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 J'ROM A Pl'INCl I, SKKTaH BY C OL. Tl-^ tJ MB UUL 
 

 M E M O I E 
 
 COL. BENJAMIN TALLMADGE, 
 
 |lrcp;irciJ bn J)iinsdf, at l^c Juqutst of Ms (Lljilbmt. 
 
 "N e \u ¥ V fe : 
 
 THOMAS nOI.MAX, POOR AND JOB riUNTER, COKNUl OF CENTRK AND WHITK STKiLT?. 
 
 1858. 
 
.-5/^ 
 
 ' OX 
 
/ "/^y 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 The following Memoir of Colonel Benjamin Tall- 
 MADciE was prepared by himself, at the request of his 
 chil(h'cn, and for their gratification. It is confined, 
 j)rinc'i}):illy, to those incidents of the Revolutionary 
 A\';ir with which he was more immediately connected, 
 and therefore becomes the more interesting to his 
 descendants and family friends. 
 
 For their convenience, and for the additional pur- 
 pose of contributing to the authenticity of our Revo- 
 lutionary History, I determined to publish this Memoir ; 
 and. as it terminates with the close of the Revolution- 
 ary struggle,^! have added a brief sketch of his subse- 
 quent life. 
 
 As a fi'ontispiece. I liave placed an engraved copy 
 of a pencil sketch of my father, made by Colonel 
 John Tiumbull, soon after the close of the Revolu- 
 tionary AVar, and which he presented to me, in frame, 
 a few years before that venerated patriot's death. 
 
 I need not say how nuich I appreciate his kindness, 
 in furnishing me with so spirited a sketch of my ven- 
 
erable ancestor, as well as the pride that is awakened 
 and gratified, by receiving it from one of the Aids 
 of Washington, and the companion-in-arms of my 
 father, 
 
 F. A. TALLMADGE. 
 
 Nciv York, November IQth, 1858. 
 
M E M O I K. 
 
 Tlic subject of tliis memoir "svas born at Brookliaven, on 
 Long Island, in Sufl'olk county, State of New York, on the 
 25th of February, 1754. His fatlicr, the Rev. Benjamin Tall- 
 maclLTC, was the settled minister of that place, having married 
 Miss Susannah Smith, the daughter of the Rev. John Smith, of 
 White Plains, Westchester county, and State of New York, 
 on the IGth of May, 1750. I remember my grandparents very 
 well, having visited them often when I was young. Of their 
 pedigree I know but little, but have iicard my grandfather 
 Tallmadge say that his father, with a brother, left England 
 together, and came to this country, one settling at East Hamp- 
 ton, on Long Island, and the other at Branford, in Connecticut. 
 ^[y father descended from the latter stock. My father was 
 born at New Haven, in this State, January 1st, 1725, and 
 graduated at Yale College, in the year 1747, and was ordained 
 at Brookhavcn, or Setauket. in the year 1753, where he remain- 
 ed during his life. He died at the same place on the 5th of 
 Fcl)ruary, 1786. My mother died April 21st, 1768, leaving 
 the following children, viz. : 
 William Tallmaih-.h. born October 17, 1752, died in the 
 
 British prison, 177(). 
 vj-o Bexjamix Tallmadgh, born February 25, 1754, wlio writes 
 (|J^±*^=i^ln) memoranda. 
 
 Samukl Tallmadce, born November 23, 1755, died April 1, 
 
 1825. 
 John Tallmadge. born September 19, 1757, died February 24, 
 
 1823. 
 Isaac Tallmaixjk, born February 25, 1762. 
 
 My honored father married, for his second wife. Miss Zippo- 
 rah Strong. January 3rd, 1770, by whom he had no children. 
 
Having', from childhood, exhibited an eager desire for learn- 
 ing, my father determined to give me the opportunity to obtain 
 a liberal education, and as he was preparing a number of boys 
 for college, he placed me as a student among them, and when I 
 was twelve years old, I had acquired such a knowledge iu 
 classical learning, that President Dagget, on a visit to my 
 father, examined and admitted me as qualified to enter college, 
 when I was twelve or tliirtcen years old. My father deemed 
 it improper for me to go to college so young, and, therefore, 
 kept me at home until tlie Autumn of 1769, when I became a 
 member of Yale College. 
 
 Being so well versed in the Latin and Greek languages, I 
 had not mucli occasion to study during the two first years of 
 my collegiate life, which I have always thought had a tendency 
 to make me idle, when, if I had rightly improved my time, it 
 would have afforded me an opportunity for improvement in 
 other sciences. 
 
 It, however, served to induce me to Demi's bounty, which I 
 should have been a candidate for, had not the measles Avholly 
 prevented me from studying during a part of my junior and 
 senior years. 
 
 At the commencement of 1773, 1 took my first degree, having 
 had an honorable appointment by the President, the Rev. Dr. 
 Dagget, to speak publicly on the occasion. 
 
 Having had an application to superintend the High School in 
 Weathcrsfield, then about to become vacant by the retirement 
 of David Humphreys, Esq., I accepted the same, and repaired 
 to that place for the purpose. I was very much gratified and 
 pleased, both with my employment and the people, and con- 
 tinued there until tlie commencement of the revolutionary war. 
 When first American blood was shed at Lexington by t"lie 
 British troops, and again repeated mucli more copiously at 
 Bunker's Kill, near Boston, the whole country seemed to be 
 electrified. Among others, I caught the flame which was thus 
 spreading from breast to breast, and mounted my horse to go 
 and see what was going on near Boston. I soon found my 
 friend, Capt. Chester, of Weathcrsfield, who had been at 
 Bunker's Hill, in the late conflict. He first intimated to me 
 
the idea of joining the army. Althoii,f>:h I was sufTicicntly 
 ardent to be pleased, and even elated with such a prospect, yet 
 nothinj^ was further from my intention at tliat time than to have 
 entered upon a military life. 
 
 While I was at Cambridge with my military friends, I was 
 continually importuned to think of the oppression which was 
 so abundantly exhibited by the British government towards 
 the Colonies, until I finally became entirely devoted to the 
 cause in Avhich my country was compelled to engage. I finally 
 began to think seriously of putting on the uniform, and returned 
 to Wcathersficld full of zeal in the cause of my country. After 
 my return to Connecticut, the prospect of peace and reconcilia- 
 tion appeared to be almost hopeless, and the country began to 
 think seriously of raising an army to oppose the British troops 
 wherever they should be located. Congress apportioned to the 
 then Colonies their several quotas of troops, and the State of 
 Connecticut, by their legislature, resolved to raise their propor- 
 tion of men. in the year 1776, for the campaign of 1776. 
 
 Capt. Chester, before mentioned, was appointed a colonel. 
 and he immediately offered me the commission of a lieutenant, 
 with the appointment of adjutant to his regiment. My feelings 
 had been so much excited, that I was gratified by this offer 
 from my friend, and decided at once to lay aside my books 
 (having almost determined to study law), and take up the 
 sword in defense of my country. ^ly lieutenant's commission, 
 signed by the venerable Gov. John Trumbull, was dated June 
 20th, 1776, and my warrant as adjutant bore the same date. 
 
 Having now commenced my new profession of arms, and 
 believing myself influenced by the most patriotic principles, I 
 waited the orders of my commander, ready to go wherever he 
 should order. The British fleet, under the command of Admiral 
 Shuldham, and the army commanded by General Howe, had 
 left IJoston, or gone to Halifax, and were at sea. General 
 Washington expected the enemy would make their next appear- 
 ance at Xew York, and had put the American army under 
 march for that city. 1 obtained permission to visit my father 
 at Brooklmven. on my way to Now York, and I shall not soon 
 forget his surprise at seeing me dressed in military uniform, 
 
8 
 
 with epaulets on niv shoulders, and a sword by my side. 
 Although he was a firm and decided whig of the revolution, yet 
 he seemed very reluctant to have me enter the army. How- 
 ever, the die was cast, and I soon left the paternal abode and 
 entered the tented field. 
 
 While the British fleet and army were at sea, or at Halifax, 
 my duties were almost constant and unceasing, in training and 
 disciplining our newly raised regiment for the service of the 
 field the ensuing campaign. My ambition was almost bound- 
 less, and my health and spirits being of the first order, I felt 
 ready to do or undergo almost any service that might be 
 assigned to me. 
 
 We arrived at the city of Xew York in the month of June, 
 1776, and my place of regimental parade was assigned in Wall 
 Street, where, every morning and evening, the regiment assem- 
 bled for exercise. During the heat of the day, the men were 
 excused from duty, the heat being too intense to be borne by 
 them in the sun. The American army, composed principally of 
 levies, or troops raised for short periods, and militia, had now 
 assembled at New York, and in its vicinity, when it was 
 announced that a large British fleet was discovered oS the 
 Hook, on the 29th of June. In a few days, the British fleet 
 entered the Hook, and Sir William Howe, who commanded the 
 army, landed on Staten Island, where, by the arrival of Lord 
 Howe, he had a force about twenty-five thousand men. The 
 newly famished troops, consisting of foreigners and native 
 subjects, having now joined those who had recently left Bos- 
 ton, General Washington (having arrived also from Boston) 
 began to introduce system and order into the heterogeneous 
 mass of troops that had been brought into the field, and were 
 placed under his command. The war now put on a very 
 serious aspect, as independence had been declared, and it 
 seemed no longer doubtful that the contest on which we had 
 entered must be decided by the sword. 
 
 The British commissioners (of which Lord Howe was one), 
 however, opened their commission by addressing a letter to 
 Greneral Washington in his private character, and forwarded the 
 same to our Commander-in-Chief bv Colonel Patterson. Gen- 
 
9 
 
 eral Washington refused to receive these dispatches for the 
 want of respectful address, and returned them to the commis- 
 sioners, unopened, assigning the foregoing reasons for his 
 refusal. The army was highly gratified by this conduct of 
 General Wasliington, and Congress publicly approved of the 
 same on the ITth of July. 1776. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence, which had been solemnly 
 adopted by Congress on the Fourth of July, 1776, was an- 
 nounced to the army in general orders, and filled every one 
 with enthusiastic zeal, as the point was now forever settled, 
 and tliere was no further hope of reconciliation and dependence 
 on the mother country. 
 
 The movements of the enemy indicating an intention to ap- 
 proach New York by the Avay of Long Island, Gen. Wash- 
 ington ordered about 10.000 men to embark and cross the \/ 
 East River at Brooklyn. The regiment to which I belonged 
 •was among the first that crossed over, and, on the 27th of 
 August, the whole British army, consisting of their own native 
 troops, Hessians, Brunswickers, Waldeckers, etc., to the num- 
 ber of at least 25,000 men, with a most formidable train of 
 field artillery, landed near Flatbush, under cover of their ship- 
 ping, and moved towards Jamaica and Brooklyn. As our 
 troops had advanced to meet the enemy, the action soon com- 
 menced, and was continued, at intervals, through most of the 
 day. Before such an overwhelming force of disciplined troops, 
 our small band could not maintain their ground, and the main 
 body retired within their lines at Brooklyn, while a body of 
 Long Island Militia, under Gen. Woodhull. took their stand 
 at Jamaica. Here Gen. Woodhull was taken prisoner and in- 
 humanly killed. The main body of our army, under Major-Geu. 
 Sullivan and Lord Stirling, fought in detached bodies, and on 
 the retreat both of those officers were made prisoners. I also 
 lost a brother the same day, who fell into their hands, and was 
 afterwards literally starved to death in one of their prisons : 
 nor would the enemy suffer relief from his friends to be aff"ord- 
 ed to him. 
 
 This was the first time in my life that I had witnessed the 
 awful scene of a battle, when man was engaged to destroy his 
 
10 
 
 fellow-man. I well remember ray sensations on the occasion, 
 for they were solemn beyond description, and very hardly 
 could I bring my mind to be willing- to attempt the life of a 
 fellow-creature. Our army having retired behind their in- 
 trenchment, which extended from Vanbrunt's Mills, on the 
 West, to the East River, flanked occasionally by redoubts, 
 the British army took their position, in full array, directly in 
 front of our position. Our intrenchment was so weak, that it 
 is most wonderful the British General did not attempt to 
 storm it soon after the battle, in which his troops had been 
 victorious. Gen. Washington was so fully aware of the per- 
 ilous situation of this division of his army, that he immedi- 
 ately convened a council of war, at which the propriety of 
 retiring to New York was decided on. After sustaining in- 
 cessant fatigue and constant watchfulness for two days and 
 nights, attended by heavy rain, exposed every moment to an 
 attack from a vastly superior force in front, and to be cut off 
 from tlie possibility of retreat to New York by the fleet, which 
 might enter the East River, on the night of the 29th of xVugust, 
 Gen. Washington commenced recrossing his troops from 
 Brooklyn to New York. To move so large a body of troops, 
 with all their necessary appendages, across a river full a mile 
 Avide, with a rapid current, in face of a victorious, well disci- 
 plined army, nearly three times as numerous as his own, and a 
 fleet capable of stopping the navigation, so that not one boat 
 could have passed over, seemed to present most formidable 
 obstacles. But, in face of these difficulties, the Commander-in- 
 Chief so arranged his business, that on the evening of the 29th, 
 by 10 o'clock, the troops began to retire from the lines in such 
 a manner that no chasm was made in the lines, but as one regi- 
 ment left their station on guard, the remaining* troops moved 
 to tlie right and left and filled up the vacancies, while Gen. 
 Washington took his station at the ferry, and superintended 
 the embarkation of the troops. It was one of the most anxious, 
 busy nights that I ever recollect, and being the third in which 
 hardly any of us had closed our eyes to sleep, we were all 
 greatly fatigued. As the dawn of the next day approached, 
 those of us who remained in the trenches became very anxious 
 
11 
 
 for our own safety, and wlion the dawn appeared there were 
 several regiments still on duty. At this time a very dense fog 
 began to rise, and it seemed to settle in a peculiar manner 
 over l)Oth encampments. I recollect this peculiar providential 
 occurrence ]icrfectly well ; and so very dense was the atmos- 
 phere that 1 could scarcely discern a man at six yards' dis- 
 tance. 
 
 When the sun rose we had just received orders to leave the 
 lines, ])ut before we reached the ferry, the Commander-in-Chief 
 sent one of his Aids to order the regiment to repair again to 
 their former station on the lines. Col. Chester inmiediately 
 faced to the right about and returned, where we tarried until 
 the sun had risen, but the fog remained as dense as ever. 
 Finally, the second order arrived for the regiment to retire, 
 and we very joyfully bid those trenches a long adieu. When 
 wc reached Brooklyn ferry, the boats had not returned from 
 their last trip, but they very soon appeared and took the whole 
 regiment over to New York ; and I think I saw Gen. 
 Washington on the ferry stairs when I stepped into one of the 
 last boats that received the troops. I left my horse tied to a 
 post at the ferry. 
 
 Tiie troops having now all safely reached New York, and 
 the fog continuing as thick as ever, I began to think of my 
 favorite horse, and requested leave to return and bring him 
 ofl". Having obtained permission, I called for a crew of volun- 
 teers to go with me, and guiding the boat myself, I obtained 
 my horse and got off some distance into the river before the 
 enemy appeared in Brooklyn. 
 
 As soon as tlicy reached the ferry we were saluted merrily 
 from their musketry, and finally by their field pieces ; but we 
 returned in safety. In the history of warfare I do not recol- 
 lect a more fortunate retreat. After all, the providential appear- 
 ance of the fog saved a part of our army from being captured, 
 and certainly myself, among others who formed the rear 
 guard. Gen. Washington has never received the credit which 
 was due to him for this wise and most fortunate measure. 
 
 When the enemy had taken possession of the heights oppo- 
 site the citv, thev commenced firim? from their artillerv. and 
 
12 
 
 the fleet were in motion to take possession of those waters, 
 wliicli, had it been done a little earlier, this division of our 
 army must inevitably have fallen into their hands. 
 
 In a day or two after, the British army began to move up the 
 Island to Hurl Gate, when it became manifest that their object 
 was to cut off the retreat of our troops from New York. My 
 first station was at Turtle Bay, on York Island. A British 
 frigate having taken her station in the East River, we began to 
 fire upon her from a small battery of eighteen pounders, and 
 did her some damage. As soon as she got springs on her 
 cable, however, she began so heavy a fire upon our redoubt, 
 that in less than thirty minutes she entirely dismounted our 
 guns, and we were glad to leave so uncomfortable a place. 
 
 My next halt was at our battery at Hurl Gate, opposite to 
 which, on Long Island, the enemy erected a battery of heavy 
 cannon, from which they commenced a tremendous fire on our 
 fort, and soon made a breach in it, and dismounted most of our 
 guns. After this, they began to make preparations for cross- 
 ing the East River. Gen. Washington immediately put his 
 army in motion to leave the city, the stores, etc., etc., having 
 been previously removed. Both rivers, viz., the North and 
 the East, were now filled with British shipping, and boats were 
 seen passing from Long Island to New York, filled with sol- 
 diers, who formed and deployed immediately after landing. 
 A considerable body of our troops had not yet retired from 
 the city ; but being hastened by this movement of the enemy, 
 took the North River road, and thus escaped being entirely 
 cut ofi". Some skirmishing ensued, which proved of little con- 
 sequence. In the course of the day, a portion of our brigade, 
 under Gen. Wadsworth, was engaged, and our Brigade-Major, 
 Major Wyllis, was made a prisoner. I was immediately ap- 
 pointed to fill his station, and entered on my new duties. 
 
 Gen. Washington halted on the heights between Harlem 
 and Kingsbridge, and the enemy appeared in full force on the 
 South, or opposite side of Harlem. While in these situations, 
 detachments from the two armies had frequent skirmishes, 
 which produced no very important results. 
 
 It was not long before the British troops were found to be 
 
13 
 
 rccrossini^ the P'ast River to Loni^ Island, and moving to tlie 
 East. Tliis induced Gen. Washington to remove his army 
 oil' from York Island, and take a new position in the county 
 of Westchester, North and East from Kingsbridge, leaving gar- 
 risons in forts Washington and Lee, located on both sides of 
 the North, or Hudson River. In this new position we remained 
 for some time, no important event having taken place. As the 
 enemy siiowed a disposition to cross over into Westchester, 
 Gen. Washington removed the main body of his army up to 
 the White Plains, taking possession of the high ground North 
 and East of the town. Here he seemed determined to take 
 his stand, his lines extending from a mountain on the right, 
 called Chadderton's Hill, to a lake or large pond of water on 
 his left. An intrencluncnt was thrown up from right to left, 
 behind whicli our army formed. Long poles witii iron pikes 
 upon them, supplied tiie want of bayonets. Chadderton's 
 Hill was separated from the right of our intrenchment by a 
 valley of some extent, with the river Bronx directly before it; 
 but being within cannon shot of our intrenchment on the right, 
 G(Mi. Washington thought it best to occupy it, and ordered 
 Gen. McDougall, with 800 or 1,000 men, to defend it, and if 
 driven from it, to retire upon the right of the line. The Amer- 
 ican army were all at their several posts on the last Septem- 
 ber and beginning of October ; and here it looked as if Gen. 
 Washington intended to give battle to the British army. On 
 the 27th October, 1776, it was announced at Head Quarters 
 that the enemy was in motion from Westchester, through East- 
 chester, directly toward the White Plains. A detachment of 
 2.000 or 3,000 men was ordered to proceed on the old York 
 road to meet the enemy in front. As our brigade formed a 
 part of the force, I, of course, was among them. Before the 
 dawn of day. on the 28th of October, we learned that the ene- 
 my were in full march directly in front of us. Gen. Spencer, 
 who connuanded this body of troops in advance, immediately 
 made llio necessary disj)osition to receive the enemy, having 
 the river Bronx on our right, and between us and the troops 
 on Chadderton's Hill. At the dawn of day, the Hessian col- 
 umn advanced within musket shot of our troops, when a full 
 
14 
 
 discharge of muskety warned tliem of their danger. At first 
 they fell back, but rallyed again immediately, and the column 
 of British troops having advanced upon our left, made it nec- 
 essary to retire. As stone walls were frequent, our troops 
 occasionally formed behind them, and poured a destructive lire 
 into the Hessian ranks. It, however, became necessary to 
 retreat wholly before such an overwhelming force. To gain 
 Chadderton's Hill, it became necessary to cross the Bronx, 
 which was fordable at that place. The troops innncd lately 
 entered the river and ascended the hill, while I being in the 
 rear, and mounted on horseback, endeavored to hasten the last 
 of our troops, the Hessians being tlien within musket shot. 
 When I reached the bank of the river, and was about to enter 
 it, our Chaplain, the Rev. I)r. Trumbull, sprang np behind mo 
 on my horse, and came with such force to carry me with my 
 accoutrements, together with himself, headlong into the river. 
 This so entirely disconcerted me, that by the time I reached 
 the opposite bank of the river, the Hessian troops Avere about 
 to enter it, and considered me as their prisoner. As we as- 
 cended the hill, I filed off to the right, expecting our troops on 
 the hill would soon give them a volley. "When they had ad- 
 vanced Avithin a few yards of a stone wall, behind whicli Gen. 
 McDougall had placed them, our troops poured npon the Hes- 
 sian column, under Gen. Raid, such a destructive fire, that 
 they retreated down the hill in disorder, leaving a considerable 
 number of the corps on the field. This relieved me from my 
 perilous situation, and I immediately remounted my horse, and 
 taking my course in the valley, directly between the hostile 
 armies, I rode to Head Quarters, near the Conrt-house, and 
 informed Gen. Washington of the situation of the troops on 
 Chadderton's Hill. The enemy having rallied, and being re- 
 inforced, made a second attempt upon Gen. McDougall's de- 
 tachment, who gave them a second warm reception ; but, being 
 overpowered, retired upon the right of our line, then in order 
 of battle. A severe cannonade Avas kept up from both armies 
 through the day, and every moment did avo expect the enemy 
 Avould have attempted to force us from our lines. In the mean- 
 time. Gen. Washington had begun to remove his stores and 
 heavy baggage up to Northcastle. 
 
15 
 
 After remaining in our lines and on constant military duty 
 for several days and nights, on the 1st of November Gen. 
 Washington retired with his army to the heights in the neigh- 
 borhood of Northcastle. Thus baffled, Gen. Howe gave over 
 the pursuit, and began his march towards Kingsbridge, where 
 he assembled his troops to invest Fort Washington. In the 
 mean time, Gen. Washington apprehending that the enemy 
 would immediately attempt the capture of forts Washington 
 and Lee (two strong fortifications on each bank of the Hud- 
 son and below Kingsbridge), ordered his troops into the vicini- 
 ty of Pcckskill, on the North River. After stationing suitable 
 guards on the Croton river, and to protect the country from 
 plunder, etc.. Gen. Washington crossed the Pludson with a con- 
 sideral)le portion of his troops, and removed down into the 
 neighborhood of Fort Lee. After a most desperate assault on 
 Fort Washington by the Hessian troops under Gen. Kniphau- 
 sen, aided by difierent corps of the British under the command 
 of Gen. Mathews, Col. Stirling, and Lord Percy, and the out- 
 posts of the garrison being driven in, and their ammunition 
 almost expended, Col. Morgan, who commanded in the garri- 
 son, beat a parley and surrendered. By this unfortunate event, 
 wc lost about 3,000 men, a great part of whom perished in 
 prison by severe usage, sickness, etc. 
 
 After the fall of Fort Washington, it became certain tliat 
 Fort Lee could not be sustained, and as Lord Cornwallis had 
 crossed the Hudson River at Dobb's ferry, and above the fort, 
 it became necessary to be on the alert. The troops at and in 
 the neighborhood of Fort Lee, moved off in season to avoid 
 the approach of the enemy, and retired over the Hackensack 
 River, into the State of New Jersey. This Avas a period of great 
 dismay. The campaign of 1776 was now drawing to a close, 
 and the periods for which the American troops had been enlist- 
 ed, were daily expiring. The enemy had been victorious, and 
 flushed with success, were insolent and cruel both to the inhab- 
 itants and to their prisoners. In fiict, all was confusion and 
 dismay, and it seemed as if we were on the eve of despair and 
 ruin. 
 
 If I was writing a history of the revolutionary war, I 
 
16 
 
 should not fail in this momentous period of our revolution to 
 notice the events wliich transpired in the Northern army and 
 on the Lakes. 
 
 The attacks on Charleston, South Carolina, at the South, 
 and the lodgment of a British force at Newport, R. I., in all 
 which places, except before Charleston, disasters and dismay 
 seemed to be the portion of America. But, as I was noticing 
 only some of the prominent events of my own life, and those 
 which took place where I have been providentially placed 
 [quorum pars fui), I will not enlarge. 
 
 The New England troops being left on the East side of the 
 Hudson, or North River, and Gen. Washington, with the 
 Southern troops principally, having taken his. course to the 
 South, halted occasionally as he passed through New Jersey, 
 but kept before the enemy until they crossed the river Dela- 
 ware. This river then became the boundary or dividing line 
 between the two armies. The enemy soon took possession of 
 Trenton, Bordentown, and Burlington, which places were occu- 
 pied principally by the Hessian troops. The British troops 
 occupied Princeton, New Brunswick, and Amboy. To the 
 troops on the East side of the North River was appropriated 
 the service of calling the attention of the enemy to their front 
 at Kingsbridgc, Harlem, etc., to call off their pursuit of Gen. 
 Washington, and his broken corps. But the period of discharge 
 of this division of the army was at hand, as the year was now 
 at its close, and Congress had finally determined to raise an 
 army for thejwar, on the pressing recommendation of Gen. 
 
 f-. Washington.! In the Fall of the year 177G, Congress resolved 
 to raise eighty-eight battalions of infantry, and apportioned to 
 each State in the Union its quota of these troops. In the month 
 of December they resolved to raise four regiments of horse, and 
 sixteen additional regiments of infantry, authorizing Gen. 
 
 i Washington to appoint officers for tlie whole of them. This 
 
 f produced an entire change in all our military system, and those 
 who felt ardent in their country's cause, were now called upon 
 to step forward and engage in her service. Before our regi- 
 ment was dismissed, I had the offer of the first troop, in the 
 
 j 2d regiment of light dragoons, commanded by Colonel Elisha 
 
n 
 
 Sheldon. As these appointments were from Gen. Washing- 
 ton, I felt liighly honored and gratified by the appointment, 
 and before the levies were dismissed, I enlisted the quota of 
 men for my troop. My commission as captain bore date the 
 14th of December, 1776, and was signed by John Hancock, I 
 President. I had now entered upon a new career, both as to j 
 the nature and the duration of my military service. The dra- 
 goon service being so honorable and so desirable, it became an 1 
 object of primary importance to obtain an appointment in this } 
 corps. I now left my fellow-officers of the infantry, and pro- | 
 ceeded to Philadelphia to receive instructions from the Board j 
 of War about raising and equipping this new body of troops. J 
 As I passed on, Gen. Washington had planiicd his expedi- 
 tion against the Hessians at Trenton, in which he captured 
 about one thousand men, on the night of the 25th of December, 
 and the next day recrosscd the Delaware with his troops and 
 prisoners. This event gave a new force to our affairs, and 
 where gloom and dismay prevailed, zeal and courage began to 
 appear. This fortunate attack upon the enemy at Trenton, 
 inspired the militia with such courage, and they flocked to the 
 American camp in such numbers, that Gen. Washington de- 
 termined again to cross the Delaware at Trenton, of which 
 he took possession. The British troops having now collected 
 at New Brunswick and Princeton, Lord Cornwallis, witli a 
 select body of troops, was dispatched to attack the American 
 army. He entered Trenton on the 2d of January, 1777 ; and 
 on that day Gen. AVashington retired across the river at 
 Trenton, called the Assumpink, which divides the town, run- 
 ning from East to West, and then falls into the Delaware. 
 After making several fruitless attempts to pass the river at the 
 bridge and fording-places, to attack our troops, Cornwallis 
 halted on the North side of the river, intending to make the 
 attack the next day. Aware of his danger. Gen. Washing- 
 ton caused the fires of his encampment to be kept up, and 
 suitable sentinels and patrols to be on duty through the night, 
 while, with the main body of his troops, he filed off to the 
 right, and the next morning at day-break was at Princeton. 
 There he found three regiments of British troops, which he im- 
 2 
 
18 
 
 mediately engaged and dispersed, killing and taking about four 
 hundred men, of which more than one hundred were slain. Our 
 loss in killed was about the same, among whom was Gen. Mer- 
 cer, of Virginia. As soon as Lord Cornwallis found that Gen. 
 Washington had eluded him, he moved his troops from Tren- 
 ton to Princeton, on their way to New Brunswick. The rear of 
 our troops had scarcely left Princeton, when the vanguard of 
 the British entered, between which some shots were exchanged. 
 Gen. Washington crossed the Millstone, destroying all the 
 bridges, which greatly retarded the enemy. Turning to the 
 North, toward Somerset Court House, he left Lord Cornwallis 
 to pursue his march to New Brunswick, where his stores and 
 baggage were deposited, and our little army halted for refresh- 
 ment and repose. In a short time Gen. Washington remov- 
 ed the remains of his army to Morristown, N. J., where he took 
 up his Winter quarters. Thus the campaign of 1776 closed 
 with honor to the American arms, although a considerable 
 portion of it liad been replete with disaster. 
 
 It being determined that the 2nd Regiment of Light Dra- 
 goons, to which I was attached, should rendezvous at Wethers- 
 field, in Connecticut, I proceeded to that place, where all re- 
 cruits were ordered to assemble. There I immediately erected 
 a large circular Manage, for tlie purpose of training and break- 
 ing our horses, and the Winter and ensuing Spring were occupied 
 in preparing for the campaign of 1777, which, from all prepara- 
 tions making on both sides, bid fair to be a bloody one. ,■ As 
 soon as the Spring had opened, and traveling became practi- 
 cable. Gen. Howe began to show a disposition to take the field. 
 Gen. Washington removed his army forward from Morristown 
 to the strong and elevated positions North of Middlcbrook. 
 There he intrenched and fortified his encampment, and awaited 
 the movements of the enemy. 
 
 Gen. Washington, foreseeing the intention of Gen. Howe to 
 strike some decisive blow with such a powerful military force 
 as he had at command, had directed that all recruits should be 
 forwarded to Head Quarters as fast as they were collected. He 
 also sent a particular order to Col. Sheldon to send on all the 
 effective men of his reo-iment. Havino- about men and horses 
 
19 
 
 cnouirli to form four troops, they were accordingly put in the 
 best order, and the conniiand of the squadron was given to me. 
 as senior Captain in the regiment, My own troop was com- 
 ])Osed entirely of dapple gray horses, whicli, with black straps 
 and black bear-.^kin holster-covers, looked sujjerb. I have no 
 hesitation in ackowledging that I was very proud of this com- 
 mand. 
 
 At the opening of the campaign of 1777, I moved oft' with 
 this noble ])ody of horse from Weatliersfield, where I had 
 passed a very pleasant and a very active and busy Winter. . My 
 military duties by day, and the pleasant intercourse witli the 
 inhabitants in the evening, made the time pass rapidly away. I 
 left the place and the people with some regret, but being fired 
 with military ambition and panting for glory, I took up my line 
 of march — passing through Farmington, Harrington, Litchfield, 
 and Kent, in Connecticut, and from thence to Peckskill and 
 King's Ferry, where we crossed the Hudson River. Thence by 
 Havcrstraw, the Clove, and Pomptoiy to Morristown, where 
 Gen. AVashington had encamped his army through the preced- 
 ing Winter. From this place I reported my detachment to the 
 Commander-in-Chief, who ordered me to move on the next day 
 to his encampment near Middlebrook, where he reviewed us 
 and commended the appearance of my detachment. 
 
 The day following, all the light horse, consisting of Col. 
 Blond's, Col. Maylan's, and my squadron, were ordered to 
 parade, and proceeded down to Woodbridge to reconnoitre the 
 enemy. Aftrr we came in full view of them, they immediately 
 got under arms. Pretty soon some of their light troops ap- | 
 pcarcd to be liling off to the right and left, and quickly 
 appeared in our rear. Our next attempt Avas to pass through 
 their corps, which we did, each squadron taking a separate ! 
 course. Our loss was Ijut small, considering the fire we siis- > 
 tained. ylVfter this we retired towards Head Quarters, and 
 halted for the night, being covered by Col. Morgan's Regiment 
 of Rinemen./'I^arly next morning, being June 25, 1777, our 
 patrols came in. announcing the approach of the enemy. As soon j 
 
 as the dragoons could be mounted, the enemy was in sight, and 1 
 
 the firing commenced, which began the battle af the Short Hills. '"/? M 
 
20 
 
 Lord Stirling commanded the left wing of the advanced divi- 
 sion of our army, and fell in with Lord Cornwallis, who com- 
 manded the grenadiers and light infantry of the British army. 
 In the course of the battle four field pieces were taken from 
 Lord Stirling, and again retaken and finally lost. The main 
 body of the enemy, under Gen. Howe, did not fall in with Gen. 
 Washington, who immediately took possession of his strong- 
 holds back of Middlebrook. Thus the British General was disap- 
 pointed in his plan of drawing Gen. Washington into a general 
 battle. Our light troops hovered upon the rear of the enemy 
 until they reached Elizabethtown. After this Gen. Howe drew 
 in his out-posts, and pretty soon began to embark his army for 
 their southern expedition. As soon as Gen. Washington could 
 determine the course that the British fleet had steered, he put 
 his whole army under march for the Delaware./ The fleet left 
 the Hook on the 23rd of July, 1777. The destination of my 
 squadron was to Carrol's Ferry over the Delaware, which I 
 reached in good season. By this time the remainder of our re- 
 cruits had come on, and we had a fine body of dragoons in the 
 field. The army crossed the Delaware, and the whole body 
 moved on slowly towards Philadelphia, and halted at German- 
 town. There Gen. Washington anxiously waited to know the 
 destination of the British fleet and army. 
 
 By this time I was promoted to the rank of Major in the 2nd 
 Regiment Light Dragoons, my commission being dated from 
 the time of the vacancy, viz., April 7, 1777. . I now gave up the 
 command of my favorite troop, taking my station as field offi- 
 cer in the regiment. Gen. Washington having ascertained 
 that the British fleet had steered to the South after they left 
 Sandy Hook, was finally informed they had actually entered, 
 and Averc proceeding up the Chesapeake Bay./ On the 25th of 
 August, Gen. Howe landed his army, about twenty thousand 
 strong, on the East side of the Chesapeake Bay, near the head 
 of the Elk, so called, near French Town. On the 27th the 
 troops were put in motion towards Philadelphia. 
 
 When Gen. Washington put his army in motion, we were about 
 eighteen thousand strong. After passing through the principal 
 streets of Philadelphia, we continued our march until we reached 
 
21 
 
 Wilminfrton. As the enemy advanced, Gen. "Washington took 
 his station on the left bank, or on the Nortli side of the Brandy- 
 wine, near wliich river it appeared probable that tlie hostile 
 armies mnst engage, as they had now advanced within a few 
 miles of each other. On the morning of the 11th of Septem- 
 ber. 1777, Gen. Howe put his army in order of battle, and 
 moved on towards the Brandy wine. By 10 o'clock in the morn- 
 ing the action commenced, and was sustained from right to left 
 by turns through the whole line. The action was obstinate on 
 both sides, and lasted through the day ; but the left wing of the 
 British army having crossed the river, some distance above, on 
 the right of our army, came down upon our right, while the 
 Hessians crossed in front at Chadsford, and the American 
 troops were forced to retire. The action lasted through the 
 day, and at night Gen. Washington took his station at Chester, 
 and the Briti.sh army remained in possession of the field. The 
 next day Gen. Washington retired to Philadelphia, and the 
 British army extended their riglit wing into Wilmington. 
 Finding Philadelphia not to be capable of defense against such 
 a powerful foe, Gen. Washington retreated to the high grounds 
 al)Out Germantown, while Gen. Howe advanced to the right 
 bank of the Schuylkill, opposite to Philadelphia. Some of our 
 liglit troops hung upon his left Aving and rear, to |irevent their 
 predatory excursions. The bridges over the Schuylkill having 
 been removed. Gen. Howe moved up the right, or western 
 bank of that river. Gen. Washington having recrossed the 
 Schuylkill, determined, on the IGth of September, again to meet 
 Gen. Howe in the field of battle. The arrangements were 
 made, and the advance parties had already commenced firing, 
 when there came on a violent shower of rain, which unfitted 
 both armies for action. Gen. Washington now recrossed the 
 Schuylkill, and encamped on the eastern side of that river. 
 Gen. Howe, learning that Gen. Wayne was on his left, Avithin 
 a few miles of him, with about 1500 men, near the Paola Tav- 
 ern, on the Lancaster road, detached Gen. Gray, with a select 
 corps of light troops, to surprise him. This he accomplished 
 so effectually, that he forced his way into the midst of Wayne's 
 detachment before he was discovered. A dreadful slaughter 
 
22 
 
 ensued, in which the sick and wounded were killed indiscrimi- 
 nately with those who were taken in arms. Gen. Howe moved 
 still higher up the Schuylkill, as if he would go to Beading, 
 where we had much military stores collected. Gen. Washing- 
 ton removed his army to Pottsgrove : this gave the enemy 
 an opportunity to ford the Schuylkill at the fords above the 
 bridges, and their march to Philadelphia was open and easy, 
 on the 23rd of September : and on tlie 26th. Lord Coruwallis 
 entered that city at the head of a column of British and Hes- 
 sian grenadiers. Congress, a few days before, adjourned from 
 Philadelphia to meet at Lancaster, fi-om whence they removed 
 over the Susquehanna River and sat at Yorktown. The main 
 body of the British army now encamped at Germantowu. and 
 Gen. "Washington posted his army about 16 miles Xorth of 
 Germantown. on the Shippack Creek. Efforts were now made 
 to draw in all detachments of the army, and to collect a force 
 that might enable Gen. "Washington to cope with the adver- 
 sary. Although defeated at the Brandywine, and foiled in 
 several smaller rencounters, our American Fabius retained his 
 full determination to give these hostile invaders no repose. 
 Having learned that Cornwallis was stationed at Philadelphia 
 with about 5.000 troops, while the main body was posted in a 
 line from East to West at Germantown. with their light troops 
 in front and on the flanks. Gen. Washington determined to 
 attack them. The arrangement and order of battle was such, 
 that if every division of the army had performed its allotted 
 part, it seems as if we must have succeeded. Such was the 
 order of battle, that the front, the flanks, and even the rear of 
 the British encampment, were to have been attacked at the 
 same time, f My own position was at the head of Gen. Sul- 
 livan's division, on the left of the centre ; Gen. Wayne being 
 on our right, and the Commander-in-Chief in the centre of 
 both divisions, which was the centre of the army^ Having 
 marched from our camp on the evening of the Srd'of October, 
 "77, by 3 o'clock the next morning we found ourselves close in 
 upon the scene of action. Just before the dawn of day, the 
 troops were put in motion, and in a few moments the firing 
 commenced. The out-posts and advanced guards of the enemy 
 
23 
 
 were driven in with great precipitation, and by 9 o'clock we 
 found ourselves almost in the heart of Germantown, A very 
 heavy fog prevented our corps from discovering one another, 
 =0 as to distinguish, in some cases, friend from foe. Hitherto 
 the progress of our troops had been entirely successful, and it 
 seemed as if the victory mast be ours. Some of the regiments 
 on the flanks had reached the centre of the village, and had 
 then more prisoners than troops of their own ; and in this 
 situation, finding themselves separated from their own brigades, 
 were captured by the enemy. 
 
 At this critical moment, Col. Musgrave, of the British army, 
 threw his regiment into a large stone house directly in front 
 of our division in the centre, from which he poured a heavy 
 and galling fire upon our troops. All attempts to dislodge 
 them were ineffectual, and although they would have been 
 harmless in a few minutes if we had passed them by, yet 
 through the importunity of Gen. Knox (which I distinctly 
 heard). Gen. Washington permitted him to bring his field artil- 
 lery to bear upon it, but without effect. During this transac- 
 tion time elapsed, the situation of our troops was uncomfort- 
 able, their ardor abated, and the enemy obtained time to rally. 
 In less than thirty minutes, our troops began to retire, and from 
 the ardor of pursuit, were in full retreat. This not being gen- 
 eral through the line, of necessity left the flanks of some divi- 
 sions and brigades uncovered and exposed to the assaults of an 
 exasperated foe. From this moment the prospects of victory 
 were changed, and notwithstanding all our attempts to rally 
 the retiring troops, it seemed impossible to effect it, even by 
 the presence of the Commander-in-Chief. ^1 threw my squad- \ 
 ron of horse across the road, by order of Gen. Washington, i 
 repeatedly, to prevent the retreat of the infantry : but it was 
 ineffectual.]^ In addition to this, after our attack had com- 
 menced. Lord Cornwallis had commenced his march from 
 Philadelphia with the grenadiers and light troops, and had 
 reached Germantown. This relieved the enemy greatly ; but 
 they pursued us very cautiously. After our army had passed 
 Chestnut Hill, the enemy halted, as did also our troops. Thus, 
 in an unexpected moment, when everything seemed to look 
 
24 
 
 favorable to our cause, victory was turned into defeat, and the 
 fugitive enemy was the cautiously pursuing foe. Gen. Wash- 
 ington fell back to his old quarters at Shippack, where the dis- 
 persed troops assembled, and the enemy retired to Philadel- 
 phia. In the meantime, Lord Howe had assembled his fleet in 
 the Delaware Bay, and as the obstructions which had been 
 placed in the river below Philadelphia, to prevent the progress 
 of the fleet, still remained, and the army were obliged to de- 
 pend on the fleet for all their provisions, it became necessary 
 that these obstructions should be removed. The chevaiix de 
 frise could not be removed so long as our forts protected them. 
 It therefore became necessary that Mud Island Fort, forts Miff- 
 lin and Mercer in the river, and the fort at Red Bank, on the 
 Jersey shore, should be taken by the enemy, while the English 
 troops attacked the forts on the islands in the river. A corps 
 of Hessians, under Col. Donop, crossed the Delaware at Coop- 
 er's Ferry, opposite to Philadelphia, to attack the fortress at 
 Red Bank. These different divisions of troops were put in 
 motion on the evening of the 21st of October, '77. The next 
 day the several attacks commenced. The cannonade was so 
 heavy from the forts and the ships, that we heard it distinctly 
 at our encampment, about 40 miles distant. Col, Donop ap- 
 proached Red Bank with great gallantry, with a strong and 
 select corps of Hessian troops, who entered the entrenchments 
 of the outer works, but failed in attempting to scale the inner 
 fort, into which our troops had retired. From this they found 
 so heavy and so destructive a lire, that the enemy were oblig- 
 ed to retire, leaving their Colonel and Commander mortally 
 wounded, and a prisoner, and 400 or 500 men on the field of bat- 
 tle. The second ofiicer in command was also wounded. Lieut. 
 Col. Linsing drew off the remainder with precipitation, and 
 returned to Philadelpliia totally defeated. The other attempts 
 also failed of success. But the wants of the army became so 
 pressing that further attempts became necessary to remove 
 these obstructions. A portion of the navy, as well as of the 
 army, was assigned to this service, which met with varied suc- 
 cess, some of the ships being totally destroyed. After awhile, 
 the men-of-war drawinu- near, and forts bcins: erected to rake 
 
25 
 
 our batteries, it was found necessary to abandon them, which 
 was accordingly done with little loss of men. From this time 
 the intercourse with the fleet by the Delaware River was unob- 
 structed and free. 
 
 Our Northern army, under Gen. Gates, having been victori- 
 ous, and Gen. Burgoyne and his whole army, having been made 
 prisoners, the continental troops that had served in that army 
 were ordered to join the army under Gen. Washington. This 
 they effected in the latter part of November, soon after which 
 Gen. Washington determined to look at Gen. Howe again in 
 the field. About the 1st of December he removed his whole 
 army from Shippack down to White Marsh, occupying the 
 strong grounds on the North side of the flat ground known by 
 that name.//On the morning of the 4th of December, Gen. 
 Howe came out with the whole British army, and encamped at 
 Chestnut Hill, directly in front of our right wing. Having 
 now so respectable a force in the field (about 15,000 strong), 
 and especially the Northern army being flushed with recent 
 victory, and lioping that tiic other troops would vie with them 
 in the contest, a battle was rather desired than avoided. After 
 continuing several days in his first position, by day-break on 
 the 7th, Gen. Howe took a new position in front of our left 
 wing, on the flank of which I was posted with a body of liorse, 
 togetlicr with M(n-gan's Liglit Infantry and IliflcmenTjWe came 
 into contact with the British light infantry and dragoons, in 
 whicli Major Morris, of our infantry, was killed. I thought a 
 general battle was inevitable, but neither General thought it 
 prudent to descend into the plain. After continuing in this 
 position a few days. Gen. Howe retired to Philadelphia for 
 Winter quarters, to our great wonder. Shortly after. Gen. 
 Washington repaired to A^'alley Forge, on the West side of the 
 Schuylkill, and encamped for the Winter. The soldiers were 
 obliged to nnike log huts to shelter them from the inclemencies 
 of the weather, and very few of them had a blanket to cover 
 them. Indeed, the whole army were in great want of the most 
 necessary articles of clothing, and many of them had no shoes 
 to their feet, so that they could be tracked by the blood which 
 they left on the irround as thev constructed their huts. Thus 
 
26 
 
 closed the campaign of 1777, the most sanguinary of any that 
 took place during the war. 
 / As soon as our army had encamped, late in the month of De- 
 cember, 1777, the Commander-in-Chief stationed me with a 
 respectable detachment of dragoons, as an advanced corps of 
 j observation between our army and that of the enemy. I had 
 to scour the country from the Schuylkill to the Delaware River, 
 about five or six miles, for the double purpose of watching 
 the movements of the enemy and preventing the disaffected 
 from carrying supplies of provisions to Philadelphia. My du- 
 ties were very arduous, not being able to tarry long in a place, 
 j by reason of the British light horse, which continually pa- 
 ' trolled this intermediate ground. Indeed it was unsafe to per- 
 ,; mit the dragoons to unsaddle their horses for an hour, and very 
 i rarely did I tarry in the same place through the night. 
 
 While on this duty, at about 2 o'clock in the morning, I was 
 attacked by a large body of British light horse, commanded 
 by Lord Rawdon. So long as the battle lasted in the road, 
 we made good our defense ; but when they leaped the fences, 
 and got upon our flanks, we were obliged to retreat. Our loss 
 was small, not exceeding 3 or 4 killed, and as many wounded. 
 Soon after this, being informed that a country girl had gone 
 into Philadelphia-, with eggs, instructed to obtain some in- 
 formation respecting the enemy, I moved my detachment to 
 Germantown, where they halted, while, with a small detach- 
 ment, I advanced several miles towards the British lines, and 
 dismounted at a tavern called the Rising Sun, in full view of 
 their out-posts. Very soon I saw a young female coming out 
 from the city, who also came to the same tavern. After we 
 had made ourselves known to each other, and while she was 
 communicating some intelligence to me, I was informed that 
 the British light horse were advancing. Stepping to the 
 door, I saw them at full speed chasing in my patrols, one of 
 whom they took. I immediately mounted, when I found the 
 young damsel close by my side, entreating that I would pro- 
 tect her. Having not a moment to reflect, I desired her to 
 mount behind me, and in this way I brought her ofi" more tlian 
 three miles up to Germantown, where she dismounted. During 
 
27 
 
 the Avliole ride, altlioufrli tlirro was considerable firing- of pis- 
 tols, and not a little whcelinj^ and charging, she remained 
 unmoved, and never once complained of fear after she mount- 
 ed my horse. I was delighted with this transaction, and re- 
 ceived many compliments from those who became acquainted 
 with it. 
 
 After my command in the lines before Philadelphia closed, 
 which was in January, 1778, the light horse having been 
 ordered to Trenton, I repaired to that place with my detach- 
 ment, and from thence the 2nd Regiment Light Dragoons 
 removed to Chatham, New Jersey, for Winter quarters. Here 
 wo were permitted to rest from the fatigues of a severe and 
 bloody campaign. /But our brethren at Valley Forge passed 
 a Winter of extreme sufFering, being in want of provisions 
 and clothing to an alarming degree. Gen. Washington, how- 
 ever, was constantly engaged in providing for his suifering 
 troops, and in recruiting his army for the ensuing campaign. 
 
 In the meantime, Gen. Clinton succeeded Gen. Howe at 
 Philadelphia (1778). /Early in the Spring, the enemy making 
 some movements on the Hudson, our regiment was ordered to 
 leave their Winter quarters at Chatham, and proceed towards 
 the Clove and King's Ferry, to watch their motions. 
 
 In the latter part of ]\[ay, or beginning of June, 1778, we 
 took up our line of march to open another campaign, feeling 
 somewhat like veteran troops, after such a campaign as the 
 last. In June, it became evident to Gen. Washington that 
 the l?ritish army was al)out to remove from Philadelphia. On 
 the 22d of June, 1778, Gen. Henry Clinton, by the aid of the 
 shipping, rcuioved his army from Philadelphia, and landed at 
 Gloucester Point, in New Jersey. Gen. Washington imme- 
 diately broke up his camp at Valley Forge, and after despatch- 
 ing several light corps to hang upon the Hanks and rear of the 
 enemy, he moved with his main body and crossed the Delaware 
 River at Cargell's Ferry, when it became manifest that Gen. 
 Clinton would take the road to New York through Mon- 
 mouth. 
 
 Gen. AVashington put his whole force in motion, to fall in 
 if possilile with the enemy at that place. Gen. Lee, who had 
 
28 
 
 been recently exchanged, having the command of the light 
 troops, was directed to attack the enemy, and harrass them 
 until the Commander-in-Chief could come up with the main 
 body of the army. Being pressed on all sides by our light 
 troops, Gen. Clinton was obliged to face about upon Gen. 
 Lee's division, which soon began to retire. At this critical 
 moment Gen. Washington came up, and was astonished to find 
 Lee's corps on the retreat. After delivering some pretty stern 
 remarks to Lee, he immediately endeavored to restore the 
 order of the battle, and soon checked the progress of the 
 enemy's troops. The conflict became very heavy and dubious 
 for a time, until the enemy, in turn, gave way, and Gen. Wash- 
 ington gained the ground that Lee had abandoned. The con- 
 flict continued through the day from Monmouth to Freehold, 
 when night parted the combatants. Our army slept on the 
 field of battle, and Gen. Washington intended to have renewed 
 the contest the next morning ; but Gen. Clinton, aware of his 
 danger, took advantage of the darkness and cool of the night, 
 and moved off towards Middletown, whither his baggage, 
 under the escort of Gen. Kniphausen, had been sent forward. 
 By this night's march, Gen. Clinton had escaped the vigilance 
 of Gen. Washington, and on the 30th of June he arrived at 
 Sandy Hook, where Lord Howe had arrived with his fleet, 
 ready to receive and convey the troops to New York. Li the 
 battle of Monmouth, or Freehold, the British lost about 1,000 
 men, 400 or 500 of whom were killed. The American loss did 
 not exceed 200 or 300 men. Many died on both sides from ex- 
 cessive heat and fatigue — the day being oppressively warm, 
 and the troops drinking too freely of cold water. 
 
 The battle was greatly in favor of the Americans, although 
 had Washington's orders been obeyed, the victory would doubt- 
 less have been much more decisive. Gen. Lee was soon after- 
 wards arrested by Gen. Washington on three charges, found 
 guilty, and suspended from command for twelve months. Gen. 
 Washington, as well as Congress, commended the conduct of 
 the army, and returned thanks, etc. 
 
 On the 1st of July, Gen. Washington took up his march 
 for the Hudson, to guard the passes of the Highlands, and soon 
 
29 
 
 the main army again assembled together on the East side of 
 the Hudson. 
 
 France having entered into an alliance with the United 
 States after the capture of Burgoync's army, had sent out a 
 formidable fleet under the Count Dc Estaing, which entered 
 the mouth of the Delaware Bay on the 8th of July. If he had 
 reached that station a few days sooner, the fleet from Philadel- 
 phia must have fallen into his hands, and most probably the 
 British army would have been captured. The Count soon 
 learned the destination of the British fleet, and on the 11th of 
 July he appeared off Sandy Hook, in face of Lord Howe and 
 the British fleet, who did not venture out for action. After 
 tarrying before the Hook a few days, the French fleet stood 
 out to sea, and soon appeared before the harbor of Newport, 
 R. I. 
 
 Tiie British troops under Gen. Pigot, now began to be in 
 jeopardy. An army of 10,000 men was promptly assembled, 
 and took possession of the high ground North of Newport, and 
 by the coiipcration of the French fleet, the British garrison, 
 about 6.000 strong, must inevitably have been taken. But 
 Lord Howe appearing ofi" the inlet, the French Admiral put to 
 sea in quest of him — a storm coming on, both fleets were dis- 
 persed and much injured, which prevented a naval battle ; and 
 the French fleet retired again to Newport. In a few days, 
 however, the French Admiral informed Gen. Sullivan that he 
 was going to Boston to refit. Notwithstanding all the entrea- 
 ties and expostulations of Gens. Sullivan, Greene, and Lafay- 
 ette, the French fleet weighed anchor, and on the 2d of August 
 set sail for Boston. Thus exposed to the British fleet, and 
 such reinforcements as Gen. Clinton might send for from New 
 York, Gen. Sullivan was obliged to retire from the island and 
 take a position on the main land. 
 
 This year (1778) I oi)encd a private correspondence with 
 some persons in New York (for Gen. Washington) which lasted 
 through the war. How beneficial it was to the Commander- 
 in-Chief is evidenced by his continuing the same to the close of 
 the war. I kept one or more boats continually employed in 
 crossing the Sound on this business. 
 
30 
 
 My station during the campaign of 1778, was in the county 
 of Westchester, and occasionally along the shores of the 
 Sound. No important blow was given the enemy during this 
 campaign, by the American. army, although the light troops in 
 advance (as was always the case with our regiment) were fre- 
 quently in conflict with similar corps of the enemy. 
 
 When the campaign closed, our regiment went to Durham, 
 in Connecticut, for Winter quarters./ A part of the time, 
 however, I was from choice stationed at Greenfield, from 
 "whence I could easily cross to Long Island. 
 
 During the Summer of 1779, Gov. Tryon was despatched 
 with 2,000 or 3,000 troops, and a protecting naval force, to 
 distress the seaports of Connecticut. He landed at New 
 Haven, and pillaged the town, After some skirmishing he 
 embarked his troops, and next visited and burnt the handsome 
 town of Fairfield. Taking the next town in course, he also 
 burnt and utterly destroyed Norwalk. Finding him bent on 
 such a desolating expedition, I was despatched with a body of 
 light infantry to aid the militia in defending the latter place. 
 The enemy approached the town at break of day, and imme- 
 diately set it on fire. The scene was awful — to see the inhab- 
 itants — men, women, and children — leaving their houses, and 
 fleeing before the enemy, while our troops were endeavoring to 
 protect them. 
 
 They embarked again the same day at sunset, and returned 
 to New York, after having experienced pretty uncivil treat- 
 ment while they were at Norwalk. 
 
 From Norwalk I moved my detachment, and encamped them 
 on both sides of the Hudson. Gen. Clinton, in the month of 
 of May, having viewed the importance of navigating the 
 Hudson in its true light, embarked the flower of his army and 
 proceeded up the North River. After investing the American 
 posts on Verplank's Point, and Stony Point, the former sur- 
 rendered, and the garrison in the latter made their escape. 
 These fortifications are nearly opposite to each other, on the 
 banks of the Hudson, at King's Ferry, near Haverstraw — 
 Stony Point being on the West side of the river, and Ver- 
 plank's Point on the East. Gen. Washington having assem- 
 
31 
 
 bled his army in tlic neighborhood of these plains, conceived 
 the idea of driving the enemy from them. The enemy had 
 made the fort at Stony Point impregnable, as they supposed, 
 and iiad placed in it a garrison of select troops, about OUO 
 strong. A body of our light infantry, about 1,000 strong, 
 under the command of Gen. Wayne, moved forward on the 
 15th of July, 1779, and soon after midnight were ordered to 
 commence the attack in two columns. As soon as we were 
 discovered by the garrison, they commenced a tremendous fire 
 of musketry and cannon, while not a gun was discharged by 
 any of our troops. Such was the ardor and impetuosity of tho 
 Americans, that they surmounted all difficulties, removed all 
 obstructions, cut away the abatis and a double stockade, 
 mounted the ramparts, and captured the whole garrison in a 
 short time with the bayonet alone. Although the fire was so 
 heavy from the fortress, our loss of men was comparatively 
 small, while that of the enemy, in slain, was very considerable. 
 
 Gen. Robert Howe, with his troops (of which our regiment 
 made a part), on the East side of the Hudson, moved up in 
 view of the fort on Vcrplank's Point, as if to attack it, and 
 tlien retired, whicli he did repeatedly, to my utter astonish- 
 ment, supposing that we were to attack it. It was afterwards 
 said that this operation was a feint, to divert the attention 
 of the garrison fromCStony Point. 
 
 After the oV)ject of this movement was accomplislied, my 
 detachment, and indeed the whole of our regiment, took their 
 station in the region of the White Plains, Northcastle, etc., as 
 a sort of advance guard to the army. \ 
 
 Our parties and those of the enemy had frequent interviews, 
 and sometimes not of the most friendly nature. I had been 
 nearly led into an ambuscade by the enemy in an excursion 
 down upon the lines, ^[y orders were to go into Westchester, 
 but by some means the enemy got information of my intended 
 expedition, and threw a large body of infantry into a thicket 
 on the road. I got knowledge of the movement just before 
 the troops reached the spot, and retired without loss. 
 
 On my way back to the regiment, ray brave Sergeant- 
 Major, James Dole, was shot by one of the Cow-boys. The 
 
32 
 
 bullet entered on one side, just above the hip, and came out on 
 
 the other — passing directly through his body. As soon as I 
 
 saw him, I supposed he was mortally wounded ; but he finally 
 
 recovered, and served to the close of the revolutionary war, 
 
 and lived many years after. 
 
 f--' At the commencement of this campaign, our regiment was 
 
 ! ordered to its old station on the lines, below Bedford, North- 
 
 I castle, etc. Not long after we took the field, about July 1, 
 
 1779, Lord Rawdon, with nearly all the British light horse, 
 
 accompanied by a body of light infantry, made an attack 
 
 upon our corps in the night. The onset was violent, and the 
 
 conflict carried on principally with the broad sword, until the 
 
 light infantry appeared upon our flanks, when Col. Sheldon 
 
 found it necessary to retreat. This was done with so much 
 
 celerity, that the enemy gained but little advantage. I lost in 
 
 J the afiray a fine horse, most of my field baggage, and twenty 
 
 j guineas in cash, which were taken in my valise with my 
 
 '^^horse. 
 
 Before the campaign closed, viz., on the 5th of September, 
 1779, 1 undertook an expedition against the enemy on Lloyd's 
 Neck, on Long Island. At this place, and on a promontory or 
 elevated piece of ground next to the Sound, between Hunting- 
 ton Harbor and Oyster Bay, the enemy had established a 
 strong fortified post, where they kept a body of about 500 
 troops. In the rear of this garrison a large band of maraud- 
 ers encamped, who, having boats at command, continually in- 
 fested the Sound and our shores. Having a great desire 
 to break up this band of freebooters, on the evening of said 
 5th of September I embarked my detachment, amounting in 
 the whole to about 130 men, at Shipam Point, near Stamford, 
 at 8 o'clock in the evening, and by 10 we landed on Lloyd's 
 Neck. Having made my arrangements, we proceeded in differ- 
 ent diviBions to beat up their quarters. Our attack was so 
 sudden and unexpected, that we succeeded in capturing almost 
 the whole party — a few only escaping into the bushes, from 
 whence they commenced firing on my detachment, which gave 
 the alarm to the garrison. This prevented our attempting any 
 attack upon the out-posts and guards of the fort, and after 
 
dcstroyinj^ all the l)oats wc could find, as well as the huts of 
 those refugees, we returned with our prisoners to our boats, and 
 cinl)arkcd for Connecticut, wlicrc we landed in safety before 
 sunrise the next morning, and without the loss of a single man. 
 (See tlie copy of my letter to Gen. Robert Howe, dated Sep- 
 tember (Uh, 1779.) 
 
 At the close of the campaign, our regiment went to North 
 Hampton for Winter quarters, and I was appointed to meet 
 the Commissioners of the State of Connecticut at Weathers- 
 field, to adjust and settle the depredation of the pay of their 
 troops. 
 
 In the course of the last campaign (1779) we were made joy- 
 ful by the arrival of the French army, about 0,000 strong, un- 
 der the command of the Count Rochambeau. As they arrived 
 at Newport, in Rhode Island, they immediately debarked and 
 fortified themselves in that place. 
 
 Having now decisive evidence that our august ally, Louis 
 XVI., had determined to afford us efficient aid, we considered 
 the independence of our coimtvy aisolutety sure. A large fleet 
 was also expected with a further reinforcement of troops. 
 
 This gave us strong hopes that tlic next campaign would 
 prove to be a vigorous and a decisive one. The pay to the 
 army being entirely in continental paper, we were greatly em- 
 barrassed to procure even the necessary supplies of food and 
 clothing. 
 
 The main body of our army encamped on both sides of the 
 Hudson, from Tappan, in New Jersey, to Verplank's Point 
 and tiic Croton. In this campaign the enemy extended tiicir 
 posts. East on Long Island, for the double purpose of main- 
 taining an iUicit intercourse with the people of Connecticut, and 
 also that they might protect their foraging parties down Long 
 Island. 
 
 Having constant and repeated intelligence from New York, 
 and all parts of Long Island, I began to entertain the plan of 
 breaking up the whole system. I commenced by stating to 
 the Commander-in-Chief the situation of the different fortifica- 
 tions, the marauding parties going down the island, and the 
 unceasing intercourse of our community with New York, 
 etc., etc. 
 
After this, I began to intimate my plans for beating up the 
 enemy's quarters, and disturbing their repose. To all this Gen. 
 Washington listened with kind attention, and I felt almost pre- 
 pared to make a direct application to cross the Sound with a 
 detachment of troops. 
 Y^ In the course of the Summer of 1780, Gen. Washington hon- 
 ' ored me with a separate command, consisting of the dismount- 
 . ed dragoons of our regiment and a body of horse. Our dis- 
 .1 mounted dragoons had been formed into two companies of 
 liffht infantry, and were commanded bv excellent officers, who, 
 ■ to a man, rejoiced in the idea of separate and active duty. I 
 I removed my fine detachment of light troops over towards 
 ! Horse Neck, from whence I took a station at New Canaan, or 
 I North Stamford. This gave me an opportunity to watch the 
 enemy, either up on the lines, or across the Sound on Long 
 Island. While my detachment laid in this situation. Gen. Par- 
 sons proposed to me to aid him in the capture of the enemy's 
 fort and garrison on Lloyd's Neck, opposite to Stamford, on 
 Long Island. He had with him a very select detachment from 
 the Connecticut line, of about 700 men. I readily acceeded to 
 his proposal, and held my detachment ready for the enterprise. 
 In the meantime, the General sent over a refugee to gain the 
 needed intelligence, and directed him to meet him at a given 
 place, and at a time appointed. 
 
 Just before the time had arrived to commence our operations, C ^ 
 the General proposed to me to take the command of the expe- ! ' 
 dition. As he communicated to me his plan of obtaining the , 
 needed intelligence, I was alarmed at the character of his | 
 agent, especially as he was within the enemy's lines. On the - 
 whole, I thought it best to decline the honor of the command, 
 but offered to take my detachment under his orders. This put 
 an end to the expedition, and afterwards we learned, that on 
 the night we had appointed to cross, a large body of the gar- 
 rison were stationed at the place appointed for our landing, 
 which probably would have annoyed us greatly. 
 " After this, I took my station again upon the line, in the 
 county of Westchester. After marching, and counter-march- 
 ing, skirmishing witli the enemy, catching cow-boys, etc., etc., 
 
35 
 
 late in the month of September, viz.. on the evening of the 
 23rd, I returned from below to the regiment, then near North- 
 castle. Soon after I halted, and disposed of my detachment, 
 I was informed that a prisoner had been brought in that day 
 by the name of John Anderson. On inquiry, I found that 
 three men by the names of John Paulding, David Williams, 
 and Isaac Van Vert, who had passed below our ordinary mil- 
 itary patrols, on the road from Tarrytown to Kingsbridge, had 
 fallen in witli this John Anderson, on his way to New York. 
 They took him aside for examination, and discovering sundry 
 papers upon him, which he had concealed in his boots, they 
 determined to detain him as a prisoner, notwithstanding Ander- 
 son's offers of pecuniary satisfaction if they would permit him 
 to proceed on his course. They determined to bring him up to 
 the head-quarters of our regiment, then^on the advanced post 
 of our army, and near Northcastle. /This they effected on the 
 forenoon of the 23rd day of September, 1780, by delivering 
 said Anderson to Lieut.-Col. John Jameson, of the 2nd Regi- 
 ment Light Dragoons, then the commanding ofHcer of said post. 
 Col. Sheldon being at old Salem, under arrest, _ 
 
 His Excellency Gen. Washington had made an appointment 
 to meet the Count Rochambcau (who commanded the French 
 army then at Newport, R. I.,) at Hartford, in Connecticut, about 
 the ISth or 20th of September, and was on^hjs return to 
 the army at the time of Anderson's capture. / When I reached 
 Lieut.-Col. Jameson's quarters, late in the evening of the 23rd, 
 and learned the circumstances of the capture of the pris- 
 oner, I was very much surprised to find that he had been sent 
 by Lieut.-Col. Jameson to Arnold's head-quarters at West 
 Point, accompanied by a letter of information respecting his 
 capture. At the same time he dispatched an express with the 
 papers found on John Anderson, to meet Gen. Washington, 
 tlien on his way to West Point. I did not fail to state the 
 glaring inconsistency of this conduct to Lieut.-Col. Jameson, 
 in a private and most friendly manner.^. He appeared greatly 
 agitated when I suggested to him a measure which I Avished to 
 adopt, offering to take the whole responsibility upon myself, 
 and which he deemed too perilous to permit. I will not 
 
36 
 
 further disclose. I finally obtained his reluctant consent 
 to have the prisoner brought back to our head-quarters. 
 When the order was about to be dispatched to the oificer to 
 bring the prisoner back, strange as it may^seem, Lieut.-Col. 
 Jameson woidd persist in his purpose of letting his letter go on 
 to Gen. Arnold. The letter did go on, and the prisoner re- 
 turned before the next morning. 
 
 As soon as I saw Anderson, and especially after I saw him 
 walk (as he did almost constantly) across the floor, I became 
 impressed with the belief that he had been bred to arms. I 
 communicated my suspicion to Lieut. Col. Jameson, and re- 
 quested him to notice his gait, especially when he turned on 
 his heel to retrace his course across the room. 
 
 It was deemed best to remove the prisoner to Salem, and I 
 was to escort him. I was constantly in the room Avith him, 
 and he soon became very conversable and extremely interest- 
 ing. It was very manifest that his agitation and anxiety were 
 great. After dinner on the 24th, perhaps by three o'clock 
 P. M., he asked to be favored with a pen, and ink, and paper, 
 which I readily granted, and he wrote the letter to Gen. 
 Washington, dated " Salem, 24th September, 1780," which is 
 recorded in most of the histories of this eventful period. In 
 this letter he disclosed his true character to be " Major John 
 ^Indre, Adjutant- General to the British Army. " 
 
 When I received and read the letter (for he handed it to me 
 as soon as he had written it), my agitation was extreme, and 
 my emotions Avholly indescribable. If the letter of informa- 
 tion had not gone to Gen. Arnold, I should not have hesitated 
 for a moment in my purpose, but I knew it must reach him 
 before I could possibly get to West Point. 
 
 The express sent with the papers found in Major Andre's 
 boots, did not intercept Gen. Washington on his return from 
 Hartford, but passed him on the road, and kept on to West 
 Point. On tlie 25th, while at breakfast with two of Gen. 
 Washington's Aids, who had actually arrived at his quarters, 
 Arnold received the letter from Lieut.-Col. Jameson. Know- 
 ing that the Commander-in-Chief would soon be there, he im- 
 mediately rode down to his boat, and was rowed down the 
 
37 
 
 Nortli River to the Britisli sloop-of-war, I w/^wrc, which then lay 
 in Tappan Bay, below King's Ferry. This was the same vessel 
 that brought up Major Andre from New York. Not long 
 after Arnold's abrupt and sudden departure from his quarters, 
 at Robinson's House, on the East side of the Hudson, opposite 
 to West Point, the express delivered the dcspatclies to Gen. 
 Washington, who immediately repaired to Arnold's quarters. 
 By this time the plot was all discovered, and the guilty traitor 
 had escaped. /I took on Major Andre, under a strong escort of 
 cavalry, to West Point, and the next day I proceeded down 
 the Hudson to King's Ferry, and landed at Haverstraw, on the 
 West side of the Hudson, where a large escort of cavalry had 
 been sent from the main army at Tappan, with which I escorted 
 the prisoner to Head-Quarters. 
 
 After we arrived at Head-Quarters, I reported myself to 
 Gen. Washington, who ordered a court consisting of fourteen 
 general officers, to sit and hear the case of j\Iajor Andre. On 
 the 29th of September, the president of the court (Gen. 
 Greene) reported to the Commander-in-Chief that they had 
 come to the conclusion, " that Major Andre, Adjutant-General 
 to the British Army, ought to be considered as a spy from the 
 enemy, and that, agreeably to the law and usage of nations, 
 it is their opinion that he ought to suifer death." 
 
 On the 30th of September, the Commander-in-Chief, in gen- 
 eral orders, approved of the aforesaid opinion, and ordered 
 that the execution should take place, the next day, at 5 o'clock 
 P. M. 
 
 On the first of October, 1780, a vast concourse of people as- 
 sembled to witness the solemn and affecting scene, when the 
 execution Avas postponed, in consequence of a flag having 
 arrived from the enemy. Gen. Greene was appointed to meet 
 Gen. Robertson at Pobb's Ferry ; but as no satisfactory propo- 
 sals were received from Gen. Robertson, Gen. Greene returned 
 to HeadQuartersand reported to Gen. Washington. The Cora- 
 mander-in-Cliief then ordered that the execution should take 
 place on the 2nd of October. Major Andre, having received 
 his regimentals from New York, appeared in the complete 
 uniform of a British officer, and, in truth, he was a most elea'ant 
 
38 
 
 and accomplished gentleman. After he was informed of his 
 sentence, he showed no signs of perturbed emotions, but wrote 
 a most touching and finished letter to Gen. Washington, re- 
 questing that the mode of his death might be adapted to the 
 feelings of a man of honor. The universal usage of nations 
 having affixed to the crime of a spy, death by the gibbet, his re- 
 quest could not be granted. As I was with him most of the 
 time from his capture, and walked with him as he went to the 
 place of execution. I never discovered any emotions of fear 
 respecting his future destiny before I reached Tappan, nor of 
 emotion when his sentence was made known to him. When 
 he came within sight of the gibbet, he appeared to be startled, 
 and inquired with some emotion whether he was not to be shot. 
 Being informed that the mode first appointed for his death 
 could not consistently be altered, he exclaimed, " How hard is 
 my fate !" but immediately added, " it will soon be over." I 
 tlieu shook hands with him under the gallows and retired. 
 
 Major Andre was executed in his military uniform, in which, 
 I think, he was laid in his coffin, but before he was interred, I 
 feel satisfied that his servant took oft' his coat, and perhaps 
 other outer garments. 
 
 If it comported with the plan of these memoranda, and I could 
 trust my feelings, I might enlarge greatly in anecdotes relating 
 to this momentous event in our revolutionary war, and espe- 
 cially those which relate to this most accomplished young man. 
 Some things relating to the detention of Andre, after he had 
 been sent on to Gen. Arnold, are purposely omitted, and some 
 confidential communications which took place, of a more private 
 nature, serve rather to mark the ingenuous character of the 
 man, than to require being noticed at this time. I will, how- 
 ever, rem.ark, that for the few days of intimate intercourse I 
 had with him, which was from the time of his being brought 
 brought back to our head-quarters to the day of his execution, 
 I became so deeply attached to Major Andre, that I can re- 
 member no instance where my affections were so fully absorb- 
 ed in any man. When I saw him swinging under the gibbet, it 
 seemed for a time as if I could not support it. All the spec- 
 tators seemed to be overwhelmed by the affecting spectacle, 
 
39 
 
 and many were suffused in tears. There did not appear to be 
 one hardened or indifferent spectator in all the multitude. 
 
 Tlio next day after the execution of !Major Andre, October 
 ;5rd, 1780, I set out on my return to rejoin my detaclmicnt in 
 the county of Westchester. There my duties became very 
 arduous, the late events having excited much rage on the part 
 of the enemy. What with cow-boys, skinners, and refugees, wc 
 had as much as wc could turn our hands to. to keep from being 
 waylaid and fired upon from thickets and stony eminences, 
 about Salem, Xorthcastlc, and White Plains. Indeed, it was 
 not an unusual thing to have our sentinels fired on from parties 
 who would crawl up in the darkness of the night, and then dis- 
 appear. 
 
 As soon as I had settled again in the courscof our duties, my 
 former scheme of annoying the enemy on Long Island came 
 fresh upon my mind. I therefo^'C directed my agents there 
 to obtain for me the most accurate returns of the fortifi- 
 cations in Suffolk county, Long Island, at a point which pro- 
 jects into South Bay, on Smith's Manor, being their most 
 easterly ])oint of defense. This I found to be a triangular inclos- 
 urc of several acres of ground, at two angles of which was a 
 strong ])arricadc house, and at the tliird, a fort, wMtli a deep 
 ditch and wall encircled by an abatis of sharpened pickets, pro- 
 jecting at an angle of 45 degrees. The fort and liouscs were 
 entirely connected by a strong stockade, quite high, and every 
 post sharpened, and fastened to each other by a transverse rail 
 strongly bolted to each. The works were nearly finished, when 
 I proposed to the Commander-in-Chief to let me go over and 
 demolish the same. He heard me with pleasure, but on the 
 whole concluded that the danger attending the whole expedi- 
 tion was too great to warrant the undertaking. My hopes be- 
 ing disappointed for that time, I did not abandon the project. 
 but continued my inquiries on Long Island. Towards the last 
 of October, or the beginning of November, 1780, I determined 
 to cross the Sound myself, and go over to Long Island for the 
 purpose of obtaining intelligence. This I accomplished and 
 returned in safety. Among other things, I learned that the 
 fortress at Smith's Manor was completed — that it was the de- 
 
40 
 
 pository of stores, dry goods, groceries, and arms, from whence 
 Suffolk county could be supplied ; and the works presented, on 
 the whole, a most formidable appearance. 
 
 Having now procured an accurate draft of Fort St. George, 
 as delineated on a small scale on the foregoing page, and also 
 information that a large quantity of hay and forage had been 
 collected by the enemy at Corum, from the East end of Long 
 Island, I began urgently to importune Gei^. Washington to 
 permit me to capture the fort and destroy the magazine of for- 
 age. 
 
 On the 11th of November -he answered my letter, and author- 
 ized the enterprise. All necessary preparations being made, 
 on the 21st of November, 1780, at about 4 o'clock P. M., I 
 embarked my detachment, composed of two companies of dis- 
 mounted dragoons, and in all short of 100 selected men, at 
 Fairfield, and the same evening, at 9 o'clock, we landed at a 
 place on Long Island, called the Old Man^s. I was obliged to 
 go thus far East, to avoid a large body of the enemy which lay 
 at Huntington and its vicinity, in our direct course from 
 Stamford. Soon after we landed, say by 10 o'clock, I put the 
 troops in motion to cross Long Island. We had not gone far, 
 say four or five miles, before the wind began to blow from the 
 southeast, and the rain soon followed. I faced the troops 
 about, returned to our boats, which were drawn up and placed 
 in the busli€s for concealment. There we remained through 
 the night, and the next day, at evening, the rain abated, and I 
 ordered the troops to march for our destined place on the 
 South side of Long Island. At 4 o'clock next morning, I 
 found we were within two miles of Fort St. George. We 
 halted for a short time to take a little refreshment. Having 
 made my arrangements for the plan of attack, I placed two 
 small detaclnnents under the command of subaltern officers of 
 high spirit, at different positions from the fort, with orders to 
 keep concealed until the enemy should fire on my column. 
 Just as the day began to dawn I put my detachment in motion. 
 The pioneers, who preceded my column, had reached within 
 40 yards of the stockade before they were discovered by the 
 enemy. At this moment, the sentinel in advance of the stock- 
 
41 
 
 ado, halted liis march, looked attentively at our column, and 
 demanded " Who comes there ?" and fired. Before the smoke 
 from his <Tun had cleared his vision, my sergeant, who marched 
 by my side, reached him with his bayonet, and prostrated 
 him. This was the signal for the other detachments to move 
 forward, when all seemed to vie with each other to enter the 
 fort. So resolute were the troops, that a break was soon made 
 in the stockade, where the rear platoon halted to prevent the 
 prisoners from escaping. I led the column directly through 
 the Grand Parade against the main fort, which Ave carried with 
 the bayonet, in less than ten minutes, not a musket being load- 
 ed. At the same instant that I entered on one side of the fort, 
 the officers commanding the two smaller detachments mounted 
 the ramparts on the other side, and the watch-word, " Washing- 
 ton and glory,'' was repeated from three points of the fort at 
 the Ji^amc time. While we were standing, elated with victory, 
 in the centre of the fort, a volley of musketry was discharged 
 from the windows of one of the large houses, which induced 
 rae to order my whole detachment to load and return the fire. 
 I soon found it necessary to lead the column directly to the 
 house, which, being strongly barricaded, required the aid of 
 the pioneers with their axes. As soon as the troops could en- 
 ter, the confusion and conflict were great. A considerable 
 portion of those who had fired after the fort was taken, and 
 the colors had been struck, were thrown headlong from the 
 windows of the second story to the ground. Having forfeited 
 their lives by the usages of war, all would have been killed 
 had I not ordered the slaughter to cease. The prisoners being 
 secured, it was soon discovered that the shipping which lay 
 near to that fort, loaded with stores, etc., were getting under 
 way. The guns in the fort were brought to bear on them, 
 and they were soon secured. All things were now secured and 
 quiet, and I had never seen the sun rise more pleasantly. It 
 now became necessary to demolish the enemy's works, as far as 
 possible, which Avas done. An immense quantity of stores, 
 of various kinds, was destroyed. The shipping and their 
 stores were also burnt up. Some valuable articles of dry 
 goods were made up in l)undlcs, placed on the prisoners' 
 
42 
 
 slioulders, who were pinioned two and two together, and thus 
 carried across the island to our boats. The work of captur- 
 ing and destroying this fortress being effected, at 8 o'clock 
 A. M, 1 put the troops under march to re-cross the island to our 
 boats. Having given the command of the detachment to Capt. 
 Edgar, with orders to halt at a given point at the middle of 
 the island, I selected ten or twelve men, and mounted them on 
 horses taken at the fort, with which I intended to destroy the 
 King's magazine at Coram. This place was nearly half way 
 to the pdace where a large detachment of British troops was 
 encamped, East from Huntington. I reached the place in about 
 an hour and a half, made a vigorous charge upon the guard 
 placed to protect the magazine, set it all on fire, and in about 
 one and a half hours more reached the place where I had or- 
 dered the detachment to halt, having ridden about 16 miles. 
 
 When I arrived at the rendezvous, I was gratified to see the 
 head of the detachment under Capt. Edgar, with the prisoners, 
 just then advancing. As none of us had halted since we parted, 
 we sat down for nearly an hour and refreshed. After this we 
 took up our line of march again, and by 4 o'clock reached our 
 boats. These we soon put into the water, and before the sun 
 set we were all afloat on the Sound, heading for the port 
 whence we embarked. 
 
 By midnight, or about 1 o'clock the next morning, every 
 boat arrived at Fairfield beach, although we had entirely lost 
 sight of each other by reason of the darkness of the night. 
 
 This service was executed without the loss of a man from 
 my detachment, and one only was badly wounded, and him 
 we brought off. The enemy's loss was seven killed and wound- 
 ed, the most of them mortally. We took one lieut.-colonel, 
 the commandant, one lieutenant, one surgeon, and fifty rank 
 and file, with a host of others in the garrison. (See Journals 
 of Congress, December 4th and 6th, 1780, vol. vi.) 
 
 No person but a military man knows how to appreciate the 
 honor bestowed, wlien the Commander-in-Chief and the Con- 
 gress of the United States return thanks for a military achieve- 
 ment. On this occasion, tlie most honorable mention was 
 made by both, and conveyed in the most flattering manner. 
 
43 
 
 After the troop.s were recruited, say in two or three days, I 
 moved my detachment to their former station on the line. On 
 this duty wc continued until late in December, when the regi- 
 ment repaired to Simsbury and Windsor for Winter quarters^ 
 
 Operations on the lines having ceased, and both armies, as 
 if by common consent, having gone into quarters, my business 
 as well as inclination led me to move into tlie vicinity of the 
 Sound, that 1 might tind some spot where the common enemy 
 might be annoyed. 
 
 I pretty soon conceived the idea, and suggested to Gen. 
 Washington the plan, of taking Lloyd's Neck Fort and its 
 neighboring fortress, about 8 miles eastward on Long Island. 
 When tlic campaign was about commencing, I opened my mind 
 fully to the Commander-in-Chief, in a letter dated April Gth, 
 1781, and he having expressed a favorable opinion of the en- 
 terprise, about the 22nd of April I concluded once more 
 to go over to Long Island, to obtain the best informa- 
 tion I could get respecting the enemy's posts, their strength 
 in troops, and works, in the hope that I might soon be 
 permitted to go over and beat uj) their quarters. This I 
 accomplished, and informed Gen. Washington that by the aid 
 of a small naval force, say two frigates, the Sound could be 
 cleared, and with his permission I would take my own detach- 
 ment, and such additional force as he should judge necessary, 
 and break uj) their establishment at Lloyd's Neck, of about 
 800 men, and Fort Slongo, of about 150 men. 
 
 Gen. Washington immediately furnished me with a very flat- 
 tering introduction to Count Ilochambeau, then at Rhode 
 Island, and permitted me to be the bearer of it. I immediately 
 set off for Newport, about 140 miles distant, where I arrived 
 A))ril 22nd, and was most favorably received by Count Rocli- 
 ambeau, who commanded tlie French army, and the Chevalier 
 Destouclics. who commanded the French fleet. Tlie absence 
 of the smaller ships of the squadron, on special service, prevent- 
 ed the execution of the plan. 
 
 The enterprise was of necessity abandoned for the time, 
 and 1 again returned to my command on the lines. As the 
 French army was expected to take the fleld with us in this 
 
44 
 
 campaign, great exertions were made to put the troops in the 
 best order. 
 
 I proceeded to Hartford, to procure horses and accoutre- 
 ments for our regiment, and while there the van of tlie French 
 army arrived, on their way to our camp. On the 25th of June, 
 1781, the French army left Hartford, passing through Farming- 
 ton, Woodbury, Newton, etc., to Bedford. I soon followed, 
 and when they were near the lines, the light troops of our 
 army, met the French army, and Gen. Washington moved down 
 with a fine body of troops, to look at the enemy at Kings- 
 bridge. The red-coats got under arms, and seemed to act as if 
 they expected an attack. 
 
 Wc continued in view of each other throughout the day, 
 and then retired for repose. The next day, the same maneu- 
 ver took place, and I presume there were many in both corps 
 who wished the British troops to leave their strong entrench- 
 ments beyond Kingsbridge, and give the allied force an oppor- 
 tunity to pay their respects to them. As Sir Henry Clinton 
 very prudently kept within his own fortified encampment, Gen. 
 Washington directed the troops to retire towards White Plains 
 on the left, and Tarry town on the right. In this situation the 
 army remained for some time, viz., through the month of July^ 
 and past the middle of August. About the 20th of August, the 
 army was again ordered to be in readiness to march. The 
 common opinion was, that our movement was to be toward 
 Kingsbridge, where some pretty serious work was expected. 
 It soon appeared that the main body of the combined forces 
 was moving up the Hudson, and when the troops reached King's 
 Ferry they began to cross the river. 
 
 Sheldon's Regiment of Dragoons was continued on the lines 
 in the county of Westchester, and a part of the infantry, under 
 Gen. Heath, was stationed in the Highlands, about Peekskill 
 and West Point. Gen. Washington having his own plan of 
 operations, entirely deceived the British General, by marching 
 his combined force down New Jersey opposite to New York, as 
 if he intended an investment of that city. After maneuvering 
 a few days in September opposite to Staten Island, of a sudden 
 the whole armv were found in full march for the Delaware 
 
45- 
 
 River, wliich Ihcy crossed at Trenton, and tlien proceeded on 
 to the head of the Elk, where they embarked to move down the 
 Chesapeake Bay for Yorktown, where Lord Cornwallis liad 
 taken liis station. -— 
 
 While the army was on its march and at riiiladelphia, the 
 pleasing intelligence was received that Count De Grasse, with 
 3G sail of the line, had arrived in the Chesapeake Bay, with 
 3,000 land troops on board. Every exertion was now made to 
 hasten on the troops, and before the close of September the 
 combined army had reached their place of destination, and 
 Gen. Washington commenced in form the seige of Yorktown. 
 
 This seige was carried on with great vigor, parallel 
 after parallel being laid out, and the intrenchments completed, 
 while the two advanced redoubts of the enemy had been taken 
 by storm. 
 
 On the 18th of October, 1781, Lord Cornwallis sent out a 
 flag proposing a capitulation, asking for 24 hours to settle the 
 preliminaries. Gen. Washington replied and allowed 12 hours. 
 On the I'.llh his Lordshii) surrendered his whole army of 7,247 
 efl'ective men. The total number who capitulated (including 
 wounded, and the sick in hos))ital) may probably be fairly 
 rated at 11,000 men — 75 pieces of brass, and 169 pieces of iron 
 ordnance, with 7,704 muskets were also surrendered. 
 
 Never was mortification greater than this hauglity, cruel, 
 plundering army exhibited on this humiliating occasion. The 
 joy and exultation were proportionally great in the allied 
 army, although not the smallest insult was offered to the pris- 
 oners. The terms of the capitulation, and other incidents con- 
 nected with it, are recorded in history, which I purposely omit. 
 
 As light dragoons were not needed in a seige, for the first 
 time since the Continental army was raised, our regiment was 
 not under the immediate command of Gen. Washington. I 
 returned to my own command. 
 
 As the army on the East side of the North River was great- 
 ly weakened by the march of the main body to. Virginia, our 
 duty on tiie lines was of course very severe. Having been 
 honored by the Commander-in-Chief with a separate command, 
 I moved wherever duty seemed to call. My former plan of 
 
46 
 
 annoying the enemy on the Sound, and on Long Island, came 
 fresh to my recollection. 
 
 The fortress at Treadwell's Neck, called Fort Slango, seemed 
 to demand attention, as the next in course to Fort St. George 
 which we had already taken. On the 1st of October, I moved 
 my detachment of light infantry into the neighborhood of Nor- 
 walk. At the same time I directed a suitable number of boats 
 to assemble at the mouth of the Saugatuck River, East of the 
 town of Norwalk, and on the evening of the 2nd of October, 
 1781, at 9 o'clock, I embarked a part of my detachment, and 
 placed Major Trescot at the head of it, with orders to assail 
 the fort at a particular point. 
 
 The troops landed on Long Island by 4 o'clock, and at the 
 dawn of day the attack was made and the fortress subdued- 
 The blockhouse and other combustible materials were burnt, and 
 the detachment and prisoners returned in safety. 
 
 Soon after this I returned to my old station on the lines 
 about the White Plains, where we found enough to do to protect 
 the inhabitants against the refugee corps, under Col. Pelancy, 
 at Westchester, and the cow-boys, and skinners who infested 
 the lines. On similar service the remainder of the campaign 
 was employed, while the combined army under the victorious 
 Washington, returned from the capture of Lord Cornwallis and 
 once more took up their quarters on both sides of the Hudson. 
 
 The campaign having again opened (1782), the general opin- 
 ion was that the toils and perils of the war would soon close, 
 and that peace might soon be looked for to terminate tlie 
 struggle. The country seemed already to feel as if our inde- 
 pendence was sure, and as if little effort was now needed to 
 consummate the work. 
 
 Whatever might have been the private opinion of Gen. 
 Washington, he impressed upon the army the necessity of strict 
 discipline, that the troops might be prepared for any emergen- 
 cy. A reform of the army having taken place, and many super- 
 numerary officers having been permitted to retire, the phalanx 
 that remained in the field was organized anew, and we felt 
 able to contend with the enemy on any ground. In fact it be- 
 came an object of solicitude to come in contact with the foe at 
 any time. 
 
47 
 
 The enemy now kcopinij very much within their lines, tliey 
 fravc us but few opportunities to reach them in combat. As the 
 war appeared to be drawing to a close, the spirit of trade and 
 intercourse with New York seemed greatly to increase. My 
 detachment was therefore posted near the Sound, from whence 
 we occasionally visited Ilorseneck, and the plains on the lines 
 in the county of Westchester, where driving cattle to the ene- 
 my, etc., was a business of almost constant employment. Gen. 
 Carlton having succeeded to the command of the British army, 
 and pursuing a peaceful policy, greatly increased the intercourse. 
 But my orders being very strict to prevent it, we were kept on 
 pretty close duty through this campaign. Towards the close 
 of the campaign, a detachment of British troops, about 600 
 strong, came down Long Island into Suffolk county and encamp- 
 ed at Huntington, as if for Winter quarters. 
 
 As soon as I was informed of this fact, I endeavored to 
 obtain the fullest particulars ; and having learned that a 
 considerable portion of the British light horse, covered by a 
 body of infantry, liad taken uj) their quarters at Huntington, 
 on the North side of Long Island, I conceived the plan of 
 beating up their quarters. It was about the 20th of November, 
 1782, when they felt safe from any attack from our side of the 
 water, and more from the lateness of the season. Having 
 matured my plan, I disclosed it to the Commander-in-Chief, 
 and requested his permission to go over and accomplish my 
 c)bje<'t. I even went to Head-Quarters, and had a personal 
 interview with Gen. Washington on this subject. Having ob- 
 tained his permission to undertake the expedition about the 
 first of December, I began to make the necessary arrangements 
 to carry this my favorite plan into execution. I was, however, 
 informed by Gen. Washington, that altliough I might collect 
 my boats, so as to give no alarm, I must not undertake to ex- 
 ecute the plan, before he named to me the precise time. My 
 order finally came, naming the night of the 5th of December, 
 1782. The fact was. Gen. Washington had planned an expe- 
 dition down the North River at the same time. His intention 
 was to have thrown a large detachment of his army below 
 Fort Washington, while he moved down with the main body 
 
48 
 
 to Fort Independence and Kingsbridge. The enemy thus 
 placed between two fires, would have been forced to yield, 
 while, with my detachment on Long Island, they would have 
 found themselves attacked on all sides. 
 
 My detachment consisted of four companies of light infan- 
 try — chosen troops — and a body of dismounted dragoons, to 
 mount the captured horses of the enemy. I had also a body 
 of Connecticut levies attached to my command, amounting in 
 all to about 700 men. On the evening of the Stii of December, 
 1782, the different detachments met (for the first time) in the 
 vicinity of Stamford, from whence they moved on to Shipan 
 Point, where I had ordered the boats to assemble. Here, find- 
 ing such preparations, the oflficers first began to suspect that 
 something pretty serious was going on. When the sun had 
 set, the weather being severe, I ordered the whole detachment 
 to parade on the shore, where our little fleet had assembled. 
 As soon as the platoons were assigned to each boat, they be- 
 gan to embark, but before one-half of the troops had entered 
 the boats, I discovered a squall of wind rising from the West, 
 accompanied by rain, which, from its violence, made it nec- 
 essary to halt and disembark the troops which had entered 
 the boats. The violence of the wind and rain, mixed with 
 snow, continued through the night, so that Ave were obliged 
 to draw up our boats and turn tliem over to protect the troops 
 from the pelting storm. The next morning the rain had 
 ceased, but the face of the Sound was a perfect foam, so that 
 no boat could have been kept above water for five minutes. 
 The wind lasted through the day, and at sunset it somewhat 
 abated, so that I ordered the troops again to parade. A few 
 of the boats were put into the water, but the wind rising again, 
 we were obliged to desist. The second night was spent 
 in the same manner as the first, and the next day I was inform- 
 ed that three boats from Long Island had taken refuge on one 
 of the Norwalk islands, a few miles to the eastward of us, 
 wind-bound like ourselves, and could not return. The wind 
 and sea abating somewhat of their violence, and the enemy's 
 boats appearing on the Sound returning to Long Island, I or- 
 dered six of my best boats (with sails) to be manned, and Capt. 
 
49 
 
 Brewster, an experienced sailor, was directed to look up the 
 enemy, and if possible to capture them. The boats put off 
 from the shore, and although their course was before the wind, 
 three of them were obliged to turn back. The enemy see- 
 ing our boats bearing down upon them, pressed all sail as 
 well as oars, and steered for Long Island. 
 
 Caj)t. Brewster steered his course so judiciously, that before 
 they had reached the middle of the Sound (being here about 
 I'J miles wide) he fell in Avitli two of their heaviest boats, 
 when they engaged with great fury. On the first fire, every 
 man in one of the enemy's boats fell, being either killed or 
 wounded. Capt. Brewster received a ball in his breast, which 
 passed through his body. He, however, captured the two boats, 
 and one escaped. Although we supposed Capt. Brewster mor- 
 tally wounded, yet ho recovered, and lived to be nearly 80 
 years old. 
 
 On the third night 1 determined, if possible, to cross the 
 Sound, and with the same flattering prospects when the sun 
 set, I made preparations to embark the troops, when the 
 wind rising again most furiously, I was constrained to give 
 over the expedition, which became the more advisable as one 
 of the enemy's boats had escaped, and probably had given the 
 information that a body of our troops were on Shipan Point. 
 
 The next day I removed my detachment and put them under 
 march for camp. On the 8th of December, 1782, I made my 
 report to Gen. "Washington, more severely mortified and cha- 
 grined than I had ever been in my life. A letter in re- 
 ply from (tcn. Washington, dated December 10, 1782, fully ap- 
 proving my conduct, served to raise my spirits again. 
 
 "What added greatly to my mortification, Avas the knowledge 
 that my enterprise was a part of another, much more important, 
 on the North River and below Fort "Washington, stated a little 
 back : but I soon learned tliat this enterprise also failed. On 
 the day previous to the evening when the troops were to have 
 passed down the river, some British ships anchored above Fort 
 Washington, so that no boats could pass by them undiscovered. 
 I cannot say but even this great disappointment gave me some 
 relief under my own providential prevention. But what is 
 i 
 
50 
 
 most worthy of notice, is the fact that when these two attempts 
 were to have been made, in which doubtless many lives would 
 have been lost, the preliminary articles of peace had been 
 actually signed. This was not known to us. 
 
 The campaign having now closed, I took my old station upon 
 the shores of the Sound. Through my private emissaries, I 
 obtained much information respecting the illicit trade carried 
 on to Long Island, etc., and many of these trading boats fell 
 into our hands. One adventure I must relate, from the singu- 
 lar circumstances which accompanied it. In the course of the 
 Winter, I was informed that one of our public armed vessels, 
 which was appointed to cruise in the Sound to protect our com- 
 merce and to prevent the illicit trade (technically called the 
 London trade) ^ was actually engaged in carrying it on. She 
 was a large sloop called the Shuldham, armed and equipped, 'and 
 commanded, I think, by Capt. Hoyt. I hardly knew how to 
 suspect him, but having been minutely informed of the invoice 
 of her goods, and that she would l)e at Norwalk on a given 
 day, I felt in duty bound, under my orders, to watch her. I 
 repaired to Norwalk with a few dragoons, and finding said 
 sloop coming up the harbor, I took out a warrant, got a con- 
 stable, and when she anchored below at the Old Wells, I got a 
 boat and went on board. After due salutations were passed, I 
 took the captain into the cabin and informed him of my suspi- 
 cions and errand. He flew into a great passion, and first 
 threatened to throw me overboard. I endeavored to satisfy him 
 of the futility of such threats, and ordered him, by virtue of 
 my superior military rank, to obey my commands. He imme- 
 diately ordered the anchor to be weighed and the sails hoisted, 
 and stood out to sea, with a smart wind at northwest. I or- 
 dered him to put back, but lie refused, and swore most vehe- 
 mently that he would throw mc overboard, when I assured him 
 if he made any such attempt I would certainly take him along 
 with me. My captain continued his course towards Lloyd's 
 Neck, where the enemy's fleet lay, until we had reached about 
 the middle of the Sound. I inquired of him where he was 
 going, wlien he informed me, with an oath, that he Avould carry 
 me over to the enemy. I informed him that for such an oflense. 
 
51 
 
 by our martial law, ho exposed himself to the 'punishment of 
 death . 
 
 He professed to care nothing for the consequences, and swore 
 lie would do it. I maintained my former course, and very 
 sternly ordered him to put about his vessel and return to Nor- 
 walk, assuring him that if he executed his threat I would have 
 him hanged as high as Haman hung, if I ever returned, as I 
 did not doubt I should. The time now became critical, for we 
 were rapidly approaching the enemy, when I again demanded 
 that he should put about his ship and return. He now began 
 to hesitate, and in a few minutes he ordered his men to their 
 posts, and put his vessel about and steered directly back into 
 Norwalk harbor. As soon as he came to anchor down at Old 
 Wells, so called, the captain went ashore in his boat, and I 
 never saw him again. I now found myself in the peaceable 
 possession of the vessel and its cargo. On taking up the scut- 
 tle in the cabin, I found the assortment of English goods 
 agreeably to my invoice, which I had duly libeled and con. 
 demned. Thus ended my hazardous contest with the captain 
 of the Shuldham, who must have been a man void of principle, 
 and wholly unworthy the commission he held. 
 
 On the 20th January, 1783, we captured several boats with 
 goods, etc., both foreign and domestic. 
 
 Having noticed one of the enemy's armed vessels frequently 
 passing across the Sound, and taking her station at anchor un- 
 der Stratford Point, and learning that her special business was 
 to bring over goods, and take back produce in return, as well 
 as to annoy our commerce from East to West through the Sound, 
 I began to entertain hopes that we might capture or destroy 
 her. To this end, I rode over to Bridgeport to find some suit- 
 able vessel for the purpose. Capt. Hubbel had the very thing 
 I wanted, and moreover wished to have the Sound freed from 
 such a nuisance, as he wished to prosecute his accustomed voy- 
 ages to Boston, etc. We finally came to the following agree- 
 ment, viz. : Capt. Hubbel engaged so to manage and navigate 
 his vessel as that he would absolutely come in contact with the 
 enemy's sloop-of-war ; which being done, I engaged to take 
 lier or ]xiy him for his vessel, which must of course fall into 
 
the enemy's hands. I accordingly ordered 45 men from my 
 detachment, under the immediate orders of Lients. Rhea and 
 Stanley, of the Legion, together with Capt. Brewster's boat's 
 crew of continental troops, to be held ready for service. On 
 the 20th of February, 1783, the same vessel was discovered 
 under Stratford Point. The troops were immediately embark- 
 ed — the whole to be commanded by Capt. Brewster — with par- 
 ticular orders not to appear on deck until they should be 
 needed. Capt. Amos Hubbel, who commanded our vessel, left 
 his anchorage at about 2 o'clock, and at 4 P. M. the vessels 
 were within speaking distance. The enemy immediately com- 
 menced a full discharge of their cannon and swivels, which 
 crippled Capt. Hubbel's vessel in her hull, mast, and rigging 
 very considerably. He, however, stood at the helm himself, 
 and although a shot had passed through his mast, yet he 
 brought his bow directly across the side of the British ship. 
 
 When within a few yards of each other, the order was given 
 for the troops to appear on deck, Avhen the command to fire 
 immediately followed, and in a moment the two vessels came in 
 contact, when the whole detachment boarded the enemy's ship 
 with fixed bayonets, and she was captured as in a moment. 
 Nearly every man on board, was either killed or wounded, 
 while not a man of our detachment was hurt. 
 
 In a few hours both vessels were snugly moored at Blackrock 
 harbor, and all was again quiet. I reported this affair to the 
 Comandcr-in-Chief. who returned his thanks in his letter dated 
 February 26th, 1783, and gave an order of condemnation of the 
 prize, the avails of which were duly distributed to the troops. 
 
 After this event we captured several boats, some belonging 
 to the British and some to our side, for we served all that Ave 
 found carrying on this illicit trade pretty much alike. 
 
 While I was prosecuting my military duties at the head of 
 my brave detachment, after the campaign opened for the year 
 1783, on the 18th of April, the Commander-in-Chief announced 
 in several orders the cessation of hostilities, as the preliminary 
 articles of peace had been received by Cong'ress. He there- 
 fore ordered the cessation of hostililites between the United 
 States of America, and the King of Great Britain to be public- 
 ly proclaimed the next day at noon. 
 
53 
 
 This seemed to put an cud to tlie further eflfusion of blood. 
 It was, liowever, by no means certain that peace would ensue, 
 and the Commander-in-Chief called on me most prcssingly to 
 obtain information as to the probable movements of the enemy, 
 as his letters will fully evince. 
 
 In the preceding month, Avhen all seemed to suppose that 
 peace was very near, an anonymous writer addressed the army 
 in a style calculated to inflame their injured feelings, and to ex- 
 cite them to deeds of outrage and violence against their coun- 
 try. 
 
 The address was couched in language the most engaging, 
 and calculated to inflame the angry passions of the army against 
 that country for which they had fought and bled, and in whose 
 cause they had sustained such unparalleled sufterings. The 
 author of this anonymous address was then supposed to be 
 Major Armstrong, who for some time had been an Aid-de-Camp 
 to Gen. Gates. Within a little time past, Gen. Armstrong 
 (then Major Armstrong) has acknowleged that he was the 
 author of said anonymous address. 
 
 The Connnandcr-in-Chief, having noticed and disapproved of 
 said address in general orders, the next day a second anony- 
 mous paper made its appearance, more inflammatory, if possible, 
 than the lirst. This induced Gen. Washington to convene the 
 general and field officers of the army, with a deputation from 
 the officers of the line, to whom he delivered a most interest- 
 ing and feeling address, in which he wholly disapproved of the 
 course proposed for the officers to pursue. He assured them 
 that they might depend upon his exertions to obtain remunera- 
 tion from the United States for their services, which he did 
 not doubt would be done as soon as the Government could raise 
 the money. 
 
 To this the officers responded most respectfully and affec- 
 tionately, and assured their great leader and commander that 
 they abhorred the measure proposed by the anonymous writer, 
 and would not dishonor themselves by adopting the course by 
 him suggested. This put a most fortunate end to this parri- 
 cidal advice. 
 
 In view of the dissolution of the armv, when tlie officers 
 
54 
 
 would disperse, most probably never to meet again in this 
 world, a proposal was made to establish a society to which 
 every officer might belong, by subscribing to its principles. A 
 committee having been appointed at the suggestion of Gen. 
 Knox, and by tlic approbation of the Commander-in-Chief, to 
 devise some suitable mode in which this object could be answer- 
 ed, and the mutual friendships of the officers of the army of 
 the revolution maintained and cemented, a plan was drawn 
 up and reported. On the 10th of May, 1783, the officers held 
 their first meeting, at which tlie Baron Steuben, as senior officer, 
 presided. Gens. Knox, Huntington, and Hand, with Capt. 
 Shaw, were chosen a committee to revise the proposal which 
 had been submitted as the basis of the Institution. On the 
 13th of the same month, another meeting was held at Baron 
 Steuben's quarters, when the committee aforesaid reported a 
 plan for establising a society, which was accepted, and is as 
 follows : 
 
 " It has pleased the Supreme Governor of the Universe, in 
 the disposition of human affairs, to cause the separation of the 
 Colonies of North America from the domination of Great 
 Britain, and after a bloody conflict of eight years, to establish 
 them free, independent, and soverign States, connected by 
 alliances founded on reciprocal advantages, with some of the 
 greatest princes and powers of the earth. 
 
 " To perpetuate, therefore, as well the remembrance of this 
 vast event, as the mutual friendships Avhich have been formed 
 under the pressure of common danger, and in many instances 
 cemented by the blood of the parties, the officers of the Amer- 
 ican army do hereby in the most solemn manner associate, 
 constitute, and combine themselves into one society of friends, 
 to endure as long as they shall endure, or any of their eldest 
 male posterity, and in failure thereof, the collateral branches, 
 who may be judged worthy of becoming its supporters and 
 members. 
 
 " The officers of the American army having generally been 
 taken from the citizens of America, possess high veneration for 
 the character of that illustrious Roman, Lucius Quintius Cincin- 
 natus, and being resolved to follow his example, by returning 
 
55 
 
 to their citizenship, tliey think they may with propriety denom- 
 inate themselves the Society of the Cincinnati. 
 
 '• The following principles shall be immutable, and form the 
 basis of the Society of the Cincinnati : 
 
 " An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those exalted 
 rights and liberties of human nature for which they have fouglit 
 and bled, and without Avhich the high rank of a rational being 
 is a curse instead of a l)lessing. 
 
 " An unalterable determination to promote and cherish be- 
 tween tlie respective States, that union and national honor so 
 essentially necessary to their happiness and the future dignity 
 of the American Confederacy. 
 
 "To render permanent tlio cordial affection subsisting among 
 the officers, this spirit will dictate brotherly kindness in all 
 things, and particularly extend to the most substantial acts of 
 beneficence, according to the ability of the Society, towards 
 tiiose officers and their families who, unfortunately, may be 
 under the necessity of receiving it. 
 
 "Tiio General Society will, for the sake of frequent commu- 
 nication, be divided into State Societies, and those again into 
 sucli districts as shall be directed by the State Society. 
 
 " The Societies of the districts to meet as often as shall be 
 agreed on by the State Society. Those of the State, on the 
 fourth of July annually, or oftener, if they shall find it expedi- 
 ent, and the General Society on the first Monday in May, 
 annually, so long as they shall deem it necessary; afterwards 
 at least once in every three years. 
 
 " At .each meeting, the principles of the Institution will be 
 fully considered, and the best measures to promote them 
 adopted. 
 
 " The State Societies to have a President, Vice-President, 
 Secretary, Treasurer, and Assistant Treasurer, to be chosen 
 annually by a majority of votes at the State meeting. 
 
 " In order to form funds w4iich may be respectable and as- 
 sist tlie unfortunate, each officer shall deliver to the Treasurer 
 of the State Society one month's pay, which shall remain for- 
 ever to the use of the State Society, the interest only of which, 
 if necessary, to be appropriated to the relief of the unfortunate. 
 
56 
 
 " The Society shall have an order, by which its members 
 shall be known and distinguished, which shall be a medal of 
 gold, of a proper size to receive the emblems, and be suspended 
 by a deep blue ribbon, two inches wide, edged with white, de- 
 scriptive of the union of America and Fame." 
 
 Gen. Washington was chosen President of the General 
 Society, and the officers in the respective States organized 
 their State Societies. In the Connecticut line, to which I 
 belonged, the officers generally deposited a month's pay in pub- 
 lic securities, which, being afterwards funded by the government, 
 made a handsome capital. 
 
 Being chosen Treasurer, I brought the capital stock to be a 
 productive fund — the surplus interest being made aprincipal. 
 In this office I continued several years, until I was chosen 
 President of the Society, when I resigned the Treasurer's seals. 
 In many of the States, acts of incorporation had been obtained 
 for their State Societies, which became necessary for the pro- 
 tection of their funds. Application was made repeatedly for a 
 like privilege for our State Society ; but there seemed to be a 
 jealousy in the minds of some that it would be like encouraging 
 a sort of self-erected aristocracy. 
 
 About this time Gen. Washington, our President-General, 
 feeling unwilling to do anything to excite a popular ferment, 
 especially towards the officers of the late revolutionary army, 
 proposed to the State Societies to abolish the Institution. 
 He felt so unwilling to be instrumental in any way to such 
 an end, that he requested Col. Humphreys to attend one of 
 our anniversary meetings, and to explain his views and wishes 
 to us. Having no prospect of obtaining a charter from the 
 State to protect our funds, we discussed the subject pretty 
 fully, and finally agreed to abolish the Institution in Connecticut. 
 We further agreed to pass our funds over into the hands 
 of the Treasurer of Yale College, leaving it optional with 
 every officer to withdraw his subscription, or not, as he pleased. 
 
 Peace having finally been agreed on between Great Britain 
 and the United States of America, on the second of September, 
 1783. Gen. Washington issued his farewell orders to the armies 
 of the United States, which he had commanded for the previous 
 
67 
 
 eight years. His language was so impressive, and his advice so 
 appropriate, tliat I cannot deny myself the pleasure of transcrib- 
 ing them into my journal. Having taken notice of the procla- 
 mation of Congress under date of October 18th, 1783, he adds : 
 
 " It only remains for tiie Commander-in-Chief to address him- 
 self once more, and that for the last time, to the armies of the 
 United States, however widely dispersed the individuals who 
 composed them may be. and to bid them an affectionate, a long 
 farewell. But before the Commander-in-Chief takes his final 
 leave of those he holds most dear, he wishes to indulge himself 
 a few moments in a brief review of the past. 
 
 " He will then take theliberty of exploring, with his military 
 friends, their future prospects ; of advising the general line of 
 conduct which, in his opinion, ought to be pursued, and he will 
 conclude the address by expressing the obligations he feels him- 
 self under for the spirited and able assistance he has experienced 
 from them in the performance of an arduous office. 
 
 '• A contemplation of the complete attainment, at a period 
 earlier than could have been expected, of the object for Avhich 
 we contended against so formidable a power, cannot but inspire 
 us with astonishment and gratitude. The disadvantageous cir- 
 cumstances on our part with which the war was undertaken, 
 can never V)c forgotten. The singular interpositions of Provi- 
 dence, in our feeble condition, were such as could scarcely es- 
 cape the attention of the most unobserving. While the unpar- 
 alleled perseverence of the armies of the United States, 
 through almost every possible suffering and discouragement, 
 for the space of eight long years, was little short of a standing 
 miracle. 
 
 '* It is not the meaning, nor within the compass of this ad- 
 dress to detail the hardships peculiarly incident to our service, 
 nor to describe the distresses which, in several instances, have 
 resulted from the extremes of hunger and nakedness, combined 
 with the rigors of an inclement season ; nor is it necessary to 
 dwell on the dark side of our past affairs. Every American 
 officer and soldier must noAv console himself for any unpleasant 
 circumstances which may have occurred, by the recollection of 
 the uncommon scenes in which he has been called to act no in- 
 
68 
 
 glorious part, and the astonishing events of which he has been 
 a witness — events which have seldom if ever before taken 
 place on the stage of human action ; nor can this probably ever 
 happen again. For who has ever before seen a disciplined ar- 
 my formed from such raw materials ? Who that was not a 
 witness could imagine that the most violent local prejudices 
 would cease so soon, and that men who came from the different 
 parts of the continent, strongly disposed by the habits of educa- 
 tion to despise and quarrel with each other, would instantly be- 
 come one patriotic band of brothers ? Or who that was not on 
 the spot, can trace the steps by which such a wonderful revolu- 
 tion has been effected, and such a glorious period put to all our 
 toils ? 
 
 " It is universally acknowledged that the enlarged prospects 
 of happiness, opened by the confirmation of our independence 
 and sovereignty, almost exceed the power of description ; and 
 shall not the brave men who have contributed so essentially to 
 those inestimable acquisitions, retiring victorious from the field 
 of war to the field of agriculture, participate in all the blessings 
 that have been obtained ? In such a republic, who will exclude 
 them from the rights of citizens, and the fruits of their labors ? 
 
 " In such a country, so happily.circumstanced, the pursuits of 
 commerce and the cultivation of the soil will unfold to industry 
 the certain road to competence. To those hardy soldiers who 
 are actuated by the spirit of adventure, the fisheries will afford 
 ample and profitable employment, and the extensive and fertile 
 regions of the West will yield a most happy asylum to those 
 who are fond of domestic employment, and seeking personal 
 independence. Nor is it possible to conceive that any one of 
 the United States will prefer a national bankruptcy and the 
 dissolution of the Union, to a compliance with the requisitions 
 of Congress, and the payment of its just debts, so that the offi- 
 cers and soldiers may expect considerable assistance in recom- 
 mencing their civil occupations, from the sums due to tliem from 
 the public, which must and will inevitably be paid. 
 
 " In order to efTect this desirable purpose, and to remove the 
 prejudices which may have taken possession of the minds of 
 the good people of the States, it was earnestly recommended to 
 
59 
 
 all the troops, that with strong attachments to the Union, they 
 sliould carry with them into civil society the most conciliatory 
 dispositions, and that they should prove themselves not less 
 virtuous and useful a citizens, than they have been persevering 
 and victorious as soldiers. What though there should be some 
 envious individuals, who are unwilling to pay the debt the 
 public has contracted, or to yield the tribute due to merit ; 
 yet, let such unworthy treatment produce no invective, or any 
 instance of intemperate conduct. Let it be remembered that 
 tlic unbiased voice of the free citizens of the United States 
 has promised the just reward, and given the merited applause. 
 Let it be known and remembered that the reputation of the 
 federal armies is established beyond the reach of malevolence, 
 and let a consciousness of their achievements and fame still 
 excite the men who composed them to honorable action, under 
 the persuasion that the private virtues of economy, prudence, 
 and industry, will not be less amiable in civil life, than the 
 more splendid qualities of valor, perseverance, and enterprise 
 were in the field. Every one may rest assured, that much of 
 the future happiness of the ofl&cers and men will depend upon 
 the wise and manly conduct which shall be adopted by them, 
 when they are mingled with the great body of the community. 
 And although the General has so frequently given it as his 
 opinion, in tlie most public and explicit manner, that unless the 
 principles of the federal government were properly supported, 
 and the powers of the Union increased, the honor, dignity, 
 and justice of the nation would be lost forever, yet he cannot 
 help repeating on this occasion so interesting a sentiment, 
 and leaving it as his last injunction to every officer and every 
 soldier who may view the subject in the same serious point of 
 light, to add his best endeavors to those of his worthy fellow- 
 citizens towards effecting these great and valuable purposes 
 on which our very existence as a nation so materially depends. 
 '' Tiic Commander-in-Chief conceives little now wanting to 
 enable the soldier to change the military character into that 
 of a citizen, but that steady, decent tenor of behavior, which 
 has generally distinguished not only the army under his imme- 
 diate* command, but the different detachments and separate 
 
60 
 
 armies, through the course of the war. From their good 
 sense and prudence, he anticipated the happiest results, and 
 while he congratulates them on the glorious occasion which 
 renders their services in the field no longer necessary, he 
 wishes to express the strong obligations he feels himself under 
 for the assistance he has received from every class, and in 
 every instance where it was required. He presents his thanks 
 in the most serious and affectionate manner to the general 
 officers, as well for their counsel, on many interesting occasions, 
 as for their ardor in promoting the success of tlie plans he 
 has adopted ; to the commandants of regiments and corps, 
 and to the officers, for their zeal and attention in carrying his 
 orders promptly into execution ; to the staff, for their alacrity 
 and exactness in performing the duties of their several depart- 
 ments ; and to the non-commissioned officers, and private sol- 
 diers, for their extraordinary patience in suffering, as well as 
 their invincible fortitude in action. To all the branches of 
 the army, the General takes this last and solemn opportunity 
 of professing his inviolable attachment and friendship. He 
 wishes more than bare professions were in his power, and that 
 he was really able to be useful to them in future life. He flat- 
 ters himself, however, they will do him the justice to believe, 
 that whatever could with propriety be attempted by him, has 
 been done. And being now about to conclude these his last 
 public orders, to take his ultimate leave, in a short time, of 
 the military character, and to bid a final adieu to the armies 
 he has so long had the honor to command, he can only again 
 offer, in their behalf, his recommendations to their grateful 
 country, and his prayers to the God of America. May ample 
 justice be done them here, and may the choicest of Heaven's 
 favors, both here and hereafter, attend those who, under the 
 divine auspices, have secured innumerable blessings for otliers. 
 With these wishes, and this benediction, the Commander-in- 
 Chief is about to retire from service. The curtain of separa- 
 tion will soon be drawn, and the military scene to him Avill 
 be closed forever." 
 
 These were the closing general orders, issued to the armies 
 of the United States, at the close of a war of eight yea)-^' con- 
 
61 
 
 tinuance, prosociitcd for tlic most glorious object for "which 
 freemen contend, attended with more appalling- hardships and 
 sufferings than have heretofore been borne by any body of 
 military men ; sustained with more firmness and perseverance 
 than history accords to any other army, and finally termina- 
 ting in the complete attainment of the glorious prize for which 
 they contended, viz., the Independence of the United States of 
 America. No language can express the feelings of the army 
 when the foregoing general orders were read. The most 
 hardy soldiers were unable to restrain the copious flood of 
 tears ; and to some of us, who had been honored with peculiar 
 tokens of confidence and favor, the scene was absolutely over- 
 whelming. For myself, the thought of being separated from 
 my General, whom I lovCd with filial affection, and obeyed 
 with perfect readiness and delight, was heart-rending in the 
 extreme. The scene is quite vivid to my recollection now, 
 more than forty-five years since it took place. No change of 
 situation, no engagements in business, nor any new friendships 
 have over been permitted to abate that liigli regard, tliat pro- 
 found res[iect, that ardor of affection, and that entire devotion 
 of all my jiowers to the views and wislics of this illustrious 
 man. I h»v(Ml and venerated him througli life, I most severely 
 lamented his sudden and untimely death, and should greatly 
 rejoice to be able to imitate, in some humble degree, his great 
 example. 
 
 Before I close the scenes of my military life, I must revert 
 to the Sunnner of 1783, after the preliminary articles of peace 
 had been announced. As little doubt could be entertained but 
 that peace would soon follow, I found it necessary to take some 
 steps to insure the safety of several persons within the enemy's 
 lines, who had served us faithfully and with intelligence during 
 the war. As some of these were considered to be of the Tory 
 character, wlio would be very obnoxious when the British army 
 shoidd depart. I suggested to Gen. Washington the propriety 
 of my being permitted to go to New York, under the cover of 
 a flag. This he very readily granted, and I proceeded to New 
 York, where I was surrounded by British troops, tories, cow- 
 boys, and traitors. By the officers of the army and navy 
 
62 
 
 I was treated with great respect and attention, and especially 
 by the Commander-in-Chief, Gen. Carlton, at whose table I 
 dined with the commanding officers of the navy, and others of 
 high distinction. It was not a little amusing, to see how men, 
 tories and refugees, who a little before uttered nothing but the 
 terms, rebels and traitors to their King, against all the officers 
 of the American army, would now come around me while 
 in New York, and beg my protection against the dreaded 
 rage of their countrymen. But I knew them too well to^ 
 make any promises. 
 
 While at New York, I saw and secured all who had been 
 friendly to us through the war, and especially our emissaries, 
 so that not one instance occurred of any abuse, after we took 
 possession of the city, where protection was given or engaged. 
 
 Having accomplished all my business in New York. I return- 
 ed again to the army, and made my report to the Commander-in- 
 Chief. The troops now began to be impatient to return to 
 their respective homes, and tliose that were destined for that 
 purpose, to take possession of the city. Gen. Washington 
 now dismissed the greater part of tlie army in so judicious a 
 Avay, that no unpleasant circumstances occurred. The 25th of 
 November, 1783, was appointed for the British troops to evac- 
 uate the city, and for the American troops to take possession of 
 it. Gen. Knox, at the head of a select corps of American 
 troops, entered the city as tlie rear of the British troops em- 
 barked ; soon after which the Commander-in-Chief, accompa- 
 nied by Gov. Clinton and their respective suites, made their pub- 
 lic entry into the city on horseback, followed by the Lieut.-Gov- 
 ernor and members of the Council. The officers of tlic army, eight 
 abreast, and citizens on horseback, eight abreast, accompanied 
 by the Speaker of the Assembly, and citizens on foot eight 
 abreast, followed after the Commander-in-Chief and Gov. Clin- 
 ton. So perfect was the order of march, that entire tranquil- 
 ity prevailed, and nothing occurred to mar the general joy. 
 Every countenance seemed to express the triumph of repub- 
 lican principles over the military despotism which had so long 
 pervaded this now happy city. Most of the refugees had em- 
 barked for Nova Scotia, and the few who remained, were too 
 
63 
 
 in:iiu,niricunt to be noticed in tlic crowd. It was indeed a joy- 
 ful day to the officers and soldiers of our army, and to all the 
 friends of American independence, while the troops of the 
 enemy, still in our waters, and the host of torics and refugees 
 were sorely mortilied. 'Jlic joy of meeting friends, who had 
 long been separated Ijy the cruel rigors of war, cannot be 
 described. 
 
 Governor Clinton gave a public dinner, at wliich Gen. 
 Washington and the principal officers of the army, citizens, 
 etc., were ])resent. On the Tuesday evening following, there 
 was a most splendid display of lire-works, at the lower part of 
 Broadway, near the Bowling Green. It far exceeded anything 
 I had ever seen in my life. 
 
 The time now drew near Avhcn the Commander-in-Chief in- 
 tended to leave this part of the country for his beloved retreat 
 at Mount Vernon. On Tuesday, the 4th of December, it was 
 made known to the officers then in New York, that Gen. Wash- 
 ington intended to commence his journey on that day. At 12 
 o'clock the officers repaired to Frauds' Tavern, in Pearl Street, 
 where Gen. Washington had~'appointed to meet them, and to 
 take his final leave of them. We had been assembled but a 
 few moments, when His Excellency entered the room. His 
 emotion, too strong to be concealed, seemed to be recip- 
 I'ocated by every officer present. After partaking of a slight 
 refreshment, in almost breathless silence, the General filled 
 his glass with wine, and turning to the officers, he said : 
 " With a heart full of love and gratitude, I now take leave of 
 you. I most devoutly wish that your latter days may be as 
 prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious 
 and honorable." 
 
 After the officers had taken a glass of wine. Gen. Washing- 
 ton said : " I cannot come to each of you, but shall feel obliged 
 if each of you will come and take me by the hand.'' 
 
 Gen. Knox being nearest to him, turned to the Commandcr- 
 in Chief, who. suft'used in tears, was incapable of utterance, but 
 grasped his hand ; when they embraced each other in silence. 
 In the same affectionate manner, every officer in the room 
 marched up to. kissed, and parted with his General-in-Chief. 
 
64 
 
 Such a scene of sorrow and weeping I liad never before wit- 
 nessed, and hope I may never be called upon to witness again. 
 It was indeed too affecting to be of long continuance — for tears 
 of deep sensibility filled every eye — and the heart seemed so 
 full, that it was ready to burst from its wonted abode. Not a 
 word was uttered to break the solemn silence that prevailed, 
 or to interrupt the tenderness of the interesting scene. The 
 simple thoufrJit that we were then about to part from the man 
 who had conducted us through a long and bloody war, and 
 under whose conduct the glory and independence of our coun- 
 try had been achieved, and that we should see his face no more 
 in this world, seemed to me utterly insupportable. But the 
 time of separation had come, and waiving his hand to his griev- 
 ing children around him, he left the room, and passing through 
 a corps of light infantry who were paraded to receive him, he 
 walked silently on to AVhitehall, where a barge was in 
 waiting. We all followed in mournful silence to the wharf, 
 where a prodigious crowd had assembled to witness the depart- 
 ure of the man who, under God, had been the great agent in 
 establishing the glory and independence of these United States. 
 As soon as he was seated, the barge put off into the river, and 
 when out in the stream, our great and beloved General waived 
 his hat, and bid us a silent adieu. 
 
 We paid him the same affectionate compliment, and then re- 
 turned to the same hotel whence Gen. Washington had so 
 recently departed. Thus closed one of the most interesting 
 and affecting scenes that I ever witnessed — a scene so fraught 
 with feeling, that it seemed for a time as if it never could be 
 erased from vivid and constant reflection. But, such is tlie 
 wise constitution of human nature, that other objects and pur- 
 suits occupy the mind and engross the attention, or life would 
 become a burden too heavy to bear. 
 
 In a few days, all the officers who had assembled at New 
 York to participate in the foregoing heart-rending scene, de- 
 parted to their several places of abode, to commence anew 
 their avocations for life. 
 
 Having for seven years been banished from the home of my 
 father, at Brookhaven, in Suffolk county, on Long Island, I de- 
 
65 
 
 termined to visit tlic ]»lacc of my uativity. Accordingly, I 
 set out to pay my respects to my honored father and friends at 
 Brookliavcn aforesaid. Being principally Whigs, and now 
 emancipated from their late severe bondage, tlie people had 
 determined that they would celebrate the occasion by some 
 public demonstration of their joy. They therefore concluded 
 to have public notice given, that on a day near at hand, tliey 
 would have an ox roasted whole on the public green, to partake 
 of which all were invited to attend. I remember well, that 
 al'tcr a most joyful meeting with my former friends (many of 
 whom I liad not seen since the war commenced), I was ap- 
 pointed master of ceremonies for the occasion. When the ox 
 was well roasted, the noble animal on his spit was removed 
 to a proper place, and after a blessing from the God of Battles 
 had been invoked by my honored father, I began to carve, dis- 
 sect, and distribute to the multitude around me. The aged 
 and the young, the male and the female, rejoiced to receive a 
 portion, which, from the novelty of the scene, and being in com- 
 memoration of so great an event, obtained a peculiar zest. All 
 was harmony and joy, for all seemed to be of one mind. 
 
 A Tory could not have lived in that atmosphere one minute. 
 By sunset the whole concourse — a vast multitude — dispersed 
 and returned to their own homes in quietness and peace. The 
 joy of the Whig population through the island was literally 
 unbouuded, nor could it be expected that tlieir Tory neigh- 
 bors would escape, unnoticed, through such a scene of re- 
 joicing after victory. In some instances private satisfac- 
 tion was taken in a pretty summary manner, but in most cases 
 the milder process of law was resorted to and maintained. 
 
 From this most pleasing scene of liberality and public re- 
 joicing, 1 concluded to take a ride quite to the East end of 
 Long Island, Suffolk county, which embraces much the greatest 
 part of Long Island, and had been well known to be friendly 
 to the American cause. For this they had suffered much from 
 the British troops, as well as from their adherents. In my jour- 
 ney down the island, my reception by tiie inhabitants was most 
 gratifying. Private hospitality and public honor were most 
 6 
 
66 
 
 liberally bestowed on any man who had served in the revolu- 
 tionary army. 
 
 The Autumn and Winter of 1783 were devoted very much 
 to these most pleasing and delightful visitations. Among 
 others (not the least pleasant and interesting) were those 
 which secured to me a companion and friend, the most desir- 
 able, in my view, had I been privileged with a choice 
 from her whole sex. After visiting Connecticut, and arrang- 
 ing and settling my plans for mercantile life, in the place 
 where I now reside, on the 18th of March, 1784, I led Miss 
 Floyd to the hymenial altar, and commenced the life and 
 duties of a married man. She was the eldest daughter of the 
 Hon. William Floyd, of Mastic, Long Island. He was a man 
 of very extensive landed possessions on the island, but having 
 actively engaged on the side and in the cause of his country, 
 he was obliged to abandon his estates, and was a member of 
 Congress through the war. As soon as peace was proclaimed, 
 he, with many others who had'left their property in the hands 
 or under the control of tlie common enemy, returned to their 
 homes. These they found, for the most part, sadly changed for 
 the worse. But it was very comforting to all who had suffered 
 this voluntar}' banishment from their own soil, once more to 
 place the soles of their feet upon it. The nuptials of Miss 
 Floyd and myself were solemnized on the 18th of March, 1784, 
 my honored father officiating, when Gen. Floyd gave a most 
 sumptuous entertainment to a great number of invited guests. 
 
 Soon after our marriage, we paid a visit to New York, 
 where we found a great number of friends, with whom we 
 spent a few weeks very pleasantly. We were treated with 
 great hospitality by the family of Mr. Joseph Hallett, at 
 whose hospitable abode we were invited to take up our lodg- 
 ings. After this visit was ended, we returned back to Mastic, 
 calling on our friends on the North side of Long Island and on 
 Shelter Island, whom we wished to see before we departed to 
 our abode at Litchfield, Connecticut. We took a jaunt down 
 the island, which was considered rather as a parting visit. In 
 this also we had a very pleasant journey, and time seemed to 
 
 L.oFC. 
 
G7 
 
 glide insensibly away, which brought us every day nearer to 
 the period when we expected to bid Long Island a final adieu 
 as our home. Indeed, I had not made it my place of residence 
 since I entered college in the year 1769, and as for my beloved 
 partner, she had never seen her father's house since the family 
 left it in the year 177(5, Avhcn the British troops took posses- 
 sion of it and Ncav York. 
 
 1784. Having now closed the scenes of my military life with 
 the past year, which had l)cen of almost eight years' continu- 
 ance, and being about to commence an entirely new pursuit, 
 most probably for life, a few reflections very naturally arise in 
 my mind, in reviewing the subject. In the first place, the 
 contemplation of the momentous events of the revolutionary 
 war, in which 1 had taken somehumljle part, fills my mind with 
 wonder and astonishment. When I reflect on the condition of 
 these colonies when the liattles of Lexington and Bunker Hill 
 were fought, and the first hostile gun was fired, compared with 
 that of Great Britain — our enemy — it looks almost like mad- 
 ness to have ventured on the mighty conflict, and little less 
 than a miracle that we were sustained through such a bloody 
 war, and finally came out of it completely victorious. 2nd. 
 When I reflect upon the hardships and dangers to which I 
 was exposed in such a conflict, and the very peculiar hazards 
 which befell me at times in the execution of duties which de- 
 volved upon me, aside from those that are common to a mili- 
 tary life, I can scarcely credit my recollections on this subject. 
 But when I further reflect that, in all tlie general battles that 
 were fought, when the 'Jiid Regiment of Light Dragoons took 
 a part, I never failetl to be at the head of my corps, and more 
 especially that in many separate enterprises in which I was en- 
 gaged, and in which I had the sole responsibility and com- 
 mand, attended Avith peculiar dangers, both on the land and 
 by water, and that through the whole my life has not only been 
 preserved, but I have never received a dangerous wound, nor 
 had a single bone broken, I seem to myself a singular instance of 
 the Divine protection and care. 
 
 In this review of the special mercies of God vouchsafed to 
 me, I desire most devoutly to adore and l)less His protecting 
 
68 
 
 hand, and call on my soul and every faculty that I possess to 
 adore and praise my Divine Benefactor. 
 
 3rd. In addition to the protection of a merciful Providence, 
 I would notice the peculiar marks of attention which I uni- 
 formly received from the Commander-in-Chief through the 
 war. Having been early and personally acquainted with this 
 great man, I held him in high veneration, and when he ap- 
 pointed me, or rather requested me to take charge of a par- 
 ticular pari of his private correspondence, this brouglit us into 
 frequent and intimate correspondence. His approbation of 
 my conduct, on many occasions, expressed l)oth publicly and 
 privately by letter, together with the favorable expression of 
 Congress, afibrded me the highest satisfaction that a soldier 
 could receive. 
 
 4th. Among all tlie vices and false i)ursuits to which the 
 military life is liable, perhaps none is more prominent than 
 dueling. Having early imbibed the sentiment, that no man 
 had a right to expose his life in this manner, I openly avowed 
 my opinion, and yet amidst all the clashing of interests and 
 opinions to which we were exposed, I never was called upon 
 to defend my honor by this heaven-daring resort. 
 
 I always determined that I never would be guilty of this 
 murderous sin, and yet I am not conscious that any man ever 
 thought me to be a coward. For this early imbibed opinion 
 and subsequent restraining conduct, I desire most humbly and 
 devoutly to adore and bless God. 
 
 BENJAMIN TALLMADGE. 
 
69 
 
 REMARKS 
 
 The roiouoiiig- memoir wa.s prcparetl by my venerable parent, 
 and I will l»rielly add, that Col. Tallmadoe continued to reside 
 in Litchfield, Connecticut, until his death, wliic-h occurred on 
 the 7th of March, 1835 ; havint;- lost my mother on the 3rd 
 of June, 1805, leaving five sons and two daughters. 
 
 On the 3rd of May, 1808, he married the daughter of Joseph 
 llallett, Esq., of the city of New York, who survived him but a 
 few years. 
 
 Col. Tallmadgc, after the close of the revolution, engaged 
 extensively in commercial pursuits in Litchfield, Connecticut, 
 and elsewhere. In 1800, he Avas elected a Representative in 
 Congress from the State of Connecticut, and was continued by 
 successive elections as such Representative, until 1816, when 
 he declined a further election. In 1812, he was tendered by 
 President Madison a high and prominent command in the 
 Nortiicrn division of the army of the United States, which he 
 declined. 
 
 At the formation of the Society of the Cincinnati for the 
 State of Connecticut, he was elected their Treasurer and then 
 President, and continued as such until their dissolution. 
 
 After leaving Congress, Col. Tallmadge was appointed the 
 President of a Banking Institution at Litchfield, which, with his 
 domestic duties, afforded him sufficient occupation for his de- 
 clining years. He died at the mature age of 82 years, crowned 
 by all the temporal honors that the most ambitious could covet, 
 and, as we trust, realizing on his separation from life, that 
 
70 
 
 higher crown of glory which seemed to be the highest ambition 
 of his well-spent life. 
 
 During his long official life, he became associated with most 
 of the distinguished men of our country, and enjoyed the respect 
 and confidence of the Quincys, the Pickerings, the Trumbulls, 
 the Morrises, the Rutledges, the Griswolds, and the Bayards 
 of that day. 
 
 It was a source of great pleasure to Col. Tallmadge to meet 
 witli the companions of his revolutionary struggles, and many 
 now recollect the interesting and affectionate interview that 
 occurred between himself and Lafayette, at New Haven, on his 
 late visit to this country after so many years of separation. 
 They embraced and wept at the interview when they recurred 
 to the trying scenes through which they had passed in the arden- 
 cy of youth, and that they were severally blessed by the grate- 
 ful feelings of their countrymen, and the most distinguished 
 notice of our government. 
 
 F. A. TALLMADGE. 
 
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