^ ^' •<' / V CONCORD: PUBLISHED BY GEORGE HOUGH, Sold at the Concord Book-Store. ♦♦■♦♦♦♦♦♦♦■ 67 •^frj^ \ r*3t-«' z' ^lu^ \^ GciiiJj yn^j'.sji^ Andv^'ir. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF GEORGE WASHlNGTOJs^. General George Washington was born in the parish of Washington, West- moreland county, in Virginia, February 22, 3,'73n, He was the third son (and first rry a second marriage) of Mr. Au- gustine ^Vkshington, a planter and far- mer of respectable talents, distinguished I reputation, and large estate, in Virginia, j The ancestors of this gentleman, about I the year 1657, removed from Yorkshire ' in England, to Virginia, and settled in King George's county. The General's early education, con- ducted by a private tutor, under the di- rection,of his father, was such as favored 4 Biography of Washington, the production of an athletic and vigor- ous body, and the formation of a correct and solid mind. Inhaling a pure moun- tain air, accustomed to the healthful occupations of rural life, and to the man- ly toils of the chace, his Jimbs expanded to a robust, well proportioned, and grace- ful size, adapted to endure the fatigues of his future life, and to sustain the ac- tive energies of his noble soul. By ]ik tutor he was taught English grammai^ the elements of the mathematics^i^nd the rudiments of the Latin language. At the age of ten years, his father died. When he was fifteen years^ * age, he entered as a midshipman on board a British ship of war, stationed on the coast of Virginia ; but his mother, then a widow, expressing her reluctance at his engaging in that professioii, the plan was relinquished. — At the age of nine- teen years, he was appointed Adjutant General of the militia of one of the dis- tricts in the then province of Virginia, with the rank of Major. During the Biography of Washington, 5 twentieth year of his age, he was selected and deputed by Governor Dinw iddie, of Virginia, to undertake an arduous and dangerous embassy to the then French commander on the Ohio, Monsieur de St. Pierre, complaining of the infractions of the treaties subsisting between Great Bri- tain and France, and to endeavour to pre- vent the calamities of war on the frontiers. ^^— .This journey of several hundred miles, through a wilderness inhabited only by savage beasts and more savage Indians, he commenced late in the month of October, on foot, with but few^ attendants; and he endured the fatigues, and performed the duties of liis mission, with uncommon fortitude, industry, and address. By his journal of this expedition, he mani- fested that strength and correctness of mind, that ease and manliness of style, and that judgment and accuracy in doing 1 business, which afterwards characteriz- I ed him in conducting more arduous af» fairs. 6 Biography of Washington. Notwithstanding the remonstrances of Major Washington, in behalf of the gov- ernment of Virginia, preparations were made by the French and Indians to at- tack the Colonies, and a war became nn- avoidable. In 1754, when only twenty- two years of age, he received a commis- sion of Lieut. Colonel in the Provincial army. During this year, he greatly dis- tinguished himself in a number of despe- rate battles with the French and In- dians ; and in 1755, resigning his com- mand as a Lieutenant Colonel, he join- ed the British General Braddock as a volunteer and Aid-de-Camp. On his march against the enemy, Braddock was attacked, slain, and his army rout- ed; and had it not been for the prudence and military skill of Washington, who conducted the retreat, the British army would have been totally destroyed. Soon after this, the government of Virginia appointed him commander of all the troops raised and to be raised in the colony.— This commission he held. Biography of Washington. 7 till the year 1759, wheiij tranquility be- ing restored on the frontiers, he resigned his military appointment. He soon after married Mrs. Martha Custis, an amiable and beautiful young widow, and settled as a planter and farmer on his favorite, delightful seat, the far-famed Mount Vernon. General Washington was not less dis- tinguished as a farmer than, as a war- rior and a statesman. He undertook every thing on a great scale, proportion- ed to his great and comprehensive mind 5 and his exact and exemplary method in transacting all his business, enabled him to accomplish more, and in a more per- fect and advantageous manner, than per- haps any other man of the age. He was one of the largest land-holders iu the United States 5 and in 1787 his estate at Mount Vernon consisted of about nine thousand acres, under his own cultiva- tion. Agriculture was his favorite em- ployment, and he pursued it in a manner worthy of himself. •S Biography of TVashington. From the time that Washington left the provincial army, in 1709, until the year l774j he was constantly a member of the Virginia Assembly : he was also a Magistrate of the county in* which he lived, and a Judge of the Court. In ±77% he was elected a Delegate to the first Congress; and also to that of 1775, It was while he was a member of this Congress of the wisest men in North America, that he was, on the 10th of June, 1775, appointed, by their unani- mous vote. Commander in Chief of all the forces raised, or to be raised, for the defence of the then Colonies : and he arrived in the camp at Cambridge, and took the command of the American army, July 2, 1775. On the establishment of the Indepen- dence of the United States, and the con- elusion of peace in 1783, he again re- signed his military command, and retired to the shades of Mount Venion ; where the virtuous simplicity which distiu' guished his private life* though Irss Biography of Washington, 9 known than the dazzling splendor of his military achievements, was not less edifying in example, or less worthy the attention of his countrymen. In 1787, he was again called from his retirement, being elected a member of the Convention which sat at Philadel- phia in the summer of that year, and which framed the present Constitution of the United States. Of this Conven- tion of sages he was chosen President, and with his name sanctioned the Con- stitution of their and his country's choice. — ^When this Constitution was to be organized and put in operation, by the election of proper officers, the Unit- ed States, with one voice summoned him to the chair of government ; and on the 30th of April, 1789, he was inaugurated President of the United States, in the city of New York, amidst the acclama- tions of thousands of spectators. In 1792, he was again unanimously elected President of the United States A.2 10 Biography of Washington* for four years from the 4th of March .4793. In September 1796, having determined to retire from public life, h,e announced that determination to the people of the United States, by the celebrated Vale- dictory Address hereto annexed ; and on the 3d of March 1797, finished his second Presidential term, and* again re- turned to domestic life, at his delightful seat at Mount Vernon. In July 1798, in consequence of an expected war with France, he was ap- pointed, by President Adams, and ac- cepted the office of Lieutenant General of the Armies of the United States. The acceptance of this command was his last public act. He died at Mount Vernon, after an illness of onlv twentv-four hours, De- cember 14^ 1799, in the 68tb year of M^ asre. €HARACTEE OF "--GEORGE WASHINGTON. For the sake of those who have never seen General Washington, it may be worth while to observe, that his per- son wasgraeefui, well proportioned, and nneoramonly tall. When he was cheer- ful, he had a most engaging eouj|;(:enanee ; when grave, a most respectable one. There was at all times an air of majesty and dignity in his appearance. His learning was of a singular kind ; he overstepped the tedious forms of the schools, and, by the force of a correct taste and sound judgment, seized on the great ends of learning, without the as- sistance of those means whicli have been contrived to prepare less active minds 12 Character of Washington. for public business. By a careful study of the English language, by reading good models of fine writing, and, above all, by the aid of a vigorous mind, he made himself master of a pure, elegant, and classical style. His composition was all nerve ; full of correct and manly ideas, Vf^hich were expressed in precise and for- cible language. His answers to the in-* numerable addresses, which on all pub- lic occasions poured in upon him, were promptly made, handsomely expressed, and always contained something appro- priate. His letters to congress — his ad^ dresses to that body on the acceptance and resignation of his commission his general orders as Commander in Chief..., his speeches and messages as President »....and above all, his two farewell ad- dresses to the people of the United States, will remain lasting monuments of the goodness of his heart, of the wis- dom of his head, and of the eloquence of his pen. The powers of his mind were in some Character of Washington. 13 respects peculiar. He was a great prac- tical, self-taught genius, with a head to devise, and a hand to execute projects of the first magnitude and greatest utility. Happily for his country, he was not un- der the dominion of a warm imagination ; hut he possessed, in an eminent degree, what was of infinitely more consequence, a correct, solid judgment. This was im- proved by close thinking, and strength'* ened by daily exercise. Possessing a large proportion of common sense, unin- fluenced by prejudice, passion, or party spirit ; deliberately weighing, in Ihe bal- ance of a sound judgment, the possible and probable consequences of every step he took, and being always under the in- fluence of an honest, good heart,, he was imperceptibly led to decisions that were wise and judicious. It is not pretended that he was infallible ; but it may, with truth, be asserted, that in the multiplici- ty of business on which he had to decide, his errors were as few in number, as veni- fij in their nature, and as unimportant in ±4* , , Character of Washins:ton. Iheir consequences, as could reasonably be expected in the present imperfect state of the wisest and best of men. Enemies he had, but they were few, and chiefly of the same family witli the man, who could not bear to hear Aris- tides always called Tlie Just. Among them all, I have never heard of one who charged him with any habitual vice, or even foible. There are few men of any kind, and still fewer of those the world calls great, who have not some of their virtues eclipsed by corresponding vices. But this was not the case with General Washington. He had religion without austerity, dignity without pride, modes- ty without diffidence, courage without rashness, politeness without affectation, affability without familiarity. His pri- vate character, as well as his public one, will bear the strictest scrutiny. He was punctual in all his engagements, upright and honest in his dealings, tem- perate in his enjoyments, liberal and hos- pitable to an eminent degree, a lover of Oharader of TFashington. IB arder, systematical and methodical in all his arrangements. He was the friend of morality and religion— steadily attend- ed on public worship, encouraged and strengthened the hands of the clergy : In all his public acts, he made the most re- spectful mention of Providence ; and, in a word, carried the spirit of piety with him, both in his private life and public administration. He was far from being one of those minute philosophers, who believe that " death is an eternal sleep" — or of those, who, trusting to the suffi- ciency of human reason, discard the light of Divine Revelation. Among his virtues, his patience and spirit of accommodation deserve particu- lar notice. He had to form soldiers of freemen — ^many of whom had extravi- gant ideas of their personal rights. He had often to mediate between a starving army, and a high spirited yeomanry. So great were the necessities of the soldiers, under his immediate command, that he was obliged to send out detachments to 10 Character of Washington. seize on the property of the farmers at the point of the bayonet. The language of the soldiers was. " Give me clothing—- give me food, or I cannot fight — I cannot live." The language of the farmer was, " Protect my property." In this choice of difficulties, General Washing- ton not only kept his army together, but conducted with so much prudence, as to command the approbation both of the ar- my and of the citizens. — He was also de- pendant for much of his support, on the concurrence of thirteen distinct uncon- nected legislatures. Aniinosities prevail- ed between his southern and northern troops ; and there were strong jealousies between the States from which they re- spectively came. To harmonize these clashing interests — to make uniform ar- rangements from such discordant sources and materials, required no common share of address : yet so great was the effect of the modest, unassuming manners oi General Washington, that he retained Cliaracter of Washington. 17 the affection of all his troops, and of all the States. In battle, he was the bravest among tlie brave. When the service required it, he cheerfully risked his person. Of this, many instances may be euumerated. Particularly, that on New-York island, and at the battle of Princeton, he was so far in front of his troops, and exposed to so much danger, that the preservation of his life can only be accounted for by those who believe in a particular Provi- dence. General Washington also possessed equanimity in an eminent degree. One even tenor marked the greatness of liis mind, in all the variety of scenes through which he passed. In the most trying situations, he never despaired, nor was he ever depressed. Propositions, supported by plausible assignments, were made to liim, by honest, but despairing, timid Americans, to save himself and his coun- try by negociating at the head of his ar- my ; but, in the lowest ebb of affairs, he 18 Character of TFashington. spurned at every such proposal. The lionors and applause he received from his grateful countrymen, at more fortunate periods, would have made any other man giddy ; but on him they had no mis- chievous effect. He exacted none of those attentions— but, when forced upon him, he received them as favors, with the politeness of a well bred man. He was great in deserving them, but much greater in not being elated with them. The patriotism of our departed friend was of the most ardent kind, and without alloy. He was very differ^t from those noisy patriots, who, te?if/i love of country in their mouths, and with hell in their hearts^ lay their schemes for aggrandizing them- selves at every hazard ; but he was one of those, who love their country in sinceri- ty, and who hold themselves bound to consecrate all their talents to its service. Numerous were the difliculties with which he had to contend. Great were the dangers he had to encounter. Va- rious the toils and services in which be Character of Washington, 19 had to share, — But to all difficulties and dangers he rose superior ; to all toils and services he cheerfully submitted for his country's good. Possessing an ample, unincumbered fortune^— happy at home, in the most pleasing domestic connexions — what but love of country could have induc- ed him to accept the command of the American army in 1775 ?— Could it be hatred of Great Britain? He then ar- dently loved her, and panted for a recon- ciliation with her. — Could it be partiali- ty for a military life ? He was then in the forty -fourth year of his age, when a fondness for camps generally abates Could it be love of fame? The whole tenor of his life forbids us to believe that he ever was under the undue influence of this passion : Fame followed him, but he never pursued it. — Could it have been the love of power ? They who best knew the undissembled wishes of his heart, will all tell you with what reluctance he was dragged from a private station, and with ^20 Character of Wdshingtmi. what ineffable delight he returned to it- Had he not voluntarily declined it, he | would have died our President. Others have resigned high stations from dis^ gu«t ; but he retired at rather an early period of old age, while his faculties were strong, and his health not much impaired, and when the great body of the people sincerely loved him, and ardently wished for his re-election. — Could it have been the love of money that induc- ed him, to accept the command of the American army ? No such thing. When he was appointed Commander in Chief, Congress made him a handsome allow- ance ; but in his acceptance of the com- mand, he declared, that " as no pecunia- ry consideration could have tempted him to accept the arduous employment, at the expense of his domestic ease and happi- ness, he did not wish to make any profit from it."...." I will keep," said he, " an exact account of my expenses ; these, I doubt not, you will discharge — and that is all I desire." — At the close of the war, Character of Washington. ^1 he produced his accounts for the eight years it had lasted, all in his own hand writing, and with the same exact- ness that was required of commissaries. The whole amounted to £14,479 : 18 : 9 : J sterling, [§64,33^ : 29i] — Of this sum^ about one seventh [S9193 : 6l4] was for secret services. The amount paid, the time when, and the occasions on which monies were advanced for secret ser- vices, were all carefully noticed ; but for obvious reasons, no receipts were produced. For every other item of the account, the most regular vouchers were exhibited. The whole, at the request of General Washington, was minutely ex- amined by the proper accounting oiSeers, and regularly passed. A tin box, eon- I taining these accounts, remains in one of , the offices of the United states. It is a monument of the disinterestedness of I General Washington. Citizens of the ' United States, bring your children and your children's children to examine its ceutents— shew them the hand-writing 2-2 Character of Washington. of the FATHER of their country — teach 1 them thereon ]^ssons of economy, ol order and method, in expenses — teacli i them to love their country. Fellow citizens, cherish the remem* hrance of the virtues of the dear deceas- ed. Learn from him to be all eye, all ear, all heart and hand, in the service of your country : think no sacrifice too great, no labor too hard, which public good requires at your hands. Rehearse to your children, and instruct them to rehearse to theirs, the noble deeds of your common father, and inspire them with a holy resolution to go and do like- wise. His great example, thus imprav* ed, will be a germ of virtuous actions through succeeding generations, till time shall be no more. The same reasoning will apply with still greater force, to General Washing-* ton's acceptance of the office of Presi- dent of the United States. No motives, but those of the purest kind, could have induced him, loaded with honors, and Character of Washington. 23 Ipossessed of a reputation that had car- ried his name to the remotest corners of the globe, to quit his beloved retirement for the second time, and embark on the perilous sea of civil life. ' Where shall we find words sufficient to do justice to his self-denying accept- ance of his appointment to the supreme command of the army raised in the year 1798 ! — View him in the possession of all that his heart could wish — in the 87th year of his age, when repose and retirement must have been not only de- sirable, but even necessary : View him, under all those circumstances, pledging himself to take the field, whenever the situation of his country required it. — How ardent must have been his patriot- ism! In losing him, the people lost their guide — the country lost its father — its sword — its shield — its greatest benefac- tor and ornament. Rome, with all her heroes — Greece, with all her patriots, eould not produce his equal: not one, 24! Character of Washington. who trod the stage of life with equal dignity, and who departed from it in old age with a reputation so brilliant, and so spotless. His virtues and example are an inval- uable legacy to his country — to Europe —.to the world. His counsels are en- graven on the table of our hearts — His deeds are written with a pen of iron, and with the point of a diamond — His fame is a sea without a shore — His counsels, his deeds, and his fame, will live forever. WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS, TO THR PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES- Friends and Fellow Citizens^ The period for a new Election of a citi- zen to administer the Executive Govern- ment of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be cloth- ed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may con- duce to a more distinct expression of the 26 Washington^ Farewell Mdress. public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the num- ber of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. I begyou, at the sam*e time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolu- tion has not been taken, w ithout a strict regard to all the considerations apper- taining to the relation which binds a du- tiful citizen to his country ; and that, in withdrawing the tender of service which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness : but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the ofl&ce to which your suf- frages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. — I con- stantly hoped, that it would ^ave been Washington's Farewell Address, ^ •much earlier in my power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. TJie strength of my inclination to do this, previous tt) the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to de- clare it to you : bat mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical pos- ture of our aiFairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons . entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea. * I rejoice that the state of your con- cerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, what- ever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present eircumstan- ees of our country, you will not disap- prove my determination to retire. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were ex- plained on the proper occasion. In the 28 Washington's Farewell Mdress. discharge of this trust, I will only say^ that I have with good intentions contrib- uted, towards the organization and ad- ministration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judg* ment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my quali- fications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffi- dence of myself : and every day the in- creasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retire- ment is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- stances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not for- bid it. In looking forward to the moment, which is intended to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not per- mit me to suspend the deep acknowledg- Washington's Farewell Mdr ess, 29 ment of tliat debt of gratitude which I ^owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me ; still more for the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the op- portunities I have thence enjoyed of man- ifesting my inviolable attachment, by ser- vices faithful and perserving, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every di- rection, were liable to mislead — amidst appearances, sometimes dubious — vicissi- tudes of fortune often discouraging— in sit- uations, in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my gi-avcj as a strong incitement to nuchas* 30 Washington's Farewell Address. ing vows, that heaven may continue to yon tlie choicest tokens of its benefi- cence — tliat yt)ur union and brotherly affection may be perpetual — that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained— that its administration, in every depart- ment may be stamped with wisdom and virtue — that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the au- spices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so pru- dent a 'use, of this blessing, as will ac- quire to them the glory of recommend - ing it to the applause, the affection, and the adoption, of every nation which is yet a stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the ap- prehension of danger natural to that so- licitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contem- plation, and to recommend to your fre- quent review, some sentiments which are Washington/s Farewell Address. 31 the result of much reflection, of no in- considerable observation, and which ap- pear to me all-important to the perma- nency of jour felicity as a people. These M ill be offered to you with the more free dom, as you can only see in them the dis- interested warnings of a parting friend^ who can possibly have no persona] mo- tive to bias his counsel. Nor can I for- get, as an encouragement to it, your in- dulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimular occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty W;ith every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necesssry to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government, wliich con- stitutes you one people, is also now^ dear to you It is justly so ; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real inde- pendence — the support of your tranquili- ty at home, your peace abroad ; of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But^ as it is easv to foresee, that from differ- S2 Washington's Farewell Mdres^; ent causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is tli8 point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and ex- ternal enemies will be most constantly and actively (though 8ften covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite mo- ment that you should properly estimate (he immense value of your national un- ion, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, ant! immoveable attach- ment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it, as of the palladi- um of your political safety and prosperi- ty ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ; discountenancing what- ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly fro\mng upon the first dawn- ing of every attempt to alienate any por- tion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various part?. * Washington's Farewell Mdress, 33 For this yoii have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your af- fections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patrio- tism, njore than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same re- ligion, manners, habits, and political prin- ciples. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together 5 the in- dependence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint ef- forts, of common dangers, suflferings, and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our eountry finds the mest commanding motives for carefully guarding and pre- serving the union of the whole. Bi3 3dt JVashingtorvs Farewell Mdres^. The JVorth^ in an unrestrained inter- course with the Souths protected by the equal laws of p, common government, finds in the prod'ictions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprize, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The Souths in the same intercourse, bene- fitting by the agency of the J^orth^ sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the JVbrfft, it finds its particular navigation invigorated — and while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the gener- al mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a mar- itime strength, to which itself is unequal- ly adapted.4. The Ectst^ in like intercourse with the West^ already finds, and in the pro- gressive improvement of interior commu- nication, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad. Washington's Farewell Mdress. 35 or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East^ supplies requisite to its growth and comfort ; and what is, perhaps, of still greater consequence, it must of nesessity owe the secure enjoy- ment of indispensable outlets^ for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength, of the At- lantic side of the union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnat- ural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While then every part of our eouii* try thus feels an immediate and particu- lar interest in union, all the parts com- bined cannot fail to find, in the unitefd mass of means and eflforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportiona- bly greater security, from external dan- ger....aless frequent interruption of their peaee by foreign nations... ...iHd, what is 36 Washington'^ s Farewell Address. of inestimable value ! they must derive, from union, an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by i\\^ same government ; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which oppo- site foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the ne- cessity of those overgrown military estab- lishments, which, under any form of gov- ernient, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty : In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liber- ty, and that the love of tlie one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persua- sive language to every reflecting and vir- tuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patri- otic desire# Is there a doubt whether a Washington's Farewell Mdress. 37 common government can embrace so large a sphere ? — Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case, were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of gov- ernments for the respective sub-divisions, will afford a happy issue to the experi- ment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its imprac- ticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may endeavour to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for charac- terizing parties, h-^ geographical Ahmim- nation s,tA'brf/ierw5 and Southern^ Atlantic^ and TVederii — ■ — whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief^ that 38 Washington/ s Farewell Address, there is a real difference of loeal interests and views. One of the expedients of party, to acquire influence, within par- ticular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spiing from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head :— .They have iieen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to tlieir interests in re- gard to the Mississippi : they have been witnesses to the formation of two trea- ties, that with Great Britian, and that TFashingfon'^s Farewell Mdress, 39 \vith Spaiiij which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union, by which they w ere procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if Such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indispensable.— No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an ade- quate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interrup- tions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this mo- mentous truth, you have improved up- on your first essay, by the adoption of a constitution of government, better calcu- lated than your former, for an intimate union, and for the efficacious manage- ment of your common concerns. This 40 Washington's Farewell Mdress. government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopt- ed upon full im estigation and mature de- liberation, completely free in its princi- ples, in the distributions of its powers, uniting security with energy, and con- taining within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to you? confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures^ are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems, is the right of the people to make and to alter their consti- tutions of government. — But the consti- tution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obliga- tory upon all. The very idea of the pow- er and the right of the people to estab- lish government, pre»supposes the duty of every individual to obey the establish- ed government. All obstruetions to the execution of JVashington^s Farewell Address. 41 the laws, all combinations and associa- tions, under whatever plausible charac- ter, with the real design to direct, con- trol, counteract, or awe, the regular de- liberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fun- damental principle, and of fatal tenden- cy. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force — to put in the place of the deligat- ed will of the nation, the will of a party, often a smalt but artful and enterprizing minority of the community ; and accord- ing to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administra- tion the miiTor of the ill concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and whole- some plans, digested by common councils and modified by mutual interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may irow and then answer popular ends, they arc like- ly, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning. 42 Washington's Farewell Addre^^, ambitious, and unprincipled men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the peo- ple, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government — destroying, afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust dominion. Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance ir-^>~ regular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist, with eare, the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be, to ef- fect, in the forms of the constitution, al- terations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you maiy be invit- ed, remember, that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true charac- ter of governments, as of other human in- stitutions ; that experience is the surest standard, by >vhich to test the real tend- Washington's Farewell Address, 43 enej of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, on the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opin- ion ; and remember especially, that for the efficient management of your com- mon interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. Liberty it- self will find, in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjust- ed, its surest guardian. — -It is, indeed, lit- tle else than the name, where the govern- ment is too feeble to withstand the enter- prizes of faction, to confine each menir ber of the society within the liaiits pre- scribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights^ of person and propeHy. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with par- ticular referaace to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me 44 Washingfoivs Farewell Address. now take a more comprehensive vieW; and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of a spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is insep- arable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes, in all governments — more or less stilled, controlled, or oppressed ; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its great- est rankness, and is truly their worst en- emy. The alternate domination of one fac lion over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism — But this leads at length to ii more formal and per- manent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and re- pose in the absolute power cf an individu- al^ and sooner or later, the chief of Washins:ton'^s Farewell Address. 40 some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an ex- tremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves al- ways to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public^ administration. It agitates the community with ill founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against another ; foments, occasionally, riot and insurrec- tion. It opens the door to foreign influ- ence and corruption, which find a facili- tated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. 4^ Washino:tonh Farewell Address. ^o There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon tlie administration of the government* and serve to keep alive the spirit of liber- ty. This, within certain limits, is pro- bably true, and in governments of a mon- archical cast, patriotism^may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of part}% But in those of the popu- lar character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be enconraged From their liatural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose ; and there being constant danger of excess, the ef- fort ought to be, by force of public opin- ion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flamcj lest instead of warming, it should cansume. It is important likewise, that the hab- its *of thinking, in a free country,, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves JFashington/s Farewell Address. 47 within their respective constitutional spheres ; avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroach- ment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and prone- ness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The ne- cessity of reciprocal checks in the exer- cise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the oth- ers, has been evinced by experiments an- cient and modern ; some of them in our country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of fhe constitutional powers be in any parti- cular wrong, let it be corrected by an a- 48 Washington's Farewell Address. mend men t, in the way which the eonsti* tution designates — But let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any par- tial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, reli-^ gion and morality are indispensable sup- ports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should la- bour to subvert these great pillars of hu- man happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connex- ions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert Washington's Farewell Mdress. 49 the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? — And let us with caution indulge the supposi- tion, that morality can ' he . maintained without religion. Whatever may be con- ceded to the influence of refined educa- tion on minds of peculiar structure, rea- son and experience both forbid us to ex- pect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true, that virtue and morality are necessary springs of popular government. The rule indeed extends, with more or less force, to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ! Promote, then, as an object of prima- ry importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that pub- lic opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength 50 Washington's Farewell dddress* and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it, is, to use it a& sparingly as possible;- avoiding occa- sions of expense, by cultivating peace: but remembering also, that timely dis- bursements to prepare for danger, fre- quently prevent much greater disburse- 3«ents to repel it : avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shun- ning occasions of expense, but, by vigor- ous exertions in time of peace, to dis^ charge the debts which unavoidable w ars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be reve- nue — that to have revenue there must be taxes — thatno taxes can be devised which 4re not more or less inconvenient and un- pleasant—that the intrinsic embarrass- Washingforrs Farewell Jldiress. ai meni inseparable from the selection of the proper objects, (which is always & choice of diiliculties) ought to be a deci- eive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate. Observe good faith and justice towards all nations — cultivate peace and harmo- ny w ith all — Religion and morality en- join this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and (at no distant period) a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. — Who can doubt, that in ilie course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary ad- vantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, tliat Provi- dence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtues ? The b2 WasJiington^s Farewell Mdress. experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas, is it rendered impossible ty its vices ? In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded ; and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. — The nation wliich indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fond- iQess, is in sonie degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity, or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty or its interest. x\n- tipathy in one nation, against another, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intracta- ble, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions — obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Washin2:ton^s Farewell Address. 53 nation, prompted by ill-will and resent- ment, sometimes impels to war the goy- erriment, contrary to the best calculations of pplicy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what rea- son would reject : at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, . instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty of nations, has been the victim. So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a va- riety of evils. Sympathy for the fava- rite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest,in cases wliere no real common interest exists, and in- fusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels of the latter, without ad- equate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite natiooj of privileges denied to otherSf Mf Washingtori^s Farewell Mdress. which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concession ; by unnecessari- ly parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld : and it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded citizens, (who de- vote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their country, without odium, some- times even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compli- ances of ambition, corruption, or infatua- tion. As avenues to foreign influence in in- numerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly en- lightened and independent patriot.— How many opportunities do they afford to tam- per with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public WashingtQU^s Farewell Mdress. 00 opinion, to influence or awe the public councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satel- lite of the latter. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence, (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most bane- ful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be im- partial ; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be Avoided, in- stead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and ex- cessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even se« cond the arts of influence on the other,-— Real patriots, who may resist the in- trigues of the favorite, are liable to be- come suspected and odious ; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and 56 Washington's Farewell Jlddrei»s. confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as pos- sible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. — Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our con- cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be un- wise in us to implicate ourselves by artifi- cial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant sityation in- vites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an eilicieiut government, the period is not Par off when we may defy material injury from e:!iternal annoyance ; when we may Washington's Farewell Mdress. 5^ take such an attitude, as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the im- possibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice^ shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so pe= culiar a situation ? Why quit our own,, to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambi- tion, rivalship, interest, humor, or ca= price ? 'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patroniz- ing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to pub-. Me than to private affairs, that honesty is e3 08 Washington's Farewell Address. the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to ex- tend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respect- able defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraor* dinary emergencies. Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations^ are recommended by policy, hu- manity, and interest. But even our com- mercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor grant- ing exclusive favors or preferences ; con- sulting the natural course of things; diffus- ing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing 5 establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to de- fine the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual Washingtori^s Farewell Address. 39 opinion will permit; but temporary, and li- able to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate ; constantly keeping in view, tliat 'tis folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from aaother; that it must pay with a portion of its in- dependence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by such ac- ceptance, it may place itself in the con- dition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being re- proached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error, than to expect or calculate upon real fa- vors from nation to nation. 'Tis an illu- sion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. In oflFering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, 1 dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish I that they will control the usual Qurrent of the passions, or prevent our nation from rumiing the course which has 60 Washimion^s Farewell Mdress. '^o hitherto marked the destiny of nations : But if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended pa- triotism ; this hope will be a full recom- pense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. How far, in the discharge of my offi- cial duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the w orld. To myself, the assurance of my conscience is, that I have at least be- lieved myself to be guided by them. In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of tiie 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the s^iiit of tliat Washmgtoii^s Farewell Mdress. 6i ^measure has continually governed me; uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, un- der all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position. Hav- ing taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with mod- eration, perseverance, and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not neces* sary on this occasion to detail, I will only observe, that according to my understand- ing of the matter, that right, so far from be- ing denied by any of the belligerent pow- ers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral con- duct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humaiilly.impose on every nation, in eases in which it is free to act, to main- tain inviolate the relations of peace and ,amity towards other nations. 62 TFashington^s Farewell Address. The inducements of interest for ob- serring that eoiiduet will be best referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been^ to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent insti- tutions, and to progress without interrup- tion to that degree of strength and con- sistency, which is necessary to give ity humanly speaking;, the command of its own fortunes. Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it pro- bable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fer- vently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty- five years of my life dedicated to its ser- vice, with an upright ze^l, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned Washington's Farewell Mdress. 63 to oblivion^ as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate, with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in. which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free gov- ernment the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dan- gers. G. WASHINGTON. United States^ ±7th September ^ ±7 ^Q. *^* It is worthy of remark^ that just nine years previous to this Farewell Ad- dress^ General Washington signed the Federal Constitution^ as President of the Convention which framed it^ at Fhiladeh- iphia. September 17, 1787. CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. We, the People of the United St in order to form a more perfect in establish justice, ensure domestic * quillity, provide for the common defj promote the general welfare, an 1 sf the blessings of liberty to ourselves our posterity, do ordain and esta tiliis Constitution for the United Sta^ America. ARTICLE lo Sect. 1. All Legislative Po herein granted, shall be vested in a gress of the United States, which consist of a Senate and House of E - sentativeg. Constitution of the United States. 65 Sect. 2 The House of Representa- tives shall be composed of members cho- fe I every second year by the people of V several States, and the electors in ^ h State shall have the qualifications r lisite for electors of the most numer- branch of the State Legislature. No person shall be a Represeiitative \ shall not have attained to the age of ity-five years, and been seven years a c. :en of the United States, and >vho sh 1 not, when elected, be an inhabitant G lat State in which he shall be chosen, lepresentatives and Direct Taxes SI I be apportioned among the several S es which may be included within this n, according to their respective num- ; which shall be determined by ad- to the whole number of free persons, iding those bound to service for a of years, and excluding Indians not d, three fifths of all other persons, actual enumeration shall be made in three years after the first meeting of xAie Congress of the United States^ and 66 Constitution of the United States, within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law di- rects The number of Representatives i sliall not exceed one for every thirty thou- sand ; but each State shall have at least one Representative ; and until such enu- meration shall be made, the State of New* Hampihire shall be entitled to choose j three ; Massachusetts, eight ; Rhode- Island and Providence-Plantations, one ; Connecticut, five ; New- York, six ; New- Jersey, four ; Pennsylvania, eight ; Del- aware, one ; Maryland, six ; Virginia, ten ; North-Carolina, five ; South-Caro- lina, five ; and Georgia, three. When vacancies happen in the rep- resentation from any State, the Execu- tive authority thereof shall issue writs of , election to fill such vacancies. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers ; and shall have the sole power of im- peachment. Sect. 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators Constitution of the United States, 67 rom each State eliosen. by the Legisla- ;ure thereof for six years ; and each Sen- iter shall have one vote. j Immediately after they shall be assem- Jed in consequence of the first election, hey shall be divided as equally as may 56 into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacat- ,?d at the expiration of the second year; !:he second class, at the expiration of the tburth year ; the third class, at the expi- ration of the sixth year ."so that one bird may be chosen every second year: md if vacancies happen, by i^signation, l$r otherwise, during the recess of the jLegislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appoint- nents until the next meeting of the Le- gislature, which shall then fill such va- sancies. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty fears, and been nine years a citizen of he United States, and who shall not«> 68 Cojiditution of the United States. when elected, be an inhabitant of thai state for which he shall be chosen. 'The Vice-President of the United}^ States shall be President of the Senate; but shall have no vote, unless they be j equally divided. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore in the absence of the Vice-President, o when he shall exercise the office of Pres ident of (he United States. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When silting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of tlie United States is tried, the Chief Justice j shall preside ; and no person shall be j convicted without the concurrence of tw0y thirds of the members present. — Judg- ment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from of- fice, and disqualificatien to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit, under the Cnited States ; but the party con- victed shall nevertheless be liable and. Constitution of the United States. 69 j ubject to indietoient, trial, judgment and mnishment, according to law. Sect. 4. The times, places, and man- ijier, of holding elections for Senators and iepresentatives, shall he prescribed in jach State by the Legislature thereof; mi the Congress may, 'at any time, by aw make or alter such regulations, ex- jept as to the places of choosing Sena- ^ <)rs. — The Congress shall assemble at [east once in every year, and such meet- ing shall be on the first Monday in De- cember, unless they shall by law appoint a different day. i Sect. 5. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and quali- ificalions of its own members, and a ma- ijority of each shall Constitute a quorum jto do business; but a smaller number I Jiay adjourn from day to day, and may I he authorized to compel the attendance ( of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as each House may provide. Each House may determine the rules 70 Constitution of the United States. of its proceedings^ punish its members fo i disorderly behavior, and, with the eon jiurrence of two thirds, expel a member. Each House shall Jkeep a journal o its proceedings, and from time to tim< piiblisJi the same, excepting such parti as may in their judgment require secrecy and the yeas and nays of the members o eitlicr House, on any question, shaM, al the desire of one fifth of those present, bi entered on the journal. Neither House, during the session o Congress, shall, without the consent o the other, adjourn for more than ihrei days, nor to any other place than that ii which the two Houses shall be sitting. Sect. 6. The Senators and Represen tatives shall receive a compensation fo their services, to be ascertained by lawj and paid out of the treasury of the Unite( States. They shall, in all cases, excep treason, felony, and breach of the peace be privileged from arrest during their at tendance at the session of their respectiv(i Houses, and in going to or returning frosj Constitution of the United States. 7± F the same 5 and for any speech or debate J in either House, they shall not be ques- tioned in any other place. ^ No Senatoi* or Representative shall^ Muring the time for which he was electedj be api^ointcd to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the emolu- ments whereof shall have been increased^ during such time ; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. Sect. 7. AH bills for raising^ revenue shall originate in the House of Repre- sentatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law , be presented ta the President of the United States : if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with his ob- j^ections, to that House in which it shall 72 Constitution of the United States. have originated, who shall enter the ob-' jeetions at large on their journalj and proceed to re-consider it. If, after such re-consideration, two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be re-considered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases, the votes of*) both Houses shall be determined by yeas | and nays ; and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill, shall be entered on the journal of each House re- spectively. If any bill shall not be re- turned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) aftej it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjourn- ment, prevent its return^ in which case it shall not be a law. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be neees- Constitution of the United States. 7S sary, (except on a question of adjourn* mentj) shall be presented to the Presi* dent of the United States ; and, before the same take effect, shall be approved by him ; or, being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. Sect. 8. The Congress shall have power — To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and gen- eral welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uni- form throughout the United States— ^ — To. borrow money on the credit of the Unit- ed States — To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes — To establish an uniform rule of naturaliza- tion, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the United States — To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and D 74 Constitutio7i of the United States, fi:x the standard of weights and measures — To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States — To establish post-offices and post-roads To pro- mote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the exclusive right to their respective writings and discove- ries — To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court— To define and pun- ish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and oiFences against the law of nations — To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water — To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years — To provide and maintain a navy — To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces-To provide for calUngforth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions-— To provi^de for organiz- Constitution of the United States. 7-5^ Hig, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the 'United States, reserving to the States re- spectively the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress^ — To exercise exclusive legisla- tion in all cases v^ hatsoever, over such district-(not exceeding tea miles square) as may, by cession of particular States,. and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock -yards, and oth- er needful buildings : And — To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. Sect. 9. The migration or importation: 76 Constitution of the United States. of sueli persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be im- posed on sucli importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person. The privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, in eases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it. JVo bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before di- rected to be taken. No tax or duty shall be laid on ar- ticles exported from any State. No preference shall be given, by any regulation of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one State over those of another : nor shall vessels bound to or from one State be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. No money shall be drawn from the Constitution of the United Stntes, 77 treasury, but in consequence of appropri-* ations made by law y and a regular state- ment and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolu- ment, office or title, of any kind whatev- er, from any King, Prince, or foreign State. Sect. 10. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tend- er in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law im- pairing the obligation of contracts; or grant any title of nobility. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any impost or duties on imports or exports, except what may be 78 Constitution of the United States. absolutely necessary for executing its in- spection laws^ and the net produce of all duties and imposts j laid by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the re- vision and control of the Congress. No State shall, without the consent of Con- gress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invad- ed, or in such imminent danger as will not* admit of delay. ARTICLE II. Sect. 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America, He shall hold his oiHce during the term of four years ; and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same term, be elected as follows : Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the legislature thereof may di- Constitution of the United States, 79 rect, a number of electors equal to the wliole number of Senators and Represen- tatives to which the State may be enti- tled in the Congress ; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the Unit- ed States, shall be appointed an elector. The electors shall meet in their re- spective States, and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves : and they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and trans- mit, sealed, to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the. President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person hav- ing the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such number be a major- ity of the wliole number of electors ap- 80 Constitution of the Umted States, pointed ; and if there be more than one who have such majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them for Presi- dent : and if no person have a majority, then from the five highest on the list the said House shall in like manner choose the President— But in choosing the Pres- ident, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State hav- ing one vote : a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a ma- jority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the person hav- ing the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice Presi- dent. But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice President. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the Constitution of the United States, 81 day on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout the United States. No person, except a natural born citi- zen, or a citizen of the United States at the time of the adoption of this Constitu- tion, shall be eligible to the office of Pres- ident ; neither shall any person be eligi- ble to that office, who shall not have at- tained to the age of thirty -five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the United States. In case of the removal of the Presi- dent from office, or of his death, resigna- tion, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the Yice-President ; and. the* Congress may, by law, provide for the ease of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice- President, declaring what officer shall then act as President; and such officer shall act accordingly, until the disability be removed^ or a President shall be elect- ed. d2 62 ConsUtution of the United States. The President shall at stated timesj receive for his services a compensation which shall neither be increased nor di- minished during the period for which he shall have been elected; and he shall not receive, within ^hat period, any other emolument from the United States, or any of them. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation :— " I do solemnly swear {or affirm J that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States ; and will to the best of my ability^ preserve^ protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States:' Sect. 2. The President shall be r commander in chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into the actual service of the United States : He may require the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the Exec- utive departments, upon any subject re- Constitution of the United States. 83 lating to the duties of their respective offices : and he shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for oflFences against the United States, except in cases of im- peachment. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, ta make treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur : and he shall nominate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate shall appoint, am- bassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein other- wise provided for, and which shall be es- tablished by law. But the Congress may by law vest the appointment of such in- ferior officers as they think proper, ia the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. The President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during the recess of the Seaate, by grant- 84^ Constitution of the United States. ing commissions which shall expire at the end of their next session. Sect. 3. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress iiiformation of the state of the union, and recommend to t lieir consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; He may, on extraordinary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them ; and in case of disagreement between them, with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall think proper : He shall receive am- bassadors and other public ministers: He shall take care that the laws be faith- fully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the United States. Sect. 4. The President, Vice-Presi- dent, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, trea- son, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. Constitution of the United States. 85 ARTICLE III. Sect. 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one su- preme courtj and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and. establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold their offices during good behavior ; and shall, at stated times, receive for their services a compensation which shall not be diminished during their con- tinuance in office. Sect. 2. The judicial pov#er shall extend to all eases, in law and equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be made, under their au- thority ; to all cases affecting ambassa- dors, other public ministers, and consuls ; to all cases of admirality and maritime jurisdiction; to controversies to which the United States shall be party ; to con- troversies between two or more States, between a State and citizens of another 86 Constitution of the United States. Slate, between citizens of different States^ between citizens of the same State claim- ing lands under grants of different States; and between a State or the citizens there- of, and foreign States, citizens, or subjects, In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and those in which a State shall be party, the supreme court shall have original ju- risdiction. In all the other eases before mentioned, tlie supreme court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as the Congress shall make. The trial of all crimes, except in cas- es of impeachment, shall be by jury ; and such trial shall be held in the State where the said crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place or places as Congress may by law have directed. Sect. 3. Treason against the Unit- ed States shall consist only in levying ' ' Constitution of the United States, 87 war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. (No person shall be convicted of treason, ^unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. The Congress shall have power to de- clare the punishment of treason : but no attainder of treason shall work eorrup- ''••ion of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted. ARTICLE IV. Sect. 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State, to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings, of each State. And the Congress may, by gen- eral laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings, shall jbe proved, and the effect thereof. Sect* 2. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and im- munities of citizens in the several States- A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall 88 Constitution of the United States. flee from justice, and be found in an- other State, sliall, on demand of the ex- ecutive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. No person, held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaj)- ing into another, shall, in consequence j of any law or regulation therein, be dis- charged from such service or labor ; but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be dae. Sect. 3. New States may be admit ted, by the Congress, into this union: But no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of States, without the consent oi the lesrislatures of the States concerned^ as well as of the Congress. The Congress shall have power to dispose of,- and make, all needful ruled Constitution of the United States. 89 and regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. Sect. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this union, a republican form of government; and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on application of the legislature, or of the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened,) against domestic violence. ARTICLE V. The Congress, whenever two thirds ' of both Houses shall deem 'A necessary, shall propose amendments to this Con- stitution; or on the application of the legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for pro- posing amendments; which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and pur- poses, as part of (his Constitution, m hen 90 Constitution of the United States, ratified by the legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress : Provided^ That no amendment which may be prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article ; and that no State, with- out its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate. ARTICLE VI. All debts contracted, and engagements entered into, before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the author- ity of the United States, shall be the su- preme law of the land 5 and the judges Constitution of the United .States. 91 in every State sliall be bound thereby ; any thing in the Constitution or law of any State to the contrary notwithstand- ing. The Senators and Representatives be- fore mentioned, and the members of the several State legislatures, and all execu- tive and judicial officers, both of the U- nited States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution : But no relig- ious test shall ever be required as a qual- ification to any office or public trust un- der the United States. ARTICLE VII. The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establisliraent of this Constitution be- tween the States so ratifying the same/ 92 Constitution of the United States, Done in Convention^ by the unanimous ' consent of the Slates present^ the seven- 1 teenth day of September^ in the year of [ our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eighty-seven^ and of the Indepen- dence of the United States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof we have hereunto sub- scribed our names, GEORGE WASHINGTON, President, and Deputy from Virginia. TVT TT 1-- ^ John Lan2;don, New Hampshire, J ^.^^^x^, &il,^'a^. Massaehiispft^ 5 Nathaniel Gorham, Massachusetts ^ Rufus King. Connecticut - Wm. Sam'l Johnson Roger Sherman. New York - - - *=^ Alex. Hamilton. P Wm. Livingston, XT T J David Brearley, ^^^^J^^'^^y - -<^ Win. Paterson, Jonathan Daytoft. J 1 Constitution of the United States. 93 f Benj. Franklin, ' Thomas Mifflin, Robert Morris, George Clymer, Tho. Pitzsimons, Jared Ingersol, James Wilson, Gouverneur Morris. Pennsylvania Delaware Maryland i Viri ginia North Carol f George Reed, t Gunning Bedfordjjr. John Dickinson, Richard Bassett, Jacob Broom. f James M'Henry, ' Daniel of St. Thom- as Janifer, Daniel Carroll. {William Blount, Richard D. Spaight Hugh Williamson. John Blair, James Madison, jr South Carolina, f John Rutledge, J CharlesC.Pinckney, I Charles Pinekney, L Peirce Butler. 94 Constitutian of the United States. Geor-ia - - - - ^ William Few, ^ ^ Abraham Baldwiiu Mtest Wm. Jackson^ Sec'^ry, LY COJYVEjYTIOJSr, Monday, Sept. 17, 1787. FRESEJS'T, The States of JVew Hampshh^^ Massa- ckusetts^ Connecticut^ Mr. Hamilton from JK^ew York^ JSTew J^^sey^ Fennsyl- vaniaj Delaware^ Maryland^ Virginia^ JSTorth Car^lina^ South Carolina^ and Geors'ia, Resolved, That the preceding Constitution Jae laid before the United States in Congress assembled; and that it is the opinion of this Convention, that it should afterwards be submitted to a Convention of Dele- gates, chosen in each Stale by the people thereof, under the recommendation of its legislature, for their assent and ratifica- tion; and that each Convention assenting to, and ratifying the same, should give no- Constitution of the United States. 93 ! tice thereof to the United States in Con- i gress assembled. Resolved^ That it is the opinion of this I Convention, that as soon as the Conven- tions of nine States shall have ratified this Constitution, the United States in Congress assembled should fix a day on ; which electors should be appointed by the States which shall have ratified the same, I and a day on which the electors should assemble to vote for the President, and the time and place for commencing pro- ' eeedings under this Constitution. That after such publication, the electors should be appointed, and the Senators and Rep- I resentatives elected. That the electors I should meet on the day fixed for the elec* \ tion of the President, and should trans- 1 mit their votes, certified, signed, sealed I and directed, as the Constitution requires, I to the Secretary of the United States in Congress assembled. That the Senators and Representatives sh'ould convene at ^e time and place assigned. — That flie Senators should appoint a President of 96 Constitution of the United States. the Senate, for the sole purpose of reeeiv- ingj opening, and counting the votes for the President ; and, that after he shall be chosen, the Congress, together with the President, should, without delay, proceed to execute this Constitution. By the Unanimous Order of the Convention ; GEO. WASHINGTON, President. William Jackson, Secretary. IJV COJVVEJK'TIOJ^, Sept. 17, 1787. Sir, We have now the honor to submit to the consideration of the United States in Congress assembled, that Constitution which has appeared to us the most ad- visable. The friends of our country have long seen and desired, that the power of mak- ing war, peace,* and treaties 5 that of levying money and regulating commerce, and the correspondent executive and ju-! Constitutioru)/ the United States, 97 dicial autharities, should be fully and effectually vested in the general govern- ment of the Union. But the impro- priety of delegating such extensive trust to one body of men is evident. — Hence results the necessity of a different or- ganization. It is obviously impracticable in the federal government of the&e States, to secure all rights of independent sove- reignty to each, and yet provide for the interest and safety of all : Individuals entering into society, must give up a share «f liberty to preserve the rest. The magnitude of the sacrifice must depeni as well on situation and circumstance, as on the object to be obtained. It is at all times difficult to draw with precision the line between those rights which must be surrendered, and those which may be reserved ; and on the present occasion, this difficulty was increased by a differ- ence among the several States as to their situation, extent, habits, and particular interests. E 98 Constitution of the United States. In all our deliberations on this subject, we kept steadily in our view, that which appears to us the greatest interest of every true American, the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps onr national existence. This important con- sideration, seriously and deeply impress- ed on our minds, led each State in the Convention to be less rigid on points of inferior magnitude, than might have been otherwise expected ; and thus the Con- stitution, which we now present, is the result of a spirit of amity, and of that Inutual deference and concession which the peculiarity of our political situation rendered indispensable. That it will meet the full and entire approbation of every State, is not per- haps to be expected ; but each will doubt- less consider, that had her interest been alone consulted, the consequences might have been particularly disagreeable or injurious to others 5 that it is liable to as few exceptions as could reasonably have •Amendments to the Constitution, 99 been expected, we hope and believe ; that it may promote the lasting welfare of that country, so dear to us all, and secure her freedom and happiness, is our most ar- dent wish. With great respect, we have the honor to be. Sir, your Exeellency^s most obedient and humble servants: GEO. WASHINGTON, President. Ey Unanimous Order of the Convention. His Excellency The President of Congress, JlMEJfDMEJyTS, Proposed and adopted since the first es- tablishment of the Constitution. Article 1. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of relig- ion, or prohibiting the free exercise there- of, or abridging the freedom of speech, or 100 Jimmdmtnts totlie Conititution. of the press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. Art. 2. A well regulated militia be- ing necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. Art. S. No soldier shall, in time of peaee^^be quartered in any house with- out the consent of the owner ; nor in time of war. hut in a mamier to be prescribed by law. Art. 4. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses,, papers and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants shall issue but upon proba- ble cause, supported by oath or aftirma- vion, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. Art. 5. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infa- mous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases Amendments to the Constitution, loi arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject, for the same offence, io he twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall he be compelled, in any crimi- nal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or proper- ty, without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. Art. 6. In all criminal prosetjutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and District wherein the crime shall have been committed, which District shall have been previously as- certained by law ; and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted with the witnesses a- gainst him ; to have compulsory process for obtaiuing witnesses in his favor ; and to have the assistance of counsel, for his defence. Art. 7. In suits at eommon law. 102 %>imendinents to the Constitution. >vhere the value in controversy shall ex- ceed twenty dollars, the riglit of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact, tri- ed by a jury, shall be otherwise re-exam- ined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the com- mon law. Art. 8. Excessive bail shall not be re- quired, nor excessive fines imposed, nor eruel and unusual punishments inflicted. Art. 9. The enumeration in the Con- stitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to^deny or disparage others re- tained by the people. Art. 10. The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are re- served to the States respectively, or to the people. Art. 11. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, com- menced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another State, or by citi:?