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LETTER 
 
 ION. FAYETTE McMULLIN, 
 
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 THE PEOPLE 
 
 or TUB 
 
 THIRTEENTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT OF VlRfllNIA. 
 
 
 Fellow-citizex3 : It has been my habit, for many years, whilst in the public 
 service, to address you by letter and in public speeches. I fed that it is not only 
 my privilege, but a duty which I owe to you as a generous and confiding constitu- 
 ency, and to myself as "the representative of a free and independent people, again 
 lo address you, and to exprej^jj^^you my opinion of the importance of the next 
 presidential election. .jf/- ■ 
 
 You will no doubt^^ember that during my late canvass as a candidate for 
 jr sufFrao-es, l^g^^on, in every speech which I delivered, that we were in tho 
 r.'.idst of a political revolution, and that, if the administration of the general govern- 
 ment should by chance fall into the hands of the abolitionists,or black republicans, 
 as now known, and they should carry out the measures of public policy to which 
 they had pledged themselves in and out of Congress, and to which they now^ stand 
 pledged — to wnt, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ; to interdict, hj 
 congressional legislation, the slave trade between the States ; to repeal the fugitive 
 sia /e law ; to restore the Missouri restriction, and refuse to admit into the Union 
 ai' ther State with a republican constitution recognising slavery — that then, these 
 m asures being consummated, there would be a dissolution of the Union. 
 
 am no alarmist, nor do I desire to disturb the peace and quiet of my country- 
 men. But when I see an attempt made, and the purpose avowed, to carry out 
 measures which, if effected, must inevitably result in a dissolution of our glorious 
 l-rnon, I feel it my duty to warn you of the danger. Nearly one-half of my lifa 
 - . been spent in the councils of my country, and at no time, in my opinion, baa 
 tiiere been such danger of a wreck of the ship of State as the present. I may be 
 asked if my fears are well-founded. Well, let us look at a few facts on which I 
 base these fears. Go back to the convention that framed the Federal Constitution, 
 and look at the difficulties which beset our fathers, growing out of the slavery ques- 
 tion, and which had well-nigh prevented the accomplisliment of the object for 
 which they had assembled. But the question was settled. And how? By leav- 
 ing to each State the right to determine for itself whether slavery should exist or 
 not. Prior to the adoption of the constitution slavery was recognised in all of the 
 colonies, and at its adoption there was but a single' non-slavcholding State. It 
 therefore seems to me that the question was fairly and honorably adjusted, and I 
 cannot see how any honest man can now raise an objection to such adjustment. 
 ! r^j^Q p lie Nc. la were the first to engage in the African slave trade, which 
 
 ^q[, lis div; in vessels fitted out, manned, and equipped, iu northern 
 
 j.j^g 1 capi'taiista. It is true that slavery has been abolished in the 
 

 northern States — not by emancipation, but by sale, and for value received. Find- 
 ing such labor unsuited to a northern climate, the slaves were sold to our fathers of 
 ihe South, and the proceeds pocketed. In the North slavery is but an abstract 
 question, whilst in the South it is a practical one. We have about fifteen hundred 
 millions of dollars vested in this kind of property for agricultural purposes, &c. I 
 beg you to remember that cotton is the great staple of the South — yes, it is the 
 " Samson's hair of America" — and the market price of this staple regulates the 
 price of all southern and western products, and also the value of the stock upon 
 vour farms. When we bear in mind that the people of the North are the benefi- 
 ciaries of this great staple, produced by slave labor, and for the cultivation of 
 which no other is well suited, their prejudice and aggressive policy can only be 
 attributed to the blindest fanaticism, or a total disregard of the allegiance which 
 they owe to the federal constitution. By some, slan^ry is thought to be morally 
 wrong, and in violation of the Divine law. Hence the political doctrine of the 
 " higher law" in mitigation of treason to the constitution. To those who think 
 thus I Vv'ould call their attention to the following passages of Scripture : Exod., xxi, 
 4, 5, 6, 7 ; Deut., xx, 14; Lev., xxv, 44, 45 ; Gen., xvi, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9 ; xx, 
 14; xxiv, 59, 61. If Providence is not pleased with the people of the South for 
 holding slaves, it is strange, indeed, that we are permitted to increase in wealth, 
 knowledge, arts, science, and religion, and to triumph in all the wars in which we 
 have been engaged. 
 
 After the formation of the constitution, the next great agitation of the slavery 
 question was on the" application of Missouri for admission into the Union. Then 
 it was that the South committed a great error. You will remember that when I 
 was first a candidate for Congress 1 took the ground that the national legislature 
 had no jx>wer under the constitution to legislate upon the subject of slavery, ex- 
 cept to protect it. I told you then, as I also declared in a speech in the House of 
 Representatives on the 8th day of June, 1850, that had I been a member at the 
 time of the admission of Missouri, I would have opposed the restriction up to the 
 expiration of my term of service. If Congress has the power to declare by enact- 
 ment that slavery shall not exist north of the line 3G° 30', as in the case of the 
 Missouri Compromise, it could with equal propriety declare that it should not exist 
 at all I take the ground that no such power, either express or implied, can be 
 found in the constitution. 
 
 I have next to call your attention to the agitation of the subject in 1850, when 
 the Union, as it were, was shaken to its very centre. But, thank God ! we had 
 pati'iot statesmen from the North and South in both houses of Congress to settle 
 the question. Settle it — how ? Not by abolition, nor a line of latitude, but in 
 accordance with the constitution, and authorizing by enactment the people of the 
 Territories of Utah and New Mexico to determine the question of slavery for them- 
 selves, on application for admission into the Union. I hoped then that we would 
 have peace on this exciting subject. But not so ; for when the last Congress was 
 called upon to provide a govermental organization for the Territories of Kansas and 
 Nebraska, it was provided, as in the case of Utah and New Mexico, that the inhabi- 
 tants should determine the character of their own domestic iustitutions-— thus 
 securing the great political right of self-government. But there was a clause in the 
 bill repealing that unjust and unconstitutional law, commonly called the Missouri 
 Compromise, and declaring it inconsistent with the compromise measures of 1850. 
 This furnished an excuse for further agitation, and brought the northern clergy into 
 the political arena, and while the bill was pending in the Senate about three thou- 
 sand of them, in ministerial robes, sent in a remonstrance, and protested " in the 
 name of God" against its passage. 
 
 1 hold that the public domain, whether acquired by purchase or conquest, is the 
 eommon property of the States, held in trust by the general government for the 
 common benefit. And wh«n this domain is organized into a Territory, or subject 
 by the laws of Congress to sale and entry, the people of all of the States have the 
 
iinquestionablo right to settle upon such domain, and to tako with thorn //w*r 
 j))-opfr/i/, of whatever kind it may be. And wlien an organized Territory lias a 
 popnlatioii sullicient to entitle it to a representative in CungrosH, tliat then the hona 
 full' citizens uf siieh Territory have the right to form a constitution, and afiply fur 
 admission into the Union, and such constitution being republican in its character, 
 the Territory sliould be received as a State, whether slavery is recognised or not. 
 ]iut the abolitionists or " black republicans" say no, and that no other slave State 
 shall be admitted. As an evidence of their intentions, 1 beg you to bear in mind 
 that not a sinofle "know nothing' or whig vote from the free States was cast in 
 favor of the Kiinsas Nebraska bill, and but three of such votes for the Compro- 
 mise of 1850. These measures were carried by the southern vote and that of tlio 
 good and true national democrats from the North and West. 
 
 I will now notice another subject which, I confess, has still further excited my 
 fears as to the continuance of the Union — I allude to the late secret political or-' 
 ganization, the "know-nothing" or, misnamed, "American party." You have not 
 torgotten that, during my late canvass, I charged that this party was abolition and 
 free-soil at the Norih. What then was a matter of opinion has since become a 
 matter of fact. Look, if you j)lease, at the late contest for Speaker of the present 
 Congress, which resulted, after a two-months struggle, in the election of Hon. N. 
 P. Uanks, of Massachusetts, a member of the know-nothing order, yet a black repub- 
 lican or free-soiler. lie was elected by the northern know-nothing vote, not having 
 received a single vote south of Mason and Dixon's line. Thus you perceive that, 
 for the' first time in the history of our government, a Speaker of the popular branch 
 of the national legislature, who has, to a considerable extent, by tlie appointment 
 of tlie committees, the shaping of the legislation of the countrv, was elected on 
 purely sectional grounds, and in utter disregard of the warning of the "Father of 
 his Country." I am free to admit that many good and patriotic men joined the 
 order on its first organization, but many of them, after one or two interviews, shook 
 hands with Sam, and bid him a final adieu. I must say that I regard this secret, 
 oath bound, political i)arty, thus abolitionized in its nature and purposes, as more 
 dangerous to the constitution and the Union than any that has preceded it in this 
 country. They will tell you that they are opposed 'to the emigration of foreign 
 paupers, convicts, and felons to this countr}'. Admit it; and I should like to see 
 the man who favors such emigration; there is not one, so far as I am informed. 
 Again; they say that Americans must rule America. This is but another catch- 
 word, intending to imply that adopted citizens govern the country. This proposition 
 is easily controverted by a reference to the constitution and our past history-. The 
 constitution provides that no person except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen at the 
 time of its adoption, shall be eligible to the office of President or Vice President. 
 So far, tlierefore, as these two important ofiices in the administration of the govern- 
 ment are concerned, the foreigner is excluded. But the minor ofiices were wisely 
 left open for the people to elect such men as they might think proper. Yet there 
 are but few foreigners who have been members of ourState or national legislatures. 
 The test laid down by Mr. .left'erson to the applicant for oflice wa*, " is lie honest, is ho 
 competent, is he faithful V This would seem to be sufiicient, and I would remark 
 in this connexion that should I ever be called on to vote as between such men as 
 Lafayette, Montgomery, Pulaski, De Kalb, and others of foreign birth, and .such 
 native born citizens as Uull, Arnold, and Burr, I could not hesitate to vote for the 
 former. But these latter-day political saints seem also to have a great horror 
 and fear of the Pope of Rome. They cannot certainly be serious in this, but only 
 think to humbug the people, or to alarm the timid and excite the prejudice of the 
 bigot. This is the first time in the history of our government that the subject of 
 religion has been introduced into the political afiairs of the nation. Look, if you 
 please, at many of the clergy. I am free to say that when vou show me a 
 pious and humble minister of the Gospel who follows in the footsteps of our Saviour, 
 such a man, in my estimation, occupies a higher position than vour President, 
 
4 
 
 members of his cabinet, members of Congress, kings, or potentates. But, on the 
 other hand, when I see or hear of men jjreaching the Gospel on the Sabbath, and 
 on Mondays and Saturdays brawling muster-ground and court-yard politicians; 
 and last, but not least, when they lay aside the Bible and their ministerial robes 
 and go into the dark-lantern lodges, 1 confess that such a course argues badly with 
 me for their piety ; and I beg to add that I do not wish such men to preach or pray 
 for me, or to visit my sick chamber. I am not the defender of Catholicism, but I am 
 in favor of religious toleration and freedom of conscience, and the fearless advocate 
 of the constitmion of my country, by which these rights are secured. To te|l me 
 that theie is danger to our religious or political institutions from the Pope of Rome, 
 is a direct attack upon the intelligence of the Protestant clergy and the capacity of 
 the people for self-government, ii you wish to put down the Catholics, it is not to 
 be done by persecution of a religious or political character, but by the sword of the 
 Gospel in the hands of the Protestant clergy. Having been raised and educated a 
 Protestant, yet I cannot see the necessity or the benefit to be derived from this 
 '•know nothing" warfare. Look at the conduct of the Catholic and the foreigner 
 in all of tl:e v»'ars in which we have been engaged. They have stood shoulder to 
 shoulder, fought side by side, shed their blood and sacrificed their lives on the same 
 battle-field, with the Protestant and native-born citizen. They knew no country 
 but America, and recognised no flag but that of the stars and stripes under which 
 they had enlisted and pledged themselves to defend. I appeal to you to know if 
 any of the Catholic priests have ever attempted to interfere in the legislation or 
 ])olitical institutions of our country, as did the clergymen of the North to whom I 
 have alluded. I say to you, in all candor, that you have more to fear from the 
 abolitionists of the North than from all other sources combined, including the Pope 
 of Rome and all of the foreigners and Catholics in our countiy. 
 
 1 have thus briefly alluded to the past action of the government and of parties 
 upon the slavery question, which is to be an important one in the approachino- 
 ])residential election. From the signs of the times, it is evident there -will be three 
 tickets in the field — the know-nothmg, the abolitionist or black republican, and the 
 democratic. Let us take them in the order named. The names of Millard Fillmore 
 and Andrew J, Donelson have been presented as the candidates of the "know- 
 nothings," by a convention of the order which assembled in Philadelphia in Feb- 
 ruary last. This nomination was made in the midst of great difliculties, after the 
 secession of many of the northern delegates and the abolition of the famous " 12th 
 section," incorporated into the ritual and constitution of the order at a previous 
 convention for the protection of the rights of the South, and at a time when it was 
 thought to operate upon the southern elections. That this was the purpose is 
 evident to my mind ; for know-nothingism originated in the North, for abolition 
 purposes; and when a national nomination had to be made, the only plank in the 
 platform (the 12th section) on which a southern man could stand, much less lie 
 down upon with safety, was roughly hewed out, and a section of words without 
 meaning substituted. At the time of this nomination there was another convention 
 in i^ession not far oft", more congenial to the feelings of many who had gone to 
 Philadelphia to take part in the nomination. The grips and signs were carried on 
 by telegraph, and part of the Philadelphia convention went to Pittsburg; another 
 part, that had withdrawn on the abolition of the "12th section," returned, and a 
 set of resolutions were adopted, which one of the members declared were so full of 
 verbiage that the people could not find out what they meant until after the election. 
 Sucli are the circum.stances attending this nomination, and the ticket presented, it 
 seems to me, can effect nothing, except that by possibility it may throw the election 
 into the House of Representatives, and which may result in the election of a black 
 republican, as was the case in the election for speaker of the present Congress. 
 
 The second ticket to which I have alluded is the " black republican." Who are 
 lo be the standard-bearers of this black flag is yet to be determined. But enough 
 b l:iiown to determine its character. The nominees of such a party will inevitably 
 
I 
 
 be sucli men as no soiitlicrn man can support. This party has spriincj up from tho 
 know-notliino- oro;anization. Krom a coniparalivoly few luiserahle atxdilioiiistf, it 
 has increased, by means of tho secrecy and signs and grips of the order, into a 
 formidable and dangerous party, having now tho control of one branch of thi! 
 national legislature. The avowed purpcjse of this party is to carry on a warfare 
 against the institutions of the South. This is the one idea and the controlling 
 sentiment. Believing that know-nothingism originated with the abolitionists of 
 the North for this purpose, I warned you, in a circular, which I liad the lionor to 
 address to you during my last canvass, of the danger to the constitution, and our 
 whole system of republican liberty, through the revolutionizing machinery of tho 
 order. I called your attention to its constitution, which created in itself a per- 
 fectly complete government, carefully and particularly worded, (;onferring unlimited 
 powers upon the " Grand Council of the United States," over the action of which 
 the jjcople could not, by any possibility, have the slightest control ; and if every 
 man in the United States belonged to the know nothing society, our whole system 
 of government would be overthrown — the revolution would be complete. Self- 
 government would be annihilated, and an irresponsible despotism would be set up 
 in its stead. Jurisdiction is given to .the "grand council" over every foot of terri- 
 tory in the United Slates. It has power to decide upon all matters appertaining 
 to national politics; to determine upon a mode of punishment in case of any dere- 
 liction of duty on the part of its members or oflicers; to adopt any and every 
 measure it may deem necessav}'^ to secure the success of the organization ; to levy 
 a tax upc n the State, district, or territorial councils for the support of the grand 
 council. With such powers in an organized body, the dangers are immensely in- 
 creased whei it is remembered that every member of tho society is bound to it by 
 the most solemn oaths, enforeing perfect silence and absolute secrecy. 
 
 My opinions in regard to this order are the same now that they were then; and 
 as there is a division in their ranks, and two tickets to be brought forward, I have 
 deemed it due to you to refer to them. 
 
 The Lbird tJck«t to which I have alluded will be presented by the democratic 
 party, in convention to assemble at Cincinnati, Ohio, on the 6th day in June next. 
 In such a contest I feel safe in pledging myself to go for the nominee of the Cin- 
 cinnati convention. It was the democratic party that put down the alien and 
 sedition laws; that declared, sustained, and triumphed in the war of 1812 ; that 
 added to the Union the States of Florida, Louisiana, Texas, and California, and the 
 Territories of Utah nnd New Mexico, This same party put down the Bank of the 
 United States, separating the money of the people from a corporation — the party 
 that contends for a strict construction of the constitution, the rights of the people, 
 and the union and sovereignty of the States — the party that maintains the doctrine 
 of a revenue tariff, and that no more money should be collected than is absolutely 
 necessary for an economical administration of the government. 
 
 Having invited your attention to the momentous issues before us, and wliich we 
 must meet in the spirit of freemen, the question naturally presents itself, Who shall 
 be the standard-bearer of our party in this critical, and, without union and concert 
 of action, I may say perilous contest ? 
 
 There is too much involved to hazard the result by indulging in personal pre- 
 ferenees or sectional jealousies; but, like patriots, it is our duty as lovers of the 
 Union and the constitution to sacrifice our predilections upon the altar of our com- 
 mon country, and, with honest hearts, inquire who is worthy and able to lead this 
 great national party to victory, and in whom can we confide in this day of trial I Shall 
 he be a northern or a southern man I The first impulse of our sectional pride, and the 
 tact that the North has had the last President, would prompt us to decide in favor 
 ot a southern leader; but, without intending to detract anything from our southern 
 statesmen, I am decidedly of opinion that the candidate should be taken from the 
 northern section of the confederacy. The danger is in the North, and sound 
 northern men have looked it in the tace with a firmness equal to the justice and 
 
6 
 
 • 
 patriotism that inspired tlieir action. Tlie contest waged by tlie abolitionists of 
 the North is against the constitution and the rights of the South secured by it. 
 The democracy in this great conHict are contending for principles, and not for men 
 and spoils. Then let us demonstrate to our northern brethren, by taldng one of 
 their own tried statesmen, that we battle for principles, and not for southern men; 
 that we forego the honor for the sake of the right; that we intend, if this Union is 
 not preserved, the fault shall be theirs, not ours; and that, if the hopes of the 
 world are crushed, the curses of the disappointed shall grate upon their ears, while 
 tlie regret of their own folly shall confirm the rectitude of our course. To whom, 
 then, among all their brilliant statesmen, shall we confide our destiny in the next 
 cam])aign ? ]5iit one can be nominated, and, in my humble judgment, that one 
 should be Franklin Pierce. His early position in relation to the questions that 
 now threaten the perpetuity of the Union was taken on the side of the constitu- 
 tion, and the right of the people to regulate their domestic afl'airs in their own 
 way, and to seek their happiness and prosperity without restraint, except by the 
 power that had been delegated to the government. Whilst he has been Chief 
 Magistrate the storm of fanaticism that he so manfully resisted in earlier life has, 
 by its combination with the dark powers of the dark-lantern whirlwinds of bigotry, 
 became a fearful tornado, and swept over the land with fearful impetuosity. His 
 own native State, with the whole North, came like an avalanche against his admin- 
 istration, and the cry of " let the Union slide''' was heard from the lips of one now 
 occupying the Speaker's chair of Congress ; and yet Franklin Pierce stood firm by 
 tlie constitution, and defended the rights of the States, with State papers marked 
 with such ability and integrity that they will form a bright page in our political 
 history. 
 
 And now shall we change our leader and mode of defence ? No! Let our 
 general "stand fast," and the rank and file form upon his right, and the national 
 democracy will become as terrible as an army with banners, and the country again 
 saved from the ruthless hand of fanaticism, secrecy, and bigotry. Let us not, 
 however, underrate the strength of our adversaries, for it cannot bo denied that 
 the next election will turn upon the issue of the Kansas and Nebraska bill, already 
 tendered by the abolitionists of the North, and upon this issue General Pierce has 
 nobly demeaned himself. No stronger endorsement can be given on this point 
 than that contained in the speech lately delivered by that able statesman and 
 patriot. Senator Douglas, in his late speech on Kansas affairs, in which he says 
 that the President "is entitled to the thanks of the whole country/, and ivill receive 
 the grateful aclcnowledr/ments of every true democrat of the Union for the inompt- 
 iiess, firmness, and fidelity with which he has i~)erformcd his duty ^qwn all the 
 issues f/rowiny out of this Jvajisas Nebraska question^ 
 
 Virginia, ever mindful of her meritorious countrymen, was the first State to 
 present the name of Franklin Pierce in the Baltimore Convention as the standard 
 Lc'irer of our Hag; and having proven himself worthy of her confidence, she can 
 truthfully say, " Well done! thou good and taithful servant;" and true to herself, 
 fiho should be the first to present his name in the Cincinnati Convention and the 
 la.st to desert him. 
 
 These, fellow-citizens, are frankly my views in relation to the action of the Na- 
 tional Convention in June next, but you may bo of a difterent opinion, and if you 
 are and so express it, and you shall, as you have done upon two former occasiens, 
 designate ine as one of your delegates to that convention, I shall, as I always have 
 oiid(!avored to do, use my best ellbrts to reflect your wishes, and not my own ; but 
 in any event, and whoever may be the choice of the National Convention, I have 
 too much confidence in the judi,nnent of that body not to say that I shall zealously,' 
 and to the best of my ability, support that nominee, come from whatever section of 
 the Union lie may, for I have no misgivings that if he receives the endorsement of 
 that convention ho will be a pure, sound, national democrat. For the repeated 
 minifestalions of your kindness and confidence, I tender to rou my heartfelt thanks. 
 
Before closinj^ this letter, I beg- leave to sny that, for reasons not necessary to men- 
 tion, I will not be a candidate for re-election to Congress ; and I hope you will bo 
 able to select another more capable and more worthy of your support than I am. 
 
 I have the honor to remain yours, with high regard, &.O., 
 
 FAYETTE McMULLIN. 
 
 AlMUL 8, I80G. 
 
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