Sir : — Convinced as you must be of the fact, it would be a mere waste of time to assure you of the sincere and heartfelt pleasure I derived from finding by your letters that you had not only regained your liberty, but were in the 1.9 enjoyment of better health than could have been expected from your long and rigorous confinement, and that Madame de Lafayette and the young ladies were able to survive it at all. , . " It is equally unnecessary for me to apologize to you for my long silence, when by a recurrence to your own letters you will find my excuse ; for by these it will appear that, if you had embarked for this country at the times mentioned therein, no letters of mine could have arrived in Europe before your departure. By your favor of the 20th of August I was in- formed that your voyage to America was postponed, for the reasons there given, which conveyed the first idea to my mind that a letter from me might find you in Europe. " The letter last mentioned, together with that of the 5th of September, found me in Philadelphia, M^hither I had gone for the purpose of making some military arrangements with the Secretary of War, and where every moment of my time was so much occupied in that business as to allow no leisure to attend to anything else. " I have been thus circumstantial in order to impress you with the true cause of my silence, and to satisfy your mind, if a .doubt had arisen there, that my friendship for you had undergone no diminution or change ; and that no one in the United States would receive you with more open arms or ardent affection than I should, after the differences between this country and France are adjusted and harmony between the nations is again restored. . . . " To give you a complete view of the politics and situation of things in this country would far exceed the limits of a letter, and to trace effects to their causes would be a work of time. But the sum of them may be given in a few words, and it amounts to this. That a party exists in the United States, formed by a combination of causes, which oppose the govern- ment in all its measures, and are determined, as all their con- duct evinces, by clogging its wheels, indirectly to change the nature of it and to subvert the constitution. To effect this, no means which have a tendency to accomplish their purposes are left unessayed. The friends of government, who are anxious to maintain its neutrality and to preserve the country in peace, and adopt measures to secure these objects, are charged by them as being monarchists, aristocrats, and infractors of the constitution, which, according to their interpretation of it, would be a mere cipher. They arrogated to themselves (until 20 the eyes of the people began to discover how outrageously they had been treated in their commercial concerns by the Directory of France, and that that was a ground on which they could no longer tread) the sole merit of being the friends of France, when, in fact, they had no more regard for that nation than for the Grand Turk, further than their own views were promoted by it, denouncing those who differed in opinion (whose princi- ples are purely American, and whose sole view was to observe a strict neutrality) as acting under British influence, and being directed by her counsels or as being her pensioners. . . . " You have expressed a wish, worthy of the benevolence of your heart, that I would exert all my endeavors to avert the calamitous effects of a rupture between our countries. BeHeve me, my dear friend, that no man can deprecate an event of this sort with more horror than I should, and. that no one during the whole of my administration labored more incessantly and with more sincerity and zeal than I did to avoid this, and to render all justice — nay, favor — to France consistent with the neutrality, which had been proclaimed, sanctioned by Congress, approved by the State legislatures, and by the people at large in their town and county -meetings. But neutrality w^as not the point at which France was aiming ; for, whilst they were crying, Teace, Peace, and pretending that they did not wish us to be embroiled in their quarrel with Great Britain, they were pursu- ing measures in this country so repugnant to its sovereignty and so incompatible with every principle of neutrality as must inevitably have produced a war with the latter. And, when they found that the government here was resolved to adhere steadily to its plan of neutrality, their next step was to destroy the confidence of the people in it and to separate them from it, for which purpose their diplomatic agents were specially in- structed, and, in the attempt, were aided by inimical characters among ourselves, not, as 1 observed before, because they loved France more than any other nation, but because it was an instrument to facilitate the destruction of their own govern- ment. " Hence proceeded those charges — which I have already enumerated — against the friends to peace and order. No doubt remains on this side of the water that to the representa- tions of and encouragement given by these people is to be ascribed in a great measure the infractions of our treaty with France, her violation of the laws of nations, disregard of 21 justice, and even of sound policy. But herein they have not only deceived France, but were deceived themselves, as the event has proved ; for, no sooner did the yeomanry of this country come to a right understanding of the nature of the dis- pute, than they rose as one man with a tender of their services, their lives, and their fortunes, to support the government of their choice and to defend their country. This has produced a declaration from them (how sincere, let others judge) that, if the French should attempt to invade this country, they them- selves would be amongst the foremost to repel the attack. " You add in another place that the Executive Directory are disposed to an accommodation of all differences. If they are sincere in this declaration, let them evidence it by actions ; for words unaccompanied therewith will not be much regarded now. I would pledge myself that the government and people of the United States will meet them heart and hand at a fair negotiation, having no wish more ardent than to live in peace with all the world, provided they are suffered to remain undis- turbed in their just rights. Of this their patience, forbearance, and repeated solicitations under accumulated injuries and insults are incontestable proofs. But it is not to be inferred from hence that they will suffer any nation under the sun, while they retain a proper sense of virtue and independence, to trample upon their rights with impunity, or to direct or influence the internal concerns of their country. " It has been the policy of France, and that of the opposi- tion party among ourselves, to inculcate a belief that all those who have exerted themselves to keep this country in peace did it from an overweening attachment to Great Britain. But it is a solemn truth, and you may count upon it, that it is void of foundation, and propagated for no other purpose than to excite popular clamor against those whose aim was peace, and whom they wished out of their way. "That there are many among us who wish to see this country embroiled on the side of Great Britain, and others who are anxious that we should take part with France against her, admits of no doubt. But it is a fact on which you may entirely rely that the governing powers of the country and a large part of the people are truly Americans in principle, attached to the interest of it, and unwilling under any circumstances whatso- ever to participate in the politics or contests of Europe. — much less since they have found that France, having forsaken 22 the ground first taken, is interfering in the internal concerns of all nations, neutral as well as belligerent, and setting the world in an uproar. *' After my Valedictory Address to the people of the United States, you would no doubt be somewhat surprised to hear that I had again consented to gird on the sword. But,, having struggled eight or nine years against the invasion of our rights by one power, and to establish our independence of it, I could not remain an unconcerned spectator of the attempt of another power to accomplish the same object, though in a different way, with less pretensions ; indeed, without any at all. "On the politics of Europe I shall express no opinion, nor make any inquiry who is right or who is wrong. I wish well to all nations and to all men. My politics are plain and simple. I think every nation has a right to establish that form of gov- ernment under which it conceives it may live most happy, pro- vided it infracts no right or is not dangerous to others ; and that no governments ought to interfere with the internal con- cerns of another except for the security of what is due to themselves. " I sincerely hope that Madame de Lafayette will accom- plish all her wishes in France, and return safe to you with renovated health. I congratulate you on the marriage of your eldest daughter, and beg to be presented to her and her sister Virginia, — to the latter in the most respectful and affectionate terms. To George I have written. In all these things Mrs. \\'ashington, as the rest of the family would do, were they at home, most cordially joins me, as she does in wishing you and them every felicity which this life can afford as some consola- tion for your long, cruel, and painful confinement and suf- ferings. Lafayette was but eighteen years old in 1776, when he conceived the idea of coming to America to espouse the cause of the Colonies against Great Britain. The account of the dinner at Metz, where his interest and sympathy were first aroused by the conversation of the P>ench and EngUsh officers, is famihar to all readers of the life of Lafayette ; and all will re- member his interview with Silas Deane in Paris and the many obstacles which he encountered previous to his secret sailing from Passage, in the spring of 1777, with Baron de Kalb and others, in the ship provided at his own expense. He landed near Georgetown in South Carolina, and was conveyed directly to Charleston. His interesting letter to his wife, written from Charleston, 19 June, 1777, giving his first impressions of America, should be read : it may be found in his Memoirs, i. 92. The party imme- diately proceeded from Charleston to Philadelphia, and it was here that Lafayette first met Washington, who was warmly drawn to the gallant young man from the first, and soon became his devoted friend. The story of that friendship, a friendship enduring, as warm on the one side as on the other, until Washington's death, is a part of history. The letters here given are not only expressions of that friendship, but interesting chapters out of the great history which Washington and Lafayette helped to make in America and in France. These letters are but a very few out of very many that passed between the two great men, all of which are worthy of careful attention. More than a hundred of these letters are given in the three volumes of Lafayette's Memoirs, and they constitute by far the most interesting and important portion of the correspondence there given. Many of the same letters, as well as others, are given in Washington's Writings, both Sparks's and Ford's editions. The first letters belong to the trying time of Conway's Cabal, and show the complete confidence which Washington and Lafayette reposed in each other. It was a few months after the date of these letters that La- fayette wrote to Baron Steuben : — " Permit me to express my satisfaction at your having seen General Washington. No enemies to that great man can be found, except among the enemies to his country ; nor is it possible for any man of a noble spirit to refrain from loving the excellent qualities of his heart. I think I know him as well as any person, and such is the idea which I have formed of him. His honesty, his frankness, his sensibility, his virtue, to the full extent in which this word can be understood, are above all praise. It is not for me to judge of his military talents; but, according to my imperfect knowledge of these matters, his advice in council has always appeared to me the best, although his modesty prevents him sometimes from sustaining it ; and his predictions have generally been fulfilled." In a letter to Lafayette, 25 September, 177S, on the eve of his first return to France, Washington writes : — " The sentiments of affection and attachment, which breathe so con- spicuously in all your letters to me, are at once pleasing and honorable, and afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness of my acquaintance with you. Your love of liberty, the just sense you entertain of this valuable blessing, and your noble and disinterested exertions in the cause of it, added to the innate goodness of your heart, conspire to render you dear to me; and I think myself happy in being linked with you in bonds of the strictest friendship. The ardent zeal which you have displayed during the whole course of the campaign to the eastward, and your endeavors to cherish harmony, among the ofiicers of the allied powers, and to dispel those unfa- vorable impressions which had begun to take place in the minds of the unthinking, from misfortunes which the utmost stretch of human foresight could not avert, deserves, and now receives, my particular and warmest thanks." To Frankhn, then in Paris, Washington immediately afterwards wrote of Lafayette as follows : — " The generous motives which first induced him to cross the Atlantic ; the tribute which he paid to gallantry at the Brandywine ; his success in Jersey before he had recovered from his wounds, in an affair where he com- manded militia against British grenadiers; the brilliant retreat, by which he eluded a combined manoeuvre of the whole British force in the last cam- 24 paign ; his services in the enterprise against Rhode Island, — are such proofs of his zeal, military ardor, and talents, as have endeared him to America, and must greatly recommend him to his Prince. Coming with so many titles to claim your esteem, it were needless, for any other purpose than to indulge my own feelings, to add that I have a very particular friendship for him, and that whatever services you may have it in your power to render him will confer an obligation on me." The letter from Lafayette in France, 12 June, 1779, here given, and. Washington's reply, 30 Sept., 1779, afford pleasant glimpses into the domestic lives of the two men, as well as valuable comments upon the political situation. Lafayette came back to America and rendered valuable service down to the practical termination of the war by the capture of Corn- wallis in 17S1. Returning to France, Washington's letter of 5 April, 1783, shows that it was from him that Washington first had the news of the treaty of peace. This letter is also interesting as revealing, a scheme of Lafayette's for the emancipation of the negroes in America. In 1784 Lafayette came to America again, visiting Washington at Mt. Vernon. The fond and sad letter from Washington, 8 December, 1784, here given, was written just as Lafayette was returning to France. Washington's fore- boding that he would never again see Lafayette proved true. Lafayette gives a full account of his part in the American Revolution in his Memoirs; and the most important part of this account is given in Old South Leaflet No. 97. Washington's letter of August 15, 1787, belongs to the time of the Constitutional Convention. The letters of April 28, 1788 (Washington's Writings, ix. 354), and June 18, 1788 (do., ix. 379), which followed, should be read for their valuable political passages. Lafayette's letter of March 17, 1790, here given, shows him in the midst of the exciting events of the French Revolution. Washington's answer to this may be found in Sparks's edition of his Writings, x. 105. Washington's last letter to Lafayette be- fore the latter's imprisonment was dated Sept. 10, 1791. It concludes: — " I cannot help looking forward with an anxious wish, and a lively hope, to the time when peace and tranquillity will reign in your borders, under the sanction of a respectable government, founded on the broad basis of liberality and the rights of man. It must be so. The great Ruler of events will not permit the happiness of so many millions to be destroyed." Lafayette's last letter to Washington before his imprisonment was dated Paris, 15 March, 1792, and is included in the present leaflet. It is of the highest value for its observations upon the course of the French Revolu- tion at that time, when events were rapidly hastening on toward the Reign of Tfirror. Washington's efforts for Lafayette's release appear from the correspondence in Sparks, vol. x. ; and his last letters to Lafayette are given in vol. xi. That of October 8, 1797, congratulates Lafayette on his restora- tion to liberty, and speaks of his own retirement from public life. PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. (©lb ^outft aicaflct^ No. 4- Washington's Farewell Address TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. Friends and Fellow-Citizens : The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be em- ployed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to de- cline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured-, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country ; and that, in with- drawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the oflice to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uni- form sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, con- sistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you ; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incom- patible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety ; and am per- suaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduou*s trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffi- dence of myself ; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, pat- riotism does not forbid it. In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of grati- tude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confi- dence with which it has supported me ; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness un- equal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfre- quently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual ; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its administration in every depart- ment may be stamped with wisdom and virtue ; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, 1 ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehen- sion of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occa- sion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observa- tion, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a People. These will be offered to^ you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encourage- ment to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of Government, which constitutes you one peo- ple, is also now dear to you. It is justly so : for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it' is easy to forsee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidi- ously) -directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your col- lective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and in- terest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners,' habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together ; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained, intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of mari- time and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manu- facturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, bene- fiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invig- orated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own produc- tions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one ?iatio?i. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and un- natural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an imme- diate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater secur- ity from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neigh- bouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be con- sidered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a ease were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of govern- ments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demon- stated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western ; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other dis- tricts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jeal- ousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresen- tations ; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabit- ants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head ; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi ; they have been wit- nesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards con- firming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the Union by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Govern- ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute ; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calcu- lated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the effi- cacious management of your common concerns. This Govern- ment, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, com- pletely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your con- fidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are dutifes enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Gov- ernment presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government. All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combina- tions and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are de- structive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and ex- 7 traordinary force ; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enter- prising minority of the community ; and, according to the alter- nate triumphs of different parties, to make the public adminis- tration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above descrip- tions may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your government, and the per- manency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the forms of the" constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real ten- dency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, ex- poses to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of your common interests, in a countr}^ so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprise of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geo- graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehen- 8 sive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their' worst enemy. The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism^ The dis- orders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfee- ble the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and in- surrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corrup- tion, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true ; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast. Pat- riotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Gov- ernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess,, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its burst- ing into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of ■one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of en- croachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the depart- ments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of govern- ment, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against in- vasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern ; some of them in our country and under our own •eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modi- fication of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the con- stitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity. Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their con- nexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked. Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious oi3ligation desert the oaths, which are the in- struments of investigation in Courts of Justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be main- tained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a neces- lO sary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institu- tions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is" essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of expense by culti- vating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disburse- ments to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous ex- ertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoid- able wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facili- tate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant, that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations ; culti- vate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct ; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnani- mous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? II In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential,- than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be ex- cluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings, towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is. in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy. The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject ; at other times, it makes the animosity of the na- tion subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, am- bition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim. So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a partici- pation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions ; by unnec- essarily parting with what ought to have been retained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties, from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote them- selves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity ; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base of foolish compli- ances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of 12 seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ■ought to be constantly awake ; since history and experience" prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influ- ■ence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, •cause those whom they actuate to see danger only On one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the ■other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favor- ite, are liable to become suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign na- tions, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little /^Z?'//V^/ connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect .^ood faith. Here let us stop, Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and ■collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy, material injury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected ; when belliger- ent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? \\\\\ quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by inter- weaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle t)ur peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice ? 13 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish- ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recom- mended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our com- mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences ; consult- ing the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to en- able the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to ex- pect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought -to discard. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they will con- trol the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will 14 'be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by •which they have been dictated. How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own con- :science is, that I have at least believed myself to be' guided by' •them. In relating to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proc- lamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my Plan. •Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Rep- resentatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any at- tempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations, which respect the right to hold this ■conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by 'all. ' The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation w^hich justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations. The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speak- ing, the command of its own fortunes. Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sen- sible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almisrhtv to avert or mitis^ate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my ■Countr}- will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be con- signed to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actu- ated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progeni- tors for several generations ; I anticipate with pleasing expecta- tion that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sv/eet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. George Washington. United States, Septe77iher lytli. iyg6. The Farewell Address is here printed as given by Sparks, from a copy of " Claypoole' s American Daily Advertise}','''' for September 19th, 1796. On this paper are endorsed the following words in Washington's handwriting, which were designed as an instruction to the copyist, who recorded the Ad- dress in the letter book: "The letter contained in this gazette, addressed *To the People of the United States,' is to be recorded, and in the order of its date. Let it have a blank page before and after it, so as to stand distinct. Let it be written with a letter larger and fuller than the common recording hand. And where words are printed with capital letters, it is to be done so in recording. And those other words, that are printed in italics, must be scored underneath and straight by a ruler." "The copy from which the final draft w^as printed," says Sparks, "is now in existence. It was given by Washington himself to Mr. Claypoole, the printer. This manuscript, by the permission of Mr. Claypoole, I have examined, and it is wholly in the handwriting of Washington. It bears all the marks of a most rigid and la- borious revision. It is thus described by Mr. Claypoole : ' The manuscript copy consists of thirty- two pages of quarto letter-paper, sewed together as a book,, and with many alterations; as in some places whole paragraphs are erased, and others substituted; in others, many lines struck out; in others, sentences and words erased, and others interlined in their stead. The tenth, eleventh, and sixteenth pages are almost entirely expunged, sav- ing only a few lines ; and one half of the thirty-first page is also effaced.' " See Sparks's note on the authorship of the Farewell Address, in the appendix to vol. xii of his edition of the Writings of Washington, page 3S2. The draft prepared by Madison in 1792, at Washington's request, is here in- corporated, and the assistance rendered by Hamilton and Jay is discussed. "The question as to the manner in which the Address originated," observes Sparks, "is one of small moment, since its real importance consists in its being known to contain the sentiments of Washington, uttered on a solemn occasion, and designed for the benefit of his countrymen. Whether every idea embodied in it arose spontaneously from his own mind, or whether every i6 word was first traced by his pen, or whether he acted as every wise mart would naturally act under the same circumstances, and sought counsel from other sources claiming respect and confidence, or in what degree he pur- sued either or all of these methods, are points so unimportant, compared with the object and matter of the whole, as to be scarcely worth considering. . . . My opinion is, that the Address, in the shape it now bears, is much indebted for its language and style to the careful revision and skilful pen of Hamilton ; that he suggested some of the topics and amplified others ; and* that he undertook this task not more as an act of friendship than from a sincere desire that a paper of this kind should go before the public in a form which would give it great and lasting utility. But I do not think that his aid, however valuable, was such as to detract from the substantial merit of Washington, or to divest him of a fair claim to the authorship of the address." #ID :§oiitlj %ca(\tt0< General Series, No. 38. Funeral Oration on Washington. By major general HENRY LEE. Delivered before the Two Houses of Congress, December 26. 1799. In obedience to your will, I rife, your humble organ, with the hope of executing a part of the fyftem of public mourning which you have been pleafed to adopt, commemorative of the death- of the moft illuftrious and moft beloved perfonage this country has ever produced; and which, while it tranfmits to pofterity your fenfe of the awful event, faintly reprefents your knowledge of the confummate excellence you fo cordially honour. Defperate, indeed, is^any attempt on earth to meet corre- fpondently this difpenfation of Heaven ; for, while with pious refignation we fubmit to the will of an all-gracious Providence, we can never ceafe lamenting, in our finite view of Omnipotent Wifdom, the heart-rending privation for which our nation weeps. When the civilized world fliakes to its centre ;. when every mo- ment gives birth to ftrange and momentous changes ; when our peaceful quarter of the globe, exempt as it happily has been from any fliare in the flaughter of the human race, may yet be compelled to abandon her pacific policy, and to rifk the doleful cafiialties of war; what limit is there to the extent of our lofs ? None within the reach of my words to exprefs ; none which your feelings will not difavow. The founder of our federate republic — our bulwark in war, our guide in peace, is no more ! O that this were but queftion- ablel Hope, the comforter of the wretched, would pour into our agonizing hearts its balmy dew. But, alas ! there is no hope for us; our Wafliington is removed forever! PoffefTing the ftouteft frame and pureft mind, he had palled nearly to his fixty- eighth year in the enjoyment of high health, when, habituated by his care of us to neglect himfelf, a llight cold, difregarded, became inconvenient on Friday, oppreffive on Saturday, and, defying every medical interpolition, before the morning of Sun- day put an end to the beft of men. An end, did I fay? His fame furvives ! bounded only by the limits of the earth, and by the extent of the human mind. He furvives in our hearts — in the growing knowledge of our children — in the aflfedtion of the good throughout the world. And when our monuments fliall be done away; when nations now exifting fliall be no more; w^hen even our young and far-fpreading empire fliall have perifhed ; flill will our Waihington's glory unfaded fliine, and die not, until love of virtue ceafe on earth, or earth itfelf finks into chaos I How, my fellow-citizens, fliall I lingle to your grateful hearts his pre-eminent worth ? Where fliall I begin, in opening to your view a character throughout fublime ? Shall I fpeak of his warlike achievements, all fpringing from obedience to his coun- try's will, all directed to his country's good? Will you go with me to the banks of the Monongahela, to fee your youthful Wafliington fupporting, in the difmal hour of Indian viftory, the ill-fated Braddock, and faving, by his judg- ment and by his valour, the remains of a defeated army, preffed by the conquering favage foe ? or v/hen, opprelTed America nobly refolving to rifk her all in defence of her violated rights, he was elevated by the unanimous voice of Congrefs to the command of her armies? Will you follow him to the high grounds of Bofton, where, to an undifciplined, courageous and virtuous yeomanry, his prefence gave the ftability of fyflem, and infufed the invincibility of love of country? Or fliall I carry you to the painful fcenes of Long-Illand, York-Illand and New-Jerfey, when, combating fuperior and gallant armies, aided by powerful fleets, and led by chiefs high in the roll of fame, he ftood the bulwark of our fafety, undifmayed by difafter, unchanged by change of fortune? Or will you view him in the precarious fields of Trenton, where deep gloom, unnerving every arm, reigned triumphant through our thinned, worn down, unaided ranks — himfelf unmoved? Dreadful was the night. It was about this time of winter. The ftorm raged. The Delaware, rolling furioully with floating ice, forbade the approach of man. Wafhington, felf-colle(?ted, viewed the tremendous fcene. His country called. Unappalled by furrounding dangers, he paffed to the hoftile ihore ; he fought ; he conquered. The morning fun cheered the American world. Our country rofe on the event; and her dauntlefs Chief, purfuing his blow, completed in the lawns of Princeton what his valt foul had conceived on the fhores of Delaw^are. Thence to the ftrong grounds of Morriftown he led his fmall but gallant band ; and through an eventful winter, by the high efforts of his genius, whofe matchlefs force was meafurable only by the growth of difficulties, he held in check formidable hoftile legions, condu6fed by a chief experienced in the art of war, and famed for his valour on the ever memorable heights of Abraham, where fell Wolfe, INIontcalm, and fmce, our much lamented Montgomery; all covered with glory. In this fortunate inter- val, produced by his mafierly condu6l, our fathers, ourfelves, animated by his refiffclefs example, rallied around our country's Itandard, and continued to follow her beloved Chief through the various and trying fcenes to which the deftinies of our Union led. Who is there that has forgotten the vales of Brandywine, the fields of Germantown, or the plains of Monmouth .'' Every where prefent, wants of every kind obflru6fing, numerous and valiant armies encountering, himfelf a hoft, he affuaged our fuf- ferings, limited our privations, and upheld our tottering republic. Shall I difplay to you the fpread of the fire of his foul, by re- hearfmg the praifes of the hero of Saratoga, and his much loved compeer of the Carolinas ? No ; our Wafliington wears not borrowed glory. To Gates, to Greene, he gave without referve the applaufe due to their eminent merit ; and long may the chiefs of Saratoga and of Eutaws receive the grateful refped; of a grateful people. Moving in his own orbit, he imparted heat and light to his moffc diftant fatellites ; and combining the phyfical and moral force of all within his fphere, with irrefiftible weight he took his courfe, commiferating folly, difdaining vice, difma3dng treafon, and invigorating def pendency; until the aufpicious hour arrived, when, united with the intrepid forces of a potent and magnani- mous ally, he brought to fubmiffion the fmce conqueror of India ; thus iinifliing his long career of military glory with a luftre correfponding to his great name, and, in this his laft a6t of war, affixing the feal of fate to our nation's birth. To the horrid din of battle fweet peace lucceeded ; and our virtuous Chief, mindful only of the common good, in a moment tempting perfonal aggrandizement, huflied the difcontents of growing fedition, and, furrendering his power into the hands from whicli he had received it, converted his fword into a ploiighfliare ; teaching an admiring world that to be truly great you muft be truly good. Were I to flop here, the pi6lure would be incomplete, and the tafk impofed unfiniflied. Great as was our Wafliington in war, and as much as did that greatnefs contribute to produce the American republic, it is not in war alone his pre-eminence (lands confpicuous. His various talents, combining all the capacities of a ftatefman with thofe of a foldier, fitted him alike to guide the councils and the armies of our nation. Scarcely had he refted from his martial toils, while his invaluable parental advice was ffcill founding in our ears, when he, who had been our iliield and our fword, was called forth to a6t a lefs fplendid, but more important part. Poffeffing a clear and penetrating mind, a flrong and found judgment, calmnefs and temper for deliberation, with invincible firmnefs and perfeverance in refolutions maturely formed ; draw- ing information from all ; ailing from himfelf, with incorruptible integrity and unvarying patriotifm ; his own fuperiority and the public confidence alike marked him as the man defigned by Heaven to lead in the great political as well as military events which have diftinguiflied the era of his life. The finger of an over-ruling Providence, pointing at Wafti- ington, was neither miflaken nor unobferved, when, to realize the vaft hopes to which our revolution had given birth, a change of political fyflem became indifpenfable. How novel, how grand the fpe6lacle ! Independent States flretched over an immenfe territory, and known only by common difficulty, clinging to their union as the rock of their fafety; deciding, by frank comparifon of their relative condition, to rear on that rock, under the guidance of reafon, a common govern- ment, through whofe conmianding protection, liberty and order, with their long train of bleffings, fliould be fafe to themfelves, and the fure inheritance of their pofterity. This arduous tafk devolved on citizens fele6led by the people, from knowledge of their wifdom and confidence in their virtue. In this auguft affembly of fages and of patriots, Wafliington of courfe was found ; and, as if acknowledged to be moft wife where all were wife, with one voice he was de- clared their Chief. How well he merited this rare diftindion, how faithful were the labours of himfelf and his compatriots, the work of their hands, and our union, ftrength and profperity, the n^ut\*hire'lrentl.y"aided in presenting to his country this consummation of her Iropes, neither fatisfi^ed the claims of h s feUow-citizens on his talents, nor thofe duties wh.cli the noffeffion o Aofe talents impofed. Heaven had not infuled Wo h s mind fuch an uncommon Ihare of its ethereal fp.nt to re nan unemployed, nor beftowed on him his genius unaccom- panied with the^or'refponding duty of devoting it to .the com- mon ™od To have framed a Conftitution, was fliewing only, rthorf^alil^^ the general l-PP'"tdfaft i.rhlTprerenc ; ■tirot^rce t^^onfd rSr flings u^n^aai. witn one joicti ^ . -^ adminiftration, to execute this young, the bra^e, the tair, n , delightful tcene was S i^S^frrts etaty tl^ «"=r^h",^e':Sr*o1 zeat of the beftovvers and the avoidance of the receiver oi *'crnrndf.°hrs'adminiftration, what heart is not charmed with Sr recolleaion of the pure and wife principles announced ^/oort[^"indil^:runttet>::rt[uranr^ fween duty and advantage, between the genuine maxims of an u:^a7Se^S:Cdr^^^^^^^^^^ in the unerring, immutable Pn"?'Ples of ^/^J^'^' ^.f^f^ent SllT the rrS^wSc\'^r rXal: ^rL^citizens, or command the refpea of the world. " O fortunatos nimium, fua fi bona norint! " mounted all original obftruction, and brightened the path of our national felicity. The prefidential term expiring, his folicitude to exchange exaltation for humility returned with a force increafed with increafe of age ; and he had prepared his Farewell Addrefs to his countrymen, proclaiming his intention, when the united interpolition of all around him, enforced by the eventful prof-' pe6ts of the epoch, produced a further facrifice of inclination to duty. The ele6tion of Prefident followed ; and Washington, by the unanimous vote of the nation, was called to refume the Chief Magiflracy, What a wonderful fixture of confidence ! Which attracts moft our admiration, a people fo correct, or a citizen combining an affemblage of talents forbidding rivalry, and ftifling even envy itfelf ? Such a nation ought to be happy; fuch a Chief muft be for ever revered. War, long menaced by the Indian tribes, now broke out ; and the terrible conflict, deluging Europe with blood, began to fhed its baneful influence over our happy land. To the firft, out-flretching his invincible arm, under the orders of the gallant Wayne, the American eagle foared triumphant through diftant forefts. Peace followed vi6fory ; and the melioration of the con- dition of the enemy followed peace. Godlike virtue ! which uplifts even the fubdued favage. To the fecond he oppofed himfelf. New and delicate was the conjun6ture, and great w^as the ffake. Soon did his pene- trating mind difcern and feize the only courfe, continuing to us all the felicity enjoyed. He iffued his proclamation of neutral- ity. This index to his whole fubfequent condu6l was fan6tioned by the approbation of both Houies of Congrefs, and by the approving voice of the people. To this fublime policy he inviolably adhered, unmoved by foreign intrufion, unfliaken by domeftic turbulence. " Juflum et tenacem propofiti virum, Non civium ardor prava jubentium, Non vultus inftantis tyranni, Mente quatit folida." Maintaining his pacific fyftem at the expenfe of no duty, America, faithful to herfelf, and unftained in her honour, con- tinued to enjoy the delights of peace, while affii6ted Europe mourns in every quarter under the accumulated miferies of an unexampled war ; miferies in which our happy country muft have fliared, had not our pre-eminent Wafliington been as firm in council as he was brave in the field. 7 Purfuing fleadfaftly his courfe, he held fafe the pubHc happi- nefs, preventing foreign war, and quelling internal difcord, till the revolving period of a third election approached, when he executed his interrupted, but inextinguifhable defire of returning to the humble walks of private life. The promulgation of his fixed refolution flopped the anxious wifhes of an afTedionate people from adding a third unanimous teftimonial of their unabated confidence in the man fo long enthroned in their hearts. When before was affection like this exhibited on earth ? Turn over the records of ancient Greece ; review the annals of mighty Rome ; examine the volumes of modern Europe — you fearch in vain. America and her Wafli- ington only afford the dignified exemplification. The illuftrious perfonage called by the national voice in fucceffion to the arduous office of guiding a free people had new difficulties to encounter. The amicable effort of fettling our difficulties with France, begun by Waffiington, and purfued by his fucceffor in virtue as in ffation, proving abortive, America took meafures of felf-defence. No fooner was the public mind roufed by a profpeft of danger, than every eye was turned to the friend of all, though fecluded from public view, and grey in .public fervice. The virtuous veteran, following his plough, received the unexpected fummons with mingled emotions of indignation at the unmerited ill treatment of his country, and of a determination once more to rifk his all in her defence. The annunciation of thefe feelino;s in his affedtinsf letter to the Prefident, accepting the command of the army, concludes his official conduct. » Firft in war, firft in peace, and firft in the hearts of his J countrymen, he was fecond to none in the humble and endear- ing fcenes of private life. Pious, juft, humane, temperate and fmcere ; uniform, dignified and commanding, his example was as edifying to all around him, as were the effects of that example lafting. To his equals he was condefcending, to his inferiors kind, and to the dear obje6t of his affe6tions exemplarily tender. Corre6t throughout, vice ffiuddered in his prefence, and- virtue always felt his foftering hand. The purity of his private char- after gave effulgence to his public virtues. His laft fcene comported with the whole tenor of his life. Although in extreme pain, not a ligh, not a groan elcaped him ; and with undifturbed ferenity he clofed his well-fpent life. Such was the man America has loft ! Such was the man for whom our nation mourns ! 8 Methinks I fee his auguft image, and hear, falling from his venerable lips, thefe deep finking words : " Cease, Sons of America, lamenting our feparalion. Go on, and confirm by your wifdom the fruits of our joint councils, joint efforts, and common dangers. Reverence religion; diffufe knowledge throughout your land ; patronize the arts and fciences ; let liberty and order be infeparable companions ; control party fpirit, the bane of free government; obferve good faith to, and cultivate peace with all nations; fliut up every avenue to foreign influence ; contract rather than extend national connexion ; rely on yourfelves only : be American in thought and deed. Thus will you give immortality to that union, which was the conftant obje6l of my terreftrial labours : thus will you preferve undifturbed to the lateft pofterity the felicity of a people to me moft dear; and thus will you fupply (if my happinefs is now aught to you) the only vacancy in the round of pure blifs high Heaven beftows." So short was Washington's illness that, at the seat of government, the intelligence of his death preceded that of his indisposition. It was first communicated by a passenger in the stage to an acquaintance whom he met in the street, and the report quickly reached the house of representatives which was then in session. The utmost dismay and affliction was displayed for a few minutes ; after which a member stated in his place the melancholy information which had been received. This information he said was not certain, but there was too much reason to believe it true. "After receiving intelligence," he added, "of a national calamity so heavy and afflicting the house of representatives can be but ill fitted for public business." He therefore moved an adjournment. Both houses adjourned until the next day. On the succeeding day, as soon as the orders were read, the same member addressed the chair in the following terms : " The melancholy event which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Washington is no more ! the hero, the patriot, and the sage of America — the man on whom, in times of dan- ger, every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed — lives now only in his oun great actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people. " If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memor}- of those whom heaven has selected as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet, such has been the uncommon worth, and such the ex- traordinary incidents' which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call, with one voice, for a public manifestation of that sorrow which is so deep and so universal. '* More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide spreading empire, and to give to the western world independence and freedom. " Having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the swoid into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the citizen. " When the debility of our federal system had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution, which, by preserving the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate those bless- ings which our revolution had promised to bestow. " In obedience to the general voice of his country calling him to pre- side over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement he loved, and, in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination, pursue the true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the establishment of that system of policy, which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace, our honour, and our independence. ** Having been twice unanimously chosen the chief magistrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare instance of mod- eration, by withdrawing from his high station to the peaceful walks of private life. " However the public confidence may change, and the public affections fluctuate with respect to others, with respect to him, they have, in war and in peace, in public and in private life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues. "Let us then, Mr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. Let the grand council of the nation display those sentiments which the nation feels. For this purpose I hold in my hand some resolutions which I take the liberty of offering to the house." The resolutions,^ after a preamble stating the death of General Wash- ington, were in the following terms : " Resolved, that this house will wait on the President in condolence of this mournful event. " Resolved, that the speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and officers of the house wear black during the session. ' These resolutions were prepared by General Lee, who happening not to be in his place when the melancholy intelligence was received and first mentioned in the house, placed them in the hands of the member who moved them. lO " Resolved, that a committee, in conjunction with one from the senate, be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honour to the memory of the man first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow- citizens." ^ Immediately after the passage of these resolutions, a written message was received from the President, accompanying a letter from Mr. Lear, which he said, " will inform you that it had pleased Divine Providence to- remove from this life our excellent fellow- citizen, George Washington, by the purity of his life, and a long series of services to his country, rendered illustrious through the world. It remains for an affectionate and grateful people, in whose hearts he can never die, to pay suitable honour to his memory." To the speaker and members of the house of representatives who waited on him in pursuance of the resolution which had been mentioned, he expressed the same deep-felt and affectionate respect " for the most illus- trious and beloved personage America had ever produced." The senate, on this melancholy occasion, addressed to the President the following letter: " The senate of the United States respectfully take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of General George Washington. " This event, so distressing to all our fellow-citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. On this occasion it is manly to weep. To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. Our country mourns a father. The Almighty disposer of hu- man events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with reverence to Him who ' maketh darkness his pavilion.' " With patriotic pride we review the life of our Washington, and com- pare him with those of other countries who have been preeminent in fame. Ancient and modern names are diminished before him. Greatness and guilt have too often been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. It re- proved the intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendour of victory. The scene is closed — and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory; he has traveled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of honour; he has deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tarnish it ; where malice cannot blast it. Favoured "^ Coimtrymeft is the word given, instead oi fellow-citizeii, in Benton's Abridgment of Congressional Debates, and in Gales and Seaton's Anji-ats of Congress. It is also the word used by General Lee in his eulogy. This is the first use of this famous expression. — Editor. of heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of humanity ; magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. "Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is consummated. Washington yet lives on earth in his spotless example — his spirit is in heaven. " Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous sage; let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of his labours and his example are their inheritance.'''' To this address the President returned the following answer : " I re- ceive, with the most respectful and affectionate sentiments, in this impres- sive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country has sustained in the death of her most esteemed, beloved, and admired citizen. "In the multitude of my thoughts and recollections on this melancholy event, you will permit me to say that I have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress and most trying perplexities. I have also attended him in his highest elevation and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation, and constancy. *' Among all our original associates in that memorable league of this con- tijiejit in 1774, which first expressed the Sovereign will of a Free Nation in America, he was the only one remaining in the general government. Although with a constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel myself alone, bereaved of my last brother; yet I derive a strong consolation from the unan'mous disposition which appears in all ages and classes to mingle their sorrows with mine on this common calamity to the world. " The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries who have been most celebrated and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty could only have served to eclipse the majesty of those virtues which made him, from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds who, believing that char- acters and actions are marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice could never blast his honour, and Envy made hnn a singular excep- tion to her universal rule. P^or himself he had lived long enough to life and to glory — for his fellow- citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal ; for me, his departure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of Provi- dence over the passions of men, and the results of their councils and actions as well as over their lives nothing remains for me but hninble resignation. " His example is now complete ; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens, and men, not only in the present age, ln.t in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Plinv a Marcus Aurelius can never want biographers, eulogists, or historians " The joint committee which had been appointed to devise the mode bv which the nation should express its feelings on this melancholy occasion re ported the following resolutions : ' J' That a marble monument be erected by the United States at the ritv of Washmgton and that the family of General Washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it; and that the monument be so designed as to commemorate the great events of his military and political " That thei^ be a funeral procession from congress hall to the German Lu heran church, m memory of General Washington, on Thursday, the 26th instant, and that an oration be prepared at the request of congress, to be delivered before both houses on that day; and that the president of ^he sen ate and speaker of the house of representatives, be desired to request one of the members of congress to prepare and deliver the same. "That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear ciape on the left arm as a mourning for thirty days. " That the President of the United States be requested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the profound respect congress will ever bear to her person and character, of their condolence on the late affecting dispensation of Providence, and entreatin. her assent to the interment of the remains of General Washington in the manner expressed in the first resolution. " That the President be requested to issue his proclamation, notifying to the people throughout the United States the recommendation contained in the third resolution." These resolutions passed both houses unanimously, and those which would admit of immediate execution were carried into 'effect. The whole nation appeared in mourning. The funeral procession was grand and solemn, and the eloquent oration, which was delivered on the occasion by General Lee, was heard with profound attention and with deep interest. Throughout the United States similar marks of affliction were exhib- ited. In every part of the continent funeral orations were delivered, and the best talents of the nation were devoted to an expression of the nation's gneL — Mars/ia//'s Life of Washington. PUBLISHED BY THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, Old South Meeting House, Boston.