Class Book T HE S LAVERY <4UES I iujn i SPEECH HON DANIEL WALLACE, OE SOUTH CAROLINA, IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, APRIL 8, 1850, ^ In Committee of the Whole on the slate of the Union, on the President's Message com- municating the Constitution of California. Mr. WALLACE rose and said: M ... o u .v Among iiivruiiKiuut y ieStnma which now demand our attention, none are more deserving the profound consideration of the Ameri- can people than the questions of the non-extension, and of the abolition, of slavery. The bill now on your table affords me a fit occasion to express my views on these subjects, which now so fearfully agitate the public mind. I believe 1 shall be able to show, that non-exiension is but the means by which the abolition of slavery is intended to be ac- complished. I shall therefore consider these sub- jects together, with the view to show the identity of their object and tendency. The agitation of these questions has produced a state of excitement in the public, mind, unexam- pled in our history. Throughout a large section of the Union, deep discontent prevails, and men calmly und sternly deliberate upon the meansof saving themselves and their children from the in- tolerable wrongs which are impending over them. Confidence in this Government, to answer the ends of its formation, is rapidly giving way. We can- not, without being criminally guilty, close our eyes to the fact, that old political systems are viewed with profound and well-founded distrust, and the advantages of new ones, formed upon their ruins, openly and boldly discussed. This want of con- fidence in established systems, is not confined to Europe. It is here in our midst also. The human mind asserts its freedom, and will no longer be deluded by the sanctity, which the hallowed asso- ciations of the past have !hrnu/fi Brnnnil n name. The substance of things is now demanded, and this demand must be satisfied. To draw a faithful picture of the state of the Union, in reference to these questions, is the duty now before me. The first step towards the restriction of slavery, was the enactment of the ordinance of 1787, the Bixth article of which reads as follows: "There shall lie neither slavery nor involuntary servi- tude in the said territory, otherwi e titan in the punishment fof oriines, whereofthe party shall have be n duly convicted : Provi/M always. Thai any person escaping; into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully el limed in anj of the original Stat is, n minor Questions of public policy, upon non-extension they all agree. On this subject there is but one party and one policy. As far, therefore, as this question is concerned, how does the northern Whig differ from the northern Demo- crat, or how does the Free Soiler and Abolitionist differ from either ? Do not all give their aid to the great scheme of ultimate abolition, by pressing forward the scheme of non-extension ? Did not all vote for the Wilmot proviso, with three or four exceptions, while it was a practical question? Are not all now in favor of the admission of Cali- fornia, and that, too, for the reason that the Wilmot proviso is ingrafted in, and constitutes a part of, her so-called fundamental law, and that her admis- sion into the Union thus becomes a part of the scheme of non-extension, and therefore of ultimate abolition? And what is it worth to us, if some do it reluctantly ? :i This Union of incompatible elements, up to the geographical line which divides the North from \\ the South. ential purpose, de- i jorityii • rhere c is, th , le in (ho way of the - ahsokne power of this majority; and 'hat is ;he Constitution. Bt i.ied by written -sary majority, 'the nej move every ob- pur- pose, the Constitution must be overthrown, and the will of the majoril ed in its stead. We have thus, arrived at a new era in our politi- cal history. The time has come, When the tion roust be decided, as was said by the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs,] how far wri constitutions can protect the rights of a minority, against the. usur| s majority. There must be a veto power somewhere. If the President refuses to discharge his constitutional duties, the minori U.<..i.-r . "i ob nestroyod. To n, a new v . ulary is bein^ farmed, and a catalogue of ideas, heretofore unknown, a.-- brought to our considera- tion. At one tit. •■•needed, by the high- est authority, th - ' this Confederacy can Reaceibly secede from it. Upon this subject Mr. ladison said, in the debates on the Federal Con- stitution: i has been alleged, that t'u Confederation having been formed by unanimous consent, could be dissolved bj "unani- mous consent only. Does this doctrine result from the na- ture- of compacts? Does it arise from any particular stipula- tion in the Articles of Confederation ? If we consider the Federal Union as analogous to the fundamental compact, by which individuals compose one sr>cie;y. . :;d which must in its theoretic origin, at least, have been thi ui of the component members, it canno be s.od. tire no disso- lution of the compact can without uriaui consent A breach of the fundamental principles of me compact, by a part of the society, would certainly the other part from tluir obligations to it. If the bn aeh of any article, by . m o the parties, doc- not set the others at liberty, it is because thi contrary is Implied in the compact itself, and particularly in that law of it which gives an in- definite authority to 'the majority to bind the whole in all cases. This latter circumstance shows, that we ar : not to consider the Federal Union as analogous 'o the social cow- pact oi individual.-, for it'ii were so. a majority would have a right to bind the rest, and even to form a new Constitution for the whole, which the genu" man from Nrfev. rso.n-,1 would n as analogous, no! to th< compacts anions; individual men, but to the conventions amour; individual States, what is the doctrines re ultlng worn these conventions ? Clearl ins, that a breach of any one article by n»y ..,,.. j>,,r. , the whole convention a^ dissolved." The convi ie State of Virginia, which i ratify th< ' 3titution, in the of ratification, used the following language: " We, the delegates ofttae penp in pursuance of a recommendation from I bit. n >« mi ; in convention, having fully and tigated and discussed the federal Con- vention, and Ik ina prepared, as well as the root in deliberation hath enabled us, to decide thereon, do, in lie name and in behalf of the pr.opi . . declare and make known, that the powers granted under the Constitution bciii? derived from the people of the I niti d States, resumed in m, I,,, whensoever the same shall be pi r to their injury or oppression, and thai every pow< grant d thereby, remains with them and at their will. That therefore, no right of any denomination filed, abridged, restrained, or modified, by -! • by the Senate or House of Representative*, acting in B by the President, or any departne n' ir • (5 er of the United - At the same period of time, a convention of the State of New York met to ratify ihe Constitution, which convention, in the terms ot ratification, used the following language: "We, the delegates of the people ni I ie State o( V (t York, dulv elected and met In convention, bavins; maturely considered the Constitution for the United States of Amer- 1 ica," " and having also seriously and deha. ratelj • in-idered ; the present situation of the United States, do declare and make known, that all power is originally vested in. and con- sequently derived from, the people, ami that government is instituted by them for their common interest, protection and security;" <: that the powers of government may he reas- suroed by thr people, whenever it shail become necessary for their bappii In the amendments to the Federal Constitution, j proposed by the convention of the State of Vir- ginia, that convention declared: " That governments ought to be instituted fir the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, and that the doctrine of non-resistance against arbitrary power and op- pression, is absurd, slavish, and destructive of the good and happiness nf mankind." The convention of the State of North Carolina, I under the same circumstances, made the following declaration in their bill of rights: ■''Thai government ought to be instituted for the common benefit, protection, and security of the people, and that the doctrine of nnn-resistan « against arbitrary power and op- I, slavish, and d slroetive to the good and happiness of mankind " Sir, thus spoke the men who framed the Con- stitution i-:;der which we have so long lived and acted; and with these declarations, and this un- derstanding of the meaning: md theory of our re- publican system, the Federal Constitution was ratified. Thesovereign parties to the compact of i, at, the moment they formed ir, declared, in express terms — to which all the States assented — that they cut r.d into . int with the under- standing, that a breach of Mty one article, by any one party, leaves all the other parties at liberty to consider the whole dissolved; that they were at liberty to withdraw from it, and re-assume the rs granted whenever, in their judgment, it try to their safety and happiness, and at the same time affirm d the right find duty to resist arbitrary rower and oppression, and that the doctrine nf non-resistai :e is absurd, slavish, and destru 33of man- kind. 1 have appealed to this venerable authorit id, for the purpose of contrasting it with the majority wiio now control this eja nm g at . This majority have adopted, as I of axioms di- h these fundamental doctrines of our republican fathers. These axioms are, that this Governmem is the sole judge of the extent of its own powers; that a majority, either within or without the Constitution, must govern in all cases whatsoever; that to the will of this majority, aa expressed by their votes, the minority must sub- mit; that a State — one or more — cannot peaceably secede fro m n, without the consent of the majority; that to attempt to do so, is rebellion; that rebellion is treason against the General Gov- ernment, to which all primary allegiance is due; that, as a consequence, the people of a State which should attempt io secede from the Union, would . be rebels and traitors; that, -being thus criminal, a resort by the President to the military power,'^is the proper remedy to put down such rebellion, and thereby preserve the Union by force ol'arni.;, and enforce the will of the majority by the sword. These doctrines are continually avowed he debate. Lot me call the attention of this commit- tee to the concluding paragraph of a speech lately made by the gentleman from Illinois, [Mr. FJis- ell,] calling himself a democrat: "Illinois," said he, " proffered to the country nine regiments, ' to aid in the vindication of her right ' with Mexico; and should danger threaten the 'Union, from any source, or in any quarter — in ' the North or in the South — she will be ready to 'furnish twice, thrice, yes, four times ' ber, to march where thai, danger may be — to re- ' turn when it is passed, or return no more. '•" Let me not be misunderstood by this House or by the country. This tirade of the member from Illinois, is extremely harmless; and, under ordi- nary circumstances, would excite a smile only. But when viewed in its true light, as one of the signs of the times, indicating demy , iv< •. the independence of the States is den this Government is, in fact, no rated Republic of sovereign and i a consolidated despotism, and thai its edicts are to be enforced by the sword; then, this declamatory display of the member from llli nes a degree of importance not intended, pei should arouse the people of the South to a unit! - ! and determined resistance. Bui this is notail. The gentleman fro chusetts, [Mr. Mann,] ina rece.it speech — a s\ characterized by a spirit of ferocity and malignity never surpassed in parliamentary history — use J the following language, in reply to som lately made by Governor Troup, of Georgia, in a letter to a friend: " Mr. Chairman, (s;iid lit-,) such collision would bi such li rcibli ■ .- enl would b son. Its agents and abettors would be traitors, this rebellion rears it- crest, martial law will be proclai and those found with hostile arms in their hands, tutu pare for the felon's doom." These are the doctrines of the majority, to « the people of the South are told they must submit, under the penalty of a felon's and a traiti The first object of this majority i.- litical power, with the view to bring upon the slavery question. Secondly. I for the perpetuity of that power in themselves; and, thirdly, to identify the persons upon w that power may acr. And thus theConstituI overthrown, and the North becomes the I and the South the victim. The great scheme of non-extension is the nr by which all this is to be accomplished, The majority are united upon this policy. There ore now thirty States in the Union. Delaware-may be classed with the North, with whom she frater- nizes and acts. The North have now, then thiriy-two Senators, and the South twenty-eight; and in the populai branch of the Government, the North have a majority of forty-four Representa- tives. Let us now 1" noment, at the state of thirds which must prevail, if the free-soil scheme be carried out. It is avowed that no more slave I States shall be admitted into the Union, and that all the territorial districts shall be brought in^ as free Stafs. If this be done, the inequality which now exists between North and South will be 01 : creased to an extent that will utterly destroy the balance of power between the two sections, and place the South at the mercy of the North. I hold in my hand the 3d vol. Executive docu- ments, 2d session 30th Congress, which contains an appendix to the annual report of the Commia- sioner of the General Land Office. By an exam- ination of this reoort, it appears that the territorial districts of the United States contain a ideographi- cal area of 1,861,976 square miles. Of this vast extent of country, 262,729 square miles lie south, and 1,599,247 north of the line of 36° 30' north latitude. The State of Ohio is a large average State, and contains, in round numbers. 40,000 square miles. If, then, the State of Ohio be taken e basis of calculation, this territory will be found equal to forty-six States as large as Ohio. Of these States, six lie south, and forty north, of the Missouri compromise iioe. If the question now before the country was settled on the basis of the AIissoueicoinpromi.se — but which the North refuse to u.- ,u. Nw«t< »-~*Ld o.ory enough for forty new States, and the South, six. The resolutions by which Texas was admitted into the Union provide, that four ■ may, with the consent of Texas, be formed out of the territory of that State. This gives the South ter- ritory sufficient for ten new S free- cheme be carried ou;, then ■ . will have territory enough for forty-six new States, which, added to the old States, will make their whole number sixty-two States, « South will have but eigh This monstrous scheme of fraud and imposition docs not sti it has con- nected with it another scheme, to dismember Texas, in order to restrict slavery ell the number of free States. The majority have as- 1 that the boundary of Texas in the South yond the Ri\ , and that the country lying between that river and the Rio Grande belo United Si This country contain.- ." 52,018 square miles, and is therefon ■ylvunia. limits will dl me to enter in rits nf this boundary question, will only ren t, in my judgment, the of Texas to the Rio G and •n boundary, and « hi- h u d in law established by the treaty of Guadalupe Hi- dalgo, can be shown to the if any court of justice in the U nited State s. This as- sumption of the map my, groundless ai stitutei i.-.nt in the abolition policy. It ling. The 'territory to which this claim i: j . set up, ex- tends to the Gult of Mexico. If the majority can succeed in. annulling the. claim o( ■ this country, and admit i 1 into the Union as a iref. they will thereby perfe nrbole non- ne. The migrati .icon slaves along the gulf shore will b< id the cordon, to whi( li the member from. Pennsylvania alluded with so much , will in fact be extended all around us. Mr. Chairman, I am deeply impressed with the ure is not overdrawn. To this result, i ji development in the history of the country has been slowly, but surely, tend- ing, ever since the enactment of the ordinance of 1787. This tendency was slow at first. Time is required lo effect all great changes in the progress and destinies of States and Empires. The appa- rent cessation of this tendency, which took place between the time of the enactment of the ordinance of 1787 and the Missouri compromise, was but the time required for the growth of the new States; and time only is required ;iow to accomplish the «vent. The wisest of our statesmen, at the forma- tion of this Government, never saw as deep into the future as the present hour. But time has re- moved the veil which hid the present from their eyes, ami he is blind indeed who cannot see now where this nation:- ! d« velopment must end. The or- dinance of 1787 constituted one epoch in the history of abolition development. The Missouri compro- mise, constituted a second, and was brought about by the progressive increase of the population of the Northwest; and it is the further increase of this population, which now extends from the Atlantic to the Pacific ocean, which has brought on the struggle in whi< U the two sections are now en- gaged, and which constitutes the third gicai epoch in it3 history. From the beginning until now, the non-extension policy has been gathering strength, as the population of the East, North, and West, increased, and we now rapidly approach the final result. All doubt and mystery in reference to the object and tendency of slavery restriction, have passed away, and, freed from all disguises, the ques- tion iiow stands before us in all its importance and magnitude New States are growing up all around us, and the majority have declared in advance, that slavery shall be excluded from them all. This tide of population — indoctrinated as it is with hostility to the institutions of the South, by lessons taught, a'roin infancy to old a^e, in the nurseries and pri- mary schools, by fulminations from the forum.-; of Abolition societies, by religious teachings from a thousand pulpits, and by the circulation of incen- diary papers through the mails — is pouring into the territories of Minnesota, Nebraska, Oregon. Dese- ret, California, and New Mexico. Some of these districts are now asking admission, and all will soon be incorporated into the Union. And as each new State is added, a reinforcement of Senators and Representatives will join the majority, maki.i^ the inequality which now exists between the two sec- tions, siil! greater, and placing it in the power of '.he North to carry on the abolition scheme, with- out check or hindrance. I come now to the bill on your table, for the .iiimio ion ot California Into the Union as a Suae. This bill is designed to effect another great step in the progress of abolition, and if passed, cuts off the South from the Pacific ocean forever. It is here, without precedent or example in tiie history of this Government, Why is this?, Why all this haste to bring this remote province into the Union as a State? Why is this Government called upon to abandon the practice which has prevailed, without material change, for nearly seventy years ?. It will be remembered, that when the Union was formed, the Unit.-d Slates, in their federati ve char- acter, did not osvn a foot of land upon this com The public domain, was owned by individual Stat.;;, under grunts from the British crown. In 1780, the Congress passed a resolution recom- mending to the several States to cede their unap- propriated lands to the United States. In October of the same year the Congress passed another resolution, in which it was ResoU-ed, Thai the unappropriated land* that may be ceded or relinquished lo the United States by any pat titular State, pursuant to the recommendation of Congress, >-hall he disposed of tor the common benefit m the United States." Agreeably to this recommendation, Virginia, in March, 1784, ceded to the United States the ter- ritory northwest of the Ohio river. In April fol- j lowing, resolutions for the government of this . territory were passed, which were superseded by the ordinance of 1787, which ordinance continued of force until it was rendered inoperative by the ' admission into the Union of the States formed out 1 of the Northwest Territory. i The State of Ohio was admitted in 1802, having 1 been governed as a territory eighteen years. The | State of Indiana was admitted in 1816, Illinois in ! 1818, Michigan in 1837, and Wisconsin in 1845, i having been governed as territories thirty-two, thirty-four, fifty-threo, and sixty-one years, re- ! spectiveiy. These dates refer back to the resolu- j lions of 1784 At intermediate periods, acts were j passed by Congress, granting them the power to ; form local legislatures for their government — the j acts of such legislatures to be subject to the ap- proval of Congress. The States of Alabama and ; Mississippi are formed from territory ceded to the | United States by South Carolina and Georgia. The State of Mississippi was admitted in 1817, ' and Alabama in 1819, both having been longgov- ! erned as territories. Louisiana was purchased of j France by the treaty of Paris, in 1803, and the j State of Louisiana was admitted in 1812, after ! nine years of territorial pupilage. I deem it un- i necessary to extend this examination. In what I ! have presented, the practice of the government, | from 1784 until now, will be clearly seen. In all ' the cases mentioned, and in all other cases of the | same kind, the President appointed the governors ! and judges of each territory, whose salaries were ', paid out of the public treasury of the United States. i Preparatory to the admission of these territories into the Union as States, Congress passed laws fixing their boundaries, directing a census of the inhabitants to be taken, authorizing each to meet in convention to form a State constitution, and pre- scribing the qualification of voters. In the case of Michigan, this rule was slightly varied, but which : I will not stop to consider, for the reason that the I case is not analogous to that now presented by : California. Sir, why was this practice at first deemed nece.3- | sary ? Because the jurisdiction and sovereignty, in and over all these territorial districts, were con- veyed to the United States, by the respective deeds of cession, and Congress was therefore bound to exercise jurisdiction over them, that they might be disposed of, for the common benefit of the United States, and thereby fulfill the pledge made by Congress in the resolution of 10th October, 1780. By the treaty of Guadalupe Hi . Ter- ritories of California and New Mexico were ceded to the United States; and Congress is bound, for the same reason, to exercise jurisdiction over them. By what authority, then, have the congre- gation of adventurers, from all nations, calling themselves the people of California, entered upon these land.}, and appropriated to themselves the mineral wealth they contain, in derogation of the rights of the United States? By what authority have these trespassers upon the public property met in convention, formed what they cull a State constitution, and sent their Senators and Repre- sentatives here, to risk admission into the Union ? If they have the right, under these circumstances, to ask admission, have they not the same right to ask admission into the Union of Mexico, or an- nexation to the British empire, and thus to wrest this. vast territory out of your hands, and place you under the necessity of reconquering it ? Have they not, in setting up these pretensions without authority from Congress, committed an act of manifest usurpation, disregarded your just authori- ty, and taken from Congress the right to exercise exclusivejurisdiciion over California ? If they be remanded to the territorial condition, may they not declare their independence of this Government, and torm political connection with any other power they may elect ? If the doctrine of the absolute sovereignty of the inhabitants of a ter- ritory, previous to a grant of power to them by the General Government to form a State, which is the basis of this movement, be true, do not these results clearly follow? And is it not equally clear, that if it be true, Congress has no jurisdiction over them, and al! acts heretofore passed by Congress for their government, have been but so many acts of usurpation ? The error of all this doctrine is this: The fact is overlooked, that there is a period, during which the inhabit- ants of a territory do not possess the attributes of sovereignty. Will it be asserted that the con- quered inhabitants of California were vested with absolute sovereignty the day after the execution of" the late treaty with Mexico, by which that ter- ritory was acquired ? If so, is it not clear that the United States purchased only under the rule of caveat emptor, and, therefore, took nothing by the treaty? At what time, then, since the execution of the treaty, did 'the inhabitants of California ac- quire the attribute of sovereignty ? The true doctrine upon this subject was laid down by Mr. Lowndes, while acting as chairman of the committee, to whom was referred the con- stitution of Missouri. In his report to the House of Represeniatives, he said: " In this view the committee are confirmed, by a consid- eration of the embarrassments and disasters which a dif- ferent course of proceeding might sometimes produce. When a people are authorized to form a Slate, and do so, the trammels of their territorial condition fall off. They have performed the act which makes them sovereign and independent." This single paragraph, from the records of past legislation, explodes the political solecism, which has lately received so much attention, in both ends of this Capitol, and to which the gentleman near me, from Ohio, [Mr. Disney,] on a late occasion, brought much ability to little effect, by trying to prove a proposition which has no foundation, either in reason or truth. The doctrine of absolute sovereignty in the inhabitants of a territory, in every petty province of a mother country, rs re- pugnant to all past history. Were these States, as colonies, invested with it, while subject to the British crown? Are the existing provinces of that empire, invested with it now? If so, the same sovereignty resides in every bandit in the moun- tains/without the limits of a State; and, indeed-, a condition of dependence cannot exist. There must be an act, by which the conditior, of political dependence is thrown off, and inde- pendence assumed. In our system, this act is performed by the permission, and under thedirec- tions of the mother country, according to certain rules and maxims. In other countries it is done by revolution. I return to the inquiry, why this haste of the inhabitants of California, to take upon themselves the burdens of self-government? Why not enter into the territorial transition slate, and let this Gov- ernment extend its protection over them, until they become owners by purchase of the lands they inhabit, and able to protect themselves, and bear the burdens of self-government? Why not wait until the anarchy which prevails there now, sub- sides into organic order, and their pretensions to the dignity and rights of an independent State, be founded upon reasonable grounds? The answer to all these questions is plain, The movement is that of the Abolition party. It is another step- towards the ultimate abolition of slavery in the States. California comes here whfa ti>c w;i«^t proviso in her so called constitution, and this is the reason this act of usurpation is tolerated Strike the Wilmot proviso from her constitution, and her application for admission will be rejected in forty-eight hours. California comes here, too, claiminga territory of 158,000 square miles — nearly equal in extent to four of the largest States in the Union, with nearly a thousand miles of sea-coast — all of which it is intended to erect into one State. and the majority, in their zeal for non-extension, are in haste to sanction this monstrous absurdity. Sir, when a dominant majority, intoxicated with the lust of power, are thus hurried on, by a mad fanaticism, to the commission of acts like these, marked, as they are, by a want of all political forecast, all prudent and wise statesmanship, to at extent never surpassed in any age or country, upon what grounds can the South hope for an honorable and safe- adjustment of this great ques- tion by this Government? And yet, with all these facts before us, it is one of the darkest omens of the times, that southern statesmen are tendering compromises, in all of which the propositions are, to surrender everything in dispute to the North, and put the rest in jeop- ardy. This is, in fact, but the ceremony of hold- in? out the white flag of unconditional rurrende- to the conqueror. These compromises, if adopted, would be, to give the enemy time to collect his forces, and extend his parallels around us, for the decisive moment, and to make the final defeat more disastrous and more signal, it is by tnis miserable policy of offering to take less than the Constitution gives us, that the southern forces are divided, and the cause of the South broken down and ruined. It is an acknowledgment of weak- ness, and of inability to protect ourselves, which I repudiate and deny. Have the compromises heretofore made, been respected and observed? Have they stayed the hand of the aggressor? What compromise can be made more binding, and that will command greater respect, than the Con- stitution ? What compromise can be made, that vJill not curtail the rights of the South, and which the abolition tide will not sweep away? Will despotism relent ? Let the records of all past his- tory answer. Mr. Chairman, the facts which I have present- td bring prominently to my mind other facta of the gravest importance, which are the result of the joint action of all the causes to which L have re- ferred. These facta I will now proceed to state. I have shown that the political parties North have united for the purpose of abolishing slavery. By this uftiion of parties, the Constitution is, ipso facto, repealed, and the Federal Government changed from a confederated republic of equal sovereign States, to a consolidated despotism, with all political power centred in the hands of the majority. The abolition question has, therefore, wrought already a fundamental change in our po- litical system, and the North, in order to free the African slave, have forged the chains of the most despotic and absolute political bondage for the whise man. All see that emancipation would be followed by enfranchisement of the black race, by placing it on a footing of equality with the white race. All must see, too, that the result of such equality ■wxm'.a oe 6'iile and civil w*r between thp two. The result of civil war wouid be the assumption by the North of umpirage between the conflicting parties, and the effect of this umpirage would be, '.he subjection and utter debasement of both races it the South. If every slave in the Union were emancipated now, would this majority lay down its lawless power upon ihc altar of the Constitution ? Would its aggressive spirit cease with the extinction of African slavery? How fatal the delusion of such a thought — of such hopes and expectations ! Can man change his nature, or lose his lust of power? Will he voluntarily exchange strength for weak- ness? This is the picture which the past and the pres- ent concur in presenting to us. Can anything be plainer? Let the South look upon it, and decide for themselves, the question of submission or re- sistance. 1 have now presented what I believe faithful picture of the state of the Union, in refer- ence to the great question which disturbs its re- pose and harmony. I have shown that the Fed- eral Government has already undergone an organic rhange. That it claims to be the only judge of 'he extent of its 'own powers. That the States, according to the doctrine of the majority, are no longer independent. That the Constitution i-s vir- tually lepealed. I r.;-.ve ;Ji"wn that the North ' u I into one vast majority, for the purpose of overthrowing the organic institutions in the southern States. That the South cannot reasonably hope to ehetk the majority in its designs upon them, by the agency of this Government. That it is the avowed doctrine of the majority, that the South must sub- mit to their will, and if not, the military power must be resorted to, to reduce them to subjection. That the consequence of all this will be, to reduce the people of the South to a condition of political degradation, unexampled in any State or country. 1c becomes, then, a subject for ihe grave st inquiry, what is the proper course of action for the South to adopt, in this great emergency ? This question cannot be decided here. It is a question which the people must decide for theuiteives, in their sovereign character. If CaiifbtTifa be admitted into the Union now, and the South do not resort t;> every means in their power to assert and maintain their constitutional rights, there are well-founded apprehensions that it will be decisive against the South forever. In the hour that California becomes a State of this Union, upon the conditions now demanded, the scheme of non-extension will, in effect, be con- summated, and the results 1 have indicated will in time be accomplished. The destiny of the people of the South is in their own hands. To make that destiny glorious, they have but to will it, and do their duty. It is for the North, and not the South, to tremble at the prospect before us. I stand here with the Consti- tution in my hand, unappalled by the threats and denunciations which are daily fulminated here. All can see too plainly that these are idle bravadoes, designed to frighten us into submission. To these bravadoes, I respond only in terms of scorn and defiance. We ask that justice which the Consti- tution guaranties to us. If this be. denied, then without counting the cost or looking to conse- quences, I am in favor of resistance to your tyranny, " at every hazard and to the last extrem- ity." The people of the South know their duty, and will do it. "rin.'ed at the Congressional Glebe OtTic I