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TWO 
 
 SPEECHES, 
 
 DELIVERED IN THE 
 
 NEW-YOZIS STATE CONVEZtfTZOW, 
 
 SEPTEMBER, 1824, 
 
 WITH THE C/ 
 
 °'' VVc, 
 
 PROCEEDINGS OF THE CONVENTION. 
 
 NEJf-YORK: 
 PRINTED BY G. F. HOPKINS; 
 
 No. 48 Pine-street. 
 
 1824. 
 
/ .A / 
 
 VV/ 
 

 'O 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 On the 21st of September, 1824, the New- York state 
 convention assembled at Utica, composed of delegates from 
 fifty-two counties, to recommend to the electors of the state 
 of New- York suitable candidates for governor and lieute- 
 nant-governor. Mr. C. G. Haines, of the city of New- York, 
 was elected a delegate to represent the county of Richmond,, 
 and took his seat according to his appointment. On the se- 
 cond day of the session, George Merchant, Esq. one of the 
 delegates from the county of Albany, a distinguished and ven- 
 erable republican, introduced a resolution, which condemn- 
 ed, in pointed terms, but in appropriate language, the nomi- 
 nation of Samuel Young, for governor, and of Erastus Root, 
 for lieutenant-governor, by a legislative caucus. When this 
 resolution was laid before the convention, Mr. Wheaton, of 
 New-York, moved to postpone its consideration to a future 
 . period. In this motion he was sustained by Mr. Gouverneur, 
 of New- York, and Mr. Seward, of Orange, and opposed by" 
 Mr. German, of Chenango, Mr. Miller, of Courtlandt, Mr. 
 Benedict, of Putnam, Mr. Kibbe, of Ontario, Mr. Jones, of 
 Schenectady, and Mr. Haines, of Richmond. Mr. German, 
 in one of those clear, energetic, and impressive appeals pecu- 
 liar to his powers as a public speaker, presented the charac- 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 ter of King Caucus to the convention. The first speech that 
 follows was made by Mr. Haines, on the motion in question, 
 and reported for the Albany Daily Advertiser. The motion 
 was lost, and the resolution amended and adopted. 
 
 During the day that Mr. Merchant's resolution was discuss- 
 ed, the convention wz^s moved to proceed to an informal bal- 
 lot for a candidate, suitable to be recommended to the people 
 for the office of governor. The convention accordingly pro- 
 ceeded to an experimental test of the opinion of the various 
 delegates. De Witt Clinton, Ambrose Spencer, James Tall- 
 madge, John W. Taylor, Cadwallader D. Colden, and Henry 
 Huntington were voted for ; but Mr. Clinton received a large 
 and decided majority over all the other candidates. The con- 
 vention then adjourned, and assembled again on the evening 
 of the same day. The roll was called, and a motion then 
 made, that the convention proceed to a conclusive ballot. As 
 the president was on the point of taking the question on this 
 motion, those who opposed Mr. Clinton's nomination opened 
 a long and stormy debate, which lasted several hours. After 
 a candid and eloquent appeal to the majority to yield up Mr. 
 Clinton, on the part of Mr. Finch, of Orange, which was 
 made in language the most dignified and respectful, and which 
 was received in a spirit of personal regard for the speaker, — 
 Mr. Wheaton, of New- York, addressed the convention, and 
 took an extended view of the leading features of Mr. Clinton's 
 political life, in language of pointed reprehension. This 
 speech was reported for the New-York American, and re- 
 printed in the Albany Argus, and has been extensively read. 
 Mr. Smith, of Madison, made an eloquent and powerful 
 speech, dissenting from the policy of nominating Mr. Clinton. 
 He was followed by Mr. Stevens, of Courtlandt, Mr. Camp, 
 of Tompkins, Mr. Seward, of Orange, and Mr. Barstow, of 
 
PEEP AGE. V 
 
 Tioga. Mr. Viele, of Saratoga, and Mr. Haines, of Richmond, 
 pressed the nomination of Mr. Clinton, which was finally 
 made, after the first ballot, by a unanimous resolution. Mr. 
 Haines's speech, in answer to Mr. Wheaton, will be found in 
 the sequel, and has been published by the friends of Mr. Clin- 
 ton as a brief exposition, illustrating the character of this great 
 statesman. 
 
 September, 1824. 
 
SPEECH. 
 
 Mr. Haines said, that he was somewhat astonished that in 
 the adoption of the resolution, introduced by the gentleman 
 from Albany, an old and long-tried republican, there could be 
 any difference of opinion. He had thought that on such a 
 subject, the convention could not pause for a moment. Why 
 had that convention assembled? Why had more than fifty 
 counties, embracing nearly two millions of people, sent their 
 delegates to Utica? Why had men left their homes, and some 
 of them travelled hundreds of miles ? Was it not to oppose 
 the caucus system ? Was it not to stamp upon it the broad 
 seal of condemnation ? He referred to the call of the mem- 
 bers of the legislature which had produced the convention. 
 What was the crisis which had produced that call ? Two ca- 
 bals, one at Washington and another at Albany, had attempt- 
 ed to dictate to the people, who they should choose, and who 
 they should obey. Two cabals, without the shadow of dele- 
 gated power from the people, had sent forth their decrees, and 
 called upon a free people to go to the ballot boxes and there 
 confirm them. What was the present political condition of 
 the state of New- York ? Was she not degraded in the eyes 
 of her sister states? Was she not shorn of her splendour in 
 the confederacy ? Was she not bound in chains, and deliver- 
 ed over in the political market to promote the views of aspir- 
 
ing and sellish managers on the political theatre ? Great in 
 resources, unrivalled in commerce and agriculture, and pos- 
 sessing a deep interest in manufactures ; fertile in splendid 
 talents and great men, and unrivalled in enterprise and civil 
 policy — her population comprising the physical strength of an 
 empire, animated by patriotism, and led by intelligence — she 
 was a mere shadow in the great contest for president and vice- 
 president. Her sister states beheld her with amazement, 
 wearing her manacles. Like some distant province in a great 
 and overshadowing monarchy, where every thing is moved 
 by one vast machine, she may inquire. What does King Cau- 
 cus decree next ? What news from the Capitol ? From 
 Washington pass to Albany. The caucus at Washington 
 had told the state of New-York who should be president 
 and vice-president : in obedience to the laws and structure of 
 the system, a caucus at Albany had sanctioned the caucus at 
 Washington, and told us who should be governor and lieute- 
 nant-governor. 
 
 It was to this system, extending from the centre to the ex- 
 tremities of the union, that the people might look for many of 
 the evils that disgrace the country. It was owing to the ma- 
 chinery of the caucus system, that two hundred and sixty 
 thousand voters in the state of New- York had been disfran- 
 chised ; that they had been deprived of the exercise of their 
 constitutional rights. It was owing to this system that two 
 hundred and sixty thousand voters were now called on to send 
 in their adhesion to Samuel Young and Erastus Root, through 
 the ballot boxes. These, said Mr. Haines, were some of the 
 reasons that produced the call of the convention. The peo- 
 ple of the different counties had been requested, on a certain 
 day, to assemble and send delegates to a state convention „ 
 This call embraced two objects : first — the recommendation 
 
of an electoral ticket for president and vice-president ; and 
 secondly, the recommendation of candidates for governor and 
 lieutenant-governor. Caucus management having defeated 
 the passage of the electoral law, and thus literally disfranchis- 
 ed the people of this state, and as it was apparent that the 
 people had nothing to do with the election of a president and 
 vice-president, Mr. Haines, said that he did not perceive that 
 the convention had any thing to do with the recommendation 
 of an electoral ticket to the people. It would be a mere idle 
 ceremony — a degrading mockery, that could only serve to in- 
 sult voters who were entitled to rights, and had lost them by 
 political fraud. But far different was the case as to governor 
 and lieutenant-governor. In this matter, thank our happier 
 fortunes, the people could still act. Something was yet left 
 them ; and before the convention proceeded to recommend can- 
 didates for the two distinguished offices in question, he saw a 
 clear propriety in passing a resolution to condemn the caucus 
 nomination at Albany. If that nomination was correct and 
 binding, what had the state convention to do? If Samuel 
 Young and Erastus Root were to be elected to govern the 
 state, for what had the people sent delegates to a state conven- 
 tion? What remained for the convention to recommend? 
 Nothing. They might ratify the decrees of the Albany cau- 
 cus and go home. Would this satisfy the state ? 
 
 • What was the legislative caucus which nominated Samuel 
 Young and Erastus Root? It was a body of men sent by the 
 people to legislate ; to pass the electoral law, and all other 
 useful laws demanded by the best interests of the state. For- 
 getting their duty to the people ; forgetting their solemn 
 pledges to their constituents to pass the electoral bill ; forget- 
 ting the wants of the public, and the honour, the reputation, 
 and the rights of the state of New-York, they step out of the 
 
10 
 
 path of duty, and with schemes of seh'-interest and personal 
 advancement at their hearts, they assemble in a caucus and 
 give to the people a governor and a lieutenant-governor, and 
 attempt to palm off their candidates for these offices. Was 
 this their duty ? Did the people elect members of the legis- 
 lature to hold nightly caucuses ? Did it compose any part of 
 their delegated power from the people to decree in a caucus 
 that Mr. Young and Mr, Root should rule over us? When 
 the caucus nomination of Mr. Young and Mr. Root was sent 
 forth to>the people, they rejected the dictation with offended 
 pride and disdain. And what have they done? Met in their 
 several counties from New-York to Niagara, and sent one hun- 
 dred and twenty-one delegates to a state convention, to re- 
 commend candidates in opposition to the caucus men. The 
 members of this convention are not sent here to legislate; 
 they are not sent here to pass laws ; they are not sent here 
 under pledges to pass the electoral bill, which those who com- 
 posed the caucus were pledged to pass j but they are sent 
 here to exercise a specific delegated power. The people have 
 sent their representatives here to explore every part of the 
 great political field spread before them ; to ascertain the tone 
 of public sentiment, and the condition of public feeling in the 
 various counties of the state ; to ascertain, as far as possible, by 
 a candid and patient comparison of views, the preference of 
 the freemen of this state as to candidates; and when all this is 
 done, to recommend those men for governor and lieutfenant-. 
 governor, the best calculated to command the suffrages of the 
 independent electors of the state. Between a legislative cau- 
 cus then, and this convention, is there no difference? Is there 
 not the broadest line of distinction that can be drawn between 
 two political bodies ? Either the caucus is right, or the state 
 convention is right. Right they both cannot be. If the state 
 convention is a sound republican body, emanating from the 
 
11 
 
 will of the people, then the caucus is a gross and palpable 
 usurpation of power. It is founded on bare-faced assumption. 
 The state convention was called to put down the caucus. 
 Why then should the convention hesitate for a moment in the 
 resolution submitted by the gentleman from Albany ? Shall 
 we hesitate to denounce what the people have denounced ? 
 During the past year, popular meetings had been called in 
 every part of the state, in relation to the electoral bilh The 
 whole caucus system had been execrated deep from the hearts 
 of the people. A tone of indignation and disgust against it 
 had gone forth in the land. It could no longer stand. Public 
 sentiment was apparent, and general condemnation palpable. 
 
 Under these circumstances, Mr. Haines appealed to the con- 
 vention. He appealed to the candour and good sense of those 
 who composed it. Men sat there with their pens in their 
 hands, to send forth to the state and to the Union, the pro- 
 ceedings of that body. Shall it be published to the world, that 
 a political tyrant, with a thousand heads, had his friends, his 
 advocates, his followers, his spies, his worshippers, in a state 
 convention, called and assembled to put down this tyrant, 
 whose power and very existence were every day becoming more 
 and more odious? Was not settled and determined opposi- 
 tion to the caucus system the very foundation of the state con- 
 vention? Gentlemen said, that they were opposed to caucuses; 
 but that the resolution was premature. It was never premature 
 in a free and deliberative body, to condemn, in bold and de- 
 cided language, any thing which was at open war with the 
 popular institutions of this country ; which tended to weaken 
 the love of the people for their form of government, and to 
 render them less attached to its popular character. A caucus 
 composed of legislators, is a body that tends to defeat the very 
 end and being of our representative system. 
 
13 
 
 It was a perversion, a gross and hardy perversion of dele- 
 gated power. It was an abuse of authority temporarily sur- 
 rendered, through popular suffrage, for given purposes. It 
 was a self-created, intermediate body, standing between the 
 people and the ballot-boxes, diverting the free-current of po- 
 pular conviction from its natural channel. What would be 
 said, if the judges of the supreme court of the United States 
 should resolve themselves into a caucus, and promulgate de- 
 crees for the guidance of the nation ? Would not popular in- 
 dignation even burst the bounds of decorum, and demolish 
 the court itself — one of the noblest and the proudest institu- 
 tions in the county ? What would be said if the heads of depart- 
 ment, at Washington, should go into caucus, and give the 
 people of the United States a president and vice-president ; 
 would not popular execration roll over their heads like a thun- 
 der-storm? What would be said, if the judges of our state 
 courts constituted themselves into nocturnal cabals, and made 
 governors for the people of the respective states ; would not 
 their robes be trampled on^ — their adjudications lose their au- 
 thority ? And yet their power to hold caucuses was as legi- 
 timately derived as the power of congress, or the power of 
 the different state legislatures to do the same act. To legis- 
 late was one thing; to caucus another. To decide on the 
 rights of persons, and the rights of things, fell to the judicial 
 department ; to select men to exercise political power, to pass 
 laws, and to keep in operation our representative system, fell 
 to the people in their primary and popular capacity. Our po- 
 litical and civil institutions were wisely and discreetly fra- 
 med. The attachment of the people to these institutions was 
 sincere, ardent, and high-toned. He who should lift an arm 
 for their destruction, would be pursued and hunted down like 
 the midnight incendiary. No man, and no body of men, 
 could openly destroy them. As well might they attempt to 
 
IS 
 
 sti'ike the sun from his path. Combined Europe would fail 
 in an attempt to crush them. But their existence was in the 
 love of that people who cherished them ; and when the voice 
 and influence of this people were destroyed, year after 5'^ear, 
 and generation after generation, by a system of intrigue and 
 juggling; when all power was parcelled out or transferred by 
 the cabals of the crafty, the wary, and the profligate ; when 
 the free exercise of suffrage was perpetually prevented by 
 constant outrage on public opinion ; when men were elevated 
 to power, whose advancement was not desired by those whose 
 ' affairs they administered ; sooner or later we should feel sonie 
 of those great convulsions which shake and destroy empires, 
 and convert, all that is ancient, venerable, and sacred, to a 
 dreary chaos. The people would not feel attached to insti- 
 tutions which were wise in theory, but obnoxious in practice, 
 by the success of imposition, hypocricy, and selfishness. 
 What then should be the great object of those who would 
 guard them ? They should endeavour to preserve their natu- 
 ral and simple operation. Let them move on unobstructed. 
 Their tendency is well enough ; they are safely constituted. 
 Let them alone : — they will roll on, and roll on, grand and 
 harmonious as that system of law and order that pervades the 
 physical world. Stop one, and confusion is introduced. We 
 must keep in operation one national government, and between 
 twenty and thirty state governments. They all embrace the 
 same people ; they all operate on the same population. Let 
 the people have light, and the free exercise of their rights, 
 and alienation and popular disgust would not appear. Public 
 abuses would find correction, and political impostors their 
 proper level. 
 
 Mr. Haines trusted that the state convention would pro- 
 claim to the confederacy, that New-York was breaking the 
 
14 
 
 chains with which she was encircled. A day of regeneration 
 was dawning upon her. It was the last time that her vote in 
 the presidential election would ever be thrown away. It was 
 the last time her voice would fail of being heard in the choice 
 of a chief magistrate of the Union. She turns with abhorrence 
 from the men who have betrayed her. She awakes in the 
 plenitude of her vast strength. She sleeps no more. She 
 knows her enemies, and she knows herself. The Union will 
 know and respect her hereafter. Her population is republican 
 — her purpose firm — her intentions pure — her resolution 
 taken. Eternal perdition then to that caucus system that has 
 fettered, disgraced, and humbled her. Let the vote of this 
 convention stamp it with lasting opprobrium, and the nation 
 and posterity will give us thanks ! 
 
SECOND SPEECH. 
 
 Mr. Haines, the delegate from Richmond county, ad- 
 dressed the convention in reply to the gentleman from New- 
 York, (Mr. Wheaton,) and the gentlemen from Orange, (Mr. 
 Finch and Mr. Seward.) He regretted that any member had 
 deemed it necessary to bring the present debate into the con- 
 vention. It was unusual, novel, and could produce no satis- 
 factory result. To discuss the political character of distin- 
 guished men ; to point out their virtues, and display the lights 
 and shades of their public lives ; to trace back the stream of 
 political history, and recall things that were long since for- 
 gotten in the general forgetfulness of party strife, could an- 
 swer no salutary end. The convention had continued in ses- 
 sion a reasonable time ; there had been a perpetual inter- 
 change of views and sentiments ; there had been meetings 
 out of doors and within doors; constant communication had 
 revealed every man's opinions, and a long, and perhaps a 
 stormy debate could do nothing to clear the judgment, or to 
 produce new convi6t.ions. But so it was. From pure mo- 
 tives, and no doubt for honest purposes, the convention had 
 been addressed in a strain of plain and candid reasoning, by 
 the distinguished member from Orange, a long-tried and un- 
 deviating patriot, and this appeal had been followed by an 
 elaborate speech from the gentleman who composed one of the 
 
16 
 
 delegation from New-York, constituting an attack on the po- 
 litical life of an individual. And what was demanded by the 
 latter gentleman ? He called on a large and overwhelming 
 majority, to surrender their opinions to a palpable minority. 
 One hundred and twenty -one delegates had assembled from 
 more than fifty counties, and given a strong and decided vote 
 for an individual ; and Mr. Haines was astonished to hear that 
 vote arraigned in the convention, as indicating a want of can- 
 dour, of liberality, and patriotism. Whether such a course 
 displayed candour, liberality, and patriotism in him who had 
 thus reproached the convention, was respectfully submitted to 
 the consideration of that body ; something it certainly did 
 exhibit — a want of parliamentary decorum. Much had been 
 said of conciliation — of union — of the preservation of a great 
 COMMON CAUSE, dear to the state of New-York ; but to 
 wave the flaming torch of war amid the cries for harmony, 
 was not lighting up the paths that led to the gates of peace, 
 and to the temple of concord. 
 
 « 
 Mr. Haines adverted to the call which produced the con- 
 vention. It was not called to promote the interests and sub- 
 serve the views of an individual. It was not personal aggran- 
 dizement that induced the republican members of the legisla- 
 tur.e to recommend to the counties to send delegates to Utica ; 
 it was to meet the exigencies of a great and alarming crisis in 
 our political affairs ; it was to redeem a state from political 
 degradation ; it was to wrest from the grasp of legislative 
 usurpation the constitutional rights of a disfranchised people.*/ 
 The state of New-York presented a phenomenon ; she had a 
 representative government, and this government existing by 
 the will of the people, was put in array against the people. It 
 was nothing more nor less than the peoples' representatives at 
 war with the people themselves. The state was conscious of 
 
n 
 
 her disgrace. It was felt at home ; it was seen abroad. For 
 many years past New- York, with all her resources, with all 
 her pride and jealousy of state rights, had been a secondary 
 state in the confederacy. One year ago, the public mind was 
 brought to an intense course of reflection on this subject. The 
 people rose up like an overflowing multitude in some vast 
 amphitheatre, and declared that New- York should assume her 
 proper rank in the political concerns of the union. There 
 was but one voice. Internal faction seemed to shrink away, 
 for a season, appalled and disheartened. Instead of trusting 
 one hundred and fifty men, composing the senate and assem- 
 bly of the state, to appoint electors of president and vice-pre- 
 sident for two hundred and sixty thousand free and inde- 
 pendent voters, these two hundred and sixty thousand 
 voters said, we will elect for ourselves. We can then neither 
 be sold nor transferred, like mercenary troops under the beck 
 of the holy alliance. The election came, and what was the 
 result? Scarcely a senator or a member of assembly was re- 
 turned without a pledge to pass the electoral law. We have 
 heard of the majesty of the people : if it was ever put forth, it 
 pervaded the state, and enchained the gaze of the union, in 
 the fall of 1823. The elective authorities of the state assem- 
 bled in January, 1824: and who wishes to retrace the steps 
 that have led to the depths of degradation ! Who wishes to * 
 travel through those dark windings, those disgusting scenes 
 of political prostitution, which display the worst traits of hu- 
 man nature ; that have barred a free and intelligent people of 
 their undoubted constitutional rights? The influence of New- 
 York was sacrificed. Men broke their pledges, deceived 
 their constituents, betrayed their trust, violated their duty, 
 and virtually rendered the vote of the state the object of po- 
 litical bargain and arrangement. These things the republican 
 members, who called the state convention, plainly saw> 
 
 3 
 
IS 
 
 They heard a decree from a legislative caucus at Washington, 
 that the union should take this man for president, and this 
 for vice-president : another decree was heard from a legis- 
 lative caucus at Albany, that New-York should take this man 
 for governor, and this for lieutenant-governor. Something 
 was to be done. This state of things demanded an extraor- 
 dinary movement. A state convention, to -be composed of 
 delegates elected by the people, by the fifty-four counties of 
 the state, was the expedient resorted to by those who sought 
 to redeem and purify. The people approved of the recom- 
 mendation, and more than fifty counties were there repre- 
 sented. 
 
 What now is the duty of this convention? With the re- 
 commendation of an electoral ticket, we have no concern. 
 New-York will never have a voice in the choice of a presi- 
 dent and vice-president, until the privilege of voting is brought 
 home to the people. The recommendation of suitable candi- 
 dates for governor and lieutenant-governor is now the only 
 duty which devolves upon us. The delegates assembled in 
 that body had come from every quarter of the state. It was 
 one of the most respectable deliberative assemblies that the 
 state had ever witnessed. It embraced the wisdom and ex- 
 perience of age, and the weight of wealth and talents. To 
 select men equal to the occasion ; to fix on men uniting capa- 
 city, energy, and popular confidence, was the great point. 
 How was this to be done? By surveying the political map of 
 the state ; by taking into view the feelings and wishes of the 
 people of the various counties represented in the convention ; 
 by casting an eye on the past and the future, and then decid- 
 ing as public duty required. It was not every man who could 
 preside over the afifairs of a great commonwealth with com- 
 jeteut ability. To guide the fortunes of a state filled with 
 
iiearly two millions of people, animated by intelligence, and 
 borne on by enterprise ; to concentrate and direct her ener- 
 gies to specific and salutary objects; to kindle her emulation, 
 expand her views, and reveal her resources, and at the same 
 moment to improve her civil institutions, cultivate her moral 
 and social relations, and preserve her integrity and influence 
 in the union, fell not to the powers of an ordinary individual. 
 There was a great statesman in retirement. His character was 
 untarnished, his spirit bold, his energies unbroken. His 
 mind preceded the march of the age, and anticipated the 
 views, the wishes, and the wants of posterity. His fame fill- 
 ed a great space, and would fill a greater one, as prejudice lost 
 its perverted vision, and envy and selfishness ceased to pro- 
 secute a vindictive war on worth and glory. The convention 
 by an informal vote, and by a large majority, had fixed its 
 wishes on this statesman, and De Witt Clinton would be re- 
 commended as a suitable man to govern the state of New- 
 York. In selecting him, the majority had been influenced 
 by considerations that related not only to his former policy 
 while he administered the government, but to our present 
 condition, and to our future welfare. Every thing had been ' 
 weighed ; many names had been presented as candidates ; 
 their talents and their virtues had been discussed and acknow- 
 ledged, and the result had been witnessed ; honest conviction 
 pointed to Mr. Clinton, as the proper man to unite public 
 confidence and popular suffrage. 
 
 But, said Mr. Haines, the gentleman from New- York as- 
 sails this preference, and not only this, but he assails Mr. 
 Clinton also, and arraigns and condemns his political charac- 
 ter. We are told that we must give him up. Supplication, 
 persuasion, and menace, are all resorted to at the same mo- 
 ment. Protests and secessions are threatened. Three heavy 
 
20 
 
 charges are brought against the candidate of the majority : he 
 , is not a republican ; he opposed the war ; and he will distract 
 the people's part}', or, in other words, break down the party 
 that has contended for the passage of the electoral law. And 
 were these charges well grounded, and did they rest on facts? 
 It was unpleasant to detain the convention by a reference to 
 political history ; but when a distinguished man is unjustly 
 assaulted in his public reputation, it was the duty of his friends, 
 and the friends of truth, to put down his opponents. It was 
 not denied that Mr. Clinton was a distinguished republican in 
 1798, and 1800. It was not denied that he sustained Mr. 
 Jefferson's administration, throughout its whole course, with 
 zeal, ability, and effect. The gentleman from New-York, 
 (Mr. Wheaton) had not gone further back than 1807, when 
 he said Mr. Clinton opposed the embargo. Mr. Haines re- 
 gretted that a little more reliance on the chain of political 
 events, had not been deemed necessary in making this speci- 
 fication under a general charge. In 1807, Mr. Clinton was 
 the chairman of the great republican meeting in the Park in 
 the city of New-York, that denounced the outrages of the 
 British government, and pledged a vigorous support of Mr. 
 Jefferson's administration. In 1808, he was again chairman 
 of a great republican meeting in the same city, and that meet" 
 ing was called to afford support to all the measures of the ge- 
 neral government, including the restrictive system, and, of 
 course, the embargo. During the same year, he introduced 
 a law into the legislature of New-York to grant one hundred 
 thousand dollars for the fortification of the harbour of New- 
 York ; and in 1809, he introduced a set of spirited resolutions 
 into the senate of this state, pointing to war as the only reme- 
 dy for the outrages of England, and denouncing the measures 
 of the opposition party in New-England. Where then are 
 the proofs that Mr. Clinton opposed the embargo ? Where 
 
21 
 
 are the proofs that he departed from what has been termed^ 
 republican grounds? But, says the gentleman from New- 
 York, Mr. Clinton opposed the war. Where, when, and 
 how? Mr. Haines regretted that he and the gentleman from 
 New- York, diflfered so widely as to facts. War was declared 
 in June, 1812, against Great Britain. Mr. Clinton was then 
 : mayor of the city of New- York ; and would the gentleman 
 from New- York deny, that in July, 1812, Mr. Clinton charg- 
 ed the grand jury of that metropolis, and strongly inculcated 
 a bold and vigorous support of the war? Would it be denied 
 that in 1813 he presided over the board of fortifications to 
 protect the city of New-York? That in 1814, as chief ma- 
 gistrate of that city, he put forth one of the most eloquent and 
 forcible appeals in favour of the war, that ever appeared from 
 any public functionary?* Would it be denied, that during 
 this same year, when a dark and gloomy crisis hung over the 
 country, Mr. Clinton moved the common council of the city 
 of New-York to loan the general government one million four 
 hundred thousand dollars? Would it be denied, that Mr. 
 Clinton, with his own hands, worked on the fortifications of 
 Brooklyn heights to protect the commercial metropolis of the 
 state? Would it be denied that in 1814, having been previ- 
 ously appointed a major-general in the militia of the state of 
 New-York, he requested of governor Tompkins, through that 
 
 * Extract from Mr. Clinton's address to the citizens of New-York, Aug. 14, 
 1814. " The times are portentous. Shall we, at a moment like this, when our 
 all is in jeopardy, refrain from calling into requisition all the force of our citj^ 
 for a firm and manly resistance ? Shall we refuse to sacrifice our time, our 
 labour, our exertions, and property, or even our lives, if necessary, to protect 
 our city, and place it in a state of security .' Let there be but one voice among 
 us. Let every arm be raised to defend our country, with humble reliance on 
 the God of our fathers. Our country demands our aid ; she expects that every 
 man will be found at his post in the hour of danger, and that every citizen will 
 do his duty." So this was opposing the war ! 
 
great and illustrious man, Thomas Addis Emmet, an active 
 command in the service of the country, and would have obey- 
 ed the military orders of any superior placed over him? Had 
 any man forgotten his eloquent addresses to the officers of the 
 army and navy, during the war ? What more could Mr. Clin- 
 ton have done? He counselled, he spoke, he acted, he work- 
 ed, he did every thing but fight, and it Avas party managememt 
 that precluded him from doing this. How uncandid, how 
 unfair, how unjust then to talk of Mr. Clinton's opposing the 
 war. Facts which must sooner or later be embodied in histo- 
 ry, will roll back the tide of calumny on those who send it 
 forth. (^) 
 
 But, says the gentleman from New-York, Mr. Clinton was 
 a candidate for the presidency in 1812. And what then ? 
 Had it become a crime in our free representative government 
 to receive the suffrages of the people for an office? Mr. Haines 
 said, that he had no vote in 1812, and of course no participa- 
 tion in that. great contest; but he well remembered, that all 
 his feelings were against Mr. Clinton. The effort was unsuc- 
 cessful, and therefore, in the cant of the day, constituted an 
 unpardonable offence. But who supported Mr. Clinton? The 
 state of New-York— the GREAT REPUBLICAN PARTY 
 of the state of New-York. Mr. Clinton was the man of the 
 state. He was her pride, and her candidate ; as much so as 
 ever Mr. Jefferson, or Mr. Madison, was the boast of Virgi- 
 nia. But why had this national election been called up at this 
 moment? To show that Mr. Clinton did not deserve the 
 confidence of a state convention in 1824. And who support- 
 ed Mr. Clinton? The gentleman from New-York had pass- 
 ed aneulogium on Colonel Young: where was he in 1812? 
 
 Cn> For proof of the facts here mentioned, see appendix 
 
The open supporter of Mr. Clinton for the presidency. Where 
 was Martin Van Beuren? Thundering in the capitol at Al- 
 bany in favour of Mr. Clinton's election. Where was Gover- 
 nor Yates, who two years ago received the unanimous vote 
 of the republican party for the first office in the state? G6v- 
 ernor Yates was at the head of the electoral ticket. Mr. 
 Haines said, that he saw many distinguished federalists, in 
 what are called the republican ranks. Their political regen- 
 eration had been a silent operation, without the aid of mira- 
 cles. All this he did not censure : he was glad to see libera- 
 lity and toleration in any quarter. 
 
 The convention had heard much about harmony. There 
 were great apparent efibrts for a perfect union. Any man 
 hut Mr. Clinton, says the gentleman from New- York. This 
 was commencing for union, by the proscription of an indivi- 
 dual. The convention is told, that we may have Mr. Clin- 
 ton's nearest friend. They had been ofiered, in the course of 
 the debate, Henry Huntington, John W. Taylor, and James 
 Tallmadge. These gentlemen, it is said, will not distract the 
 republican party, because they had not Mr. Clinton's political 
 sins — his great sin being opposition to the war, by running 
 for the first office in the union. Now it did so happen, that 
 these three gentlemen supported Mr. Clinton's election in 
 1812, with zeal and efiect. In 1817, they, together vi^ith Colo- 
 nel Young, Martin Van Beuren, and others who are now most 
 orthodox, supported Mr. Clinton for the office of governor. 
 Yet we are told, that all these gentlemen are pure and upright 
 in the republican phalanx, and Mr. Haines did not dispute it; 
 but he did question the novel doctrine, that what was crimi- 
 nal conduct in one man, was political purity in another. ('') 
 
 (b) Vide appendix. 
 
24 
 
 It was not questioned, that Mr. Clinton was sincerely at- 
 tached to the republican institutions of the country; it was 
 not denied that he was a friend to the union, and a friend to 
 wholesome laws and to social order ; and as to party aberra- 
 tions, Mr. Haines had said enough on that point. 
 
 But the gentleman from New- York, (Mr. Wheaton) assumes 
 another ground ; the nomination of Mr. Clinton, it seems, 
 ■will break down what is called the people's party ; a party 
 which sprang up in consequence of their support of the electo- 
 ral law, and their opposition to the odious caucus system. 
 The state was now divided into two great parties ; there were 
 the caucus party, and the people's party. And why would 
 Mr. Clinton's nomination break down the people's party? 
 The gentleman from New-York says, that he and the gentle- 
 man from Orange, (Mr. Finch) had served together two hard 
 political campaigns in defence of the people's rights. By this 
 he meant, that during two meetings of the legislature, they 
 had gloriously contended for the electoral law. Mr. Haines 
 admitted it. They deserved well of the state, and would de- 
 serve well of posterity. It was the first time he had ever seen 
 the venerable and long-tried patriot from Orange. He re- 
 spected and admired him. With pride and pleasure he had 
 perused his eloquent speech recently made in the legislature, 
 in defence of the electoral bill. It reflected credit on his 
 mind, and on his heart. But while he would disdain to wrest 
 the laurels from the brow of others, he could not see extraor- 
 dinary merit passed heedlessly over in the ardour of debate. 
 Mr. Clinton's nomination break down the people's party ! 
 Let the convention recur to facts. Let the political annals of 
 the state of New-York be consulted. In 1799, we had an 
 electoral law, and the people voted in the choice of a president 
 and vice-president. That year it was repealed. Mr. Clin- 
 
25 
 
 ton was in the state senate. Twenty-eight voted for the re- 
 peal, and four against it. Mr. Clinton was one of the four. 
 So said the journals of the senate. Here then was the begin- 
 ning of our troubles, and he was faithful to popular suffrage. 
 In 1802, being still in the senate of this state, he propos- 
 ed a resolution amending the constitution of the United States. 
 He contemplated a uniform district system throughout the 
 union. The people were to vote for electors by districts. 
 These resolutions passed unanimously in both branches of the 
 legislature. In 1804, he was a member of the United States 
 senate. There again he was faithful to popular rights. He 
 called up and advocated an amendment of the constitution, 
 transferring the choice of electors from legislative caucuses to 
 the people themselves. In 1S20, when all was calm and un- 
 rufOied, and the election of Mr. Monroe passed by as a kind 
 of political pageantry, Mr. Clinton, as the chief magistrate of 
 the state of New- York, called on the legislature in strong and 
 decided terms to pass an electoral law, precisely like the one 
 now contended for and desired by the people — trusting every 
 thing to a general ticket. He depicted, as with the foresight 
 of a prophet, our present degraded condition, if the law should 
 not be passed. He foretold the degradation of the state. But 
 she slept over her impending disgrace, and the bitter fountain 
 is now pouring forth its waters. Here, then, for twenty-five 
 years Mr. Clinton had advocated an electoral bill. Long be- 
 fore the people's party had existence, and long before the great 
 common cause for which we are now contending swept along 
 the hearts of the people like a torrent, gathering strength 
 from a thousand hills, Mr. Clinton led the way in the asser-- 
 tion of those principles that now constitute the deep and un- 
 shaken basis of the people's party. It was preposterous then 
 to say, that the nomination of Mr. Clinton would destroy it. 
 If faithful to its principles, and to its object, the members of 
 
2 b 
 
 this party would gather round him with gi'atitude and enthu- 
 siasm, and bear him in triumph to the chair of state. He 
 would prove the conservator of the cause. Under his admi- 
 nistration this law would be passed. So thought the majori- 
 ty of the convention ; and no appeal, no menace had yet 
 touched their hearts with compunction or fear. 
 
 But, said Mr. Haines, this convention has not been govern- 
 ed in its preference by these considerations alone. It is not 
 Mr. Clinton's early republican principles, — his energy, con- 
 sistency, and effectual services during the late war, and his 
 long and persevering support of that great common cause 
 here spoken of so frequently, that alone carry along a sweep- 
 ing majority in his favour. Claims are preferred to our con- 
 fidence and support, derived from other sources. For five 
 years he administered the government of New-York, and if 
 the existence of states and commonwealths had ever afforded 
 a period on which the human mind delighted to repose for 
 example, for instruction, and delight, the administration of 
 Mr. Clinton presented such an era. Agriculture, the foun- 
 dation of national wealth and national strength, cherished and 
 advanced ; commerce, inland trade, and exchange promoted 
 on a magnificent scale ; the useful arts and mechanical inge- 
 nuity extensively fostered ; laws amended and improved ; 
 seminaries of learning built up — new foundations laid and old 
 ones extended ; common schools augmented in number and 
 elementary instruction diffused ; benevolent and humane insti- 
 tutions countenanted and cherished ; public expenditures great- 
 ly reduced, by changing the mode of administering crimi- 
 nal justice, and by other improvements ; talents sought out 
 and rewarded ; party hostility and political persecution set at 
 defiance ; the proscription lists of faction disregarded ; and 
 
above all, the union of the states, the alliance of the east and 
 the west, rendered more firm and lasting. These are some of 
 the grand characteristics of an administration that will yet be 
 presented for the imitation and praise of after times. Every 
 man can draw its portrait, for its features are bold, strong, 
 and original. 
 
 Posterity, said Mr. Haines, will not credit the transactions 
 of this day, in this assembly. They cannot participate in the 
 -petty passions, the local views, and the fleeting combinations 
 that have found their way into this public body 5 and they will 
 be slow in admitting facts which degrade those whose blood 
 must mingle with their own. They will not believe that one 
 of the greatest benefactors that has ever contributed to the 
 resources and happiness of a state, reaped detraction, denun- 
 ciation, and bitterness, in a deliberative assembly, constituted 
 by the people, blessed and rendered prosperous by his labours 
 and his sacrifices. It will not be easily credited, that in a 
 body of delegates, appointed by independent electors in more 
 than fifty counties, that a man was presented to their consi- 
 deration for a popular office, in whom were united splendid 
 talents, immense acquirements, remarkable forecast, great 
 experience, and unwearied zeal, whose public life was with- 
 out reproach, whose private character was without a stain, and 
 who nurtured an ambition alone identified in its asperations with 
 the prosperity and glory of the state ; that that man was De 
 Witt Clinton ; and still that there was a debate on the propriety 
 of recommending him as worthy of public confidence; — and 
 more than this, that a minority called on a great and impos- 
 ing majority to discard and virtually denounce him ! Yet such 
 was the political phenomenon that day displayed. A phenome- 
 non to be classed with those extraordinary and humiliating 
 spectacles that now and then appeared in cities, communities. 
 

 and great empires, in the proscription of extraordinary men; 
 when reason, candour, truth, justice, reflection, pride, and 
 even self-respect, gave way to the bad passions of our nature. 
 
 De Witt Clinton ! His public services have been worth 
 millions to the state of New-York. For twenty-five years he 
 has been a faithful public servant. We have seen him in the 
 assembly and the senate of this state, an able and indefatigable 
 legislator. We have seen him in our court of errors an in- 
 dependent, learned, and accomplished jurist. We have seen 
 him in congress, a senator worthy of New- York. For the last 
 ten years he has employed his time and his abilities in a work 
 that will be gazed on with pride, delight, and wonder, while 
 human wisdom and public policy have a monument remaining 
 on the face of the globe. The great western canal stretches 
 from the sea to the lakes, rousing enterprise, industry, and 
 competition — pouring wealth into our treasury, bringing us 
 the trade and commerce of the union ; its waters covered 
 with the products of all climates, and all soils — building up 
 towns, villages, and cities, and multiplying the blessings of 
 civilization and refinement. Its vast and complicated advan- 
 tages no mind can compute. They seem to run into all the 
 departments of political economy, and sensibly afiect the des- 
 tinies of the union. And in the youth of our republican in- 
 stitutions, while we give way to that enthusiasm which is 
 naturally awakened in the soul of a people at the unclouded 
 prospect of future greatness; shall ingratitude, that proverbial 
 curse of popular governments, freeze our hearts and disgrace 
 our annals? Is New-York prepared to commit another poli- 
 tical felony at noon-day, that the execrations of the union 
 may again pour upon her head? Where is her ancient pride; 
 where the recollection of her well-earned renown; where the 
 memory of her great men, and of their illustrious deeds? 
 
ay 
 
 Mr. Haines admitted, that it was now difficult justly to ap- 
 preciate Mr. Clinton's services, as well as the services of those 
 who acted with him in producing the commencement and 
 completion of the New-York canals. The human mind often 
 becomes incredulous in retracing the steps which have led to 
 gigantic works, more especially where every thing is simple 
 and practicable. To connect the ocean and the lakes is now 
 deemed an easy matter. We wonder that the project could 
 have met with a systematic, unblushing, and vindictive op- 
 position. New-York, in point of resources, is now an empire. 
 Her credit is wealth, and this credit boundless. Her monied 
 men stand ready to loan millions at an interest below the legal 
 rate. She is willing to connect lake Erie with the Ohio and 
 with the Missisippi. But how was it twelve years ago ? How 
 was it seven years ago? To connect the Atlantic ocean with 
 the western lakes was then preposterous. Its projected com- 
 mencement was too soon, by one hundred years. It would 
 cost fifty millions of dollars, and fifty years of labour, combine 
 all the force we could. It was scouted in the money market, 
 and derided out of it. It was to ruin the lands of the farmers, 
 grind down the merchants by taxes, and crush the credit of 
 the state. Aid was sought from the general government. It 
 was denied. New- York appealed to her sister states. She 
 received nothing but discouragement in return. Now then, 
 let this question be put to the convention, and let every mem- 
 ber ponder well upon it : Suppose at this period, De Witt 
 Clinton had stood forth and denounced the project of the 
 Great western canal ? Suppose he had proclaimed his apostacy, 
 and confessed to the world, that romantic folly and misguided 
 ambition had involved him in a hopeless and ruinous scheme ? 
 It might not have shaken a few bold spirits, who with him 
 had been pioneers in the stupendous undertaking; but what 
 would a divided legislature have said ? What would a doubt- 
 
30 
 
 ing and hesitating people have said ? What would the Canal 
 opposition have said? Mr. Haines left it to the convention to 
 calculate the consequences. Mr. Clinton held a very different 
 language. His name was a host. His popularity great. He 
 came to the chair of state by a unanimous vote. On the 
 practicability of the canals he hazarded all — present, past, and 
 future. Justice, then, to whom justice is due. Gratitude, 
 where gratitude is demanded. Confidence, where confidence 
 has ever been safely placed. Let us hear nothing about op- 
 posing the war, and breaking down the people's party, by 
 w^y of set-off, when we estimate Mr. Clinton's canal services. 
 
 Other names than Mr. Clinton's were before the conven- 
 tion. Ambrose Spencer would fill a wide space in our histo- 
 ry. Great native powers — extraordinary energy of character 
 — rare depth of intellect — profound research — zeal, devotion, 
 and unbending integrity in the discharge of elevated public 
 duties, had long since rendered him an ornament to the state 
 of New- York and the nation. John W. Taylor had been 
 known for twenty years as an honest, able, and faithful states- 
 man, possessing great moral worth, and uncommon experi- 
 ence in public affairs. James Tallmadge united to brilliant 
 talents, important past services in the cause of the people. 
 Henry Huntington was an upright, honest, intelligent man. 
 But the convention, for a great variety of reasons, had pre- 
 ferred Mr. Clinton ; and it was no reproach to his distin- 
 guished competitors that this preference had been manifested. 
 
 Mr. Haines then appealed to the candour of the minority 
 of the convention. Had not the charges against Mr. Clinton 
 been fully met and refuted ? What then remained to be an- 
 swered? Nothing, There was nothing alleged against a 
 long and arduous life, filled with great events and great vicis- 
 
Ml 
 
 situdes. And as for private character, cakrmuy had ever 
 been stayed at the threshold of his door. Amid the wasting 
 fires of persecution, he had invited the severest test that poli- 
 tical hostility and personal envy could prescribe ; he had 
 dared discussion in every shape, and in every mode, which 
 ingenuity, sharpened by disappointment, or urged on by am- 
 bition, could invent. And what was the result ? The display 
 of an example worthy of Roman virtue, in tlie brightest 
 days of the Republic. It was not denied that his past admi- 
 nistration was unrivalled in utility. It was not denied that 
 his future measures would be equally salutary. It was not 
 denied that he had the talents, the energy, the firmness, the 
 perseverance, and the zeal, and patriotism ascribed to him. 
 Why then should not the majority call on the minority to 
 give up their several candidates, and support the one desig- 
 nated by the majority, by a unanimous vote ? 
 
 Much was said about crushing a dangerous faction. The 
 " Regency House^^ was to be razed to the ground. The pa- 
 lace of " King Caucus,^' was to be stormed, and his throne 
 overturned. In every quarter of the union his power was 
 assailed by the friends of the constitution, and the friends of 
 a pure and unshackled exercise of popular suffrage. It was, 
 indeed, time that all holiest men should unite to put down a 
 system which had actually become dangerous to the peace 
 and liberties of the country. It was in the state of New- York 
 that a great battle was soon to be fought. Who then was to 
 lead the way ? The man who united talents, energy, resolu- 
 tion, and popular confidence, to a greater extent than any 
 other. That man had been fixed on. Amid prosperity and 
 adversity he stood firm, unshaken, and the same. No crisis, 
 however dark — no combination, however profligate and pow- 
 <^rful — no faction, however desperate and well disciplined, had 
 
3.2 
 
 ever prevented him from pursuing his march, fearless, intre- 
 pid, and faithful to his friends and his country. Union, con- 
 cert, and fidelity would render his election certain. To the 
 peoples' party it would prove a glorious triumph. To the 
 state of New- York it would prove the return of forfeited 
 fame^ the renewal of a grand system of public policy, the re- 
 spect of the nation, and the long enjoyment of peace and 
 prosperity. Elevated to the first office in their gift, Mr. 
 Clinton would cast himself upon the people. His whole life 
 indicated an unhesitating confidence in their uprightness and 
 honesty. Give them light, and give them power. This was 
 the theory of our government. If the principle was not sound, 
 the whole political system was bad. But it was sound, and 
 would be adopted. 
 
 In conclusion, Mr. Haines said, that he called on the firm 
 to be firm still, the vigilant to continue vigilant, and the wa- 
 vering to dismiss their fear. One bold effort, and all would 
 be safe. Victory was certain. It would prove one of those 
 grand moral results that cheered the hearts of all honest men, 
 and gave fresh hope of the long duration of our free systems 
 of government. It would show, that after all, our constitu- 
 tions nurtured a saving spirit, which, in evil times would come, 
 as it were unseen and unheard, to our deliverance. It would 
 teach us to cherish that Roman maxim, full of fortitude, he- 
 roism, and elevated sentiment, NEVER TO DESPAIR OF 
 THE REPUBLIC. 
 
PROCEEDmOS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 STATE CONVENTION 
 
 At a meeting of Republican Delegates of the several coun- 
 ties in the State of New- York, convened in the town of Utica, 
 pursuant to the recommendation of the Republican Members 
 of the Legislature of this State, for the purpose of nominating 
 candidates for the office of Governor and Lieutenant-Gover- 
 nor : The Honourable John Tayler was called to the chair, 
 and Alexander Coffin and Samuel Stevens, were chosen sec- 
 retaries. / 
 
 The delegates from the several counties who appeared, pro- 
 duced credentials, and took their seats as members of the con- 
 vention, were as follows : 
 
 Mhany — John Tayler, Geo. Merchant, Zina W, Lay. 
 Cayuga — John H. Beach, Charles Kellogg, Shearman 
 Beardslee, Roswell Enos. 
 
 Courtlandt — John Miller, Henry Stevens. 
 Chatauque — Thomas R. Campbell, 
 
34 
 
 Chenango — Obadiah German, Eben. Wakely, Noah Ely. 
 
 Clinton — Kinner Newcomb. 
 
 Colwnhia — Alexander Coffin, S. Ten Broeck, Joseph Lord. 
 
 Delaware — J. T. Moore, C. R. Fitch. 
 
 Dutchess — John Armstrong, jun., Arthur Smith, E. M. 
 Swift, Wm. Taber. 
 
 Erie — Oliver Forward. 
 
 Essex — Geo. D. Simpson. 
 
 Genesee — Simon Cummings, Samuel Skinner, David Scott, 
 I. Murdock. 
 
 Greene — Major Curtis, A. Van Bergen. 
 
 Herkimer — George Rosecrantz, Westel Willoughby, Sam- 
 uel Dexter, jun. 
 
 Jefferson — Wm. D. Ford, George Andrus, Wm. Robinson. 
 
 Kings — Aid en Spooner. 
 
 Lewis — Nathaniel Merrlam. 
 
 Livingston — John Van Fossan, James Faulkner. 
 
 Madison — Garrit Smith, James Nye, Thomas Cox. 
 
 Monroe — E. S. Beach, A. Baldwin, H. Fellows. 
 
 Hamilton and Montgomery — H. F. Yates, S. Jackson, 
 Fred. Fox, Alexander Sheldon. 
 
 New-York — William W. Todd, John Fream, Edmund 
 Smith, R. S. Williams, E. Potter, J. Morss, Henry Wheaton, 
 George Zabriskie, S. L. Gouverneur, Henry Mead. 
 
 Niagara — William Hotchkiss. 
 
 Oneida — George Brayton, David Pearson, David P. Hoyt, 
 John Wescott, Aaron Barnes. 
 
 Onondaga — David Manro, Geo. Hall, Elijah Miles, Wm. 
 Taylor. 
 
 Ontario — Wm. Kibby, Lemuel Chipman, Chester Loomis. 
 
 Orange — Samuel S. Seward, James Finch, Cala Reeves, 
 A. L. Ball. 
 
 Oswego — Peter Pratt. 
 
35 
 
 Otsego — Benjamin Huntington, John Russell, John Blake- 
 ley, Bela Kaple. 
 
 Putnam — Joseph Benedict. 
 
 Queens — Effingham Lawrence, Robert Townsend. 
 Rensselaer — John Willard, Nathan Howard, Wm. M'Ma- 
 nus, Wm. Palmer. 
 
 Richmond — Charles G. Haines. 
 Rockland — Peter S. Van Orden. 
 
 Saratoga — John Viele, John Rogers, jun , Thaddeus Scrib- 
 ner. 
 
 Schenectady — Samuel W. Jones. 
 Schoharie — Jacob Gebhard, Ralph Manning. 
 Seneca — Andrew Glover, A. Boardman. 
 Steuhen — Daniel Cruger, Ira Davenport. 
 St. Lawrence — David C. Judson. 
 Suffolk— C\\dx\es T. Deering, D. T. Gillet. 
 Sullivan — Thos. S. Lockwood. 
 Tioga — G. H. Barstow, Jesse Carpenter. 
 Tompkins — Nich. Tovvnley, Hermon Camp. 
 Ulster — Jacob J. Hasbrouck, Samuel Stilwell, Jacob H. 
 De Witt. 
 
 Warren — Moody Ames. 
 
 Washington — Chs. Rogers, Saml. Stevens, John M'Lean, 
 Jesse S. Leigh. 
 
 Wayne — Russel Whipple, John Tibbets. 
 
 Westchester — Lyman Cook, John Owens, Geo. N. White. 
 
 Resolved, That this convention unanimously recommend to 
 the people of this state, that they vote for De Witt Clinton, 
 governor of the state of New- York at the November election, 
 and for Jatnes Tallmadge, lieutenant-governor. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Van Fossan, of Livingston, Resolved, 
 
36- 
 
 That a committee of five be appointed to prepare an address 
 to the people of this state. Garrit Smith, of Madison, Obadi- 
 ah German, of Chenango, C. G. Haines, of Richmond, John 
 Armstrong, jun., of Dutchess, and Samuel Stevens, of Wash- 
 ington, were appointed. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Barstovv, of Tioga, Resolved, That this 
 convention disapprove of all nominations of candidates for 
 elective offices, by members of the legislature, in as much as 
 it is an assumption of power not delegated to them by the 
 people. Unanimously carried. 
 
 On motion of general Gebhard, of Schoharie, Resolved, 
 That this convention disapprove of the present mode of ap- 
 pointing justices of the peace, and that it be recommended to 
 the people of this state, that in selecting candidates for the 
 senate and assembly in November next, they act with a refer- 
 ence to such an amendment to the constitution of this state, 
 as will place the appointment of justices with the people. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Benedict, of Putnam, Resolved, That a 
 corresponding committee be appointed to correspond with the 
 several counties of this state. Mr. Merchant, of Albany, Mr. 
 Tayler, of Albany, Mr. Haines, of Richmond, Mr. Jones, of 
 Schenectady, Mr. Viele, of Saratoga, and Mr. Stevens of 
 Washington, appointed. 
 
 On motion of Mr. Robinson, of Jefferson, Resolved, That 
 it be recommended to the people of the several counties of this 
 state, to assemble in their respective counties, immediately on 
 the adjournment of this convention, to act upon its proceed- 
 ings as submitted to their will. 
 
3/ 
 
 On motion of Mr. Haines, of Richmond, Resolved unani^ 
 mously^ That the thanks of this convention be returned to the 
 venerable John Tayler, for the dignity and impartiality with 
 which he has presided over the deliberations of this body, and 
 that he carries with him to the bosom of his family, our confi- 
 dence, our esteem, and our warmest wishes for his happiness, 
 and for the continuance of his long and useful life. The vene- 
 rable president arose, and in a most impressive manner, en- 
 joined union, harmony, and activity, in carrying into execu- 
 tion the proceedings of the convention, and took leave of his 
 fellow-citizens. 
 
 Mr. Garrit Smith, of Madison, from the committee appoint- 
 ed for that purpose, reported the following address, which 
 was unanimously adopted by the convention : 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 The delegates appointed by the people of the several coun- 
 ties of the state of New- York, to recommend a suitable elec- 
 toral ticket for president and vice-president of the United 
 States, and also to recommend suitable candidates for gover- 
 nor and lieutenant-governor of the state of New- York, at the 
 ensuing November election, beg leave to address their fellow- 
 citizens, and to communicate the result of their proceedings. 
 
 They have refrained from recommending an electoral ticket, 
 The fate of the electoral law, is well known to the people. 
 Two hundred and sixty thousand freemen have been prevent- 
 ed from going to the ballot boxes, to manifest their voice in 
 the election of a president and vice-president of the United 
 States. It would be idle and preposterous to recommend can- 
 didates to disfranchised men. The means by which the pas- 
 sage of the electoral law has been defeated ; the disgraceful 
 
38 
 
 expedients to which a political junto in this state have resort- 
 ed, in order to prevent the restoration of the people's rights, 
 are too well known to require elucidation. The state of New- 
 York, — the first in population, the first in commerce, the first 
 in wealth and resources, possessing her full portion of talent, 
 and deeply interested in the administration of our national 
 government, is deprived of her just influence in the union, 
 and degraded and disgraced by a political party, controlled 
 by a cabal of aspiring and desperate politicians, in her own 
 bosom. Let the people judge of the claims of these men and 
 their party to public confidence and support. The humiliating 
 condition of the state of New-York is chargeable at their 
 hands. It is to be hoped that the fact will be remembered at 
 the polls in November next. 
 
 On the subject of recommending suitable candidates for the 
 offices of governor and lieutenant-governor, the convention 
 has acted. It was naturally expected, that in designating for 
 the consideration of the people, a suitable candidate for the 
 next chief magistrate of this state, a difierence of opinion 
 would exist. One hundred and twenty -one delegates, coming 
 from more than fifty counties, embracing a great extent of ter- 
 ritory, and a great variety of popular feelings and popular 
 opinions, presented different views and different convictions. 
 Many candidates were proposed, possessing integrity, talents, 
 and patriotism ; and after a full and free public discussion on 
 the floor of the convention ; after a full and constant inter- 
 change of sentiments, the convention deemed it expedient 
 and proper to recommend De Witt Clinton, for the next gov- 
 ernor of this state. Of his talents, his long and faithful pub- 
 lic services, his character, public and private, it is unnecessa- 
 ry to speak. They are well known to the people of this state. 
 His late administration, at once connected with our prosperity 
 
39 
 
 and glory, is well remembered ; and the convention was in- 
 duced to believe, that his future measures would be calculated 
 to unfold the resources, and promote the permanent interests 
 of the state. Much remains to be done, to place the state of 
 New-York upon that proud and elevated eminence which she 
 must ultimately reach. Mr. Clinton's boldness and compre- 
 hension of views, as well as his energy and decision of cha- 
 racter, afford a sure pledge of what he will do and recom- 
 mend, if elected to preside over our public affairs. Nor could 
 the convention forget, that in 1802, he proposed an amend- 
 ment of the constitution of the United States, in the senate of 
 this state, that would have given to the people the choice of 
 electors of president and vice-president, if it had been adopt- 
 ed. Soon after this period, he was elected to the senate of 
 the United States, and there advocated the adoption of the 
 same amendment. In 1820, being then governor of the state 
 of New-York, he proposed to the legislature that a law be 
 passed giving to the people the choice of electors by general 
 ticket, and foretold those baneful consequences which we are 
 now realizing, in case his recommendation should be neglect- 
 ed. 
 
 For lieutenant-governor, after mature deliberation, and an 
 examination of the talents and claims of several distinguished 
 men, to the second office in the gift of the people, the conven- 
 tion has thought it expedient to recommend general James 
 Tallmadge. His talents are well known. He will preside 
 over the senate with dignity and impartiality. His recent ef- 
 forts in favour of the electoral law, in the popular branch of 
 the legislature, have identified him with the cause of the peo- 
 ple, and peculiarly endeared him to the democracy of the 
 state ; and should any circumstance render it necessary that 
 the lieutenant-governor discharge the duties of the chief 
 
40 
 
 magistrate, he will assume the responsibility, and execute the 
 high trust with abilities equal to the station. 
 
 It is the fundamental principle of popular bodies, that the 
 majority shall rule; that the minority shall accede to, and 
 sustain in good faith and with efficient zeal, the decisions of 
 the majority. It has already been stated, that there was a 
 difference of opinion in the convention, as to the candidates 
 for governor and lieutenant-governor; but there were strong 
 and decided majorities for the respective candidates selected, 
 and the resolution for their support and recommendation was 
 unanimously -adopted . 
 
 The convention trust that their proceedings will meet with 
 general satisfaction among the people ; and should there be 
 any difference of sentiment, it is to be hoped that the minori- 
 ty will fall into the general current of popular opinion, and 
 promptly aid in the common effort to ensure success in a com- 
 mon cause. 
 
 If ever there was a state, where political regeneration was 
 demanded, it is required at the present moment in the state of 
 New- York. The crisis is peculiar, and calls for bold and de- 
 cided efforts. The power of the state must be wrested from 
 those who have usurped and abused it. The people seem pre- 
 pared for change. The convention have designated the can- 
 didates here recommended, with a view to regeneration and 
 reform. To ensure their election ; to ensure the success of 
 the people's cause ; to prostrate the " Albany Regency,^'' and 
 break down the caucus system, union, energy, and a concert 
 of action, are vitally essential. Old prejudices — useless dis- 
 tinctions — selfish views, and local calculations, must give way 
 to the common good. It is not the elevation of individuals, 
 
41 
 
 but the triumph of righteous measures, that is sought. The 
 election of individuals to distinguished and responsible posts, 
 is subservient to this object. Let the people of the state of 
 New- York, who have required the passage of the electoral 
 law ; let the independent electors who have already sought 
 the overthrow of a junto in the heart of the state ; let the 
 friends of reform in every direction, rally under one common 
 standard, and all is safe. The convention, composed of men 
 from the different counties of the state, has enjoyed an oppor- 
 tunity of ascertaining the tone of public opinion. It is array- 
 ed against the faction which has bound the state of New-York 
 in' ignominious chains ; it is arrayed against the faction which 
 has duped and deceived her ; it is roused against the faction 
 which opposed and betrayed the cause of the people. It is 
 ardently then to be hoped, that the full and decided expres- 
 sion of this opinion, will be manifested at the ballot boxes in 
 November next. 
 
 The convention cannot close this recommendation to the 
 people, without noticing the candidates who stand opposed to 
 the nomination which has been made. 
 
 Firstr They are the candidates of a faction — of a knot of 
 men, who have separated themselves from the great body and 
 interest of the people, and who, in the promotion of their self- 
 ish and nefarious schemes, throw off all dependence on the 
 popular will, and all respect to the constitution. What bold- 
 er and more profligate abuse of power could they be guilty of, 
 than in their defeat of the electoral bill? The passage of that 
 bill was required by the express and almost unanimous will 
 of the people, and by the plain letter of the federal constitu- 
 tion. 
 
42 
 
 Second. — The one of these candidates is still, and has been 
 throughout, an open, violent, and persevering opposer of the 
 electoral bill ; whilst the other, not less unprincipled, but with 
 more of a Jesuit's cunning, studies to pursue in this matter, a 
 ^ half disguised equivocal course, whicli, if it does not give him 
 positive favour with both parties, may, at least, save him from 
 being blamed by either. 
 
 Third. — The one of these candidates is habitually intempe- 
 rate ; a scoffer at the Christian religion ; and, through his ta- 
 lents and official influence, deplorably successful in contami- 
 nating public morals. And is it not more than the mere mis- 
 fm^tune of the other candidate, that he is found in such com- 
 jiany? 
 
 Fourth. — Were the merits and qualifications of these can- 
 didates quite unexceptionable, yet, the manner in which they 
 are brought before the public, is a conclusive reason against 
 the support of them. A state legislative caucus, like a caucus 
 of the national legislature, is at war with all the rights and doc- 
 trines of democracy. It is an usurpation which degrades the 
 people into mere counter-signers of their masters' mandates, 
 and cheapens their free and intelligent suffrages into objects 
 of barter and sordid calculation. It is an imposing ceremo- 
 ny, got up to drive the great body of the people into submis- 
 sion to a few, and made effectual through the authority and 
 dreaded proscriptions of those who officiate in it. Public 
 opinion will not permit another congressional caucus; and 
 may no future members of our state legislature, presume to 
 substitute their intrigues and dictations for the free, sponta- 
 neous expressions of the sovereign people. 
 
 Fellow-citizens! Other candidates are now presented to 
 
43 
 
 you; not by persons elected to legislate for you, but by a con- 
 vention of delegates coming directly and fresh from your- 
 selves, and chosen by you for this specific and only purpose. 
 The ballot boxes will testify, which you think the better men, 
 and which the mode of nomination most in character with 
 genuine republicanism. 
 
 The conduct of the dominant faction in this state, is so well 
 understood, and excites such universal alarm and indignation, 
 that this convention deems it superfluous to array before you 
 the many existing inducements to an energetic and faithful 
 discharge of your duty. Suffice it to say, that the present is 
 clearly a contest between the friends and the foes of democra- 
 tic principles; between freemen, who are determined that 
 freemen shall govern, and a band of home-tyrants, who are 
 determined to govern the people. What will be the issue, 
 if we act unitedly, is not doubtful :— but should we forget, that 
 ftiis is a contest for measures, and fall into disagreement about 
 men, we shall not only then fail of success, but we shall rich- 
 ly deserve the chains and disgrace that are upon us. 
 
 John Tatler, Chairman. 
 
 Samuel Stevens, Secretary/. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
 
 The following documents, selected from many others of a 
 similar aescription, clearly show to every candid man the 
 conduct of De Witt Clinton, during the late war with Great 
 Britain, and his course during the existence of the measures 
 adopted by the general government, immediately preceding 
 that struggle. For twenty-five years Mr. Clinton has been in 
 public life, and as no ground for censure during all that peri- 
 od can be found by his enemies, and as his private life is irre- 
 proachable, they have been driven to the cry of opposition 
 to the war. Two things are certain : If Mr. Clinton had 
 not been voted for president in 1812, and failed in his election, 
 we never should have heard the calumny, that he opposed the 
 loar. He would then have been hailed as one of its most 
 efficient supporters, by the very men who now accuse him of 
 little less than high-treason — for these men are your hungry 
 office-seekers and profligate demagogues, who fawn about 
 men in power. 
 
 In the state convention, Mr. Clinton had an overwhelming 
 majority oyer all other candidates united, and so the old ivar 
 
46 
 
 song was revived and sung again. But what is very remarka- 
 ble, nothing was said of the Hartford convention. Mr. Clin- 
 ton is generally accused by disappointed office-seekers, and 
 men who want to keep him down, of having been intimately 
 connected with this body, in his support for the presidency. 
 It is true he ran for president in 1812, and the Hartford con- 
 vention sat in IS 1 5. But no matter for this ; he is very often 
 called the Hartford convention candidate. It is unnecessary 
 to speak of that body here ; but down to the close of the war, 
 Mr. Clinton laboured night and day to strengthen the arm of 
 the general government, and to promote a glorious triumph 
 of our arms. He felt the fire and valour of his venerable 
 father in the revolution. General JAMES CLINTON ;— 
 another name for hardy and daring heroism ; — and of his uncle 
 GEORGE CLINTON, the patriot without fear and without 
 reproach. Mr. Clinton wanted to fight ; but he was kept out 
 of the field. Let Mr. Emmet's letter be read again and 
 again. Yet say his traducers, he opposed the war ! — It is time 
 that De Witt Clinton was treated with justice. His friends 
 ask nothing more. Let him be treated like other men — that 
 is all his friends i;equire. It is time facts were spoken of as 
 facts, relating to this statesman. It is time truth was acknow- 
 ledged, and considered as truth. 
 
17 
 
 (A) 
 
 The folloiving facts are matter of history. They comprise 
 
 a vindication that no man can question. They are taken 
 
 from the State Address, signed by William James, 
 
 Chairman, and Joseph York, Secretary, in 1820. Let 
 
 them be read, and let the reader ponder ! 
 
 The late war grew out of the sanguinary aggressions of 
 Great Britain, and maybe dated from the cold-blooded attack 
 on the Chesapeake. On the 2d of July, 1807, there was a 
 great republican meeting in the city of New-York, to de- 
 nounce the invasion on our rights, and rouse the American 
 nation to a sense of their injury. De Witt Clinton was chair- 
 man. 
 
 De Witt Clinton was the chairman of the republican meet- 
 ing called in New-York, on the 18th of July, 1808, to pass 
 resolutions in approbation of the general government, in re- 
 sisting the outrages of the belligerents. 
 
 In February, 1808, he introduced the law into our legis- 
 lature,' which granted $100,000 to fortify New-York, and 
 prepare for war. 
 
 On the 26th of March, 1808, he introduced the resolution, 
 which was unanimously adopted by the legislature, calling on 
 the national government to provide for the defence of the sea- 
 board. 
 
48 
 
 On January 31st, 1809, he introduced a high-toned set of 
 resolutions into the New- York senate, pointing to war, as the 
 only remedy of British outrages, and denouncing those who 
 were plotting a division of the union. 
 
 In March, 1811, he was nominated and elected lieutenant- 
 governor, by the republican party — the friends of the war. 
 
 On the 9th of July, 1812, he being then mayor of the city 
 of New-York, and it being after the declaration of war, De 
 Witt Clinton came out in his charge to the grand jury, in 
 which he urged the necessity of sustaining the war, and pu- 
 nishing and searching out traitors. 
 
 In November, 1812, De Witt Clinton was supported by the 
 republican party of New- York, for the presidency of the 
 United States. Joseph C, Yates, Simeon De Witt, Philip 
 Van Courtlandt, George Rosecrantz, Jacob Delamontagnie, 
 and other long-tried republicans headed the list of electors. 
 The vigorous prosecution of the war, was the great reason 
 urged for Mr. Clinton's election to the first office in the union, 
 as appears by the address issued on that occasion. " He en- 
 Joi/s" says the address on that event, " our utmost confi- 
 dence. He inherits the blood, the principles, and. the firm- 
 ness of that Hero, whom ourselves and our fathers long 
 delighted to honour ; and who was the guide and gudrdian 
 of our natii^e state, lohen a British foe desolated our lands, 
 and burnt our towns ; who was never appalled in its utmost 
 difficulties, and whose valour and wisdom eminently con- 
 tributed to the ultimate triumph of America. His patriotic 
 and inflexible principles guarantee a firm and unyielding 
 maintenance of the sovereign rights of the United States. 
 
49 
 
 From his energy we anticipate vigour in war, and a de- 
 termined character in the relations ofpeace.^^ Such was the 
 language of the republicans of this state, at the darkest crisis 
 of the war. 
 
 In the summer of 1813, De Witt Clinton presided over the 
 board of fortifications around the city of New- York, and drew 
 up the masterly report on the subject of the general defence. 
 He worked with his own hands upon the fortifications. 
 
 In August, 1814, De Witt Clinton, as chief magistrate of 
 the city of New- York, sent forth one of the most eloquent and 
 energetic appeals to the people, in favour of the war, that ever 
 appeared from any public functionary. He called on every 
 patriot, to stand forth in the hour of peril, and reap victory or 
 death in defence of his country. Let our fellow-citizens read 
 the following words, taken from Mr. Clinton's address, and 
 let them sink deep in their minds. " The times,'\ says he 
 " are portentous — shall ive, at a moment like this, when our 
 all is in jeopardy, refrain from calling into requisition all 
 the force of our city, for a firm and manly resistance? Shall 
 we refuse to sacrifice our time, our labour, our exertions and 
 property, or even our lives, if necessary, to protect our city, 
 and place it in a state of security? Let there be hut^one 
 voice among us. Let every arm be raised to defend our 
 country, with humble reliance on the God of our fathers. 
 Our country demands our aid — she expects that every man 
 will be found at his post in the hour of danger; and that 
 every free citizen will do his duty /" Such was the language 
 of the man, of whom we now have it said, he " opposed the 
 loarP^ 
 
 7 
 
50 
 
 On the 30th of August, 1814, De Witt Clinton drew up the 
 CIRCULAR sent out by the Common Council of New-York, to 
 obtain loans for carrying on the war. About this period, 
 the bold and patriotic stand taken by De Witt Clinton, in the 
 Common Council of the city of New-York, effected a loan of 
 one million four hundred thousand dollars, for carrying on 
 the war. 
 
 In July or August, 1814, he offered, through the interpo- 
 sition of Thomas Addis Emmet, the pride and ornament of his 
 adopted country, to take an active command in the war ; to 
 draw his sword and shed his blood in the cause of his country. 
 Mr. Emmet has recently published the fact to the world. 
 
 During the war, De Witt Clinton presented swords to 
 Commodores Hull, M'Donough, Perry, and Decatur, and 
 Generals Brown and Macomb ; in which he expressed his 
 pride and gratification at our splendid victories on the ocean 
 and on the land, which elevated the character of the nation, 
 and imparted glory to the war. 
 
 On the 25th of December, 1814, Daniel D. Tompkins, then 
 governor of the state, returned thanks to the New-York cor- 
 poration, of which De Witt Clinton was the head, for their 
 prompt and efficient support of the war. The letters of James 
 Madison, James Monroe, and the other heads of departments, 
 during the war, breathe the same honourable testimony. 
 
 In 1817, he was elected governor of the state of New- York, 
 and voted for by most of the present office seekers, who now 
 denounce him for opposing the war, though his different ser- 
 
51 
 
 vices in the great contest with England, were then admitted 
 by these same self-created patriots. 
 
 What more could De Witt Clinton have done in support of 
 the late war ? ' 
 
 He did every thing but meet the foe with his sword in his 
 hand. He offered to lead our brave troops — and it was poli- 
 tical jealousy, and the apprehension of his rising greatness, 
 that influenced Daniel D. Tompkins in refusing him the com- 
 mand of a Major-General, the rank he then held in our militia. 
 We have here presented a mass of testimony, that.no false- 
 hood, that no party can destroy. It goes home to the bosoms 
 of the people — it settles the point for ever, and appals despe- 
 ration and calumny. 
 
 Secondly, Mr. Clinton has never made removals from of- 
 fice without cause. He has removed public servants for mis- 
 conduct — and he has removed them where they used the 
 countenance and support of the administration, to defeat its 
 measures, and destroy its existence. In acting thus, he has 
 followed the example of Thomas Jefferson, who swept the 
 civil list of the nation. He has followed the steps of James 
 Madison, John Jay, George Clinton, and Daniel D. Tompkins 
 himself; who never spared any man in office who would not 
 sustain his policy. Nor is that man a republican, who foments 
 faction and anarchy — who, without cause or reason, de- 
 nounces the government from whence he holds his political 
 being. 
 
 Thus this single document contains in itself a refutation of 
 all the charges brought against Mr. Clinton. It furnishes us 
 with the days and dates, on which the most prominent acts 
 
52 
 
 of his life were done in open day ! Nay, in the very presence 
 of men who have since denied them ! ! ! So far is veracity, 
 probity, and decency, trampled under foot, by the mercenary 
 scramblers for the " loaves and fishes !" 
 
(B) 
 
 MR. CLINTON IN 1809. 
 
 It was asserted in the state convention that Mr. Clinton op- 
 posed the embargo. The law laying the embargo was 
 passed in 1807. Hear what Mr. Clinton says, in 1809, 
 two years after. Jis to the restrictive system, men may 
 think of it as they please; but let truth and facts be kept 
 in view. 
 
 In Senate, January 31, 1S09. 
 Mr. Clinton made a motion, that the senate should agree to 
 the following resolutions, with their recitals — to wit : 
 
 *' Whereas, the unjust and multiplied aggressions of the 
 belligerent nations upon our national rights — their obstinate 
 refusal to render justice, and listen to the most fair, friendly, 
 impartial, and pacific overtures — and their unrelenting perse- 
 verance in a system of violence, rapacity, and insult, have 
 rendered it the peculiar and incumbent duty of all gcfod citi- 
 zens, attached to the rights and honour of their country, to 
 bury in oblivion all internal difference, and to rally round the 
 standard of their government in opposition to the unjust pre- 
 tensions, and atrocious outrages of foreign powers. And 
 whereas, in defiance of every dictate of patriotism, and every 
 consideration of duty, the most unremitted and reprehensible 
 attempts are making, with uncommon industry and malignity, 
 and by every art of misrepresentation, to enfeebfe and destroy 
 the exertions of the general government in vindicating Qur 
 national rights and honours, by endeavouring to alienate the 
 affections of the people, by opposing the authority of the laws, 
 
o4 
 
 and by menacing dismemberment of the union : and the legis- 
 lature deeming it an indispensable obligation, at this critical 
 and awful period, to discountenance daring and factious pro- 
 ceedings, and to bear testimony against the insolent encroach- 
 ments of foreign nations ; and being fully satisfied that the 
 conduct of the general government has been calculated to se- 
 cure the resources, to preserve the peace, to maintain the 
 honour, and to promote the interests of our country — 
 
 " Therefore, if the honourable the assembly concur herein, 
 
 " Resolved, That we repose full confidence in the wisdom, 
 patriotism, and integrity of the national administration, and 
 that we will, at every hazard, and to the full extent of our 
 faculties, support them against the unjust attempts of foreign 
 powers ; and if a state of peace shall be no longer a state of 
 honour, and a continuance of aggression shall render an ap- 
 peal to the sword inevitable, we pledge our lives and our for- 
 tunes in defence of the just rights of our injured country. 
 
 '^ Resolved, That we consider the union of the states as the 
 palladium of our national safety, the guarantee of our national 
 prosperity, and the pledge of our national glory — and that 
 every attempt to violate or sever the ties which bind the con- 
 federated states together, ought to receive the most pointed 
 reprobation, and the most decided abhorrence. And we ear- 
 nestly exhort the good citizens of this state, to be vigilant 
 and active in discountenancing and suppressing all combina- 
 tions and attempts to evade or violate the laws, to detract 
 from the authority of the government, and to impair the sta- 
 bility of the union : and we solemnly conjure them, by the 
 sacred principles of liberty and patriotism, to prepare them- 
 selves for the crisis which is probably approaching, and to be 
 ready to co-operate with each other, and with the constituted 
 
authorities, in resisting and repelling the audacious aggressions 
 of foreign nations. 
 
 " Resolved, That his excellency the governor, be request- 
 ed to transmit a copy of these resolutions to the president of 
 the United States, as the sense of this state ; and that our se- 
 nators and representatives in congress, be hereby requested to 
 use every exertion to put the United States in the best condi- 
 tion of defence, so that we may be fully prepared to meet the 
 dangers which menace the peace of our country." 
 
56 
 
 (C) 
 
 MR. CLINTON IN 1812. 
 
 War was declared in June, 1312. Mr. Clinton was then 
 mayor of the city of New-York. Hear what he said! Did 
 he oppose the war ? Did he oppose the government ? 
 
 " Grand Jury Room, New-York, 12th July, 1812. 
 " Unanimously resolved. That the foreman of this grand 
 inquest be requested to obtain from his honour the mayor, a 
 copy of his charge, as delivered yesterday, for publication. 
 
 " The foreman having performed the request above describ- 
 ed, the enclosed copy was received from the mayor, and is 
 accordingly sent for publication. By order of the grand jury. 
 " THOMAS STORM, Foreman. 
 " Attest, John Van Beuren, Secretary." 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Grand Jury, 
 
 '^ Since the last term of this court, a new state of things 
 has occurred, which has placed us in a belligerent position 
 with one of the greatest powers of Europe. This event im- 
 poses new obligations on our citizens, the observance of which 
 it becomes the duty of our courts and magistrates to enforce. 
 The former freedom of communion and intercourse with a 
 nation lately in amity, is now abridged ; and acts heretofore 
 not only lawful, but commendable, may now expose the agent 
 to the charge of treason, misprison of treason, or a high mis- 
 demeanour. " Treason against the United States, '' says the, 
 constitution, "shall consist only in levying war against them. 
 
57 
 
 or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and com- 
 fort." Treason against this state is committed by levying 
 war against the people of this state, within this state, or by 
 adhering to the enemies of the people of this state, giving 
 to them aid and comfort in this state, or elsewhere. Mispris- 
 on of treason, is the concealment oy keeping secret any 
 treason. 
 
 '' Any offence against the laws of this state, connected with 
 aid, comfort, or intercourse with the enemy, or with levying 
 war against the people of this state, within this state, are 
 proper subjects for your cognizance ; and if, since the pro- 
 mulgation of the declaration of war, any offences of this kind 
 have been perpetrated, it is your duty to present them for 
 punishment. Considering the exposed situation of our mari- 
 time frontier, and the very critical situation of this port, it is 
 peculiarly important to shut out from the enemy all means of 
 intelligence: and that citizen must be lost indeed to every 
 sentiment of virtue, who would embark his feelings and his 
 efforts against his own country ; who would give intelligence 
 to the enemy, and expose the vulnerable points of a place in 
 which are deposited the bones of his ancestors, and where 
 reside his wife and children, his friends and fellow-citizens : 
 and vile and ungrateful must be the alien, who would so far 
 abuse our local or national hospitality, as to turn our indul- 
 gence to our own injury, and return curses for blessings, and 
 evil for good. Our extensive Atlantic frontier, and our posi- 
 tion with regard to the Canadas, not only expose us to the in- 
 roads and attacks of an enemy, but are peculiarly calculated 
 to favour spies, and to encourage intelligence and communi- 
 cation adverse to the interests of the country, and repugnant 
 to the laws of the land. Vigilance, determination, and cou- 
 rage, are therefore necessary to meet this exposure. It is 
 
 s 
 
58 
 
 proper to remark, however, gentlemen, that there is but one 
 justifiable mode of animadverting upon all aberrations from 
 civil duty, and upon infractions of law: and that is through 
 the medium of magistrates and courts. A state of war does 
 not destroy or diminish the right of the citizen to examine the 
 conduct of public men, and the tendency of the public mea- 
 sures. And if in the exercise of this right, he should deviate 
 into slander or sedition, he is liable to punishment in the or- 
 dinary channels of justice. But there can be no state of things 
 more deplorable, no condition of society more horrible, than 
 to subject him to the fury of a mob, or to the vengeance of 
 frantic and unprincipled incendiaries. It has reached the earis 
 of the magistrates, but in the shape of rumour only, that me- 
 naces have been thrown out with a view to destroy that free- 
 dom of investigation which is the birth-right and the boast of 
 every American citizen : and that abominable attempts would 
 be made to invade the dwellings of individuals with the ruffian 
 hand of violence ; and to break down those barriers and asy- 
 lums, which the laws had created, to secure the tranquillity 
 of domestic life, and liberties of the people. It was impossi- 
 ble to remain insensible to the magnitude of the considerations 
 involved in this state of things. The triumph of a mob over 
 the majesty of the laws, would inflict a deadly wound upon 
 the character and interests of the city ; it would render the 
 person and property of every man insecure ; and it would de- 
 grade our republican form of government in the eyes of man- 
 kind. We have, therefore, prepared ourselves for the crisis ; 
 and, with the blessings of heaven, we shall not only suppress 
 riotous assemblies, but we shall bring the authors and abettors 
 to condign punishment. And as long as we occupy these seats, 
 be assured, that we shall put down and punish, in the most 
 exemplary manner, all attempts to invade the public peace, to 
 destroy the lives and property of individuals, and to impair 
 Ih© freedom of opinion and inquiry.'" 
 
59 
 
 (D) 
 
 Mr. CLINTCN and the Presidency. —1212. 
 
 Mr. Clinton was supported by the great State of New-York 
 for the Presidency in 1812. 
 
 He was brought forward, not by the federalists, but by the 
 REPUBLICAN PARTY. Martin Van Beuren, Roger 
 Skinner, Samuel Young, John Woodworth, (now Judge 
 of the Supreme Court,) Governor Yates, SfC. supported 
 him. Had he been elected, we should never have heard of 
 his " opposing the war !" 
 
 NOMINATION. 
 
 The Capitol in the City of Albany, > 
 
 at the seat of Government of the State of New-York. S 
 
 " At a full and general meeting of the republican mem- 
 bers of the Senate and Assembly of the State of New- York, 
 convened at the Capitol in the city of Albany, pursuant to 
 public notice, on Thursday, the 28th of May, 1813, and con- 
 tinued by adjournment to the 29th. 
 
 -' The Hon. JAMES W. WILKIN, Senator, Chairman. 
 
 " The Hon. ALEXANDER SHELDON, Speaker of the 
 House of Assembly, Secretary. 
 
 " It having been moved and seconded, that this meeting 
 proceed to nominate a suitable person to be supported by this 
 state, and to be recommended to the sister states, for the of- 
 fice of president of the United States, at the next presiden- 
 tial election — 
 
60 
 " The question was put and carried in the affirmative. 
 
 "Whereupon the following preamble and resolution were 
 submitted to the consideration of the meeting: 
 
 ^^ Whereas, The constitution of the United States, in ex- 
 press terms, prohibits the members of Congress to be the elec- 
 tors of the chief nVigistrate, because they are to be the judges 
 of his election, and are to make choice by states, if there is 
 none made by the electors ; and because the president must 
 be independent for his continuance in office, on all but the 
 
 PKOPLE. 
 
 "And lohereas, The constitution hath reserved to the states 
 individually, the right of choosing the electors of president 
 and vice-president, and hath regulated, that the electors shall 
 vote in their respective states on the day, and within a short 
 time after their appointment, to prevent any combination be- 
 tween the electors of the several states. Therefore, 
 
 " Resolved, That in the exercise of those sacred rights, se- 
 cured to us by the federal constitution, and which it is our 
 duty to maintain, we recommend earnestly to the suffrages 
 of the several electors who shall be chosen by the respective 
 states, the Honorable De Witt Clinton, of the state of New- 
 York, to fill the office of president of jthe United States, for 
 four years from the third day of March next. And from our 
 knowledge of his public virtues, eminent talents, and inflexi- 
 ble principles, we are satisfied that his elevation to that station 
 will greatly promote the peace, the prosperity, and the per- 
 manency of the union. 
 
 " The said preamble and resolution being twice read, were 
 
61 
 
 put by the chairman, and passed unanimously in th^ affirma- 
 tive. 
 
 " It was thereupon moved, seconded, and carried unani- 
 mously, that a general committee of correspondence, consist- 
 ing of seventeen members of the legislature, be forthwith ap- 
 pointed, to communicate with the different states throughout 
 the union, upon the important subject before the meeting ; 
 and to adopt such measures in relation thereto, on bekalf of 
 the meeting, as in their judgment may be deemed proper : 
 and that the following persons compose the said committee." 
 
 ^' Mr. Comstock, of the county of Seneca. 
 Mr. Bishop, of the county of Washington. 
 Mr. Wilkin, of the county of Orange. 
 Mr. Townsend, of the county of Steuben. 
 Mr. Allen, of the county of Ontario. 
 Mr. Smith, of the county of Herkimer. 
 Mr. Tabor, of the county of Dutchess. 
 Mr. Ely, of the county of Greene. 
 Mr. Bloodgood, of the county of Oneida. 
 Mr. Hubbard, of the county of Rensselaer. 
 Mr. Sheldon, of the county of Montgomery. 
 Mr. Yates, of the county of Schenectady. 
 Mr. Gilbert, of the city of New- York. 
 Mr. Taylor, of the city of Albany. 
 Mr. Ross, of the county of Orange. 
 *Mr. Taylor, of the county of Saratoga, and 
 Mr. Vanderveer, of the. county of Kings. 
 
 " JAMES W. WILKIN, Chairman. 
 "Alexander Sheldon, Secretary." 
 
 * Hon, John W. Taylor. 
 
62 
 
 "On the 9th of November, 1812, the following republican 
 electors were appointed by the same republican legislature, at 
 the capitol in Albany : 
 
 Joseph C. Yates, of Schenectady, (the present governor of 
 
 New- York.) 
 Simeon De Witt, Archibald M'lntyre, of Albany. 
 John C. Hogeboom, of Columbia. 
 
 Giafdon S. Mumford, Jacob Delamontagnie, of New- York. 
 Philip Van Courtlandt, of West-Chester. 
 John Chandler, of Orange. 
 Henry Huntington, of Oneida, (last year nominated as the 
 
 republican candidate for lieutenant-governor.) 
 John Wood worth, of Albany, (judge of the supreme court.) 
 George Rosecrantz, of Herkimer. 
 William Burnet, of Ontario. 
 David Boyd, of Schenectady. 
 Cornelius Bergen, of Kings. 
 Joseph Parmee, of Richmond. 
 Chauncey Belknap, of Orange. 
 John Dill, of Ulster. 
 Ds^vid Van Ness, of Dutchess. 
 Robert Jenkins, of Columbia. 
 Michael S. Vandewater, of Rensselaer. 
 George Palmer, of Saratoga. 
 James Hill, of Washington. 
 William Kurby, of Essex. 
 Henry Frey Yates, of Montgomery. 
 Thomas H. Hubbard, of Madison. 
 John Russell, of Otsego. 
 James S. Knap, of Oneida. 
 Jotham Jayne, of Cayuga. 
 Jonathan Stanley, jun. of Onondaga." 
 
63 
 
 (E) 
 
 MR. CLINTON IN 1814. 
 
 In 1814, Mr. C Union wished to enter the army, and draw 
 his sword in support of the war. But he ivas not indulg- 
 ed in his loish. Let Mr. Enimefs letter be read rgain 
 and again. No. man dares deny the truth of whit it 
 states. Yet Mr. Clinton opposed the ivar ! To what shame- 
 ful acts will not faction resort ! 
 
 Copy of a letter from Mr. Emmet to John C. Spencer. 
 
 " Jilhany, March 20th, 1820. 
 "To the Hon. John C. Spencer, Speaker of the Assembly. 
 " Sir, 
 •' I have this morning been honoured with your letter, re- 
 questing from me the information I may possess, respecting 
 governor Clinton's applications, during the late war, to go- 
 vernor Tompkins, for an active command, and an opportunity 
 to render his services in carrying on the war. 
 
 " Although I am, in general, unwilling to have my name 
 introduced into public discussions, yet I have always held 
 myself bound to give to governor Clinton, or to the vice-pre- 
 sident, or to the friends of either of those gentlemen, as full a 
 statement of what I know of that transaction, as my memory 
 and the lapse of time will permit. • 
 
 <' In the summer of 1814, Mr. Clinton, who was then may- 
 or of the city of New-York, requested me to be the bearer of 
 
64 
 
 an application from him to governor Tompkins, to be called 
 into active military service ; and particularly as apprehensions 
 then began to be entertained for the safety of the city over 
 which he presided. I had previously understood, or was 
 then informed, (and I cannot now say which,) that the late 
 general Curtenius had informally suggested the same thing to 
 governor Tompkins, but apparently without success. That 
 circumstance, and the manner in which I was applied to, in- 
 duced me to be very explicit in stating to governor Tompkins 
 that I came directly from the mayor. At the same time I 
 took the liberty of urging, from myself, such arguments as 
 appeared to me best calculated to second the application. 
 Governor Tompkins, as far as I now recollect, made but one 
 objection. He said Mr. Clinton Was a very young major- 
 general, and very little known as such; and that calling him 
 into service would be contrary to etiquette, and would proba- 
 bly offend older militia generals, whom he did not think it 
 right or prudent to employ ; some of whom he named to me. 
 
 " This application formed the subject of more than one con- 
 versation between governor Tompkins and myself; and I en- 
 deavoured to convince him that the situation of Mr. Clinton 
 as mayor, and the confidence placed in him by the citizens 
 of New-York, ought to have much greater weight than any 
 military etiquette, at least in the selection of an officer for the 
 defence of that city which then seemed to be very seriously 
 threatened. Governor Tompkins did not refuse to comply 
 with Mr. Clinton's application ; but he seemed to hesitate so 
 long and so much, that I considered it as virtually refused. 
 After some time, however, and when affairs appeared to have 
 grown more gloomy, his excellency, of his own accord, desir- 
 ed me to inform the mayor, that if the enemy landed in the 
 vicinity of New-York, he should be employed as he solicited, 
 
65 
 
 and to prepare himself accordingly. This message I imme- 
 diately communicated to Mr. Clinton, who observed, that if 
 his wishes were to be gratified, it certainly would be desira- 
 ble that he should be appointed some time before the enemy's 
 landing, that he might make the necessary previous arrange- 
 ments ; but he nevertheless desired me to inform the gover- 
 nor, that he should be prepared, and hold himself in readi- 
 ness at a moment's notice whenever called upon. That mes- 
 sage I accordingly delivered to governor Tompkins, and havS 
 never since heard any thing on the subject from either of 
 those gentlemen. 
 
 " I have the honour to be, sir, with much respect, 
 " Your obedient servant, 
 (Signed) /' THOMAS ADDIS EMMET." 
 
 MR. CLINTON IN 1814. 
 
 Let those who have violated truth and decorum by assailing 
 Mr. Clinton, read the following. It would have done 
 honour to John Hancock, Samuel Adams, Patrick Henry, 
 or George Clinton, 
 
 " Court of Sessions, September, 5th, 1814. 
 " Resolved, That this grand jury fully approve of the patri- 
 otic sentiments delivered to them at the opening of the court, 
 by his honour the mayor ; and that a copy of the same be re- 
 quested for the purpose of publication ; and that they also 
 concur in opinion with the court,- as to the propriety of an 
 adjournment at the present juncture of affairs." 
 
 " WM. BAYARD, Foreman. 
 "WM. LAWRENCE, Sec'ry." 
 9 
 
(T6 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Grand Jury, 
 
 " The situation of our country renders it extremely neces- 
 sary to devote our undivided attention to its protection. Du- 
 ties of paramount obligation, will justify us in adjourning this 
 court, in order that we may, with our best means, and to the 
 full extent of our faculties, exert ourselves for the public de- 
 fence. We shall, therefore, gentlemen, dispense with your 
 further attendance ; but we cannot permit this opportunity to 
 pass by without exhorting you, and through you the great 
 body of our fellow-citizens, to act with that wisdom and ener- 
 gy, with that fortitude and patriotism, which this most im- 
 portant crisis demands, and which the most sacred and impe- 
 rious considerations require ; an occasion so extraordinary will 
 warrant a deviation from the usual routine of judicial proceed- 
 ings, without implicating us in a violation of official decorum. 
 
 '^ Notwithstanding the dark cloud which hangs over our 
 country, there is nothing in the events which have occurred, 
 or in the prospect before us, which ought to create despair, 
 if we are faithful to ourselves, 
 
 " The seat of our national government has been taken, and 
 the enemy will no doubt follow up his advantage. But it is ' 
 not here as it generally is in other countries. The fall of the 
 capital will not produce the prostration of the country. Its 
 energies remain unimpaired — its resources in full vigour, and 
 all that is requisite is, that the spirit of the nation should as- 
 cend to the emergency of the pressure, and that its physical 
 strength should be properly arranged and directed. What; 
 ever diversity of opinion may exist with regard to the origi- 
 

 Hal character of the war, we must all agree that it has now be- 
 come on our part a war of defence. The enemy has officially 
 announced his intention to destroy and lay waste such of our 
 Atlantic towns and cities, as are exposed to his attacks. The 
 exactions on Alexandria, and the smoking ruins of Washing- 
 ton, admonish us what we are to expect, if we shall meanly 
 succumb, or ingloriously retreat. In such a cause, involving 
 our national character, the welfare, the prosperity of our coun- 
 try, and the honour of the nation, -it becomes us not to hesi- 
 tate about our course. Whatever we may think, or what- 
 ever we may have thought, of men and measures, whether 
 favourably or unfavourably, there can be, there ought to be, 
 no difference of opinion, no collision of action, when the safe- 
 ty of our country is at stake. For her sake, for the sake of all 
 that is near and dear to us, let us sacrifice upon the altar of 
 patriotism, every feeling — every passion — every prejudice — 
 every predilection that may enfeeble resistance, and impair 
 exertion. For this purpose it is necessary, absolutely neces- 
 sary, that there should be at least a truce to the animosities of 
 party — that we should join hands and hearts in the great vi^ork 
 of patriotic exertions — and that we should merge all personal, 
 all local considerations, in the great duties we owe to our 
 country. If this is done with zeal and in good faith, we have 
 nothing to apprehend. This state alone can furnish 200,000 
 men capable of bearing arms. If but a portion of this force is 
 brought into action, under judicious guidance, we can easily 
 repel all hostile attacks. But if, instead of putting our shoul- 
 ders to the wheel, we call upon Hercules for assistance — if we 
 rely upon the energies of others, and notour own — if like the 
 men of Athens, we go about inquiring what news, instead of 
 acting with vigour — if like the Jews of old, when the sacred 
 city was besieged, we commit ourselves to the furies of civil 
 discord, instead of warring against the common enemy, then 
 
68 
 
 indeed will we be unworthy of the name of Americans, and 
 of the rights of freemen. Then will the hand of divine chas- 
 tisement be upon us. And then will the sun of American 
 glory, which is now rapidly descending to the horizon, set in 
 clouds and darkness, and be extinguished for ever. 
 
 " Let us then exhort you, when you go from this place, to 
 prepare yourselves for the crisis — tp arm and discipline your- 
 selves for the defence of your country— and to encourage all 
 within the sphere of your influence to follow your example. 
 If any of you have pledged your lives, your fortunes, and 
 your honours, in the support of the present contest, let me 
 tell you, it is high time that you should redeem your pledge : 
 and if any of you have not, let me also tell you, that it is a sa- 
 cred duty to make yourselves ready for the sacrifice when- 
 ever it shall become necessary. 
 
 " Besides preparing yourselves for personal services in the 
 field, there are other imporiant benefits which you may con- 
 fer on your country. Although much liberality has been 
 manifested in procuring contributions, yet they have been by 
 no means proportioned to the emergency ; and although un- 
 precedented exertions have been made in the erection of 
 works of defence, yet much remains to be done. Exert, then, 
 all your influence, in calling forth the resources of our fellow 
 citizens for the defence of this city — endeavour with all your 
 power to extinguish the spirit of party, in the love of country. 
 When we carry on a war against a foreign foe, in defence of 
 our firesides and our altars, let us be at peace among ourselves. 
 A free nation animated by one mind, and rising in the majes- 
 ty of individual strength, can never become the victim of sub- 
 jugation — and it is to be ardently hoped that we shall repel, 
 by our own conduct on this momentous occasion, the imputa- 
 
69 
 
 tions which foreign malevolence has endeavoured to fasten 
 upon us: — that we are a nation of talkers and boasters — that 
 we are great in profession and small in performance — and that 
 we are not able to protect our own independence. 
 
 " As for ourselves, gentlemen, we shall not attempt to 
 amuse you by a parade of specious professions which have be- 
 come stale, unmeaning, and disgusting. We are sensible of 
 the importance of our duties, and, with the blessing of hea- 
 ven, we shall endeavour to discharge them.'/ 
 
(F) 
 
 MR. CLINTON IN 1814. 
 
 The following is a report on the fortification of the city of 
 New- York, in July, 1814. It shows how far he opposed 
 the war at that time. In drawing up this report he was 
 aided by that brave, intelligent, and accomplished officer, 
 GeneralJOSEPHG. SWIFT, late of the United States' 
 army. In July, 1814, he was stationed in the New- York 
 military district. 
 
 EXTRACT FROM THE RECORDS. 
 
 July 14th, 1814. 
 ^' The committee, to Avhom was referred the consideration 
 of the unprotected situation of our city, reported : 
 
 " The committee have endeavoured to obtain information 
 on the important objects of inquiry committed to them, and 
 they hasten to lay it before the common council. 
 
 " It may be classed under three heads : 
 
 " 1st, The probability of a hostile attack — 
 
 " 2d, The means of resistance — and, 
 
 " 3d, The measures which ought to be adopted, in order to 
 protect the city, and the surrounding country, in consequence 
 of the deficiency of those means. 
 
 " With respect to the first part, the committee have no par- 
 ticular information. It is well known that the British have 
 a vast disposable force in Europe, a part of which is intended 
 
71 
 
 for America — that the British naval commander-in-chief has 
 not appeared off the American coast this season, but has re- 
 mained at the island of Bermuda, in all probability with a 
 view to concentrate his forces for some important object ; and 
 that, upon the whole, there is reason to believe, that a blow is 
 intended to be struck, which will greatly injure this country ; 
 but the precise point of attack cannot be how known. Whe- 
 ther the enemy intends to aim at- New-Orleans, Norfolk, 
 Washington, Baltimore, New-York, or Newport, or whether 
 he has adopted any definite plan, cannot be determined but 
 by the course of events. That alarm exists at all those places 
 — that all are exposed, and that prudence and patriotism 
 dictate the indispensable necessity of adopting all proper 
 measures to repel his attacks, cannot be doubted. When we 
 consider the immense prize which this city affords to his cu- 
 pidity, the importance of its position, in relation to ulterior 
 measures of offence — in relation to the prosperity of a vast in- 
 land country, and in relation to the well-being of American 
 commerce and navigation — and when we further consider, 
 that from this state the war against Canada is carried on, it is 
 not absurd to suppose, that policy may prescribe an attack 
 upon our maritime frontiers, with a view to inflict a vital 
 injury upon us, and with the further view to aid the opera- 
 tions of the enemy on the northern and western parts of the 
 state. These apprehensions, it is true, may be all dissipated 
 by subsequent events ; and it is to be ardently wished, that in 
 the midst of our preparations for defence, the public anxiety 
 may be relieved, and the prosperity of our country promoted, 
 by intelligence of an honourable peace, 
 
 " The means of resistance may be considered under three 
 heads. — 1st, Fortifications — 2d, Troops — and, 3d, Munitions 
 of war. 
 
" The city may be approached in two ways by water, and 
 two ways by land. The enemy may approach us by Sandy- 
 Hook, and by the Sound. He may land at Gravesend bay, 
 as he did during the last war, and arrive at Brooklyn, in the 
 rear of the fortifications. He may land troops above Hell- 
 Gate, and then approach us in a northern direction. The 
 water communication by Sandy-Hook, is protected by several 
 strong and very important works, and the only deficiency we 
 need point out, is the neglect to complete the works on Hen- 
 drick's Reef, and adjacent commanding works on Long-Isl- 
 and. Vessels of any burden can pass through Hell-Gate with 
 safety. The experiments and observations of commodore 
 Decatur have put this beyond a doubt. This pass is totally 
 unprotected ; but prompt measures are now taking by the ge- 
 neral government, and commissioners of fortifications, under 
 the authority of this state, to erect a strong work of 12 guns, 
 at Hallet's Point, which it is to be hoped will be followed up 
 by another on Mill Rock. These forts would effectually pre- 
 vent the passage of the enemy, by water, in that direction. 
 
 *' With respect to the land attacks by Long-Island, and one 
 from Hell-Gate, no measures have been adopted to repel the 
 enemy. Indeed, all our works of defence have been erected 
 upon the hypothesis, that he would assail us by ships. When 
 we consider that he can land troops within eight or ten miles 
 of the city, in more places than one, and that nothing has 
 been done to impede or preclude his operations in this way, 
 there is room for serious reflections. We might indeed men- 
 tion, as a solitary exception, the intended erections by the 
 commissioners of fortifications, of a strong block-house, at the 
 principal inlet into Jamaica bay, which will prevent him from 
 coming in barges to Conossas landing, within seven miles of ' 
 the city, and at the same time cover an important section of 
 the country, from his marauding incursions. ■ 
 
73 
 
 ** With respect to soldiers, we have reason to believe that 
 all the regular force in this port, and its vicinity, does not ex- 
 ceed 1600 men, of which a great proportion consists of raw 
 recruits, and perhaps not one fourth are acquainted with the 
 use of great guns. The various forts in this harbour contain, 
 at least, 400 cannon, which, with the field artillery, will re- 
 quire, in case of a hostile attempt, to be manned by 4000 men. 
 The men are now dispersed among the various forts from 
 Sandy-Hook to Greenwich, and it is obvious, never could be 
 concentrated to any given point, in order to meet the ad- 
 vances of the enemy, without a total abandonment of the 
 works. The inadequacy of the regular force is palpable, and 
 we have no reason to believe the local militia can supply the 
 deficiency. The brigade of artillery does not contain more 
 than 1000 efiective men, a considerable proportion of whom 
 are principally conversant with the duty of infantry; and 
 even fifty of this corps are stationed at Sag-Harbour, for the 
 defence of that place. 
 
 *' The national government have recently ordered 13,500 
 of the militia of this state to be held in readiness for service. 
 This force, for the purpose of immediate defence, is merely 
 an army on paper. Before the men can be assembled to- 
 gether, from the various parts of the state, twenty or thirty 
 days will elapse, and the object of the enemy may be com- 
 pletely obtained ; and when assembled, they will be raw 
 troops, unacquainted with the duties of a camp, without dis- 
 cipline, and without mutual confidence, and ignorant of the 
 first elements of the military art. 
 
 " As to munitions of war, the annexed official statement 
 exhibits the meagre contents of our state arsenal. Of field 
 artillery we have ten pieces, four of which are six pounders. 
 
 10 
 
74 
 
 Of muskets, we have 2,230, of which only 543 have cartridge- 
 boxes, and the fixed ammunition is also inconsiderable. The 
 governor has taken measures to obtain 1000 muskets, which 
 may be daily expected. 
 
 '' The United States have not in this place more than 1000 
 muskets. They have ten iron six pounders, in good order, 
 four eighteen pounders, and four twelve pounders, one brass 
 twenty-four pounder, two brass twelve pounders, and one 5i 
 inch howitzer. There are also eleven iron eighteen pounders 
 on old carriages, which probably require mounting. The 
 quantity of fixed ammunition is not known : it is apprehend- 
 ed, that it is entirely inadequate to the crisis. 
 
 " After this brief exposition of our situation, the next, im- 
 portant object of inquiry is, what remedies should be adopted 
 to supply the desiderata, and to meet the exigencies of the 
 case. 
 
 "As a corporate body, with municipal powers, and with- 
 out any authority to impose taxes, or raise troops, it is evi- 
 dent, that the common council are not able to supply an ade- 
 quate remedy. So far forth as a representation of our defence- 
 less situation, as an application of our pecuniary resources, as 
 animating our fellow-citizens to spirited and patriotic exer- 
 tions, and as an adoption of all proper means, either as indi- 
 viduals, or public functionaries, may have a benign influence, 
 it is our incumbent duty to act jJrojnptlt/, immediately/, and 
 energeticallT/. 
 
 " The national government is specially charged with the 
 national defence — and it is presumed that a respectful repre- 
 sentation of this board, by a committee, to the president of the 
 
United States, may have a beneficial effect, as it is completely 
 in his power to direct the unfinished works to be completed, 
 and new w^orks to be constructed — to direct the regular force 
 in this quarter to be augmented — -to order a portion of the 
 militia into immediate service, to repel invasion, or to cause 
 them to be paid by the United States, after being ordered out 
 by the authority of the state — to cause munitions of war to be 
 augmented without any great inconvenience or expense, as it 
 is believed that the United States have arms and ammunition 
 sufficient, which may be sent to this place. Next to the gene- 
 ral government, we must look to the state government for pro- 
 tection. The governor has authority, by the 68th section of 
 the militia law, to order into service, at the expense of the 
 state, any portion of the militia, in case of invasion, or other 
 emergency, when he shall judge it necessary — ^he may also 
 increase the munitions of war in this quarter, by purchase, or 
 by ordering them from other arsenals where they are not 
 wanted. 
 
 " It appears to the committee, that it is indispensably ne- 
 cessary, in order to protect this city against attacks by land, 
 to have two fortified camps : one on the heights of Brooklyn, 
 and the other on the heights of Harlaem : and they should be 
 immediately occupied by the militia. These encampments 
 may prevent the approach of the enemy in the most exposed 
 quarters — will inure the men to arms and discipline — will 
 serve as places of rendezvous for the militia in cases of alarm, 
 and will give a decided tone and countenance to public confi- 
 dence. An encampment at Harlaem will have this additional 
 advantage : it will keep open a communication by land with 
 the continent, should the enemy obtain the command of our 
 waters. The land at Harlsem may be occupied without any 
 expense — that at Brooklyn may be obtained at a reasonable 
 
76 
 
 rate, during the war, by paying an annual rent. It is supposed 
 that these camps may be soon fortified by the voluntary labour 
 of our fellow citizens, and by the militia ordered to occupy 
 them. A respectable portion of the physical force of this city 
 is exempted from serving in the militia, excepting in cases of 
 invasion — the body of firemen, consisting of upwards of 1000 
 able-bodied men — those who have served a certain period in 
 the artillery, and persons above the age of forty-five, come 
 principally under the description. To render this force of any 
 use, it ought to be organized. The firemen might compose 
 one regiment, and the exempts another. Although the go- 
 vernor is authorized to call out the militia at the expense of 
 the state ; yet as no legislative appropriation has been made 
 for this object, it is necessary that the corporation should loan 
 the necessary funds on this occasion. The removal of our 
 shipping from our harbour to some place of safety, besides 
 being beneficial to the owners, will diminish the inducements 
 of the enemy to attack the city, and will prevent the service 
 of an efficient body of men from being diverted from the pub- 
 lic defence, to the conservation of the shipping. 
 
 " With a view of bringing these propositions before the 
 common council, in a formal shape, the committee submit the 
 following resolutions. 
 
 1st — " Resolved, That aldermen Mapes and Smith be re- 
 quested forthwith to call upon the president of the United 
 States, and respectfully to solicit his attention to the objects 
 above stated, as being within the purview of his official 
 powers. 
 
 2 — " Resolved, That the committee of defence, and the 
 comptroller, be a committee to procure the necessary ground 
 
77 
 
 on the heights of Brooklyn, the money therefor to be advanc- 
 ed by this board, on an annual rent, for the purpose above 
 expressed, in full confidence that the same will be refunded 
 by the state, or general government. 
 
 3d — " Resolved, That his excellency the governor, he 
 further respectfully requested to call out, for the defence of 
 the city, under the authority given to him by the militia law, 
 a competent number of militia, to occupy the proposed camps, 
 and that the corporation will loan the necessary funds, not 
 exceeding 300,000 dollars, to be reimbursed by the state. 
 
 4th — " Resolved, That his excellency the governor, be 
 further respectfully requested to increase, by all means in his 
 power, the munitions of war in this part of the state, and to 
 cause the field artillery and arms to be put in complete order. 
 
 5th — " Resolved, That the commissioners of fortifications 
 be requested to hasten the erection of works on Hallet's point, 
 or Mill Rock, or such other works as they mayjudge neces- 
 sary, to prevent the approach of the enemy to the city by the 
 Sound. 
 
 6th — " Resolved, That the committee of defence be in- 
 structed to attend to the organization of the exempts, as above 
 stated — to the removal of the shipping, and the procuring the 
 voluntary labour of our fellow-citizens on the encampments 
 above mentioned. 
 
 7th — " Resolved, That aldermen Fish and Wendover be a 
 committee to wait on the governor, with these resolutions. 
 
 8th—*' Resolved, That the finance committee be authorized 
 
7S 
 
 to repcyrt the means of raising the moneys that may be re- 
 quired under these resolutions. 
 
 '' The committee having been directed by the common 
 council to confer with his excellency the governor, ,and ma- 
 jor-general Lewis, conceive it no more than an act of justice 
 to state, that those gentlemen have evinced every disposition 
 to promote the defence of this city, and will unquestionably 
 afford all the aid in their power to the attainment of this im- 
 portant object. 
 
 (Signed) '' DE WITT CLINTON, 
 
 v^'N. W. FISH, 
 "P. H. WENDOVER." 
 
79 
 
 (G) 
 
 MR. CLINTON AND THE IRISH EMIGRANTS. 
 
 During the late war, the Irish emigrants, residing in the 
 city of New- York, made an eloquent address to Mr. Clinton, 
 through that truly great and illustrious man, Thomas Addis 
 Emmet, the pride and ornament of his adopted country. The 
 following was Mr. Clinton's answer. Let all true Irishmen 
 read it. Between Mr. Clinton and Mr. Emmet, the most in- 
 dissoluble friendship has always existed. 
 
 " Gentlemen, 
 
 " Next to the approbation of my own conscience, the fa- 
 vourable opinion of honourable and high minded men has al- 
 ways been an object of solicitude to me. I therefore consider 
 this expressisn of your good will, as one of the most pleasing 
 events of my life. 
 
 "If I had been insensible to these natural predilections 
 which every man must entertain of the countrymen of his 
 ancestors, yet patriotic considerations would have incul- 
 cated the expediency of cherishing Irish emigration ; for take 
 away from America her population of that description, and 
 who could not mourn over the loss of many of the best heads, 
 and best hearts in the nation .'' Who would not lament so 
 alarming a diminution of our physical strength, and such an 
 irreparable destruction of our productive industry ? 
 
 " When I see among you, men whose virtues and talents 
 reflect lustre upon the learned professions, and whose names 
 
80 
 
 will live in the memory of the wise and the virtuous of future 
 times ; and when I consider the whole course of your irre- 
 proachable conduct — your ardent attachment to those sacred 
 principles, which it has been the favourite object of my life to 
 promote — the principles of republicanism — and your entire 
 devotion to the supremacy of law and good order, and to the 
 honour and prosperity of your adopted country, I must de- 
 clare that I am proud to hail you as my friends; and that, in 
 private as well as in public life, I shall never cease to enter- 
 tain and to manifest the sincerest regard for you, individually 
 and collectively. DE WITT CLINTON." 
 
MR. CLINTON, 
 
 AND THE 
 
 MILITARY AND NAVAL HEROES 
 
 OF THE LATE WAR. 
 
 It is said by men reckless of truth, honesty, justice, and 
 self-respect, that De Witt Clinton opposed the war. Wash- 
 ington was charged with being a traitor after the establishment 
 of our independence ; Jefferson for years was denied the 
 praise of writing the declaration of independence ; and Alex- 
 ander Hamilton was stoned in the streets of New- York, as an 
 enemy to his country. Patriots may be hunted down, exe- 
 crated, proscribed, and driven into banishment; illustrious 
 statesmen, who have founded the prosperity and built up the 
 glory of states, may be calumniated, persecuted, and for a 
 moment, overwhelmed by the arts and desperation of the 
 wicked ; the great and the virtuous may excite envy and 
 draw down upon their heads the vengeance of profligate 
 combinations; but time will roll on. Sooner or later it will 
 bringthe accused and the accusers to the temple of truth, and 
 to the altar of justice. Guilt and slander will shrink away 
 
 11 
 
b2 
 
 abashed into some dark corner, and the wreath of immortality 
 be entwined around the heads of those whom nations and 
 ages hail as moral and military heroes, and as benefactors to 
 all after generations. 
 
 Let every man whose soul can be reached and fired by the 
 language of eloquence, and by the inspiration of genius, read, 
 and attentively read, the following addresses. They would 
 have done honour to Athens in the days of Pericles, and to 
 Rome, in the glorious consulship of Tully. Mr. Clinton op- 
 pose the war! These speeches bring us down to 1S15, to a 
 short time previous to the assembling of that famous body at 
 Hartford, with which Mr. Clinton is accused of having form- 
 ed a league ! If ever Napoleon uttered words calculated to 
 lead France to victory, the following appeals through our gal- 
 lant commanders, were calculated to rouse the American na- 
 tion to heroic enthusiasm — to deeds of invincible valour. His- 
 tory will hand them down to an admiring posterity. 
 
8,3 
 
 MR. CLINTON'S ADDRESS TO COMMODORE 
 
 PERRY. 
 
 "Sir, 
 
 " The illustrious achievements of individuals, in science 
 and in arms, constitute the glory of nations ; patriotism, there- 
 fore, unites with policy, in conferring those honours and re- 
 wards which are due to distinguished merit. 
 
 "^ After we have signalized ourselves in conquering the 
 enemy of our country, a task, perhaps more difficult, yet re- 
 mains, — to obtain a victory over ourselves. He who, in the 
 moment of triumph, and in the full career of glory, reposes 
 himself with humility upon the Supreme Being, exercises the 
 duty of humanity to the vanquished, and displays that modest 
 deportment, which is ever the companion of elevated minds, 
 exhibits an example of virtue, worthy of all imitation, and 
 honourable to human nature. 
 
 " I shall not, sir, on this occasion, from motives of delica- 
 cy, expatiate upon the important naval events which took 
 place under your auspices, upon the waters of Lake Erie, but 
 I must be permitted to say, that your subsequent conduct, and 
 particularly your endeavour, by more than fraternal attention, 
 to sooth the afflicted spirit, and to restore the wounded frame 
 of your brave and magnanimous antagonist, have given you 
 the strongest additional claims upon the regard and affections 
 of your country. 
 
 " I now proceed, sir, fo perform one of the most pleasing- 
 acts of my life, in conferring upon you the highest honours 
 in the power of this city to bestow." 
 
 His honour then administered the usual oath, and pre- 
 sented the certificate of freedom. 
 
•S-l 
 
 MR. CLINTON-S ADDRESS TO GEN. MACOMB. 
 « Sir, 
 
 " At the commencement of the present war, most of the 
 soldiers of the revolution were no more. The surviving few, 
 bending under the weight of years, or still feeling the wounds 
 they had received in their country's cause, were, with some 
 exceptions, no longer able to appear in arms. A long peace 
 had, in a great degree, banished military knowledge ; but 
 there was still one institution devoted to its cultivation. From 
 this school, superintended by a gentleman of great science 
 and talents, has proceeded that knowledge which has essen- 
 tially promoted the security of America. War is a science, 
 as well as an art. And, in order to constitute an able and ac- 
 complished soldier, there must be a union of valour, intelli- 
 gence, and discipline. Considering our unprepared state, the 
 absence of discipline, and the low state of military knowledge, 
 it is not to be wondered, that the first stages of our contest 
 should be marked by unfortunate events. Adversity tries the 
 character of nations, as well as of individuals. 
 
 " It was not for America, in the vigour of youth, and in 
 the full possession of martial courage, and physical power, to 
 succumb under a series of disastrous occurrences. She rose, 
 in the plenitude of her strength, like Sampson from his slum- 
 bers ; she sent forth her sons to the combat — they measured 
 swords with long-tried veteran armies that had gathered lau- 
 rels on the ensanguined plains of Europe. They repulsed the 
 enemy in all directions — with inferior force, they frequently 
 conquered him — with equal force, they never were vanquish- 
 ed. They have acquired immortal renown — have given con- 
 fidence to the country — have elevated our character in the 
 estimation of the civilized world ; and posterity will look 
 upon the actors in these illustrious scenes with the same ve- 
 
S5 
 
 neration that we now contemplate the departed heroes of 
 former times. 
 
 '* Fully sensible of the important services which you have 
 rendered to America, at a very critical period, and desirous 
 of doing justice to a citizen of this state, who deserves so well 
 of his country, this city now confers on you her civic honours." 
 
 The freeman's oath was then administered to the general, 
 and the certificate of freedom presented to him in an elegant 
 gold box. 
 
86 
 
 MR. CLINTON^S ADDRESS TO GEN. BROWN, 
 
 January 30, IS 15. 
 " Sir, 
 
 " However disastrous and portentous tlie state of public 
 affairs may appear, at any particular period, there is almost 
 invariably, in every free country, a redeeming spirit which 
 produces faculties demanded by the crisis, and exhibits pow- 
 ers proportioned to the emergency. The history of the Uni- 
 ted States furnishes many remarkable illustrations of this truth, 
 and gives us strong reasons to believe, that however we may 
 suffer for a time, yet the hand of the Almighty has marked us 
 out for a long career of prosperity and greatness. The war 
 of the revolution astonished mankind by a sublime display of 
 heroism, and political wisdom ; and when at a subsequent 
 period, the elements of confusion and anarchy were let loose 
 among us, our civil institutions were meliorated, and our na- 
 tional prosperity fortified and improved by the counsels and 
 exertions of sages and patriots. We are now engaged in a 
 war with one of the most powerful nations in the world — a na- 
 tion which has had a principal agency in overthrowing the 
 colossal power of France — which now controls the destinies 
 of Europe — and which holds in its hands the trident of the 
 ocean. This enemy, so formidable, has attacked us by sea 
 and land — has approached us in all directions, and is now 
 menacing our northern, our western, our eastern, and our 
 southern frontiers. Although distracted by intestine divisions, 
 paralized by inefficient measures, environed with dangers, 
 and surrounded by difficulties, yet America has, on most im- 
 portant occasions, presented a countenance undismayed and 
 magnanimous; and has produced heroes who have, on the 
 ocean and the land, vindicated our national character, and 
 have created imperishable monuments of individual and na- 
 tional glory The events which have occurred on the west- 
 ern frontiers of this state, during the last campaign, have 
 baffled the proud expectations of the enemy, and have taught 
 him, that by energy, wisdom, and union, we can set at defi- 
 ance the combined efforts of the w^orld. At Chippewa, at 
 Bridgewater, and at Erie, our gallant army came in contact 
 
S7 
 
 with the veteran soldiers of Great Britain, who had dyed the 
 plains of Europe with the blood of the best troops of France, 
 and the result has every where been successful and glorious. 
 The heroic spirits which directed our physical force, and the 
 brave soldiers that fought under such masterly guidance, are 
 entitled to the gratitude of America. Wherever they go, the 
 good wishes and good offices of their country will attend them 
 — history will record their services and their sufferings — 
 their deeds of valour and of glory ; and future generations, as 
 well as the present, will look up to them as models for imi- 
 tation, and as examples of heroic greatness. As long as the 
 waters of the great lakes shall roll over the cataract of Niaga- 
 ra, so long shall those heroes command the gratitude and ve- 
 neration of posterity; and the future traveller will, with in- 
 creased curiosity, and indescribable emotions, rontemplate the 
 magnificent scenery of a country, equally celebrated for the 
 illustrious achievements of men, and the sublime operations of 
 nature. To the leaders in these exploits, the just and impar- 
 tial voice of future times will apply the portrait of a great 
 captain, drawn by the first orator of antiquity. 
 
 *' Labor in negotus, fortitudo inpericulis, industrios in 
 agendo, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in jirovidendoP 
 
 " Although delicacy will not permit me to state the agency 
 which you have had in these distinguished scenes, yet I must 
 be permitted to say, that the promises which you gave of fu- 
 ture and eminent usefulness, when by your vigour and skill 
 you protected the most important place in the west, against 
 the invasions of the enemy, have been fully realized on the 
 borders of the Niagara — and that to such men as you and your 
 gallant companions in arms, America must look for the pal- 
 ladium of her safety." 
 
 The freeman's oath was then administered to the general, 
 and the certificate of freedom of the city, together with an ele- 
 gant gold box, with a suitable inscription, were delivered to 
 him. 
 
{?S 
 
 MR. CLINTON'S ADDRESS TO COMMODORE MAC- 
 
 DONOUGH. 
 
 January 5, 1815. 
 '' Sir, 
 
 *' When our northern frontier was invaded by a power- 
 ful army — when the heroes who have immortaHzed themselves 
 on the Niagara, were pressed by a superior force — when the 
 capital of the nation was overrun by hostile bands — when the 
 most important city to the south was attacked by the enemy, 
 and when he threatened to lay waste our maritime towns with 
 fire and sword — at a period so inauspicious and gloomy, when 
 all but those who fully understand, and duly appreciated the 
 firmness and resources of the American character, began to 
 despair of the republic, you were the first who changed the 
 fortune of our arms, and who dispelled the dark cloud that 
 hung over our country. With a force greatly inferior, you met 
 the enemy, vaunting of his superior strength, and confident in 
 victory — you crushed his proud expectations — you conquer- 
 ed him ; and the embattled hosts which were ready to pene- 
 trate into the heart of our country, fled in dismay and confu- 
 sion. In discharging the great duties which you owed to 
 America, you did not forget, in that trying hour, the source 
 of all power and all good — you appealed to that Being, in 
 whose hands are the issues of life, and the fate of nations ; and 
 you completed the glory of the patriot, by exhibiting the chris- 
 tian hero. 
 
 "As long as illustrious events shall be embodied in history, 
 so long will the victory of Lake Champlain, obtained under 
 your auspices, command the respect of mankind. And when 
 you, and all who hear me, shall be numbered among the dead, 
 those who succeed us, to the most extended line of remote 
 posterity, will cherish, with exultation, those great achieve- 
 ments which are indissolubly connected with the prosperity 
 and glory of America." 
 
 The freeman's oath was then administered to the commo- 
 dore, and the certificate of freedom was presented in an ele- 
 gant gold box. 
 
 THE END. 
 
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