A^^ ^^<^^ ^O- AV ♦ ^^ <^ -i .^'■\ '• ^oK iOv-, '^0^ .0 X^ "7% ^^-^^^ V V- -^ '..af^.* >^'\. ^'^^Ws ^^'\ ''^; JK II "o V ^^-^^^ •^ %,^^ :) < V , e *** ^ k m, FILLMORE^S POLITICAL HISTOEY AND POSITION. SPEECH OF HOK eT B./MORGA]Nr, OF NEW YORK. ...^/ ^^,^- IN U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, AUGUST 4, 1856. The House bein^ in Committee of the Whole on the 8tate of the Union, Mr. Morgan said: Mr. Chairman: I propose to ask the attention ot the House and of the country, to tlie probable consequences of the success of' one of the candi- dates tor the Presidencv, who is a citizen of my own State, Hon. Millard Fillmore. To exhibit them fullv, it will be necessary to ex- amine hisantecedents, his personal relations to men and parties, the plattbrm upon which he has con- sented to stand, the influences which prevailed in ins nomination, the views and objects of those who support him, and the principles which must control him, if he is elected. My sole object in referring to his personal ante- cedents and relations, is to throw light upon his probable line of policy, should he be elevated to the I residential chair. I enter upon thatbranch ot the discussion with sincere reluctance, and only because it is essential to a full elucidation of the subject. MR. FILLMORE'S POLITICAL HISTORY. ■;i _ In 1829, Mr. Fillmore made his first entrance 1 into pnbhc life, having; been in that vear elected , ( to the New York Assemblv, as an Anti-Mason — •^ He was, once or twice, re-elected to the New York Assembly as an Anti-.Mason, and in 1832 was ! elected as such a member of this House. In the same year, he voted for Mr. Wirt, the Anti-Ma- sonic candidate for the Presidency. He was afterwards a member of this House for a period of six years, commencing March 4, 1837 .during which time he was attached to the Whi<^ I .iParty. During this, his second period of servicX in Congress, the slavery agitation arose and was continued in the country, and the records, often quoted, and to which I shall now only briefly re- fer, show that Mr. Fillmore voted with persistent firmness on the side of fVeedom, and in company with such men as John Q. Adams, Joshua R Criddings and Mr. Slade of Vermont. On the 21st day of December, 1837, Mr. Patton ot Virginia, offered the following resolution: I r..i'f """!:■ '^^^u ^^^ petitions, memorials, and pa- pers, touching the abolition of slavery or the bJ^ Dif{r?ct o?' T ''T''''-^-S of slaves,-In Ly Statue, li id on 'fh f 1?"'^°^ °'^ *'^« United St/tes, b* reld or?rf f' ""i^^u*^' ^''"S debated, printed. eTe?'s?:i?!rhti Ket^ ^" ^^r^.r..dZ what! M^^nmS^i:^liJr-?ffS^-12^,naysK On the II th of December, fsss, Mr Atherton offered his ce ebrated resolutions in ;eirrence to against their introductio^n and a^ail^^E IJof- wS." t'l^'^-""! December of the same year Mr TV e, of Virginia, offered a series of resoludona declaring against the abolition of slavery in tha D trie of Columbia, the abolition of tfeTnter! peho r'' m^'' ""V^^ reception of aboUoa petitions, affirming that the laws of Con^res3 ?co"ervTf,'"r'' Prescription of the mod' Tf recoveiy of fugitive slaves ; that Congress has n« power to impose the abolition of slavery npon a State as a condition of its admission^into tha S"r/o"t:u't,"'"f '' ^ ^'-« s^at'Li : tha tie te^.P,- '■''"'' ''^^"-^ a free State, Si^ito^StXmr^lc^S'tfT^^ lau-s of the non-slaveholding 'staffs in conf^cJ with such right were null and void ThP Zt o suspend the rules for the introd.lction oHhesa the South, and in coSX^tlthtd'a^f^.TS res'^ruUo^f ratnft'lhe'ih^^el ^dT"^' ^^^^ District of Columb a and the s'f ' ^''''''''' *^« same trade bereen^he 4 , ''' ' 'i"''''''' *^« ofreceivino- ,lToT- . .^^^'^S- ^nd in favor ..ai.,, ^e Sou.;?; SofiT^/srs ^^^^' \\1:,\ rules, and in company with Adams and Giddmps, On the 3l3t of December, 1839, Mr. Coles moved to suspend the rules for the purpose of moving a resolution against the reception of abolition peti- tions; which inoiion was lost; Jlr. Fillmore vo- ting against a suspension of the rules, and in com- pany with Adams and Giddings. On the 28th of January, 1840, the famous 21st rule was adopted, which precluded the reception or entertainment in any way of an abolition peti- tion. On adopting this rule Mr. Fillmore again voted against the South, in the negative. On the 9th of December, 1840, Mr. Adams, of Massachusetts, inoved a repeal of this last rule. — Mr. Jenifer, of Maryland, moved to lay the mo- tion on the table; ';\hich was carried; Mr. Fill- more voting in the negative, against the South. On the 21.5t of January, 1841, Mr. Adams pre- sented an abolition petition. Mr. Connor moved to lay a part of it, not embraced within the effect of the 21st rule, on the table. On the votes taken in reference to this petition. Mr. Fillmore's name is found with those of Adams and Giddings, and against the South. On the 21st of January, 1842, Mr. Adams pre- sented an abolition petition, praying the naturali- zation of free-negro foreigners, arid that they be allowed to hold real-estate. Mr. Wise moved to lay its reception on the table; which motion was carried. Mr. Fillmore again voted against the South, in the negative. On the 12th of December, 1842, Mr. Adams called up his motion to rescind the 21st rule. Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, moved to lay it on the table ; which motion was carried ; Mr. Fillmore again voting against the South, in the negative. On the 3d of January, 1843, .¥r. Morgan moved a resolution instructing the Committee on Terri- tories to bring in a bill repealing a certain act of the territorial legislature of Florida, preventing the immigration of free negroes into that Terri- tory. j\Ir. Black moved to lay the resolution on the table ; which was carried ; Mr. Fillmore again voting against the South, in the negative. These notes, covering every year of his Con- gressional service after the slavery agitation com- menced, and with which all his votes harmonize, show plainly enough where Mr. Fillmore stood at that time. In 1838, he wrote the following letter : Buffalo, Oct. 17, 1838. Sir: Tour communication of the 15th inst., as chairman of a committee ajipointed by the "Anti- Slavery Society of the County of Erie," has just come to hand. You solicit my answers to the fol- lowing interrogatories: First. Do you believe that petitions to Con- gress on the subject of slavery or on the slave trade ought to be received, read, and respectfully considered by the Representatives of the people. Second. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to the Union, under any circumstances, so long as slaves are held therein? Third. Are you in favor of Congress exerting all the constitutional power it possess to abolish the. internal slave trade between the States ? Fourth. Are you in favor of immediate legisla- tion for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia? I am much engaged, and have no time to enter into an argument, or to explain at length my rea- sons for my opinion. I shall therefore content myself for the present by answering all your in- terrogatories in the affirmative, and leave for some future occasion a more extended discussion of the subject. I am, respectfully, your ob't servant, Millard Fillmore. W. Mills, Esq., Chairman. In 1847, as a candidate for the Comptrollership, he was the head of the New York State Whig ticket, which was run upon a platform, which pro- claims "since the crisis has arrived when the ques- tion must be met, uncompromising hostility to the extension of slavery into any territory now free, or which may hereafter be acquired by any action of the government of our Union." In 1848, we find him instigating Hon. N. K. Hall, his law partner and special political friend, afterwards his Postmaster General, to move a reso- lution here, which has more practical abolition- ism in it than any proposition ever agitated in Congress. The resolution lam about to read, was prepared by Mr. Hall in concert with Mr. Fillmore, and was fully approved by Mr. Fillmore. [Congressional Globe, Vol. 18, j). 390.] On the 23th of February, 1348, Hon. N. K. Hall of New York, offered the following resolu- tion in the House: " Resolved, That the Committee on the Judici- ary be, and they are hereby, directed to report to this House, with all convenient speed, a bill re- pealing all laws of Congress, and abrogating, so far as they are operative or in force in the Dis- trict of Columbia, all laws of the State of Mary- land which authorize or require the courts, of- ficers, or magistrates of the United States, or of the said District, within the District of Columbia, to issue process for arrest, or commit to ihe jail of the said District any runaways or other slave or fugitive from service, or colored person claimed as such, except on due complaint and proof of, or on a conviction for, some crime or misdemea- nor, the commission of which by an}^ free white person would authorize in the same manner the arrest, commitment, and detention of such white person in like manner charged with or convicted thereof." This resolution is preceded by an elaborate pre- amble, in which, among other tilings, it is de- clared that the use of the jails in the District of Columbia for the detention of fugitive slaves, is '■^repiKjnant to the feelings of a larje majority of the people of the United States." In 1848, Mr. Fillmore was nominated and elected Vice-President on the same ticket with Gen. Tay- lor. The suggestion that he might receive this nomination, was a matter of consideration and discussion for some time before it was made, by Mr. Fillmore and his friends. Asa question of personal interest, Jlr. Fillmore hesitated and wa- vered in deciding whether to solicit this nomina- tion, or to reserve himself as a candidate for the United States Senatorship. On one point, his mind was made up from first to last. He would not accept the Vice-Presidential nomination, if i Mr. Clay was designated for the Presidency. He f'l had early adopted the opinion that Mr. Clay was *' unpopular and unavailable. So thinking, lie got J, up and managed a caucus of the New York mem- bers of Congress in 1839, at which a letter waa ., I agreed upon and signed, Mr. Mitchell only dissent- ing, advising tlie New York delegation in the Harrisburgh Convention, to bring out Gen. Flarri- son, and not Mr. Clay, ibr the campaign of 1840. He retained the same oy)iniou of Mr. Clay's una- vailability in 1848, which was increased by his ajiprehensions that Mr. Clay's declarations in the meantime in reference to tlie slavery question, ■would make him fatally obnoxious to the free sentiment of the North. Mr. Fillmore doubted whether it would be ])ossible to support even Gen. Taylor at the North, in consequence of the preva- lence and warmth of these sentiments. His final conclusion, communicated at the last moment to his friends leaving ibr the Philadelphia Conven- tion, was, absolutely to refuse the use of his name if Air. Clay was nominated for the Presidency, and that lie did not desire his name to be used, if the nomination fell upon General Taylor. In fact, he was nominated upon the ticket with General Taylor, and it is only necessary to ob- serve that this was so done, for the sole purpose of conciliating anti-slavery support to the ticlcet. Mr. Fillmore was known throughout the country, as a decided anti-slavery man, and it was hoped aud believed tluit his name would reconcile North- ern voters to tlie supjiorl of General Taylor, aud so the event proved. The original draft of Mr. Fillmore's letter, ac- cepting the nomination for the Vice-Presidency, was submitted to his friends, and under their ad- vice, was not published, until certain extreme an- ti-slavery sentiments were stricken out, which, in their judgment, would have been fatal to the Whig party at the South. After his elevation to the Vice-Presidency, Mr. Fillmore toolc a new departure in politics, and I propose to iioint out some of the circumstances which preceded and attended it. In the year 1839, Mr. Seward being Governor of New York, a bill was passed by the Legisla- ture of that State, creating the office of Vice- Chancellor for Western New York. This office ■was given by Gov. Seward to Frederick Whittel- sey of Rochester, the bill creating it having pass- ed the Legislature with the general understand- ing that that appointment would be made under it. Before the final completion of these proceed- ings. Mr. Fillmore, then at Washington, wrote a letter to a distinguished gentleman at Albany, expressing his own wish for this appointment, if it could be given to him consistently with the arrangements of the Whig party. In reply, Mr. Weed apprised him of the circumstances attend- ing the creation of the office. Mr. Fillmore, how- ever, never forgave Gov. Seward for his failure to gratify him in this matter. In reference to some of the appointments made by General Taylor for the State of New York, op- posing recommendations were made by Gov. Sew- ard and Mr. Fillmore. The latter gentleman com- plained, although really without cause, that he did not have that weight with General Taylor to which he was entitled. In the end, a coolness grew up between Gen. Taylor and Mr. Fillmore, which carried Mr. Fillmore by insensible degrees into the camp of their common enemies. Becom- ing more and more estranged from General Taylor, he joined himself to the opposition raised by the South and by the democratic party to General Taylor's territorial policy, and at length became a prominent and conspicuous member of the co- terie of LTnion savers. Nor did he fail to take an earl}- advantage of his new political connections, to gratify the views m respect to the distribution of office, disappointment in which was the sole cause of his oiiposition to the soldier aud patriol; then administering the government. In a speech delivered in California in the fall of 1854, Mr. Foote of Mississippi lets us into some of these secret movements. After recapitulating the points of one of his speeches in the Utiited States Senate, in which he had denounced the free-soil movements and nominations to office of General Taylor, Mr. I'oote says:— '•I had not long taken my seat before Mr. Badger of North Carolina, one of the purest and most pa- triotic men that ever occupied a place in the na- tional council, came to me and stated that Vice- President Fillmore, then presiding othcer of the Senate, had requested him to make known to me that he perfectly concurred in the views which I had just expressed, and that he would be pleased to have an interview with me on tliesubject in the official rooms of the Capitol, at the hour of nine o'clock on the next morning. 1 promised to at- tend upon him at the time and place specified. I did so. Without going into particulars at present, it is sufficient for me to say that I obtained by the di- rection of i\lr. Fillmore from the hands of an ac- credited friend of his, a list of the nominees sub- ject to the objection of being agitators on the question of slavery. This ichole catalogue of ivor~ thics ivas disposed of in the Senate^ in other words they were sacrificed to the peace of the country save one or two, whose nominations remained to be acted upon on the last night of the session of Congress. They were disposed of by Mr. Fillmore himself^ on the same night; for just beforre the clock struck twelve, this gentleman, being then President, sent in a special messaf/e, icithdrawing all the offensive nominations, and substituting others in tlaeir stead." From this period, Mr. Fillmore was against his old friends and his old principles. As President he acted with the South and with the Democrats. Whig members of Congress had no access to him, and no infiaence with him. It was at the end of his administration that honest John Davis of Mas- sachusetts, with bowed head and desponding heart, made the memorable declaration that '■ slavery rules everything." A distinguished member of this House from Maine, Mr. Washburn, has informed the public that Mr. Davis said to him, that he felt himself as much a stranger in the White House after the accession of Mr. Fillmore, as he did du- ring the administration of Mr. Polk. What was true of Mr. Davis, the tried and trusted leader of the Whigs of Massachusetts, was true of all the Whigs of the North who held fast to old princi- ples. Mr. Fillmore received his reward in the unanimous support of the South in the Whig Con- vention of 185'2. But between himself and the true Whigs of the North, he had, with his own hands, erected an impassable wall of separation. No personal disappointments could justify Mr. Fillmore in forming his new alliances against Gen. Taylor, but in truth, nothing had occurred of which he had the least right to complain. Gen. Taylor was a just, upright and sagacious man Instead of finding Mr. Fillmore an impartial conn- fellor, taking a broad view of things, he found him intent at all times on advancing his peculiar, personal interests. At the first interview between them in Washington, Mr. Fillmore demanded that his partner, Mr. Hall, should be appointed Gover- nor of Minnesota, and that Mr. Foote, the editor of his paper, the Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, ehould be appointed Minister at Constantinople. Gen. Taylor could not but see, and he did see, that Wr. Fillmore was a mere office broker for his par- ticular friends, instead of being a reliable adviser for the general good of a common party. Again at P>ie, when Gen. Taylor was lying th^-re sick, and so sick, that,, to use his own expression, he ^ could not tell night from day," Mr. Fillmore came up from Buttalo, not to minister to him, not to comfort him, but to extort a promise from him, the performance of which he afterwards exacted, that his friend, Mr. Stuart, should be api)ointed Archi- tect of public buildings. Gen. Taylor noted these and similar things, and often, before his death, epoke of them with grief and indignation. I know that there are many Whigs at the North, •who still hold in good faith to the old principles of the Whig party of the North, who incline to support Mr. Fillmore. Let me warn such men, that the rancor of a renegade always surpasses the hostility of an original enemy, and that we have more to hope, (I speak now as an original Whig, ) from Mr. Buchanan, than I'rom Mr. Fillmore, ■wlio hates his old associates and his old principles, from the consciousness, which he cannot escape, that he has been false to both. Implacable en- mity to all the true men of the North, and thorough devotion to the politicians of the South; these make up the personal relations, never again to bs changed, of Mr. Fillmore. THE AMERICAN PARTY PLATFORM. • The present platform of the American party, adopted in February last, and upon which Mr. Fillmore now stands, is precisely the same as the Cincinnati platform, so fiir as the Kansas-Nebraska policy is concerned. This is clear from its lan- guage, and equally so from its history. The first platform of the American party, adopted in June 1855, contained the celebrated " Tivel/th ■■section," now expunged, and which was »s follows : — "XII. The American party, having arisen upon the ruins, and in spite of the opposition, of the Whig and Democratic jiarties, cannot be in any manner responsible for the obnoxious acts of vio- lated pledges of either. And the systematic agi- tation of the slavery question by those parties hav- ing elevated sectional hostility into a positive ele- ment of political power, and brought our institu- tions into peril, it has, therefore, l^ecome the im- perative duty of the American party to interpose for the purpose of criving peace to the coimtry and perpetuity to the Union. And, as experience has shown it impossible to reconcile opinions so ex- treme as those which separate the disputants, and as there can be no dishonor in submitting to the laws, the national council has deemed it the best guarantee of r-otnmon justice and of future peace lo ahidc hy and maintain the existing laics upon the avhji-'d. raska policy of Judge Douglass, and both repudiaiing Con- gressional control over the Territories, under pre- tence of giving to the citizens thereof the right to govern themselves. Practically, it is of no moment, what individu- als, or parties, think of the repeal of the .Missouri Compromise. The important question is, what shall now be done? Shall the Douglass swindle be accpiiesced in, or shall the Compromise be res- tored, in letter or suljstance? But while this is the only practical question, I must take occasion to say that I find it easier to respect those who sustain the Douglass policy as right in principle, than those who condemn it, and at the same time sustain it. The Northern members of the February Con- vention, saw at once that this new platform was as complete a repudiation of their views as the old one. A resolution was offered by one of them that " we ivM nominate no candidate for President or Vice President, who is not in favor of interdicting the introduction of slaveri/ north of 36° SC.'' A motion was made to, lay this resolution on the table, and it was carried — yeas 141, nays 59. The resolution to proceed "to a ballot having passed, the Convention was about to do so, when Mr. Perkins of Connecticut, announced the seces- sion from the Convention of the delegates of that State, which was followed by Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Ohio, and portions of the delegates of Illi- nois, Iowa, and Pennsylvania. • These seceding members put forth an address to the public, of which the following is the material portion : "The undersigned, delegates te the Nominating Convention now in session at Philadelphia, find themselves compelled to dissent from the principles avowed by that body ; and holding the opinion, a.s they do, that the restoration of the .Missouri Compromise, demanded by a majority of the whole people, is a redress of an undeniable wrong, and the restoration of it, in spirit at least, indispen- sable to the repose of the country, they have re- garded the refusal of that Convention to recognize the well defined opinion of the country, and of the Americans of the free States, upon this question, as a denial of their rights, and a rebuke to their sentiments." Many Northern members having left the Con- vention upon these grounds, Mr. Fillmore ob- tained the nomination, receiving the Southern votes, with the exception of a few given to Garret Davis, of Ky., and Gen. Houston. 14 of the 15 delegates from Virginia voied for Mr. Fillmore, andso did unanmiously the delegations from Maryland, Deliware, North Carolina, Missouri, Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, and Jlississippi. And thus the South obtained the platform it wanted, and the man of its choice. This thing was ami is understood by the -Southera members of that Convention, precisely as it was by the Northern members. The South came otf the substantial winner, although, for theatrical effect, it was thought best to shed a few tears over the departed ^'twelfth section,'' Mr. ZollicofFer, a member of this Hiuse, from Tennessee, was a member of that Convention, and he has told us here, exactly what the true scope of the new platform is. I will quote from his re- ported ?peech. lu the House, on the 3rd of April, 1856, [Ap- pendix to Cong. Globe. 1st. session, 3-4th. Cong, page 355.] .Mr. Zollicoffer said : — '•My colleague makes the point against me, that the thirteenth section emlu-aces a sjiecification against the Adjiiinistration, for "reopening sec- tional agitalion*y a repc;'.l of the .Missouri Com- promise." I will inform my colleague that I pro- po.sed to strike out that specification, and every specification in the .thirteenth section; but there being much disorder at the time, I tailed to suc- ceed. ."•' * * The question was subsequently about being put in the American council, shall the new platform be adopted in lieu of the old ? when some member proposed a division of the question, which was agreed to, and the vote was first taken upon striking out the old platform, I voted against striking out, but the proposition carried. Then the question recurred ui)on the adoption of the new platform. I voted /or its adop- tion. I did it just as I voted for the Kansas-Ne- braska bill in 1854, with some minor objections, which I stated at the time. * * * But to make the most of that specification in the plat- form, it is but an expression of opinion as to a ?'?/- gone ism, while the seventh section of the platform lavs down a vital principle of action for the pre- sent and the future, covering the whole ground, and P.EASsV:RTL\G THE LEADING PRIN- CIPLE EMBODIED BOTH IN THE OLD TWF:LFTH SECTION AND IN THE NE- BRASKA ACT " Thus it is dear, that the American platform, for all substantial purposes, is identical with the Cin- cinnati platform. To the same effect, another Fillmore member of this House, Hon. Charles Ready of Tennessee, in a recent letter to his constituents, says : — It is true, Mr. Fillmore was opposed to the re- peal of the Missouri restriction ; and some, it may be many, of his supporters, were also opposed to it. Therein, there was a differenoe of opinion be- tween us. But all those things are past. We must now look to the future. Will there, in the future, be an issue between us ? Is Mr. Fillmore now, and will he hereafter be, in favor of restoring the Mis- souri restriction ? lie is known to he opposed to all agitation on the suhject of slavery, axd to stand by THE EXISTING LAWS. Then, there is no practical issue between us upon this point, nor is there be- tween him and Mr. Buchanan. He also holds to the right of .the Territory to admission into the Union, with a Constitution prohibiting or estab- lishing Slavery, as the people may therein provide. In this, we also agree with each other, and with .Mr. Buchanan. Surely, then, I can support him without any inconsistency or change of political opinion." ' MR. FILLMORE'S POSITION. Mr. Fillmore talks, just as his platform reads. P'ollowing that lead, he condemns the repeal of the ilissouri Compromise, and he says that he was I opposed to it when it was done. I believe this to 6 be an after thought, Not one word, not one lino, was given to the public by Mr. Fillmore in 1854, against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. He was then making a tour through the South, delivering speeches, and whining about the " Union,'' just as he is now. Not a lisp did he utter against the repeal of the Missouri Compro- mise, until the cue' was given him in this platform. Following the same cue. he avoids saying any thing about resiorinfi the Compromise. Not only does Mr. Fillmore thus adopt a plat- form, in no respect better than the one which is sinking Mr. Buchanan, beyond4|the reach of the plummet, but he himself superadds to it, nullifica- tion, disunion and treason. This is strong lan- guage, but it is borne out by the truth. Mr. Fill- more does not merely predict disunion, but he in- cites and approves it. fie does not merely say that the South 7viU dissolve the Union if Col. Fremont is elected, but that they ought to dissolve it, and would be doing no more than the North would do under similar circumstances. At Alban_y, June 2Gth, Mr. Fillmore said : — "We see a political party presenting candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, selected for the first time from the free States alone, with the avowed purpose oC electing these candidates by suS'erages of one part of the Union only, to rule over the whole United States. Can it be pos- sible that those who are engaged in such a mea- sure can have seriously reflected upon the conse- quences which must inevitably follow, in case of success? [Cheers.] Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern brethern would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate? [Cheers.] Suppose "that the South having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slave-holders for President and Vice President ; and should elect such by their exclusive suffrages to rule over us at the North — do you think we would submit to it? No, not for a moment. [Applause.] And do you believe that ^our Southern brethren are lees sensitive on this suliject than you are, or less jealous of their rights?" Certainly Mr. Fillmore advances rapidly. In 1848, an abolitionist, in 1850, a Union man, in 1856, a nuUifier. What next? WHO SUPPORT AND WILL CONTROL MR. FILLMORE ? By no possibility, can Mr. Fillmore get a North- ern vote in the electoral colleges. In all proba- bility, he can get none anywhere. If, however, the election is accidentally thrown into this House, not a solitary Northern Stale is in his favor, as represented here. In any wise, hi? whole strength is at the South. His party is there. The control of it lies there. The Northern Americans are mere liobs to a Southern kite, just as the Northern Deuiocrats are. The only question between the Buchanan and Fillmore parties, is, which of two l)arties, both intensely and exclusively Southern, shall vault into power. Now, I assert here, that the thirty Fillmore members of this House from the Soutli, are even more rabidly and furiously pro-slavery, than the Democrats from the South are. Tlu'v united in the attempt to make Gov. Aiken, with his 1500 slaves, speaker. They resisted, to a man, the investiga- tion into the Kansas outrages, and to a man, they resist every measure of rcdresf. To a man, they voted against the restoration of the Missouri Com' promise as jjrovided in Mr. Dunn's bill. To a man they voted to keep Gen. Whitfield, the bogus delo gate from Kansas, in his seat. On every thing, bearing directly, or indirectly, upon slavery, they vote to a man. They did so, on the contested seat between Messrs. Allen and Archer of Illinois. They threaten disunion if the Missouri restric- tion is restored. On the 20th of last December, [Appendix to Cong. Globe, page 30.] Jlr. Cox of Kentucky said : — "When you tell me that you intend to put a re- striction on the Territories, I say to you that upon that subject the South is a unit, and WILL NOT SUBMIT TO ANY SUCH TmNG." On the 19lli of last December, [Appendix to Cong. Globe, page 56.] Mr. Campbell of Ken- tuckj- said : — " It is an interference with our institutions when our citizens are denied the same rights in the new Territories with the citizens from the North ; for that Territory belongs to us as much as it does to you. * * ■■• Whenever this Government makes a distinction between a Southern and Northern constitutency or citizenship, then we shall 710 longer consider our- selves bound to support the Confederacy, but WILL RESORT TO THE RIGHT OF REVOLUTION, which is recognized by all." The following is one of the resolutions of the last American State Convention in Alabama: "Resolved, That in view of the increased dan- ' gers that threaten the institutions of the South, ' this convention deems it necessary to, and does ' hereby, re-endorse and ado]it the following reso^ ' lution, known as the Georgia platform, to wit : ' That the State of Alabama, in the judgment of ' this convention, will and ought to resist, (as a ' last resort,) to a disruption of every tie which binds ' her to the Union, any action of Congqess upon ' the subject of Slavery in the District of Colum- ' bia, or in places subject to the jurisdiction of ' Congress, incompatible with the safety, the do- ' mestic tranquillity, the rights and honor of the ' slaveholding States ; or any act suppressing the ' slave trade between the slaveholding States ; or ' any refusal to admit, as a State, any Territory ' applying, because of the existence of Slavery ' therein ; or any act prohibiti7ig the introduction, of ' slaves into the Territories; or any act repealing, ' or materially modifying, fhe laws now in force, ' for the recovery of fugitive slaves." It is useless to multiply quotations farther. The whole thing is stated with exactness and truth, in a letter addressed ob the 2d inst. to citizens of New Jersey by a member of this House, Mr. Wat- kins of Tennessee, himself elected as an Amerioau to his seat here. "Taking the record of this Congress in the va- rious tests that have been applied, and the relative position and votes of the three parties, I am forced to the conclusion, by every principle of reason, policy, and philosophy, that the South Americans must and will ultimately unite with the democrat- ic party, and tiiose who claim to be Americans North with the republican party." And again, in the same letter, Mr. Watklns says: "The interests, sympathies, and legitimate and | proJeriieS of {he South Americans are wUh ?l "'national demoovatic party ot the connUj \ TTndoubledly this is so, and '^,^^^^^^ holding sincere opinions upon the H^^f /l^f^f^J AMll De P'^'^^'-'^-' , i,^[\y Southern can- Mr. Buchanan. Ihey ait uoui ^ Lrsons at the North, honest y o.PP°/^-^ /"^j^^^VIu- .,♦- ami T intend to sneak l>lainly. ills' movements, and 1 "iJ_^"'J ^( pi'umore has no fa^t liecomino- apparent tu.u -HI- i^ 11'"'." t;t^t„ Sself and his inunediate advisers. It i= 113 '.^ost deliberate .indgment ^l^f ^tSu^ef " ii 1-ep oiT the Northern States a man more compicui,\ .t^d'SreSvably .edded to the South by h,s r^ sympathies on the one hand and hi> ha reds on the other than Mr. Fillmore. Since I80O, he has • £r whh the South and with the democnm ^ A Ua ^^iil Tif>ver return to tne lueuus ^Si T. 1 s r »"d Tl,e, expect „oa™.g \ive of Southern sectional interests. Has Ireedoin SJov^Mhan slavery, to produce concert, and ^^^SSS^nofk Fillmore^ the So^l. at tTorSrklmoiU.^ ivillthe iutelligent peo- T>ip of the North be longer deceived '. ^II? Fiimore has delivered many speeches since his return from Europe, but in not one of theni has ^^e expre sed either sympathy for the ^own-trodden people oi Kansas, or indignation against tho»e wSShave oppressed them. He has propo ed no wuo u.i>c 11 , . ^fronsrs, and he has measure of redress lor tneir ^^'""o;' „ ., offered co-operation in no such measuie. 1 or t e cane of liberty, so fearfully imperiled by th, ^ants in Kansas, he has uttered no ^'o f^f ^'^'^f '' Tr counsel, or hope. He has been as silent and as oold as the grave, npona theme which has stiued Lt to be reached by tb« snpport of ^- South.^^ He has no voice, and no heait, tor me .nui he has abandoned. wetence, is And for what cause and on .^^^ ^'^J^, ^ at the North to be persuaded ^o /'vide its stien.t . this crisis? ,.For ail issue arid a ^uc. on,^^^^ ^, in all its political aspects, "f '^?f" ^ ses- JSmll^i^uf^^^ofriend^of^Mr Fillmo^^ has moved any change m the ^'^tur.uizau , X-xn^re in which is the only nib.tantial object .«i,^ enough «»d -''7, ™f have be e»"„o- whprever the interests or siaveiy uav Zs given 10 ll,i, FO'h-i'a ■^^"i^f A »„.»n Sf?JfSrS-.«l'lrbeteetVbVp'..eo^ess„ and controls everything- else .^^^,,r on not Fillmore alone, bad as that would De, Fillmore and Donolson, " niggers and ail. _ The Aucrusta (Ga.) Chronicle, urging the claims of Mr F r.nJi-e 'upoii the South, makes the tollovv- U; statement as to the sentiments which he ex pressed during his Southern tour ot 1854 "Havin.^ made the tour of the Southwestern Sla. States, he announced on the steps of the Sttte House door in Montgomery, that the anti stverTpreiudices of his early cducaHon had been omSiJd by what he had seen tn the South of the haupV condition of the slave: _ _ Of the fact that Mr. Fillmore's original opinions Mr Filmore saw of ^^ the happy condition of fkeslave^^ at the South, but what he had seen of %hehm->y condition' of politicians at this seat of power 'iLning fortune -nd prosperi y by s^^h- serviency to the interests of slavery, ^t ^as th 3 spectiiclJof what has been, but ^-^7 "°t ^ ^f^^^ continue, which ^^obliterated." every single tiea p??ncipTe' of Mr. Fillmore's youth and manhood. CIRCULATE THE DOCUMENTS. The Republican Association of Washington City, in order to afford every facility for a profuse distribution of documents during the campaign, have made extensive arrangements for publishing speeches and documents favoring the prin- ciples of the Republican Party, and will furnish them to individuals, or clubs, at the bare cost of publication. The following is a list of those already published ; and, being stereotyped, we are enabled to supply any number of copies at short notice : List of Documents already published, and which •will be kept for sale till the end of the Campaign. At 62 cents per 100 copies, free of^ ;e. Poor Whites of Ihe South — Weston. Will the South Dissolve the Union?— Weston. The Federal Union, it must he Preserved. — Weston. tSoiuhcrn ^^hivery reiUices Northern Wages. — Weston. Who ;ire Sectional? — Weston. Review ol" the Kansas Minority Report. — Hon. J. Sher- inai:. Reasons for Joininft Ihe Republican Party — Judge Foot. Kansas Contested Election. — Hon. J. A. Bingham. Admission of Kansas. — Hon. G. A. Grow. CollaiTier's Report and Speech in favor of Free State Constitution tor Kansas. Kansas Alfairs. — Hon. H. Waldron. Defe}ice of Kansas. — Rev. Henry Ward B^echer. Defence of Massachusetts. — Hon A Burlingame. Privilege of the Representative, Privilege of the People. — Hon. J. R. Giddings. Democratic Parly as it Was and as it Is — Hon. T.C.Day. Tlie Humbug and the Reality —Hon. T. C. Day. Blair's Letter to the Republican Association. The Slavery Question. — Hon. J. Allison. Slavery Unconstilutional. — Hon. A. P. Granger. At $1.25 per 100 copies, free of postage. Kansas in 1856: A complete History of the Outrages in Kansas not embraced in the Kansas Committee's Re- port. — By an Officer of the Commission. Immediate Admission of Kansas. — Hon. W. H. Seward. Admission of Kansas, and the Political Effects of Slave- ry. — Hon. H. Bennett. Affairs in Kansas. — Hon. L. Trumbull. Wrongs of Kansas — Hon. S. P. Hale. Admission of Kansas. — Hon B F. Wade. State of Affairs in Kansas — Hon. H. Wilson. Admission of Kansas.— Hon. James Harlan. The '-Laws" of Kansas. — Hon. Schuyler Colfax. Organization of the Free Stale Government in Kansas, and Inaugural Address of Governor Robinson. Plymouth Oration. — Hon. W H. Seward. The Dangers of Kxlending Slavery, and The Contest and the Crisi.s; two Speeches in one pamphlet. — Hon. W. H. Seward. Politics of the Country. — Hon. Israel Washburn. Complaints of the Extensionists; their Falsity. — Hon. Philemon Bliss. Tlie Slavery Question. — Hon. Edward Wade. Extravagant Expenditures.— Hon. E Ball. Freedom National, Slavery Sectional. — Hon. J. J. Perry. The Army of the United States not to be Employed as a Police to Enforce the l>aws of the Conquerors of Kan- sas.— Hon. W. H. Seward. Modern " Democracy " the Ally oi Slavery. — Hon. M. W Tappan. At $2.50 per 100 copies, free of postage. Crime against Kansas. — Hon. Charles Sumner. Rejiort of the Kansas Investigating Committee. Lite of Fremont, illustrated. The Nebraska Question, containing the Speeches of Doug- las. Chase, Smith, Everett, Wade, Badger, Seward, and Sumner together with the History of the Missouri Compromise, &c. Price 20 cents, free of postage. Political Map of the United States, designed to exhibit the comparative area of the Free and Slave States, ai d the Territory open to Slavery by tHfe Repeal of the Missouri Compromise. With a comparison of the principal Sta- tistics of the. Free ajid Slave States, from the Census of 1650. Highly Colored. Price 20 cents, free of postage. In the German Language. Crime against Kansas. — Hon. Charles Sumner. Price $2.50 per 100. Life of Fremont, illustrated. Price $2.50 per 100. The "Laws" of Kansas. — Hon. Schuyler Colfax. Price $1.25 per 100. The Dangers of Extending Slavery. — Hon. W. H. Seward. Price $1. 25 per 100. The Contest and the Crisis.- W. H. Seward. Price $1.25 per 100. The Immediate Admission of Kansas. — Hon. W. H. Sew- ard Price $1.25 per 100. Address of the National Republican Committee. Price $1.25 per 100. Francis P. Blair''s Letter to the Republican Association. Price 62 cents per 100. Slavery Unconstitutional. — Hon. A. P. Granger. Price 62 cents per 100. Poor ■Whites of the South. — G. M. Weston. Price 62 cents per 100. Report of the Kansas Investigating Committee. Price $2.50 per 100. Jg@°* A liberal discount is made from the above prices when ordered by the thousand copies. Address L. CLEPHANE, Secretary f Washington^ D. C. V^r^*\/ V^^'^*/ "V^^*\/ "o (V %,^^ ,t^-^'^o %/ /^fe\ ^^..^^ ,^i 0^ .^ "V, H O o V "^ %.*^"'*/ v^^''/ v'"^-'y .."., ^, %^^ ,^^^^ %/ _^fef^^ ^- • - " .^' 4 O^ " ^ ' .^^ 0' .n^ J^ ..^'.' (J MANCHESTER INDIANA