i|S«iS'^y?? ^:;:^ THE Records of Oxford, Mass INCLUDING ) CHAPTERS OF NIPMUCK, HUGUENOT AND ENG- I.ISH HISTORY FROM THE EARLIEST DATE, 1630. Manners and Fashions of the Time. BY Mary de Witt Freeland. ALBANY, N. Y. JOEL MUNSELL'S sons, PUBLISHERS, io.jj. § 2 c O f ' Of CHAPTER I. Chapters of "Nipmuck History." Ladj Mary Armine [Armjne] of England, by her benefac- tions to the natives of the xs'ipinuck country for their educa- tion and chribtianization, becaine so interested in her life as to become a part of their history, as she was their patroness. From an old record : " Lady Armyne gave large yearly contributions to promote the carrying on of the work begnn in New England, for the conversion of the poor Indians in those parts. And this siie continued even to her dying day. And of the success of that undertaking she had an annual Account to her rejoicing." Lady Armyne gave twenty pounds per annum to Rev. John Eliot for his Indian schools in the Nipmuck country at Natick and Hassaraanessit, now Grafton. Lady Armyne, though so devoted in her charities to the heathen in the "far off Nipmuck country," was not unmind- ful of doing good at her own home in Lincolnshire, England. "No one followed more closely in the footsteps of her Divine Master, for like Him she went about doing good, for she took the height of her religion to consist in the height of love to God and man, and in close obedience to Christ and reliance on His Mediation." In 16G2, when so many clergymen in England were ejected from their livings. Lady Armyne, though devotedly attached to the Church of England, came to Dr. Edmund Calamy of London, and brought five hundred pounds to be given to those dissenting clergymen and their families. 2 The Records of Oxford. During her last illness, hearing of the E.ev. Richard Baxter's troubles as a dissenter from the Church of England, though the Lord Chancellor had proffered to him a Bishopric, Lady Mary sent her servant to him to hear of his case, before whose return to her, she had died.* The quaint historian narrates of the life and time of Lady Armyne : " This Honorable and Excellent Lady, was a branch of one of the most Antient, Noble, and Illustrious Families in Eng- land, whether we look to Descent, Degree, or Actings. " The Family of the Talbots, for a long Tract of time, Earls of Shrewsbury, whose Heroick performances both in Civil and Millitary Affairs, done by them in their Native Country, are upon Record to the perpetuating of their Names and Renown. But especially their Conquests and Tryumphs in France were so signal, that the Memory of them continues until this day, and * The life of Lady Armyne is found iu an ancient book, with the title, " The Lives of Sundry Eminent Persons in this Later Age, Divines, Nobility and Gentry of both Sexes, by Samuel Clark, London (Printed for Thomas Simmons at the Princes Arms, Ludgate Street) 1682-3." The introductory to the above volume closes with these words : "It's a great work to learn to die safely and comfortably; even the work of all our lives ; my turn is near, and this preparation is my daily Study ; But it's the Communication of life, light and love, from Heaven, that must make all effectual and draw up our Hearts and make us ready, For which I daily wait on God. At the brink of the Grave and the door of Eternity. Jan. 16, 1682-3. "Richard Baxter." Rev. Richard Baxter writes : " I have not read over this Book being desired suddenly to write this Preface, and, therefore, undertake not the Justification of what I have not read. But I know so many of the Persons and Histories myself as makes me not doubt the Historical truth. Judge Hales and the Coun- tess of Warwick (my great Friends) need no testimony of mine. I have desired the Book-seller to reprint the life of the Countess of Suffolk the daughter to the Earl of Holland, written by Bishop Rainbow, as an excellent pattern to Ladies.'' Nipimick History. -s withal so dreadful, that Mothers quieted tlieir crying Children by telling them that Talbot came." * * Talbot, Earl of Slirewsbury with Heniy V, left England and landed in France with an army of 6,000 men-at-arms and 24,000 foot, chiefly archers. After a furious battle the English took possession of Harfleur, August 14, 1415. Henry expelled the French inhabitants in order to people it with English. Henry soon after finished his campaign by the victory of Agiucourt Oct. 25, 1415, which the English said, "shed everlasting glory on his head." No battle was ever fought more fatal to France; the killed are said to have amounted to 10,000 and 14,000 prisoners. Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, was in command at both of these battles, being styled "the greatest captain of his age." The Earl of Shrewsbury was a great favorite at the court of Henry VI. He presented Queen Marguerite of Anjou, the last of the proven- 9al queens, a volume of sketches executed by himself. On the title page Henry VI and Marguerite are represented as seated upon a low divan, ladies in attendence are jjictured in the background. Talbot kneels before the Queen ])resenting his volume. Henry and Marguerite are^ again represented in an allegorical picture. Marguerite and the ladies of her court as the Virtues. Marguerite as Faith and King Henry as Honor. As an embellishment daisies are painted in clusters, for every lady had her emblem flower, the fashion of the time, and the queen's cipher is surrounded by the garter and its motto. On the King's marriage all the knights and nobles wore Marguerite's emblem flower, the daisy, in their caps, when they came on horse-back in a body to receive her as her escort into London. This must have been a very flattering compliment, and the King carried it still farther by having "Marguerites " engraved on his silver. In the reign of Henry VI, during the "Wars of the Roses," Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, who was most loyal to the house of Lancaster, was killed in battle and was mourned by all classes of people. 4 The Records of Oxford. AN EPITAPH ' ' Upon the much-lamented Death of the Truly Honoukable, very AGED, AND SINGULARLY PIOUS LaDY, The Lady Mary Arminb, Who Dyed Anno Christi 1675." ' ' Hail Mary full of Grace, 'bove women blest ; A Name more rich in Saints than all the rest; An Army of them fam'd in sacred Story : All good, none bad, an unparallel'd Glory! The blessed Virgin well may lead the Van ; Next follows Mary the Bethanian ; Next Mary, Wife of Cleophas ; Another Mary was of James and Joses Mother How much is spoke of Mary Magdalen ? Of Mai-y, John Mark's Mother, we read agen. At Rome a Mary commended by St. Paul; All Saints; yet not to pray unto at all.'' " A Mary was the Mother of our Lord. A Mary 'twas laid up in heart his word. A Mary 'twas that chose the better part. A Mary 'twas that wept with broken heart. A Mai"y 'twas that did anoint Christ's feet; A Mary pour'd on's Head the Spicknard sweet. At Christ's Cross standing Maries three I find. When others fled, they were not so unkind. Christ dead, interr'd, at the Sepulchre door Two Maries stand, I find no Women more." " So that from Cradle to the Passion; From Passion to the Resurrection ; From Resurrection to the Ascention, Observe you may a Mary still was one, The Army of such Ladies so Divine, This Lady said, I'le follow they all Ar-mine," *' Lady Elect! in whom there did combine So many Maries, might'st say all Ar-mine. Thou Motlier Sister, Spouse wa'st of the Lord, In that in Heart and Life thou kept'st his Word, Nipmuck History. 5 With th' other Mary chose the better part; With Mary Magd'len hacl'st a most tender heart." " On Christ a Mary spent all that she could; Tho- others grudg'd, more if she had she would, To th' Head above could'st not, on the feet below Thou did'st not spare much cost for to bestow. Thy name a precious Ointment, and the Armies Of Saints, and Angels are the Lady Armines." " Now God and Christ are thine, and what's Divine In Heaven's enjoyment, Blest Soul ! Now All are thine." Jo. Sheffield. A Sketch of the Nipmuck Country. Governor Winthrop writes of a " joui-iiey " made by himself, and in company with others, to a place now supposed to be Sudbnry, Mass. January 27, 1632 (old style), "Winthrop in his journal writes : " The Governor and some company with bim went up by Charles River about eight miles above Watertown (after naming certain hills and streams presented to their view). " On the west side of Mount Feake, they went np a very high rock, from whence they might see all over Neipnett and a very high hill due west about forty miles off." — VVinthrop's Journal, YoL 1, 68.* It is stated in the year 1631 '• a Sagamore from the river Qonchtacut which lies west of the Naragancet, had visited Boston and had offered the Governor inducements in a prom- ised tribute of corn and beaver skins to send some Englishmen to settle his country. As the Dutch had already made a set- tlement on the Quinnehtuck river known as the lands of the ' Dutch House of Good Hope ' " (now Hartford, Ct.). * This, it would appear, was the first view of Wachusett mountain by the English, it being the first mention of the Nipmuck country by the colonists. 6 The Records of Oxford. It also appears " there was an Indian trail of the Aga warns, Woronoaks, and other small tribes on the Qiionehticut (the long tidal river) who were on friendly terms with the power- ful ]*^ipmogg or Nipmiick Indians and came into their country either to pay tribute or to pass through their wide domains." The Neipnet, Neepmug or Nipmuck Indians, inhabited the country between the sea-coast and the towns about the Massa- chusetts bay eastward, and the Connecticut river westward. It is said the name Neipnet or Nipmuck in the Indian lan- guage signifies " fresh water," which caused the Indians of this interior portion of the country to be thus distinguished from those upon the sea-coast. The Nipmuck country extended beyond the limits of Worcester county; .as delineated on some ancient maps it was shown as extending westward beyond the Connecticut river, and on the north into New Hampshire. There is no doubt that the territory of this tribe of Indians was originally very extensive, stretching over the entire country between the Merrimac and Connecticut rivers.* According to Rev. John Eliot " Nipmuck or Neipnet was a great country lying between the Conactocot and the Massachu- setts." From Major Gookin's account "The Neipnet region extended from Marlborough to the south end of Worcester county, and around by the Brookfields through Washakins (Nashua) to the northern boundary of the state." Col. Church states " the Nipmuck country was the country about Dudley and Oxford." " These Nipmuck Indians were seated upon less rivers and lakes, or large ponds where Oxford now is and towns near it." — Governor Hutchinson. * The Nipmuck country included all of what is now Worcester county. In an ancient edition of Hubbard's " Narrative of the Indian Wars," published in 1677, is prefixed a map of New England, being as the title expresses " The first map here cut." Nipmuck History. y In 1647 there is the following record of the Nipmuck Indians : "The Nopmat (Nipnet or Nipmuck) Indians, having noe Sachem of their own, are at liberty, part of them, by their own choice, doe appertain e to the Narragansett Sachem and parte to the Mohegens."* " The Nipmuck Indians included several tribes. The Na- ticks, Nashawajs, Pegans, Pawtuckets, Quaboags, Wamesits, Hassauamesits and Pennakooks. " The Hassauamesits were in Grafton, a part of the territory of Sutton. The Naticks were located at Natick ; the Nasha- ways were on the Nashua river, from its mouth ; the Pegans were in Dudley (now Webster), on a reservation of two hundred acres of land; the Pawtuckets were on the Merrimac river where Chelmsford now is; the Quaboags were located in Brook- field ; the Wamesits were for a time on the Merrimac river, at Lowell ; the Pennakooks were on the Merrimac river near Concord." — Drake's Indian History. * Records of the U. Col. Hazard, 11, 93. In 1668 Roger Williams says, " that all the Neipmucks were unques- tionably subject to Narrhigonset Sachems, and in a special manner, to Mejksah. the son of Canonicus, and late husband, to the old Squaw Sachem, now only surviving." Hubbard states the Nipmucks were tribu- tary to Massasoit and to Philip, Sachem of Mount Hope. "This Squaw Sachem, as is believed, was chief of those inland Indiana since denominated the Nipnets, or Nipmucks, and lived in 1631 near Wachusett Mountain." — Drake's North American Indiana. The Indians in exchange for their land with the English demanded certain articles in return. The following deed was given to Capt. Miles Standish for the ancient town of Bridgewater, a part of Duxbury. An extract of tlie considerations, viz. : " Ousamequin, Sachem of the Contrie of Pocanauket." Ousamequin, which name Massasoit adopted during the latter part of his life, gave a deed of land to the English, usually called Saughtuckett. It was dated 1649. The consideration for which the Sachem granted the deed was as follows : 8 The Records of Oxford. A Treaty with the Nipmucks. In 1643 Governor Winthrop relates tliat " At this court Cutsbamekin and Sqnaw Sachem, Mascononoco, Nasha- cowam and Wassamagon, two Sachems, near the great hill of the west, called (Warehasset, Wachusett,) came into the court and according to their former tender to the governor desired to be received under our protection and government, &c upon the same term that Pnmham and Sacononoco were ; so we causing them to understand the articles, and all the ten commandments of God, and they freely assenting to all, they were solemnly received, and then presented by tbe Court with 20 fathoms more of Wampum and the Court gave each of them a coat of two yards of cloth and their dinner ; and to them and their men every one of them a cup of sack at their departure, so they took their leave and went away very joyful." — Governor Win- throp's Journal, 2, 156. In 1643 Massasoit resided with Nashoonon, chief of the Nipmucks. In Winthrop's Journal Nashoonon is Nashacowam. A more extended account of this early treaty is to be found in the records of the Massachusetts Bay. " Wossamegon, Nashowanon, Cutshamache, Mascanomet & Squa Sachim did voluntarily submit themselves to us, as ap- peareth by their covenant subscribed w^*" their own hands, hear following & oth' articles to w'^'' they consented. Wee have and by these presents do voluntarily & w^'^ont any constraint or psuasions, but of o'' owne free motion, put o'^selves, o'' sub- 7 coats, a yd and half in a coat — 9 hatchets, — 8 Howes, — 20 Knives, — 4 Moose Skins — 10 yds and a half of Cotton. " The land conveyed in the deed extending in length and the breadth thereof as followeth, tliat is to say; from ye weare at Sanghtuckett seven myles due east, and from said "weare seven (miles) due west, and from said weare seven myles due north and from said weare seven (miles) due south," etc. Nipmuck History. 9 jects, lands & estates under the government & jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, to be governed & ptected by them, accord- ing to their just lawes & orders, so farr as wee shal bee made capable of understanding them ; & wee do pmise for o^'selves all o"" subjects and all o' posterity, to be true and faithfull to the said government & ayding to the maintainaiice thereof, to o'" best ability. & fro™ time to time to give speedy notice of any conspiracy, attempt or evill intention of any which wee shall (or) heare of against the same : and we pmise to be willing fro"' time to time to be instructed in the knowledg & worship of God, in witness whereof wee have hereunto put o" hands the S*'' of the first m°. a 1643-1644." CUT SHAM A CHE NASH OWA NON WOS SAM E GON MASK A NOM ETT SQUA SACHIM Certain Questions Ppounded to the Indians & Answers. 1. To worship ye onely true God, w*=^ made heaven & earth & not to blaspheme him. An : We do desire to rev'ence y^ God of y® English, & to speake well of him, because wee see hee doth better to y® Eng- lish than othe'' Gods do to others. 2. " Not so swear falcely. An ; They say they know not w* swering is among y^. 3. Not to do any unnecessary worke on y® Sabbath day, es- pecially w^^in y"" gates of christian towns. An : It is easy to y "^ : they have not much to do on any day, & they can well take their ease on y* day. 4. To bono"" their parents & all their supio's. An. It is their custome to do so, for the inferio's to bono'' their supio's 5. To kill no man w^'^out just cause and just authority 2 lO The Records of Oxford. An : This is good and they desire to do so. 6. To comit no nnclean lust, &c An : Though sometime some of y™ do it, yet they count that naught, and do not alow it. 7. Not to steale An ; They say to y* as to y^ G^'' quere To suffer their children to learn to reade God's word y* they may learn to know God aright & worship in his owne way . They say as opportunity will serve, and English live among y™ they desire so to do. That they should not be idle To these they consented, acknowledging y™ to bee good Being received by us they psented 26 fathoms of wampum, & the Court directed the Treasurer to give them five coats, two yards in a coate, of red cloth & a potfull of wine. — Mass. Col. Records, Vol. II, p. 55. Rev. John Eliot, a clergyman of Roxbury, JST. E., educated at Cambridge, England, became interested in the benevolent project of introducing Christianity into the Nipmuck country and in educating the natives, Mr. Eliot having acquired the rudiments of the Indian dialect, it is said, from native servants in his own family.* He was accompanied in his "journeys" by his friend Major- General Daniel Gookin, an English gentleman, born in the county of Kent, who had at first made a settlement in Vir- ginia, but came to Cambridge, N. E., in 1644. Maj. Gookin was the superintendent of all the Indians that had subjected themselves to the provincial government, and in Mr. Eliot's missionary visits to the Indians, he himself, at the same time, administered civil affairs among the natives. * Mr. Eliot says that " an ludian taken in the Pequot wars, and who lived in Dorchester, was the first native who taught him words and was his interpreter." "He took the most unwearied pains in his strange lessons from this Nipniuck History. 1 1 In 1646 the General Court of Massachusetts " ordered and de- creed that two ministers should be chosen by the elders of the churches every year, at the Court of Elections, and so to be sent, with the consent of their churches with whomsoever would freely offer themselves to accompany them in that ser- vice to make kuown the heavenly counsel of God among the Indians in a most familiar manner, by the help of some able interpreter, as might be most available to bring them to the knowledge of the truth, and their conversion to Jesus Christ, and for this end something might be allowed them by the General Court to give away freely to those Indians whom they should perceive most willing and ready to be instructed by them." — Palfrey's History of New England. A week before it had passed this order Rev. John Eliot had niade his first essay in preaching to the Indians. A. young man who had been a servant in an English house, and under- stood his own language, and had a clear pronunciation, Mr. Eliot took into his family ; and having, with his assistance, translated the Lord's Prayer and the Decalogue, he soon ac- quired a knowledge of the Indian language. Ten pounds were voted to Mr. Eliot as a gratuity from the Court in respect of his great pains and charge in instructing the Indians in the knowledge of God. Rev. John Eliot obtained for the Indians a grant of land, to which he gave the Indian name Noonanetum [Rejoicing]. Daniel Gookin, who accompanied Mr. Eliot in his journeys, says : " The first place he began to preach at was Nonantum, near Watertown, upon the south side of Charles River, uncouth teacher, finding progress very slow and baffling, receiving no aid from other tongues which he had learned in England, and which were so differently constituted, inflected and augmented." Mr. Eliot also secured natives to reside with him in his family and to accompany him on his visits, to interchange with him words and ideas. — Memorial History of Boston, pages 260-261. 12 TJic Records of Oxford. about four or five miles from Roxburj, where lived at that time Wabat), one of their principal men, and some Indians with him." Mr. Eliot set out upon his mission in October, 1646, and sent out forerunners to apprise the Indians of his intentions.* Waban, a grave and wise man of the same age of the mis- sionarj'^ (forty- two), a person of influence, met him at a small distance from their settlement, and welcomed him to a large wigwam on the hill Nonanrum. A number of Indians assembled here to hear the new doctrine. After a short service of prayer in English, Mr. Ehot de- livei-ed a sermon from Ezekial 37 : 9, 10 : " Then said He unto me, Prophesy unto the wind (to which the Indian term " Wa- ban " is said to answer). Prophesy son of man, and say to the wind (say to Waban) thus saith the Lord God, Come from the four winds, O breath, and breathe upon those slain, that they may live. So I prophesied, as He commanded me, and the breath came into them, and they lived and stood upon their feet an exceeding great army." Having closed his sermon, he was desirous of knowing whether he had conveyed his senti- ments intelligibly in a language so new to himself, he therefore inquired whether they comprehended his meaning, to which they replied : " We understood all." Waban particularly received those happy impressions, which remained through life, and qualified him effectually to aid in the dpsign of (Christianizing) his countrymen. " Having given the children some apples, and the men some tobacco, and what else they then had at hand, . . . they departed with welcomes." * For speedily transmitting intelligence "the Indian messengers ran swiftly, and at every settlement fresh messengers are speeded away to reach the chief's wigwam. When within about a mile of the place the messenger commences hallooing, and all who hear begin to halloo, whereby a great concourse is soon gathered to hear the news." Nipmuck History. 13 Before the end of the year three other visits were made. "As soon as ever the winter was passed," Mr. Ehot' s Labors were resumed. John Wampus, a native, brought his son and several Indian children to the English to be instructed. A school was soon established among them, and the General Court having given the neighboring Indians a tract of highland, called JSTonantum, and furnished them with various implements of husbandry. The Indians many of them professed Chris- tianity, and the whole in the vicinity became settled, and the Indians conducted their affairs with pru.dence and industry, and they adopted the customs of the English, made laws, and had their magistrate.* Mr. Eliot's efforts were put forth for the civilization as well as the Christian ization of the people. He encouraged the building of farm-houses, and the making of homes for separate families, the planting of gardens and orchards, the raising and utilizing of flax and hemp. — Palfrey, II, 336, 337. Mr. Eliot in writing to the corporation of London, in 1649, says " that a Nipnet Sachem hath submitted himself to the Lord, and much desires one of our chief ones to live with him and those that are with him." *John "Wampus was a Sagamore of the Hassanamesit tribe. He is men- tioned as being some time of Hassanamesit. "In January, 1666, Eobert Wayard, of Hartford, Ct., conveyed by deed, a tract of land situate in Boston, to John Wampus, an Indian of Boston, bounded on the common, etc., being 800 feet by 30, with a dweUing house thereon. This tract is now partly covered by St. Paul's church. "The records of Suffolk county give further evidence of his concern in the sale and purchase of real estate. "Tradition states John Wampus crossed the Atlantic and was in London, that he returned to New England in the same ship with a Dr. Sutton, that his health failed on his return, and that he received partic- ular attention from him on this voyage. " 14 TJie Records of Oxford. Mr. Eliot writes again to the same society in the year 1651 : "There is a great country called Nipnet, where there be many Indians dispersed, many of whom have sent to our In- dians desiring that some may be sent unto them to teach them to pray to God." It would appear that in England there was a lively sentiment in favor of Christianizing the heathen Nipmuck " in these ends of the earth," as well as other natives in the new world, and that the occupancy of New England by the English ad- venturers should result not only in the accumulation of gold, but that Christianity should be promulgated " in this hideous and howling wilderness," and throughout their possessions in America. In writing of New England, Captain Weymouth, an histor- ian of the time, asserts, that " the result hoped for in planting settlements on these shores was to Christianize these dark regions of America," which were designated by the English as the West Indies.* CHAPTER 11. Records from the Royal Historical Society, London. The Christian education of the Nipmuck Indians through tHe correspondence of Rev. John Eliot, and the publication in London of a series of the " Eliot Tracts." *" The first royal charter for establishing the colony of New Eng- land had declared that to win and incite the natives of that country to the knowledge and obedience of the only true God and Saviour of mankind and the Christian faith is our royal intention and the adven- turers' free profession, is the principal end of the plantation." Records from the Royal Historical Society, London. 1 5 In July, 1649, such was the effect of the report from New England on Cromwell, Calamy and others, as well as on the Long Parliament, that an act or ordinance was found with this title : "A Corporation for the promoting and propagating the Gospel of Jesus Christ in New England." Thus the New England Company was established by the Long Parliament, "All honor then to Cromwell and the Commons of England in Parliament assembled as the founders of the first Protestant mission to Pagans." This society continued until the "Kestoration of the Mon- archy," 1660. A general collection or subscription was to be made through all counties, cities, towns and parishes of England and Wales, for the purposes of the corporation. Nearly $12,000 were forthwith collected by voluntary sub- scription throughout England and Wales, and several manors, lands and houses were purchased. An amount of at least £11,430 was expended in the purchase of landed property at Eriswell, in Suffolk, and a farm at Plumstead, in Kent, as well as several houses in London. All these purchases were conveyed to this parliamentary corporation, or to some of the sixteen members as its trustees. The corporation appointed commissioners and a treasurer in New England, who received the income transmitted to them by the corporation of England for the maintenance of mission- aries and school teachers among the natives till the restoration of Charles II. It is said^ Mr. Eliot's first effort to form an Indian town at Nonantum in Newtown proved a failure in his instruction to the natives on account of its being so near Boston and other English settlements. The surroundings of a so-called Christian community were unfavorable to influencing the natives from 1 6 The Records of Oxford. heathenism to Christianit}'^, and he desired a position more re- mote, and petitioned for a grant at Natick, and in 1651 the General Court set apart two thousand acres of land for an Indian plantation. In 1651 Rev. John Eliot removed to Natick. In 1660 a native church was formed in this settlement, and though Mr. Eliot was a clergyman, having the care of a church in Roxbury for twenty-iive years, he preached and taught the natives, establishing schools and native churches with Christian teachers.* " These commissioners received from the London Society authority to establish a school for the natives at Cambridge. Young men among the Indians were received as pupils to be educated for teachers. The society distributed bounties to en- courage education; they printed catechisms in the native lan- guage and furnished books for teachers." — Palfrey, I, 333. "In 1658 Eliot's native teachers received two pounds each for their services, while Eliot received two pounds for Bibles, spectacles, and primers for the natives." — Palfrey, I, 333. " The expenses of the London Society in this, the eighth year of its establishment, was five hundred and twenty pounds in salaries to teachers and the expenses of pupils in the Cam- bridge schools."— Palfrey, I, 333. Records Received from the Royal Historical Society, London. " (May 29, 1660.) Then this Corporation, created by the Long Parliament, ceased. " There was, therefore, a short cessation of the income, for the Royalist vendor of the property at Eriswell in Suffolk, re- *Tradition states there is still to be seen at Natick the oak tree under which Mr. Eliot instructed the natives. The Niprauck Indians had a constant and friendly intercourse with the Natick Indians, and became interested with them in the preacher of the "new Faith." Records from the Royal Historical Society^ London. 1 7 entered and obtained from the tenants a good deal of the rents until the Company was revived or created anew by the Order in Council, when he was obliged by the decree in a Chancery suit to fulfil the contract he had entered into with the former Corporation. " The Ordinance could no longer be recognized, but by the exertions of 'the excellent Eobert Boyle, so notable for his beneficence,' and others, an Order of Charles II, in Council was obtained April, 1661, for a new Charter of Incorporation vesting in the Company then created (and now subsisting) the property which had been given or bought for the purposes of the late reported Corporation." " Order in Council, for the New England Company's Charter. At the Court at Whitehall the 10th day of April 1661. Present : The King's Most Excellent Majesty. His Eoyal Highness the Duke Earl of Sandwich. of York. Earl of Lauderdale. Lord Chancellor. Lord Viscount Valentia. Duke of Albemarle. Lord Roberts. Marquis of Dorchester. Lord Seamore. Lord Great Chamberlain. Mr. Comptroller. Lord Chamberlain. Mr. Vice Ciiamberlain. Earl of Northumberland. Mr. Secretary Nicholas. Earl of Berks. Mr. Secretary Morris. Earl of Norwich. Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper. " Upon reading of Mr. Attorney General his report to this Board upon a Petition of divers for propagating the Gospel in America to him referred by Order of the 14th of November 1660, and a draft prepared for renewing the Charter of the 3 1 8 The Records of Oxford. Corporation therein specified and full debate thereof had ; It is ordered that the said Corporation may by the said Charter have power to purchase £2000 per annum and may have liberty to transport yearly £1000 in Bullion or foreign money making entry from time to time of what shall be so transported in the Port of London in the Custom House there. And the Lord Viscount Valentia is to consider of and examine the list of names of the members whereof the said Corporation is to consist and to offer the same to the Board and according to this direction Mr. Attorney is to fill up the blanks and perfect the said draft of a Charter. And also to add thereunto a clause that all lands tenements and hereditaments heretofore given or bought to the use or uses in this Charter mentioned shall from henceforth be vested in the said Corporation and their successors with power to sue for and recover the same and any arrears thereof due. "John Nicholas." The charter was completed February 7, 1661-2. " The members of the Company were forty-five in number, and included Churchmen and Dissenters. " Lord Chancellor Clarendon and other noblemen head the list, and Boyle, the first Governor, with several surviving mem- bers of the late reputed Corporation, and many Aldermen and Citizens of London, are included in it. The yearly revenue of the Company's lands, money, and stock was to be applied for the promoting and propagating the Gospel of Christ unto and amongst the heathen natives in or near New England and parts adjacent in America, and also for civilizing, teaching, and in- structing the said heathen natives in or near New England, and their children, not only in the principles and knowledge of the true religion, and in morality and the knowledge of the English tongue, and in other liberal arts and sciences, but for the edu- cating and placing of them or their children in some trade, mystery, or lawful calling." Records from the Royal Historical Society, London. 1 9 Records of the Royal Historical Society of London Pre- sented FOR THE " Records of Oxford." Extracts from a letter dated Lincoln's Inn, London, Novem- ber, 1878. From Henry W. Busk, Esq., a member of the New England Company, to Rev. Brooke Herford of Chicago, U. S. A.: "The labours of the Company and the Commissioners* and others in America were carried on unremittingly till the Amer- ican War of Independence interrupted the usual remittances. When the 13 provinces were acknowledged as independent States, the Company could not safely exercise its charter trusts out of the King's dominions, and at first transferred these operations to New Brunswick, and appointed Commissioners there so far as concerned the income of the Charter Fund. But the efforts there were not successful, and a new plan, recom- mended by one of the New Brunswick Commissioners, was, after consulting the Governor of the Province and other in- * " Increase and Cotton Mather were among the Commissioners, and were frequent correspondents of the Company after 1671." — London Records. From the funds of this corporation an allowance of £50 per annum was paid to Mr. Eliot as a stipend in supplement of his moderate salary of £60 as a minister of Roxbury. Fifty pounds was also allowed to Governor Mayhew for his interest in the education and Christianizing the Indians of Martha's Vineyard. Governor Mayhew was a co-worker with Eliot. The income of the English Society amounted to the then large sum of about seven hundred pounds. September 5, 1661. Mr. Eliot published the New Testament and other books for the in- struction of the natives. In 1663 the Old Testament was printed at Cambridge, Mass., in the Natick or Nipmuck dialect and was the first Bible printed in America. In 1890 a single copy of the Eliot Bible of the edition of 1663 was sold in London for £250. 20 The Records of Oxford. habitants, adopted in 1807, and acted on till 1822, when this plan also was found to have failed. The Company then trans- ferred its operations to other parts of British America, prin- cipally near the Grand Iliver north of Lake Erie, and near Lake Ontario, at the Bay of Quinte, and near the Rice and Cheinorig Lakes. "During the suspension of remittances to America the Com- pan}'^ accumulated and invested the income of all the three funds. By decrees of the Court of Chancery in 1792, 1808, and 1836, all the three funds have been regulated. Boyle's rent-charge is applicable by the Company for the advancement of the Christian religion among infidels in British America; so also the income of the accumulations of that fund. The income of Dr. Williams' fund and accunmlations is applicable by the Company towards the advancement of the Christian religion among Indians, Blacks and Pagans in British Plantations and Colonies, and for their education, etc. The income of the Charter Fund and of its accumulations is applicable in Upper Canada." Sketch of New England Company by Henky W. Busk. "Those stations which have been most permanently men- tioned are the following : " 1. Among the Mohawks and other Six Nations Indians settled on the banks of the Grand River, between Brantford and Lake Erie. " 2. On the shores of the smaller Lakes, Rice Lake twelve miles south of Peterborough and (Mud or) Chemong Lake ten miles noi'th of Peterborough. ' '6. On the banks of the Garden River, near Sault Ste. Marie (the rapids Ijetween Lake Superior and Lake Huron). "4. On Ruper Island, in British Columbia. "Tlie Indians of the Six Nations include the Mohawks, Oneidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, Senecas, and Tuscaroras. Up Records from the Royal Historical Society, London. 2 1 to the time of the American War of Independence the first five named inhabited the valleys on the rivers and lakes of Central New York. " There are two schools near the Mohawk village close to Brantford, as well as a parsonage for the church there. This church possesses the communion plate and a large English Bible, presented by ' Good Queen Anne ' to the Indian church in the Mohawk valley, which the Indians had been obliged to abandon. The old Mission Church was built by the Mohawks about 1782, about one mile south-east of the city of Brantford on the north-east of Grand River. In this church they placed the bell they received from London. The Rev. John Eliot, in his last illness, observed : 'There is a cloud, a dark cloud, upon the Work of the Gospel among the poor Indians. The Lord revive and prosper that Work and grant that it may live when I am dead.' " We have throughout tried to do our very best for our red brethren. What success we have had in doing so you might best learn by a visit to our Mohawk Institution close to Brant- ford, where the superintendent will be glad to show you what is being done for the education, etc., of some ninety or more of the native boys and girls. In the Mohawk Parsonage is our aged missionary Canon Nelles,* and not many miles oflE are several thousand Indians, with nine day-schools on the Tus- carora Reserve, and the Rev. Isaac Barr at the Kanyenga Par- sonage, and a native curate, the Rev. Albert Anthony, and several interpreters and school-teachers, as well as Methodist and Baptist ministers on this Reserve, and at Chemong Lake and at the Bay of Quinte. The members of the Company have always been a mixture of Churchmen and Dissenters working harmoniously together. " In many parts of America the natives seem to be dying out. We have the satisfaction of feeling that with us they *Now Archdeacon Nelles. 22 The Records of Oxford. are increasing and improving in spite of the bad example and influence of unprincipled Whites. " Mr. Robert Ashton, our present superintendent of the Mo- liawk Institution, has filled that post for six years, and is always much pleased with the visits of enlightened friends of the Red men. When you call there you will perhaps be a little sur- prised at the civilization and attainments, physical, intellectual, moral, and religions, of the eighty or ninety young people there training. At a few miles distance yon will find the Six JSTations Reserve, some ten miles long by six broad, with 3,000 Red men (five-sixths of them professing Christianity), aided by a considerable staff of native as well as white clergy and other officers, in making progress and gradually overcoming obstacles and resisting temptations and bad examples." In 1874 Lord Dufferin accompanied by Lady Dufleriu visited the Mohawk Church as Governor-General of Canada, and re- ceived addi-esses from the Indians, and added his signature in the Bible that already bore those of R. R. H., the Prince of Wales, and R. R. H., the Duke of Connaught. Hon. Robert Boyle, of Stalbridge Manor, was the fast friend of the distinguished Rev. John Ehot, and identified with him for many years in his efforts to educate and Christianize the Nipmuck Indians — "the poor souls of the West Indies," as then styled. Mr. Eliot recognized Hon. Robert Boyle, tlie governor of the corporation for propagating the gospel in New England, as the source of the life and efficiency of the society. Rev. Mr. Eliot, in his correspondence with Hon. Robert Boyle relative to the Nipmuck country and the native Indians, very quaintly addresses him as " Right honorable, deep learned, charitable, indefatigable and nursing father" of the natives of the Nipmuck country. Robert Boyle was celebrated for his unrivaled learning, and for his great excellencies of Christian character. Records from the Royal Historical Society, London. 23 Note. — Rev. Mr. Mayhew forwarded the following sketch to the London Society, etc. : " Labaa Panu, who died at Gayhead, November 6th, 1715, when he was ten Years and about nine Months old, was the son of a Christian Indian teacher. " He was till he was near nine Years old rude and disorderly, was apt to profane the Sabbath Day, and could scarcely be restrained from play- ing at Meeting: nor did the many good Instructions and Exhortations given him by his Parents appear to have any good Effect upon him. ' ' His Parents, grieved with his Miscarriage, at length began to deal more sharply with him, taking therein that Advice of the wise Man, Correct thy Son, and he shall give thee rest ; and as they found the Counsel good, so they found the Promise true; for due Corrections thus added to good Instructions, did, by God's Blessing, soon produce a re- markable Change in the Carriage and Behaviour of their Child." " He about this time told his Mother, that formerly he had not believed there was a God, but now he was persuaded that there was one, who had placed him here in the World." " And for what End, said his Mother, do you think God has placed you here as he has done? That I might seek and serve him, said the Child; and as God has placed us here upon Earth, so he will shortly remove us again from it. His Mother then proposing the Doctrine of the final Judgment to him, he readily asserted his firm Persuasion of the Truth and Certainty of that Doctrine ; and he then carried himself as one, that must be brought into Judgment for all he said and did, or ought to do. He applied himself with Diligence to the reading of his Books, which he had before too much neglected ; and he now also studied his Cate- chism, and would often of his own accord repeat by Heart the Questions and Answers, which he had before learned ; and he and some of the other Children of the Family, and some also of another Christian Family that lived near by, used by turns to catechise one another; by which Means the Knowledge of this Child, as well as some of the rest, was considera- bly increased. " " His Mother sometimes hearing of him at these Exercises, would ask him, whether he really believed the Truth of the Answers in his Cate- chism which he repeated ; making this Demand more especially when he came to Answers of the greatest Importance ; and he would still, in An- swer to her, declare his firm Belief of the Truths which he so learned. "His Mother observing that he was alone, saying something which 24 The Records of Oxford. she could not so hear as to understand, she once asked him what, and to whom he used to speak in his Retirement? " To which he answered, that he used to speak to God, and pray to him, to pardon all his Sins, and to make him good. His Father also sometimes found him alone in the Forest, calling on the name of the Lord ; and sometimes heard him in the Depths of the Night, when he was upon his Bed, praying to God for his Mercy and Salvation. " He talked often of his own frailty and Mortality. " He was sick but about a Month before he died ; in which time he behaved himself as became a Youth that remembered his Creator. " Soon after he was taken ill, his Mother asking him, whether he were willing to die and leave this World, and all his Enjoyments in it, he after a little Pause said, that he found in himself an Unwillingness at present so to do. But why so said his Mother to him, this is a very troublesome World, here are many Afflictions to be undergone; whereas Heaven is a most excellent Place, wherein there is no Trouble or Sorrow to be indured." "I am concerned, said the child weeping, for my Little Brother, (one younger than himself). I now keep with him and look after him; but if I die, I can take no more care of him. " Don't, said his Mother, let that trouble you; if you die before your Brother, it will not be long before he will follow after you; and if you go to heaven, he will, if he loves and serves God, come thither to you, and there live with you forever; the which that he may do, I will en- deavour to teach him to know and serve the Lord. " Do you therefore seek to God to prepare you for your End ; and be willing to die, and go to your God, when he sees meet to call you." "Yes said Laban smiling, I will be so; I will now set my Heart no lono-er upon my Brother, nor be unwilling to leave him ; Come hither Joseph, said he to him ; who then coming to him, he took him by the Hand and said, Farewcl my Brother, you shall not offend (or hinder) me any longer, be thou diligent in seeking after God! " After this he never discovered the least unwillingness to die, but set himself to seek the Lord with his whole Heart, and called daily upon him for his Mercy to be extended to him for the sake of Jesus Christ his only Saviour." "He underwent much Pain in the time of his Sickness, yet he said it was God that laid the same upon him, and he did bear with much Patience the mighty Hand of God which he was then under, constantly trusting in and crying to him only for Deliverence. Hassa na in isset . 2 5 "When he perceived that he was nigh to Death, he said but little to any that were about him, but kept almost continually praying to God, often saying. Oh ! my Heavenly Father, have Mercy on me. "When his Friends asked him whether he were willing to die, and whether he had Hopes that God would save him, he still answered af- firmatively to these Questions. After his Voice so failed him that he could not pronounce perfect Sentences, he still kept praying to God and saying, Woi— Woi — Woi ; which may be rendered in English, I pray — I pi-ay — I pray, which were the last Words he ever was heard to speak." CHAPTER III. Hassanamisset. The territory of Hassanamisset (now Grafton) has an his- toric record of great interest. It was one of the Indian reservations for the Christianized Indians set off by the provincial government upon the petition of Rev. John EHot. The grant was made May 15, 1654, viz. : " Liberty is granted to the Indians of Hassanamiset, being about 16 miles west of Sudbury, to make a town there, provided it does not prejudice any former grant, nor that they shall dispose of it without leave first had and obtained from this court."* (The Indians were allowed to build towns of their own wigwams.) In 1654 the General Court, on Mr. Eliot's petition, set apart this tract of land (Flassanamiset) for the use of the Indians to prevent any conflicting claims between the English and the natives . " No Indian town gave stronger assurances of success than Hassanamiset ; at that time it had become the central *Archives of Mass., Vol. 30. 4 26 The Records of Oxford. point of civilization and Christianity to the whole Nipmuck country." A school was here established, where the Bible was read and studied in the Indian language. Young men were here edu- cated and sent into the neighboring towns to preach the gospel (as Christian teachers). A regular government was created, and the forms of law strictly observed. The population of the town was small, yet, by reason of their constant intercourse with their neighbors, a large number of natives enjoyed the benefits of this school, and before the year 1674, within which Manchang, now Oxford, was included, seven new towns of praying Indians, as they were termed, were formed in the neighborhood, most of which were furnished with teachers from this place. A church was here established. The following is from an old record : " Hassunnimesut it lieth upon Nichmuke River ; The people were well known to the English so long as Connecticot Road lay that way, and their Religion was judged to be real by all that travelled that journey and had occasion to lodge, especially to keep a Sabbath among them." In 1674 Rev. John Eliot and Maj. Gookin visited all the " Christianized Indians " of the Nipmuck country. Gookin, in his description, saj^s : " Hassamanesit signitieth a place of small stones it lieth about thirty eight miles from Boston west southerly, and is about two miles eastward of Nipmuck river (Blackstone) and near unto the old road way to Connecticut." Hubbard describes it as a place up into the woods beyond Medfield and Mendon. It was called Hassanamisco by the Indians, and went by that name until 1735, when it was incorporated and named Grafton. James the printer, one of the Indians of Hassanamessit. was distinguished for his assistance in printing the Indian Bible, being employed in setting up the type. Hassananiisset. 27 In 1709 the English and Indian Psalter was pnblished by a son of Samuel Green and James the printer, within his Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New England. James had been apprenticed to Samuel Green to learn the printing trade in Boston. Hubbard's account of James the printer: " When he was put to an apprenticeship (after leaving the ' Charity School ' at Cambridge) for sixteen years. He had ob- tained some skill in printing, and might have obtained more had he not like a false villain ran away from his master before his time was out 1 " " Printer" became the surname of the family, and his re- puted descendants have lived in Grafton. The magistrates were directed to take care to have a court held once every quarter at such place or places where the In- dians did ordinarily assemble to hear the word of God, with permission of the Indian chiefs " to bring any of their own people to the said courts, and to keep a court of themselves once every month." Pennahannit, called Captain Josiah, was " Marshal General " over all the Christianized Indian towns, and used to attend the courts. The following is said to be a copy of a warrant which was issued by the ruler Waban for this court : " You, you big constable, quick you catch um Jeremiah Offscow, strong you hold um, safe you bring um, afore me, Waban, Justice of the peace." " A young justice asked him what he should do when In- dians got drunk and quarreled. He replied, ' tie um all up, and whip um plaintiff, whip um 'fendant, and whip um witness.' "* ''May 14, 1704. " The township of Sutton was purchased by the English of *Allen Biog. Dictionary. I 28 The Records of Oxford. John Wampus, and some other Indians of the Nipmuck country. " Sutton is situate in the Nipmug country between the towns of Mendon, Worcester, New Oxford, Sherburne and Marl- borough, of eight miles square ; within its limits is included a tract of land four miles square called Hassanamisco, an Indian reservation. " Sutton Yielding, Kenderingand Paying therefore unto our Sovereign Lady Queen Anne, her Kings and Successors, one- tifth part of all the Gold and Silver Oar and Precious stones, which from time to time, and at all times forever hereafter, shall happen to be found, gotten, had, or obtained in any of the said lands and Premises, or within any part or parcel thereof. In lieu and stead of all Rents, Services, Dues, Dutys, and de- mands whatsoever from the said lands and premises, and for every part and parcel thereof." As the Indians were diminished in Hassanamisco [Grafton] the white people became pr(»prietors, in 1728, of the soil, by pur- chase, for the consideration of £2,500, and the grant was made on condition " that they should provide preaching and school- ing and seats in the meetinghouse for the remaining Indians." The General Court, from the first, appointed a committee of three to superintend and take care of the Indian property, both personal and real. In 1765 there were fourteen Indians in town ; their numbers graduallj^ diminished ; but it was not until about the year 1825 that the last of the Nipmucks ceased to exist. They received their yearly income in the month of May from their funds, at which time they usually had a joyous holiday. Blankets, psalters and psalm-books were distributed among them as well as money. Sept. 17, 1674, Eev. John Eliot, with Major Gookin, visited Pakachoag, now in Worcester. Maj. Gookin writes : " We took leave of the Christian Indians at Chabanakong- komun, (now Webster), and took our journey, 17th of the sev- Rev. John Eliot visits Worcester. 29 eutli month, by Manchage (Oxford) to Pakachoag, a part of Worcester, which lieth from Mauchage, north-west, about twelve miles. We arrived there about noon. We repaired to the Sagamore's house, called John , who kindly enter- tained us. There is another Sagamore belonging to this place, of kindred to the former, whose name is Solomon, alias Woo- anakochu. This man was also present, who courteously wel- comed us. As soon as the people could be got together, Mr. Eliot preached unto them, and they attended reverently. Their teacher, named James Speen, being present, read and set the tune of a psalm that was sung afEectionately. Then the whole duty conchided with prayer. " After some short respite, a Court was kept among them. My cliief assistant was Wattasacompanum, ruler of the Nip- muck Indians, a grave and pious man of the chief Sachems blood of the Nipmuck country. He resides at Hassanamisset, but by former appointment calleth here, together with some others. The principal matter done at this Court was, first, to constitute John and Solomon to be rulers of this people and co-ordinate in power, clothed with the authority of the English government, which they accepted ; also, to allow and approve James Speen for their minister. This man is of good parts and is pious. He hath preached to this people almost two years, but he yet resides at Hassanamisset, about seven miles distant. Also, they chose and the Court confirmed a new con- stable, a grave and sober Indian called Matoonas. Then I gave both the rulers, teacher, constable and people their respective charges, to be diligent and faithful for God, zealous against sin, and careful in sanctifying the Sabbath. " Having sent a grave and pious Indian to be a teacher in Nashaway, near Lancaster, with a letter of advice and exhorta- tion, written and dated at Pakachoag, and nominated one of that tribe, who was present, as constable, with power to appre- hend drunkards, take away their strong drink, and bring the 30 TJie Records of Oxford. offenders before himself for punishment, an office which the candidate refused to accept until he could consult his friends, the exercises were concluded with singing a psalm and offering prayer and they retired to rest. The next morning early, they passed to Marlborough and thence returned to their homes. — Mass. Hist. ColL I, 192 ; Hubbard's Narrative, 101. Maj. Gookin sent Jethro of Natick, one of the most notice- able of the Christianized Indians, though it is said " these Indians, in general, made but sorry Christians " to Nashaway to preach to the natives of that place, Mr. Eliot having never visited them. Maj. Gookin gave to Jethro a letter written by himself to the Indians, desiring them to keep the Sabbath, and to abstain from drunkenness to which they were much prone. Jethro was made a constable that he might exercise authority and when placed in office had with the power given to him a black staff as his insignia of office. The chiefs and Sagamores were tributary and subordinate. Wattasacompanum was chief ruler, his efforts were to preserve friendly relations when the planters first arrived, with the In- dians. The principal settlement of the Indians in Worcester was on the hill rising in the south part of the town and extending into Ward, called by them, Pakachoag. It is described by Gookin : * " This village lyeth about three miles south from the new road way that leadeth from Boston to Connecticut ; it consists of about twenty families, and hath about one hundred souls therein. " This town is situated upon a fertile hill, and is denominated from a delicate spring of water that is there." In 1674 the township of Oxford was known as a tract of land lying in the Nipmuck country, by its Indian name of Maiichage, Manchage or Manchaug. * Oa this range of highland is the site of "Holy Cross College." Julia Jaha. 31 The first record of Manchaug, now Oxford, was made by Kev. John Eliot and Major-General Gookin, Sept. 17, 1674, O. S. on their " journey " to Pakachoag a part of Quinsigamond now Worcester. " In 1674 Rev. John EHot and General Gookin visited the new Christianized towns in the Nipmuck country. The first of thes6, says Gookin is, ' Manchage [Oxford] which lieth to the westward of ISTiprauck river [Blackstone] about eight miles, and is from Hassanamesitt west by south, about ten miles, and it is from Boston about fifty miles. To it belongeth about twelve families and about sixty souls. For this place we ap- pointed Waberktamin, a hopeful young man, for their minister. There is no land yet granted by the general Court to this place, nor to any other of the praying towns. But the court in- tended shortly upon the application and professed subjection of those Indians unto the yoke of Christ, to do for them as they have done for other praying Indians.' " * The church was formed in Manchage [Oxford] it is said in 1672. Julia Jaha. "Lo, the poor Indian, whose untutored mind Sees God in clouds or hears Him in the wind." Pope. Julia Jaha was the last of the Nipmuck Indians in Ox- ford, her mother was of the Began tribe of Nipmuck In- dians living on a reservation in Webster, Mass., and the father of Julia was a Mohegan. The parents of Julia, with their *Gookin's Historical Collections of the Indians in New England, printed in Coll. Mass. Hist. Society in 1792. ' ' The tract of land from Marlborough to Manchaug [Oxford, ] was wdth few exceptions of a cleared space on which the Indians reared their corn an unbroken wilderness interspersed with a few meadows or marshes as they were styled at that time." 32 The Records of Oxford. children, lived in a sorry little cottage. When Julia was a child, one lovely sunny morning in the spring of the year, she being seated on a mossy little bank, as she gazed upon the river and sky, admiring their beauty, and the woods just appearing in their foliage, with the gay songs of the birds which arrested her attention, she exclaimed to herself, " God must have made all so beautiful," and hastening to her mother with questions about God, inquiring if all good people would at death live with Him, and to confirm her belief she inquired of her mother, " Will priest Williams be there too." Julia had seen Rev. Mr. Williams, the clergyman of Dudley,* at the Indian funerals, and may be she had attended church service and sat in one of the high corner pews. Julia was taught to read while young. From her childhood she thought much of God, and was in- structed in her catechism and received many good counsels from her mother, nor were these lessons without good effect.f When Julia was some twelve years of age her mother died. She was surprised to witness with what willingness her mother left her family, without distrust or anxiety, in God's care. She was persuaded the Christian faith of her mother gave her this happiness in the hour of death. Julia was then removed from her home and placed at service in the family of the late Major John Brown of Dudley, where she was taught all the nice arts of housekeeping. She ever recalled the family with great re- spect. The young ladies were so elegant and the sons were all her young masters never to grow old, and Julia, after living a long and Christian life, in her departure from earth was heard by the clergyman who attended her to whisper in broken ac- cents, " Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord." % *Mr. Williams was the clergymen in Dudley from June 12, 1799, to March 16, 1831. tJulia Jaha, known by marriage Julia Daille. J On a Memorial Day in memory of the Huguenots ''of Oxford, June 29, 1881, Julia was invited to be present, as the sole remnant of jfulia Jaha. 33 Julia ever testified tliat her tribe were conscious of great in- justice done to tliem in all their transactions with the English, and then added with much feeling of grief, "They would de- stroy the graves of our dead as of no account and make a field of grain of our Indian sepulchre." On Joshua Pegan's old field the first church in the town of Dudley was erected on the summit of a hill. The Pegan tribe of Indians gave four acres of land for its site in 1734, "on condition that all of their tribe, who should ever inhabit the town, should have the right to convenient seats in the meeting- house on days of public worship." As late as 1790, there were about a dozen of this tribe left who owned some two hun- dred acres of good land near the center of the town. They were cared for by a committee by the order of the General Court.* About five miles distant from Manchaug, now Oxford, a second town, called Chabanakongkomun, now Webster,f Major Gookin narrates : " It hath its denomination from a very great pond, that bor- ders upon the southward of it. This village is fifty-five miles south-west of Boston. There are about nine families and forty- five souls. The people are of sober deportment, and better instructed in the worship of God than any of the new praying towns. Their teacher's name is Joseph, who is one of the church of Hassanamessit ; a sober, pious and ingenious person, and speaks English well, and is well read in the Scriptures. the Nipmuck Indians of Oxford. On receiving a gift of money from Hon. Zachariah Allen of Providence, E. I., and otlier gentlemen present, she was much gratified vrith their attentions and the kindness extended to her. She exclaimed to a friend, " They have to-day made me a queen and crowned me with silver." *The Indian seats in the church were two large corner pews in the gallery, over the door of the church, the places which in other churches were devoted to slaves or the poor. fSometimes named Chaubunagungamaug and Chargoggagoggman- choggagogg. 5 34 The Records of Oxford. He M'as the first that settled this town, and got tlie people to him about two years since. It is a new plantation, and is well accommodated with uplands and meadows. At this place dwells an Indian called Black James, who, about a year since, was constituted constable of all the praying towns. He is a person that hath approved himself diligent and courageous, faithful and zealous to suppress sin ; and so he was confirmed in his office another year. In 1674 Mr. Eliot preached unto this people, and we prayed and sang psalms with them, and ex- horted them to stand fast in the faith. " A part of one night we spent in discoursing with them, and resolving a variety of questions propounded by them, touching matters of religion and civil order. " The teacher Joseph and the constable James went with us into the next town, which is called Maanexit." In a letter from Rev. John Eliot to Hon. Robert Boyle, of London, dated April 22, 1684, are the following extracts : " This last gift of £400 for the impression of the Indian Bible doth set a diadem of beauty upon all your former acts of pious charity, and commandeth us to return unto your honour's all thankful acknowledgments according to our abilities." Nov., 1683, £460 had also been advanced by the society. " The places where the Indians meet to worship God and sanctify the Sabbath are many ; the most are stated places, in the Massachusetts ; since the wars, are contracted into four — Natick, Poukipoy (Stoughton), Wamesut (Lowell) and Chach- aubunkkakowok (Webster). " The occasional meetings are at places of fishing, hunting, gathering chesnuts in their season. " In Plymouth Pattent there are about ten places where they meet to worship God. " An intelligent person of (Marthas) Vineyard reckoned up unto me ten places where God is worshiped every Lord's day CJiristianized Tozvns. 35 in that Island. In Nantucket there be about five places of prayer and keeping Sabbaths. " The seven old Christianized towns (praying towns) were Natick, Pakeniitt or Punkapoag (Stoughton), — Ockoocangan- sett (Marlborough), — Wamesitt (Lowell),— Hassanamesit (Grafton),— Nashobah (Littleton),— Magunkook (Hopkinton). These Indian communities extended from Hassanamesit east- ward to English settlements on the eastern coast." Maj. Gookin, in his journal containing a sketch of a visit with Eev. John Eliot to the Nipmnck country in 1674, men- tions the new Christianized towns, Manchaug (Oxford), twelve families, — Chabanakongkomun (Webster), five miles southerly, nine families, — Maanexit on Quinebaug river, four or five miles further south, — Quantisset (Thompson Hill), and Wabquasset, (Woodstock). The territory of the jurisdiction of this tribe is not (defi- nitely) defined by early historians. Gookin, high authority, includes within the Nipmuck country, as it was called, ten vil- lages of Christianized Indians. Hassauamisset (Grafton), Man- chang (Oxford), Chabanakongkomun (Webster), Maanexit, Quantisset (Thompson Hill), Wabquasset (Woodstock), Quinsi- gamond (Worcester and Ward), Waentug (Uxbridge), We- shakin (Sterling and Kashua), near unto an English town called Lancaster and Quaboag or Qnabaug (Erookfield). ^6 The Rixords of Oxford. CHAPTER IV. Sketch of John Eliot. Mr. Caverly, in liis Sketclie of the life of the distinguished Rev. John Ehot, relates (in the year 1631) when Mr. Eliot and his two brothers, Philip and Jacob, had resolved to leave Eng- land for a home in the Colonies, they made a visit to the tower of London to take leave of their uncle, Sir John Eliot, who was there imprisoned, being accused of uttering seditious speeches. " Hearing their approaching foot steps Sir John rising up turns himself as from a deep sleep, or from an absorbing reverie." After an exchange of friendly greetings, he pauses, listening to a brief delail of their designs for the future in leaving Eng- land for the New World. " An extended hand, a half suppressed adieu, and the brothers leave. ' The Knight sinks back on his couch, thoughtful, silent, at rest.' "* Rev. John Eliot of England, sailed in I^ovember, 1631, in *Sir John Eliot, born in 1590, was a member of Parliament from Newport, and afterwards representing Cornwall, was a leader in the House in the latter part of the reign of James I, and in the first part of Charles I. In May 29, 1628, Sir John was charged with having de- clared in the House, that the Council and Judges conspired to trample under their feet, the libertiesof the subject and the privileges of Parlia- ment. '* He, with others, was summoned before the King's Bench, which led to his imprisonment. Sir John died in the Tower Nov. 27, 1632. This event was announced throughout the realm as the death of a martyr. " The ancestor remote of the Rev. John Eliot, was Sir William d' Allot, who came with William the Conqueror in 1066, when he landed in Eng- land with a fleet of seven hundred ships. "Among the descendants was Augustus Eliot, honored as Lord Heath- field, and Sir Gilbert Eliot, Earl of Minto."— Life of Eliot by Caverly. Sketch of John Eliot. . 37 "the Lyon," with Governor Winthrop's family and others, bound for Boston, in New England. The Governor, himself, was already there. Arrived at Boston, Elliot, afterward had charge of a church in Koxbury. Soon following, Eliot's own affianced bride and other Enghsh emigrants, left England for New England, and made a settlement at Roxbnry.— London Records of the New England Company. Rev. John Eliot was born in 1604, at Nasing, in Essex, and educated at Cambridge. Eliot resigned his charge of the church in Roxbnry in 1688, and died at the age of 86 in 1690, leaving his Indian work at Natick to be continued by one of the native Christian teachers. When Mr. Eliot conld no longer from declining years visit and instruct the Indians, he persuaded several families in Rox- bury to send their negro servants to him, that he might instruct them in the Christian faith. A Picture of the Home Life in the New World of Rev. John Eliot. "In 1650 Mr. Eliot received at his quiet humble cottage at Roxbnry, Father Druillettes, a Jesuit Missionary among the Indians in Canada, who had been sent by Governor d'Aillebout to the Governor of Plymouth and Massachusetts Colony to engage the English in commercial relations with a view to secure them in an aUiance against the Mohawk Indians, the enemies of the French. Father Druillettes has left a charming letter in French, describing his visit though not successful in his mission. Governor Endicot of Salem, treated him in a friendly way, and talked French with him. Governor Bradford of Plymouth invited him to dinner, and, ' it being on Friday entertained him with fish ! ' " The Father describes his visit to " Mr. Ileliot at Roxbnry, who, it being November, invited him to stay and thus defer his journey back to Canada through the wintry wilderness ; 38 The Records of Oxford. but the priest could not remain." — Extract from Boston Me- morial History. One loves to think of Eliot's humble cottage as thus graced. His Indian interpreters might have been crouching by the cheerful chimney ; and one or more Indian youths, whom Eliot always had near him, might have looked on in wonder as the cassocked priest and the Puritan discussed the difficulties of the Indian tongue, in which both of them attained great skill, and accomplished their ministry as translators and preachers. Besides a wife and daughter, Mr. Eliot had five sons, all of whom he trained for Harvard College ; one of those died in his course, the other four became preachers. Mr. Eliot in his visits to the Katick Indians was not un- mindful of even the children, for *' he always supplied himself with apples, nuts, sweetmeats, and other little gifts for the papooses. " His own comfort and needs dropping out of thought in his care for others." He often carried on his Indian visits heavy and miscellaneous burdens. The cast-off clothing, and even much that had not come to that indignity, of his own parishioners and friends and the widest compass of neighbors, was solicited and generally was borne on his horse's shoulders or crupper to eke out the civil- ized array of his red pupils." Mb. Eliot's "Journeys " to the Indian Village of Natick. Mr. Eliot's rule was "to visit Natick once a fortnight, visit- ing in the alternate week Cutshamakin, in Dorchester, in all weathers, riding on his horse eighteen miles, by a way through woods, over hills, and swamps and streams, which his many journeys ultimately opened into a road from Boston to Natick." Sketch of John Eliot. 30 A Letter from John Dunton to Rev. Dr. Samuel Anneslt, IN London. " In this Letter I design to give you an account of my Ram- ble to Natick. A town of converted Indians, it is (as I am informed) about foi'ty years since that the Great and Good Mr. Eliot, Pastor of the church in Roxbury (about a mile from Boston), set himself to learn the Indian Tongue, so tliat he might more easily and successfully open to them the Mystery of the Gospel. 'This Reverend Person, not without very great Labour and Pains translated tlie Bible into the Indian language (Twelve of wliich he lias presented me withal, charg- ing me to let you have one of them) ; he has also Translated several English Treatises, of Practical Divinity and Catechisms, into the Indian Toungue. Twenty-six years ago he gathered a church of converted Indians in a Town called JSTatick, being about twenty miles distant from Boston In this Town of JS'atick being the first formed town of the converted (or as they are called, Praying) Indians, there was appointed a Gen- eral Lecture to be annually kept, and the Lecture to be preached half in the Indian, and half in the English Tongue for the Benefit of all that did repair to it :* " To this Lecture (being kept in the Summer time) it is very usual for severall of the Bostonians (or inhabitants of Boston) to go ; and I being acquainted with some that intended to go thither, and being (you know Sir) of a Rambling Fancy, and still for making New Discoveries, as also I had a great desire to be among the Indians, resolved to take that opportuity, and go along with them .... " The Day of the Natick Lecture being come, and all things being ready for our Journey, I mounted on my steed with Madam Brick (Breck) (the Flower of Boston) behind me ac- *Jolm Dunton's Letters from New England, page 207. In the Publi- cations of the Prince Library. 40 The Records of Oxford. companied with Mr. Green and his Wife, Mrs. Toy, the Dam- sel, Mr. Mallinson, Mr. King, and Mr. Cook and Mrs. Middle- ton ; with thirty or forty Persons more unknown, who went on the same Errand as we did, vide licet ^ to hear the Natick Ser- mon preached to the converted Indians, as is the usuall Custom every year. " Being thus equipp'd Sir, and my Companions such as I have mentioned .... we set forward for Natick the Indian Town, we set forward through many Woods whose well spread Branches made a pleasing sliade, and kept us from the Sun's too scorch- ing heat ; which made me say to my fair Fellow Traveller be- hind me, That we were much beholding to those woods for their refreshing Shade which they afforded us ; (of which we were then the more sensible, because we had but lately rid over some open Commons). " Madame Brick told me, what I said was very true ; But, added she, if these poor Woods afford us such a delightful shade, O what a blessed shade is Jesus Christ, who screens us from the Scorching Beams of Divine Wrath ; and whom the Scripture represents, with respect to his People, as the Shadow of a great Rock in a weary Land ; To signifie that Comfort and Refreshing that true Believers find in him ; ' Madam,' said I, you have spoke true in what you've said ; and yet Christ is represented as a Sun, as well as a Shade ; To this Mrs. Toy who rid by us reply'd. He is indeed represented both as a Sun and as a Shade, and yet no contradiction ; He is a Sun, shining with the Warm Beams of Love and Grace, to cherish and re- vive the Drooping Soul, and as a Shade for the Refreshment of the Weary and heavy laden, ' You are right,' said Mr. Green, who over-heard us ; Christ is set forth in Scripture, under sev- eral Denominations to represent to us that fulness that is in him, and to shew us that there is nothing we can want, but 'tis to be found in him : And such a Saviour (said his Wife) it is we stand in need of, that is an All sufficient Good, and ade- Sketch of John Eliot. 41 quate to all our wants. And surely, said I, such a Saviour is only Jesus Christ ; He is the great Panpharmacon, who cures all our Diseases, and supplies all our Wants ; " If we want Kiches, he exhorts us to buy of him gold try'd in the Fire ; if we want cloathing, he has the only garment of Salvation ; if we are sick, he is the great Physician ; if we are wounded, he is the Balm of Gilead ; if we are hungry, he is the Bread of Life ; and if we are thirsty, he can give us Living Waters ; And when the Royal Psalmist would sum up all, in a few words, he tells us. He is both a Sun and Shield and will Grace and Glory, and no good thing will he withhold from them that walk uprightly." " I had scarce done speaking, when Mr. Cook rides up to me, and says, I thought we had been going to Natick to hear a Sermon there ; ' Why so we are,' said I, ' Why then,' said he, do you forestall the Market, and make a Sermon on the Road? I told him 'twas no Sermon, but only a discourse that happen to be rais'd among us ... . " Mr. Cook so rid on before to Water-Town, whither we all came presently after, and when we presently alighted and refresh' t our Luggage, and while others were engaged in Frothy Discourses, the Widow Brick and I took a view of the Town. " Having well refresh'd ourselves at Water-Town, we mounted again, and from thence we Rambled through severall Tall Woods between the Mountains, over many rich and preg- nant Valleys, as ever eye beheld, beset on each side with variety of goodly Trees. So, had the most Skilful Gardner design'd a Shady Walk in a fine Valley, it wou'd have fallen short of that which Nature here had done without him ; which is a clear Demonstration that Nature Exceeds Art, and that Art is but a weak and imperfect Imitation of Nature ; which has far more beauty in her Works, than Art can e'er pretend to ; Art may (for instance) delineate the Beauty of a Rose, and 6 42 The Records of Oxford. make it very lovely to the Eye, but Nature only gives it Life and Fragrancy "As we rid along that lovely valley I have mentioned Sir, we saw many lovely Lakes or Ponds well stored with Fish and Beavers (We had about Twenty Miles to Natick, where the best Accommodations we cou'd meet, were very course, We ty'd up our Horses in two old Barns that were almost laid in Ruines But there was no place where we cou'd bestow ourselves unless, upon the Green-sward, till the Lec- ture began. "The Wigwams or Indian Houses are no more than so many Tents, and their way of Building 'em is this : They first take long Poles, and make 'em fast in the ground, and then cover them with Mats on the outside, which they tye to the Poles, Their Fire place is made in the Middle, and they leave a little opening npon the Top uncovered with the Mats, which serves for a chimney. Their Doors are usually two, and made oppo- site to each other, which they open or shut according as the Wind sits, and these are either made of Mats or the Barks of Trees." — John Duntou's Letters from New England. "The men being most abominably slothful, and making their poor Squaws (for so they call their wives) do all their Drudg- ery, and Labour in the Field as well as at Home, planting and dressing their Corn and building also their Wigwams (or houses for tliem) .... They continue in a place until they have burnt up all the Wood there-a-bonts and then remove their Wigwams and follow that therefore Wood which they cann't fetch home to themselves ; And therefore thinking all others like them- selves ; They say English come hither because they wanted firing. " Their coats are made of divers sorts of Skins, whence they have their Deer-Skin Coats ; their Beaver-Coats ; their Otter- Coats, their Rakoon-Skin Coats and their Squirrel Skin Coats. They liave also a Coat or Mantle curiously made of the finest Sketch of John Eliot. 43 and fairest feathers of their Turkies, which their old Men make, and is with them as velvet is with us in Esteem. Within this Coat or Skin they creep very contentedly, by day or night, in the House or in the Woods ; and sleep soundly too counting it a great happiness that every man is content with his skin They have also the skin of a. great Beast called Moose, as big as an Ox, which some call a red Deer, which they commonly paint for their Summer Wearing, witii variety of Forms and colours. " We went to visit their Indian Sachim and Queen ; I stepped up and kiss'd the Indian Queen, making her two very low Bows, which she returned very civilly. The Sachim was very tall and well limb'd, but had no Beard, and a sort of Horse Face. The Queen was well shap'd, and her Features might pass pretty well ; she had Eyes as black as Jet, and Teeth as white as Ivory ; her Hair was very black and long, and she was considerably up in years ; her Dress peculiar, she had Sleeves of Moose Skin, very finely dress'd and drawn with Lines of var- ious Colours in its Asiatick Work, and her Buskins were of the same sort ; her mantle was of fine blew cloath, but very short, and ty'd about her Shoulders and at the Middle with a Zone, curiously wrought with White and Blew Beads into pretty Figures ; her Bracelets and her Necklace were of the same sort of Beads, and she had a little Tablet upon her Breast very finely deckM with Jewels and Precious Stones ; her Hair was comb'd back and ty'd up with a Border, which was neatly work'd both with Gold and Silver. . . . "After we had been entertained by the (Indian) King and Queen, and left them. We were told that the meeting was near beginning, upon which Notice we went to the Meeting, where Mr. Gookins preached upon this Text : "'It is appointed unto Men once to dye, and after that, the Judgment.' The poor Indians appear'd to me to sit under the Word with great Seriousness and Attention, and many of them seem'd very much affected under it. . . . 44 The Records of Oxford. "It was about Four in the Afternoon when the Lecture was ended, And we, having 20 long miles back to Boston, were making the best of our way, and therefore Mr. Mallinson, one of our Company, presently cry'd to Horse, to Horse, which we did accordingly in the same Order as we came .... After three hours hard Riding we got safe home to Boston." Sketch of Hobert Boyle. In 16i4: Robert Boyle returned from his travels on the con- tinent to England, and only after waiting four months, such was the confusion consequent upon the battle of Marston Moor, reached Stalbridge Manor, which he had inherited from his fathers estate ; he subsequently removed to Oxford and then to London, where he passed the remainder of his life. The political condition of England during Boyle's life was unfavorable to the repose of scholarship, as he was born during the reign of Charles I, lived during the Commonwealth and the turmoil of the Restoration, through the reigns of Charles II and James II, and died soon after the accession of William of Orano^e . * ■*= Robert Boyle actively promoted tlie interests of the East India Company, being one of the directors of the company. He gave a handsome douceur for the translation of Grotius' Truth of the Christian Religion into Arabic, paid the expense of printing it at Oxford in 1660, and disseminated it widely amongst Arabic-speaking people. He paid £700 towards printing and circulating the Bible in the Irish dialect by Dr. Wm. Bodell, Bisliop of Kilmore, in Ireland, and contrib- uted largely towards another edition to be circulated among the Welsh and in the Highlands of Scotland. He contributed largely towards publishing Bishop Burnet's History of the Reformation. Extract from a letter from the London Propagation Society : ''Sept 14, 1677. " To the Honorable Robert Boyle, Esq., one of the directors of the Sketch of Robert Boyle. 45 Extract from the will of lion. Robert Bojle is dated the 18th day of July, 1691, in the third year of the reign of our sovereign lord and lady William and Mary, by the grace of God King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, de- fenders of the faith. The will was signed 25 July, 1691. "First and chiefly, I commend my soul- to Almighty God, my Creator, with full confidence of the pardon of all my sins in and through the mediation of my alone Saviour Jesus Christ ; and my body I commit to the earth, to be decently buried within the cities of London or Westminster, in case I die in England, without escutcheons or unnecessary pomp, and without any superfluous ceremonies, and without the exj^ense of above two hundred and fifty pounds. " Being likewise desirous when I come to die to have noth- ing to do but to die Christianlj^, without being hindered, by any avoidable distraction, from employing the last hours of my life in sending up my desires and meditations before me to heaven." One of the items as found in the will of Hon. Robert Boyle : "Whereas I had set apart, among other things, the sum of £400 for certain pious uses, and whereas his late Majesty King Charles the Second having, by his special grace and favour with- out my seeking or knowledge, been pleased to constitute me governor of the corporation for propagating the Gospel amongst the heathen natives of New England and other parts of America, East India Company for trade, and governor of the Corporation of tlie Gospel and the conversion of the American natives in New England. " Your charity is not limited only to the East Indies, for the poor souls of the West Indies are also bound to bless you, you being the head of that corporation which is established by his Majesty at London for the receiving and disposing of the benefactions of well-minded Christians (to which the said corporation do usually add of their own no small mites), to be transmited to the commissioners of the united colonies in New England, and thereto be employed for the propagation of the Gospel." — Life of Robert Boyle, London edition. 46 The Records of Oxford. hath thereby given me opportunity to discern that work to be uoquestionably pious and charitable; and whereas I have given and paid the sum of three hundred pounds towards that piety, I do hereby give and devise the sum of one hundred pounds more to the said corporation (though, by reason of sickness and infirmity, I have resigned the otfice of governor), to be set aside and employed as a stock for the relief of the poor Indian converts, which 1 hope will prove of good effect for the ad- vancement of the pious work for which they are constituted, and which I heartily pray him, whose glory the work itself tends unto (and I hope the persons intrusted with it aim at), to give them a prosperous success." " From a fund arising under the ' will ' of the Hon. Robert Boyle, the first governor of the Company." " As re-established after the restoration. By virtue of his ' will ' the Company in 1695 acquired a perpetual rent-charge of £90 a year for Missionaries to the natives of New England." •' The income of the funds subject to the Hon. Robert Boyle's Trust, is applicable to the following purpose : For tlie advance- ment of the Christian religion among infidels in divers parts of America under the Crown of the United Kingdom." In person the Hon. Robert Boyle was tall and slight in figure, of quiet manners, but of great elegance and dignity. He was unostentatious in all affairs of public or private life. Charles II, James II and William III were so charmed with his conversation that they often sought his society, admit- ted him to the palace with the slightest possible formality and discoursed with him with familiarity. These three sovereigns successively offered him a peerage, but all these honors he declined in his devotion to learning. He died December 31, 1691, aged 65 years ; his remains were laid in the chancel of St. Martin's in the Field, West- minster. The audience at his funeral included nearly all the Sketch of Robert Boyle. 47 people of station, influence or learning in the Kingdom. Bishop Burnet preached his remarkable sermon from the words : " For God giveth to a man that is good in his sight, wisdom, and knowledge and joy." Bishop Burnet sums up his brilliant eulogium of his char- acter in the following strain : " I will not amuse you with a list of his astonishing knowl- edge, or of his great performances in this way. They are highly valued all the world over, and his name is everywhere mentioned with particular characters of respect."* *The family position of Hon. Robert Boyle may be of interest to the antiquary : He was the son of the Right Hon. Richard Boyle, the first Earl of Cork, in Ireland. " The Earl of Cork," who being born a pri- vate gentleman, and the younger brother of a younger brother, to no other inheritance than is expressed in the motto, which his humble gratitude inscribed upon all the palaces which he built, and indeed ordered to be i^laced ujjon his tomb. "God's Providence, mine Inheritance." By which Providence, and God's blessing upon his own prudent industry, he raised himself to such an honor and estate, and left such a family as never any subject in these three Kingdoms did, and (which is more) with so unspotted a reputa- tion of integrity, that the narrowest scrutiny could find nothing to ex- cejit against, in all tiie methods of his rising, though they were searched into most severely. "This noble Lord was blessed with an ample progeny, havino- five sons, whereof he lived to see four of them Lords, and Peers of the King- dom of Ireland, and the fifth (Robert) though not equal in titles, yet as truly famous, and honorable for his piety, parts and learning. He had also eight daughters, whereof the eldest, the Lady Alice, was married to the Lord Baramore; the second, the Lady Sarah, was married to the Lord Digby, of Ireland ; the third, the Lady Letitia, to the eldest son of the Lord Goring, who dyed Earl of Norwich ; the fourth, the Lady Joan, to the Earl of Kildare, Primier Earl of Ireland, and of the Antientest House in Christendom, of that degree, the present Earl being the sixth, or seventh and twentieth of lineal descent from the same." " (A great Antiquary hath observed, that the three Antientest Families in Europe for Nobility, are the Veres in England, Earls of Oxford, and 48 The Reco7'ds of Oxford. CHAPTER Y. Philip's Wak. " Philip's War, 1G75-76, was very disastrous to the labors of Mr. Eliot, and almost entirely suspended them. The irrita- tion against the Indians was very great, and jealousy and dis- trust of his converts were everywhere rife, and the rage of the people was violent and alarming. " Mr. Gookin and Mr. Eliot incurred much abuse." — Mor- ton's N. E. Mem. 391. the Fitz-Geralds in Ireland, Earls of Kildare, and the Momorancies in France.) " The fifth, the Lady Katherine, was married to the Lord viscount Ranelaugh; the sixth, was the Lady Dorothy Loftus; the seventh, the Lady Mary, which sliut up and Crowned this Noble Train, was Married to Charles (Rich), Earl of Warwick, of whom it may be truly sayd : ' Many Daughters, all his Daughters, did virtuously, but she surmounted them all.' ' ' The eighth, the Lady Margaret died unmarried. The Earl of Cork states that " Being the second son of a younger brother, and it pleased the Almighty by his divine providence to take me, as it were, by the hand, and lead me into Ireland ; when I happily arrived at Dublin, on the Midsummer-eve, the 33d of June, 1588. "When I first arrived at Dublin in Ireland, all my wealth then, was twenty-seven pounds, three shillings in money, and two tokens which my mother had given me, viz. : a diamond ring, which I have ever since and still do wear, and a bracelet of gold worth about ten pounds ; a taffety doublet, cut with and upon taffety ; a pair of black velvet breeches laced; a new Milan fustian suit laced and cut upon taffety; two cloaks; competent linen and necessaries with my rapier, and dagger." The Earl of Cork married Catherine, the daughter of Sir Geoffrey Fenton. Philip's War. 49 Extract from a Letter from Rev. John Eliot to Hon. Robert Boyle, after Philip's War. "RoxBURY, October 23, 1677. "Right honourable nursing father: " The poor praying Indians do thankfully acknowledge that (under God our heavenly father, and under Jesus Christ oar redeemer, who redeemeth us out of all our troubles) you have been the means and instrument in his hand, to save and de- liver us. God moved your heart to own us, in that black day when all were against us, and we were almost ready to be swallowed up in destruction ; which dark time we ought not to forget, nor your owning kindness unto us in that dark day. And since that, your charity hath greatly revived and refreshed us. Many of our aged, decrepid, fatherless, and widows, still wear the garments, not yet worn out, which your charity did the last winter, clothe us withal. And although we yet know not what our honoured commissioners will do for us, whose favour we doubt not of. " Nothwithstanding Philip had renewed a treaty of peace with the English in 1671, he appears to have been in a con- spiracy with the Indians against the English that there should be a general uprising of the Indians to destroy all the English plantations in the country. The Narragansett Indians having promised Philip to furnish him with four thousand fighting men in the spring of 1676, to aid in exterminating the English.* * One of the articles of Philip's Treaty with the English, 1671 : " I am willing and do promise to pay unto the government of Plim- outh, one hundred pounds in such things as I have ; But I would intreat the favor that I miglit have three years to pay it in, for as much as I cannot do it at present. " I do promise to send unto the Governor, or whom he shall appoint, five wolves heads, if I can get them ; or, as many as I can procure, until they come to five wolves yearly.'' 7 50 The Records of Oxford. " In 1671 Philip had been compelled by the English to de- liver up all the English arms in his tribe. The compulsion rankled sorely ; to the Indians it appeared an aggression as they had become acquainted with the use of English fire-arms, and being convinced of their superiority over bows and arrows, would give almost any amount in wampun, beaver skins, or even in land, in exchange for them," Though not an unprejudiced historian, Hubbard states : " It is apparent upon what terms the English stood with the Narragansetts, ever since the cutting off Miantonorao, their chief sachem's head by Uncas, it being done with the advice and consent of the English. Anno 1643." " A taste for havoc was established between heathen Wam- panoag and half converted Nipmuck. Without provocation, and without warning, they gave full sway to the inhuman pas- sions of their savage nature, and broke into a wild riot of pil- age, arson and massacre." — Palfrey, III, 159. In the summer of 1675, and in the autumn and winter fol- lowing, the Nipmuck Indians burned the towns of Brookfield, Lancaster, Mendon, and Worcester, which were the only Eng- lish settlements in the present Worcester county. Brookfield, the Indian name of which was Quaboag or Quabaug, originally included JS^orth and West Brookfield. This place was, for a long time, an isolated settlement be- tween the towns on the Connecticut river, viz., Agawam (Springfield), Hartford, Windsor and Weathei-sfield and the sea-board. It suffered severely by the assaults of the Indians. Brookfield was granted for a township in 1665. It was the nearest settlement to Marlborough. " At what is West Brookfield, near to the south-west end of Wekabaug* Pond, on a knoll below the junction of the waters of the pond with the Quaboag river, stood Mark's garrison." *" In the Indian language meaning Sweet Water." Philifs War. 51 Mrs. Mark, being left alone, one day, discovered hostile Indians near the garrison, waiting for an opportunity of attack; she immediately put on her husband's wig, hat and great coat, and taking his gun went to the top of the fortification ; " march- ing backwards and forwards, and vociferating, like a vigilant sentinel, All's well! All's well ! " This ruse led the Indians to behave they could not take the place by surprise and they re- tired.* Meminimisset, now New Braintkee. On the westerly side of the town of Brookfield there is a large brook called Meminimisset brook, the name given to it by the Indians. On this brook there is a luxuriant meadow of several hundred acres called Meminimisset. When a hideous swamp, this was the headquarters of tlie Indians at the time when Brookfield was burnt by the Indians. The General Court of Massachusetts having granted six thousand acres of land to certain persons of the ancient town of Braintree, in the county of Suffolk, for services by them done to the public. It was called and known by the style of Braintree Farms. This tract of land, with a part of Brookfield and a part of Hardwick, was incorporated 1751 with the name of New Braintree.f The town of Lancaster goes far back into the history of Massachusetts ; it had been known to the English in 1643 as *The Indian proprietors of Quaboag, now Brookfield, had given to the Rev. John Eliot, late of Roxbury, clerk, deceased, '' a tract of land at a place known as ' Alum Ponds,' lying in the wilderness west of Brook- field, of one thousand acres, as a tribute of their affection for him.'' Date of the grant September 27, 1655. This grant was confirmed by the Legislature in 1715 to John Eliot, his grandson. fMeminimisset was known, in 1675, as the " chief Indian town of the Nipmuck Indians; " and also as the place where Capt. Edward Hutchinson, of Boston, was shot by the Indians in an effort to make a treaty with them and the English. Mrs. Rowlandson, of Lancaster, was taken by the Indians to this place while a cajitive. 52 The Records of Oxford. the Indian tovrn of Nasbaway. It was incorporated as a town iu 1653. Sterling was for m'^ny years the second parish in Lancaster; in 1781 it became incorporated and received its present name. Gov. Wintlirop's History of New England dates the settle- ment of the Indian town of Nashaway, May, 1644, by the English, and refers to events preceding that time. The whole of the territory was in subjection to Sholan, or Shautnaw, Sachem of the Kashuays, and whose residence was at Waushacum,* now Sterling, then, a part of Lancaster.f Sho- lan occasionally visited Watertown for the purpose of trading with Mr. Thomas King wlio resided there. " He* recommended Nashawogg to King as a place weU suited for a plantation, and desired the English would come and set down by him." Stipulating not to molest the Indians in their hunting,'fish- ing or planting places. Mendon. " At a General Court holden in Boston, October 16, 1660, they judge meete and proper to grant a plantation." The deed from the Indians to the English is dated April 22, 1662, witnessed by John Eliot, Sr. and John Eliot, Jr. Jan. 1, 1669, O. S. " Tlie town men chose the Colonell to be returned to the Courte to gain power to take the verdict of ye jury upon ye death of John Lovett — to marry — and to give the present constable his oath." These powers were conferred upon Colonel Crowne at a General Court at Boston, May, 1669, O. S. The English who made a settlement in Mendon were from Brain tree and Weymouth. With the distinguished names of Atherton and Crowne, are * Sometimes spelled Weshakim. f History of Lancaster. Philip's War. 53 found Abraham Staples (gentleman), Ferdinando Thayer, Daniel Lovett and others. The Indian name of the town of Mendon was Nipmug. In the first settlement of the town by the English, there were four gentlemen elected by the Conrt, called the commit- tee for Nipmng, Major Humphrey Atherton and three others and " only three of them shall be and are hereby impowered to make a valid act there." May 15, 1667, the plantation of ISTipmug which was now called Quinshepange was incorporated by the name of Mendon, Suffolk county. Expedition of the English into the Narragansett Country. In the autumn of 1675 it appeared to the English that the Indians had withdrawn themselves into their winter quarters ; some to the Dutch river (Hudson); others to the Narragansett fort.-^ The English were persuaded that there should be an imme- diate attack where so many of the ^arragansett Indians were Settlement of Worcester.— A tract of land eight miles square was purchased of the Indians for twelve pounds lawful money. The deed bears date July 13, 1674. Dec. 2, 1675, Increase Mather writes: " This day all the houses in Quonsukamuck (Worcester) were burnt by the Indians." The buildings had been previously deserted by the inhabitants through fear of an Indian attack. A second attempt to make an English settlement at Quinsigamond (Worcester) was undertaken in 1683, and the name of Worcester given to the settlement in 1684, from a petition of Major Daniel Gookin and others. In 1694 the settlement was abandoned. In 1713 a permanent settlement was made in Worcester by the English. * The fort of the Narragansetts was in South Kingston, R. I. 54 The Records of Oxford. gathered together, for if not attacked they would join Philip in the spring, in exterminating the English throughout the country. When the soldiers were mustered into service on Dedham Plain against the !Narragansett Indians, in what was called the " Narragansett fight," they were told by authority of govern- ment, " That if they ' played the man,' took the fort, and drove the enemy from the Narragansett country, they should have a gratuity of land, besides their wages," The ancestors of the following families of Oxford were en- gaged in the taking of the Narragansett Fort, viz.: Peter Shumwaj^ of Topsfield, Mass. ; Lieut. Isaac Learned, Framingham, Mass. ; Stephen Butler of Boston, Mass., and the descendants of Major Bradford of Plymouth, Mass. Description of the Nakraganseit Fort, as Given by Hubbard. " The fort was raised upon a kind of island of five or six acres of rising land in the midst of a swamp ; the sides of it were made of pallisadoes, set upright, which was compassed about with an hedge of almost a rod thickness, through which there was no passing, unless they would have fired a way through, which then they had no time to do. The place where the Indians used ordinarily to enter themselves, was upon a long tree over a place of water, where but one man could enter at a time, and which was so waylaid that they would have been cut off that had ventured there ; but at one corner there was a cap made up only with a long tree, about four or five feet from the ground, over which men might easily pass, but they had placed a kind of a block-house right over against the said tree, from thence they sorely galled our men that first entered, some being shot dead upon the tree, and some as soon as they entered." The Narragansetts having been driven out of their country, Philifs War. 55 fled through the Nipnet plantations toward Wachuset hills, meeting with all the Indians that had harbored daring the win- ter in those woods about Nashua ; they all combined against the English to exterminate them. Philip was not discovered when the fort was taken by the English, and yet soon afterward he was at Lancaster when the attack was made upon that place by the Indians. It is supposed he was concealed in the Narragansett country. At the outbreak of the Narragansett war in 1675, the Nip- muck Indians joined King Philip, and after Ms defeat in his own country, the lands about the Wachusetts became one of the head-quarters of his followers, where he was frequently present. Although some of them had received the Christian instruction of Eliot and Gookin, they made the disastrous attack upon Lancaster. It was on February 10, 1675, O. S., that the Indians made a descent upon Lancaster with 1,500 warriors, and massacred or carried into captivity the inhabitants. Early in the morning the Wampanoags under Philip, accompanied by the Narragan- setts, his allies, and the Nipmucks whom Philip had persuaded to join with him, made this attack upon Lancaster, joined by the* Nashawajs under Sagamore Sam. The Indians directed their course to the home of Master Joseph Rowlandson, the minister of Lancaster ; the house was defended as a garrison, it was filled with soldiers and inhabitants to the number of from forty to fifty. Mr. Rowlandson himself was absent from home, being in Boston to request Governor Leverett and Coun- cil to give the town of Lancaster military aid. " The enemy after several unsuccessful attempts to set fire to the building, filled a cart with combustible matter and ap- proached in the rear." Hubbard relates, " The fortification was on the back side of the house, being closed up with fire- wood. The Indians reached 56 The Records of Oxford. so near as to fire a leanter (leanto), and in this way soon the whole house was enveloped in flames, and the inhabitants find- ing further resistance useless were compelled to surrender to avoid perishing in the ruins." The story of Mrs. Rowlandson's captivity must be read in her " Inimitable Removes," as the narrative presents scenery and pictures of Indian life that cannot elsewhere be found. Mrs. Rowlandson narrates : "At length they came and beset our own house, and quickly it was the dolefullest day that ever my eyes saw. The house stood upon the edge of a hill ; some of the Indians got behind the hill, others in the barn, and others behind any thing that could shelter them ; from all of which places they shot against the house, so that the bullets seemed to fly like hail, and quickly they wounded one man among us, then another, and then a third. About two hours (according to my observation in that amazing time) they had been about the house before they prevailed to fire it (which they did with flax and hemp, which they brought out of the barn, and there being no defence about the house, only two flankers at two opposite corners, and one of them not finished) they fired it once and one ventured out and quenched it, but they quickly fired it again, and that took. Now is that dread- ful hour come, that I have often heard of (in the time of the war, as it was the case of others), but now mine eyes see it. Some in our house were fighting for their lives, others wallow- ing in their blood, the house on fire over our heads, and the bloody heathen ready to knock us on the head if we stirred out. Now might we hear mothers and children crying out for themselves and one another. Lord what shall we do ! " Then I took my children to go forth and leave the house, but as soon as we came to the door and appeared, the Indians shot so thick that the bullets rattled against the house as if one had taken a handful of stones and threw them, so that we were forced to give back. We had six stout dogs belonging to our Philip's War. 57 garrison, but none of them would stir, though another tn-ne,if an Indian had come to the door thej were ready to % upon him and tear him down . Mrs. Rowlandson was shot through the side and the same bullet wounded her child of six years old. " The Indians laid hold of us pulling me one way, and the children another, and said come go along with us, I told them they would kill me ; they answered if I were willing to go along with them they would not hurt me " Now we must go with those barbarous creatures with our bodies wounded and bleeding, and our hearts no less than our bodies ; about a mile we went that night, up upon a hill within sight of the town, where they intended to lodge. "There was hard by a vacant house deserted by the English before, for fear of the Indians, I asked them whether I might not lodge in that house that night ? To which they answered, what will you love Englishmen still ? " This was the dolef ullest night that ever my eyes saw." Mrs. Rowlandson is now a captive of the Indians, is treading her way through the thickets of trackless forest in the midst of winter, with no comforts to supply her necessities and nothing but the unmingled fear of a hopeless captivity in the future. "The next morning one of the Indians carried my poor wounded (child) upoij a horse; it went moaning all along, I shall die, I shall die ; I went on foot after it, with sorrow that cannot be expressed. " At length I took it off the horse, and carried it in my arms, till my strength failed and I fell down with it. Tiiey then sot me upon a horse with my wounded child , and there being no furniture upon the horse's back, as we were going down a steep hill, we both fell over the horse's head, at whirli they like inhuman creatures laughed and rejoiced to see it, though I thought we should there have ended our days as overcome with so many difficulties After this it quickly began to snow, 8 58 The Records of Oxford. and when night came on, they stopped; and now down I must sit in the snow, by a little fire, and a few boughs behind me with my sick child . . . . , and (8he)'calling much for water, being through the wound fallen into a violent fever. " The morning being come they proposed to go on their way; one of the Indians got up upon a horse, and they set me up behind him, with my poor sick child .... A very wearisome tedious day I had of it ; what with my own wound, and my child being so exceeding sick, and in a lamentable condition with her wound, it might easily be judged what a poor feeble condition we were in, there being not the least crumb of refresh- ing that came within either of our mouths from Wednesday night to Saturday night, except only a little cold water. " This day in the afternoon, about an hour by sun, they came to the place where they intended, viz. : an Indian town called Meminimisset (New Braintree), northward of Quaboag (Brook- field). " The next day was the Sabbath. I sat much alone with my poor wounded child, which moaned night and day, having nothing to revive the body or cheer the spirits of her ; but in- stead of that, one Indian would come and tell me one hour, and your master will knock your child on the head, and then a second, and then a third, your master will quickly knock your child on the head. This was the comfort I had from them ; miserable comforters were they all. " Thus nine days I sat. My child being ready to depart this sorrowful world, they bid me carry it out to another wigwam. (I suppose because they would not be troubled with such spec- tacles.) " About two hours m the night, my sweet (child), like a lamb, departed this life on February 18, 1675. It being about six years and five months old .... In the morning, when they under- stood that m}"^ child was dead, they sent for me to my master's wigwam. (By my master in this writing must be understood Qunnaopin, who was a Sagamore, and married K. Philip's Philip's War. 50 wife's sister ; not that he lirst took ine, but I was sold to him by a Narraganset Indian, who took me when I first came out of the garrison.) I went to take up my dead child in my arms to carry it with ine, but they bid me let it alone. There was no resisting, but go I must and leave it. When 1 had been awhile at my master's wigwam, I took the first opportunity I could get to go look after my dear child. " When I came, 1 asked them what they had done with it ? They told me it was upon the hill ; then they went and showed me where it was where I saw the ground was newly digged and where they told me they had buried it. There I left that child in the wilderness. . . . " I went to see my daughter Mary, who was at this same Indian town, at a wigwam not very far off, though we had but little liberty or opportunity to see one another. She was about ten years old, and taken from the door at first by a praying Indian, and afterward sold for a gun. When I came in sight, she would fall a weeping, at which they were provoked and would not let me come near her, but bid me begone, which was a heart-cutting word to me. I had one child dead, another in the wilderness, I knew not where ; the third they would not let me come near to. ... * " For as I was going up and down mourning and lamenting my condition, my son came to me, and asked me how I did. I had not seen him before since tlie destruction of the town, and I knew not where he was till I was informed by himself that he was amongst a smaller parcel of Indians, whose place was about six miles off. With tears in his eyes, he asked me whether his sister Sarah was dead, and told me he had seen his sister Mary, and prayed me I would not be troubled in reference to himself .... " In time of his master's absence to burn and assault Med- field, his dame brought him to see me. * She parted with Mary; saw her no more until she was restored to her in Dorchester after her captivity. 6o TJie Records of Oxford. " The next day the Indians returned from Medfield (all the company), for those that belonged to the smaller company came through the town that now we were at ; but before they came to us, oh the outrageous roaring and hooping that there was! They began their din about a mile before they came to us; by their noise they signified how many they had destroyed (which was at that time twenty-three) ; those that were with us at home were gatliered together as soon as they heard the whooping, and every time the other went over their number those at home gave a shout that the very earth rang again, and thus they con- tinued until those that had been upon the expedition were come to the Saggamore's wigwam. And then, oh the hideous, insult- ing and triumphing there was over some Englishmen's scalps that they had taken and brought with them as their manner is. " The Indians now began to talk of removing from this place, some one way and some another." Hubbard states that ten days after the attack upon Lancas- ter " the Indians were so flushed with this success, that two or three hundred of them came wheeling down to Medfield, and tliey burnt near one-half of the town, killing about twenty persons."— Hubbard's "Indian Wars," p. 168. Mr. Hubbard states with great crednhty, " The week before this disaster was heard a very hideous cry of a kennel of wolves round the town, which raised some of the inhabitants, and was looked upon by divers persons as an ominous presaging of the following calamity." " In 1G76, this 26th day of March, being the first day of the week, as the first of the year after our Julian account, seemed ominous at the first, on sundry accounts, threatening a gloomy time, yet proved in the issue, but as a lowering morning before a lightsome day."* *February 21, 1676. lu the attack upon Medfield, "Philip had been seen by the inhabitants riding upon a black horse, leaping over fences, exulting in the havoc he was making. Philip's War. 6i Mrs. Eowlandson while in captivity, continuing her narra- tive '' upon the Sabbath days I could look upon the scene, and think how people were going to the house of God to have their souls refreshed, and their homes and their bodies also. I re- member how, on the night before and after the Sabbath, when my family were about me, and relations and neighbors with us, we could pray and sing, and refresh ourselves with the good creatures of God." Some of the Indians, with the master and mistress of Mrs. Eowlandson pursued their way through the forest toward Northampton. Mrs. Eowlandson narrates " I carried only my knitting work, and two quarts of parched corn. Being very faint I asked my mistress to give me one spoonful of meal, but she would not give me a taste ; I was at this time knitting a pair of white cotton stockings for my mistress. " On the morrow we must go over Connecticut river to meet with King Philip. In this travel up the river, as I sat among them musing on things past, my son Joseph unexpectedly came to me ; we asked of eacii other's welfare, bemoaning our dole- ful condition. " We travelled all night, and in the morning we must go over the river to Philip's crew. I fell a weeping; then one of them asked me why I wept; I could hardly tell what to say, yet I answered, tliey would kill me. No, said he, none will hurt you. Then came one of them, and gave me two spoonfuls of meal (to comfort me), and another gave me half a pint of pease. " Then I went to see King Philip, he bid me come in and sit down, and asked me whether I would smoke it. " Now the Indians gather their Forces to go against North- ampton ; over night one went about yelling and hooting to give notice of the design. Whereupon they went to boihng of ground nuts and parching of corn (as many as had it) for their provision, and in the morning away they went. 62 The Records of Oxford. "During my abode in this place Philip spake to me to make a shirt for his boy, which I did, for which he gave me a shill- ing. I offered the money to my master, but he bid me keep it, and with it I bought a piece of horse flesh. Afterward he asked me to make a cap for his boy for which he invited me to dinner. 1 went and he gave me a pan cake about as big as two fingers ; it was made of parched wheat, beaten and fryed in bear's grease, but I thought I never tasted pleasanter meat in my life. " There was a squaw who spoke to'me to make a shirt for her sannup for which she gave me a piece of bear another asked me to knit her a pair of stockings for which she gave me a quart of pease. I boiled my pease and bear together, and in- vited my master and mistress to dinner ; but the proud gossip, because I served them both in one dish would eat nothing, ex- cept one bit he gave her upon the point of his knife. " The Indians returning from Northampton brought with them horses and sheep. I desired them that they would carry me to Albany upon one of those horses and sell me for powder, for so they had sometimes discoursed, but instead of going to Albany or homeward we must go five miles up the river and then go over it. " When we were at this place my master's maid came home, she had been gone three weeks into the Narragansett country to fetch corn where they had stored up some in the ground. " She brought home about a peck and a half of corn — this was about the time that their great Captain Naananto was killed in the Narragansett country.* " My son being about a mile from me 1 asked liberty to go and see him ; they bid me go and away I went. * An attack was made on Northampton, March 14. — Hubbard's "Indian Wars." Naauanto (Nanuntteuoo) alias Canonchet. The chief Sachems usually changing their names at every great dance. — Hubbard, page 82. Philifs War. 63 "And going among the wigwams I went into one and there found a sqnaw — showed herself very kind to me, and gave me a piece of bear In the morning I went again to the same squaw, who had a kettle of ground nuts boiling ; I asked her to let me boil my piece of bear in her kettle, which she did and gave me some ground nuts to eat with it. Sometimes I met with favor and sometimes with nothing but frowns. " I asked my master if he would sell me to my husband, he answered nux, which did rejoice my spirit. Instead of going toward the bay (which was what I desired) I must go with them five or six miles down the river. Here one asked me to make a shirt for lier papoos, for which she gave me a mess of broth, which was thickened with meal made of the bark of a tree, and to make it better she had put into it about a handful of pease and a few roasted ground nuts. " About this time they came yelping from Hadley and brought a captive with them, viz. Thomas Read, I asked him about the welfare of my husband, he told me he saw him such a time in the bay and he was well but very melancholy. "My son came and told me; he had a new master; he was carried away and I never saw him afterward till I saw him at Piscataqua in Portsmouth. " My mistress' papoos was sick and died, I went to a wigwam, they gave me a skin to lye upon, and a mess of venison and ground nuts, which was a choice dish among them. " On the morrow they buried the papoos, and afterward, both morning and evening, there came a company to mourn and howl with her. " Many sorrowful eyes I had in this place ; now must we pack up and begone from this thicket, bending our course toward the bay towns. " We began this remove by wading over a river. Then I sat down to put on my stockings and shoes, with the tears running down my eyes and many sorrowful thoughts in my 64 The Records of Oxford. heart. But I got up to go along with them. Quickly there came up to us an Indian, who informed them that I must go to Wachuset to ray master, for there was a letter come from the council to the Sagamores about redeeming the captives. " At last after many weary steps, I saw Wachuset hills, but many miles off. Philip (who was in the cotnpany) came up and took me by the hand and said two weeks more and you shall be mistress again, I asked him if he spoke true ? He answered yes, and quickly you shall come to your master again, who had been gone from us three weeks. After many weary steps we came to Wachuset where he was, and glad was I to see him. He asked me when I washed me, I told him not this month ; then he fetched some water himself and bid me wash, and gave me the glass to see how I looked and bid his squaw give me something to eat. So she gave me a mess of beans and meat, and a little ground nut cake. I was wonderfully revived with this favor showed me. " My master had three squaws, living sometimes with one and sometimes with another ; one, tiiis old squaw, at whose wigwam I was and with whom my master had been these three weeks ; another was Wettimore, with whom I had lived and served all this while. A severe and proud dame she was, bestowing every day in dressing herself, near as much time as any of the gentry of the land. Powdering her hair and painting her face, going with her necklaces, with jewels in her ears and bracelets upon her hands. When she had dressed herself, her work was to make girdles of wampum and beads. " The third squaw was a younger one, by whom he had two papooses. "By that time 1 was refreshed by the old squaw, Wettimore's maid came to call me home, at which I fell a weeping. Then the old squaw told me, to encourage me, that when I wanted victuals that I should come to her and lye in her wigwam. Philip's War. 65 Then I went with the maid, and quickly I came back and lodged there .... " The squaw laid a mat under me and a good rug over me, the first time I had any such kindness showed me. I under- stood that Wettimore thought that if she should let me go and serve with the old squaw she should be in danger not only to lose my service, but tiie redemption pay also. There came an Indian and asked me to knit him three pairs of stockings for which Lhad a hat and a silk handkerchief. " Then came Tom and Peter with the second letter from the Counsel about the captives, though they were Indians I got them by the hand and burst out into tears. When the letter was come, the Sagamores met to consult about the captives and called me to them to enquire how mucli my husband would give to redeem me. When I came I sat down among them as I was wont to do, as their manner is ; then they bid me stand up, and said they were the General Court At a venture I said twenty pounds, yet desired them to take less, but they would not hear of that, but sent that message to Boston, that for twenty pounds I should be redeemed." "An attack was made by the Indians upon the town of Marl- borough, the most part of which was destroyed March 26. The Indians burnt the deserted houses at Marlborough, x\pril 17-March 21, the next day they set upon Sudbury."— Hub- bard's Indian Wars.* *It is said, " Mrs. Rowlandsou was at Wachusett when the Indians returned frona Marlborough, and witnessed their grand pow wow, pre- paratory to attacking Sudbury, as well as their rejoicing on returning from that slaughter of the English." It is said that " Wachusett " was at this time the " headquarters " of the hostile Indians as not only appears from Mrs. Rowlandson's narra- tive, but from those of Hubbard and Mather. Tlie letters of Capt. Henchman, in command of the colony forces, and official communica- tions from the General Court, May 3, 1676. It sent Seth Perry as its 9 66 The Records of Oxford. "And so they ended their business and went to Sudbury fight. When my master came home he came to me and bid me make a shirt for his papoos of a Holland laced pillow beer. A squaw gave me a piece of fresh pork and a little salt with it, and lent me her frying pan to fry it, and I cannot but re- member what a sweet pleasant and delightful relish that bit had to me to this day. " It was their usual way to remove when they had done any mischief. We went about three or four miles and then built a great wigwam big enough to hold an hundred Indians which they did in preparation for a gi-eat day of dancing. They would now say among themselves that the governor would be so angry for his loss at Sudbury that he would send no more about the captives, and not stir. " Then they catched up their guns and away they ran as if an enemy had been at hand and the guns went off apace. " I manifested some great trouble and they asked me what was the matter. I told them I thought they had killed the Englishman (for they had in the meantime told me an English- man was come). They said no ; they shot over his horse and under and before his horse, and they pushed him this way and that way at tiieir pleasui-e, showing what they could do. Then they let them come to their wigwams. I begged of them to let me see the Englishman, but they would not, but then when they had talked their full with him they suffered me to go to him. We asked each other of our welfare and how my husband did and all my friends ; he told me they were all well and " messenger to the Sachems of Wachuset, with a letter addressed to the Sagamores about Watchusetts, Philip, John, Sam, Waskaken, Old Queen and Pomham," all leading sachems. ' 'A praying Indian was at Sudbury fight, though, as he deserved, he was afterward hanged for it, his squaw with him witli her papoos on her back. There was another praying Indian so wicked and cruel as to wear a string about his neck strung with Christians' fingers." Philip's War. 67 would be glad to see me. Among other things which my hus- band sent me, there came a pound of tobacco which I sold for nine shillings in money. For many of them for want of tobacco smoked hemlock and ground ivy.'' Extracts from Mrs. Rowlandson's Removes. After Mrs. Rowlandson's capture she was taken to Wachu- sett mountain and by successive " Removes " through the wilderness to Northtield on the Connecticut, above Deerfield.* " After many weary steps," returning from her wilderness — winter wanderings, Mrs. Rowlandson states, "we came to Wachusett," as they approached it through a great swamp, up to their knees in mud and water, she says, " going along, hav- ing, indeed, my life, but little spirit, Fhihp (who was in the company) came up and took me by the hand and said ' two weeks more and you shall be mistress again.' I asked him if he spoke true ; he answered 'yes, and quickly you shall come to your master again.' " Mrs. Rowlandson remained at Wachusett, until released. Not only was King Philip with her captors, but several others of the leading Sagamores, and among them, Quannapin, the master of Mrs. Rowlandson, and his wife, the celebrated " Swaw Sachem," " Metamoo," " Queen of Pocasset."t " On a Sabbath day the sun being about an hour higii in the afternoon, came Mr. John Hoar (the council permitting him, and his own forward spirit inclining him) with the two fore- mentioned Indians, Tom and Peter, with the third letter from the council. When they came near I was abroad ; they pres- ently calhng me in, and bid me sit down and not stir." He at *One account states "Mrs. Rowlandson was taken as far as Brattle- borough, or beyond in the forest." t" Metamoo was next unto Philip iu respect to the mischief that hath been done and the blood that hath been shed in this warr." Cotton Mather. 68 The Records of Oxford. once opened negotiations for Mrs. Rowlandson's release, the narrative continues : "In the morning Mr. Hoar invited the Saggamores to din- ner, but wlien we went to get it ready he found they had stolen the greatest part of the provisions Mr. Hoar had brought. " Mr. Hoar called them betime to dinner, but they ate but little, they being so busy in dressing themselves and getting ready for their dance which was carried on by eight of them, four men and four squaws ; ray master and mistress being two. He was dressed in his holland shirt, with great laces sewed at the end of it ; he had six silver buttons; his white stockings, his garters hung round with shillings, and had girdles with wampum upon his head and shoulders. She had a Kersey coat covei-ed with girdles of wampum from the loins upward. Her arms from her elbows to her hands were covered with bracelets ; there were handfuls of necklaces about her neck and several sorts of iewels in her ears. She had fine red stockiuirs, and white shoes; her hair powdered, and her face painted red, that was always before black. And all of the dancers were after the same manner. There were two others sinmno^ and knock- ing on a kettle for their music. " On Tuesday morning they called their General Court (as they stiled it), to consult and determine whether I should go home or no. And they all seemingly consented that I should go, except Philip, who would not come among them. " Philip called me to him and asked me what I would give him to tell me some good news and to speak a good word for me that I might go home to-morrow. 1 told him I could not tell what to give him ; I would any thing I had, and asked him what he would have. He said, two coats and twenty shillings in money, and half a bushel of seed corn and some tobacco. I thanked him for his love, but I knew that good news as well as that craftv fox." Philip's War. 69 On the 30tli of April, O. S., Mrs. Rowlandson was released to Mr. Hoar. Mrs. Rowlandson's house at Lancaster, was pleasantly situ- ated on the brow or (eminence) of a small hill commanding a fine landscape view of a lovely valley with a gentle river, and the amphitheatre of the hills to the west, north and east ; it was about one-third of a mile sonth-west of the church. The cellar on the side of the house was tilled up about the commencement of the present century, at this time also " where the garden once was," a number of very aged trees, more or less decayed, dating far back in the past to the home of Mrs . Rowlandsou. Hubbard states : — " Mrs. Rowlandson being brought to Bos- ton on the election day, May 3d, it was generally looked upon as a smile of Providence, and doubtless was a return of prayer and answer of faith, with which Mr. Rowlandson had been upheld and supported from the day of her captivity ; his two children, a son and a daughter, were returned to them from their captivity. It is said Mrs. Rowlandson was redeemed for £20. "Mr. and Mrs. Rowlandson now resided in Charleston and Boston, till May, 1677. Tiiey removed to Weathersfield, Ct. Mr. Rowlandson died before Lancaster was i-esettled. " He had commenced preaching in Lancaster in 1654, became established as the clergyman in 1658-1660, and was the minis- ter of the town until it was destroyed in Philip's war, 10th of February, 1676. "Mr. Rowlandson, it is said, was celebrated for his powers of entertainment, 'so merry and facete,' that he was the life of company and the great wit of his day." Mrs. Rowlandson narrates that the South church in Boston, hired a house for (us,) and that we received gifts from friends and from England, ' that in a little time we might see the house furnished with love.' " 70 The Records of Oxford. CHAPTER VI. EXTKACTS FKOM THE NARRATIVE OF CoL. ChUROH OF " PhILIp's War." " I was beginning a plantation at a place called by the In- dians Sogkonate, and since by the English Little Compton, I was the first Englishman that built upon that neck, which was full of Indians. My head and hands were full about settling a new plantation where nothing was brought; to no preparation of dwelling-house, or out-houses, or farming made, horses and cattle were to ])e provided, ground to be cleared and broken up ; and the utmost caution to be used, to keep myself free from offending my Indian neighbours all around about me."* In 1675 Philip's war commenced, and Philip the great sachem of Mount Hope was sending his messengers to all the neighbouring sachems, to engage them in a confederacy with him in a war against the English. Among others, Philip sent six men to Aswonhoks, Squaw Sachem of the Sogkonate Indians, to engage her in his interest. " Aswonhoks so far listened unto them, as to call her subjects together ; to make a great dance, which is the custom of that nation when they advise about momentous aflfairs. But what does Aswonhoks do, but sends away two of her men that well understood the English language (Sassaman and George by name) to invite Mr. Church to the dance, Mr. Church upon the invitation, immediately takes with him Charles Hazelton, his tenant's son, who well understood the Indian language and went to the place appointed, where they found an hundred of Indians gathered together from all parts of her dominions." *In 1674 Mr. Church had purchased of the company some of the court grant rights, and made a settlement in that portion of Plymouth colony next to Rhode Island. Colonel CJiurcJCs Narrative. 71 Aswonhoks herself, was leading the dance, but she was no sooner sensible of Mr. Church's arrival than she orders him to be invited into her presence; *'she told him King Philip had sent six men of his with two of her people, who had been over at Mount Hope to draw her into a confederacy with him in a war with the English, desiring him to give her his advice in the case, and to tell her the truth, whether the Umpame men (as Philip had told her) were gathering a great army to invade Philip's country." He assured her he would tell her the truth, and give her his best advice ; then he told her it was but a few days since he came from Plymouth, and the English were then making no preparation for war, that he was in company with the principal gentlemen of the government, who had no discourse at all about war and he believed no thought about it. He asked her whether she thought he would have brought up his goods to settle in that place, if he apprehended entering into war with so near a neighbor; she seemed to be somewhat convinced by his talk, and she said she believed he spoke the truth. Then she called for the Mount Hope men, who made a formidable appearance, with their faces painted and their hair turned up in comb fashion, with their powder horns and shot bags at their backs ; which among that nation is the posture and figure of preparedness for war, and then told them what Mr. Church had said in answer to it. They were furious against the advice of Mr. Church, being joined by Little Eyes, one of the queen's council. Mr. Church told her he was sorry to see so threatening an aspect of affairs, and stepping to the Mount Hopes, he felt of their bags, and finding them tilled with bullets, asked them what those bullets were for ; they scoflSingly replied, " to shoot pigeons with." Then he told Aswonhoks he thought it most advisable for her to send to the governor of Plymouth, and shelter herself and people under his jurisdiction. She liked this advice and 72 The Rtxords of Oxford. desired him to go in her behalf to the Plymouth government, which he consented to, and at parting advised her, whatever she did, not to desert the English interest, to join with her neighbors in a rebellion which would certainly prove fatal to her. She thanked him for his advice, and sent two of her men to guard him to his house, which when they came there, urged him to take care to secure his goods, which he refused, as he ijad decided to move none of his goods from his house, that there might not be the least offense given to the Indians by such a course of action, but desired them if what they feared should happen, the}^ would take care of wliat he left, and di- rected them to a place in the woods where they should dispose of them, which they faithfully observed. Mr. Church then hastened to Pocasset,* where he met with Peter Nunnuit, the husband of the queen of Pocasset, who was just then come over in a canoe from Mount Hope. Peter told him that there would certainly be war ; for Philip had held a dance of several weeks' continuance and had entertained the young men from all parts of the country ; and added that Philip expected to be sent for to Pl^miouth to be examined about Saussaman's death, who was murdered at Assawomset Pond (Middleborough) knowing himself guilty of contriving that murder. Peter desired Mr. Church to see his squaw. Mr. Church advised her to go to the island and secure herself and those with her, and send to the governor of Plymouth. The same Peter told him that he saw Mr. James Brown of Swansey (one of the magistrates of Plymouth jurisdiction) and his in- terpreter and two other men who brought a letter from the governor of Plymouth to Philip. He observed to him further that the young men were very eager to begin the war and would have fain killed Mr. Brown of Swansey, but Philip prevented it, " telling them his father * The mainland over against the easterly end of Rhode Island, where now is Tiverton. — Hubbard. Colonel Church'' s Narrative. 73 had charged Win to show kindness to Mr. Brown."— Phihp's War, page 9 . Mr. Chnrch proceeded at once to Plymouth to wait on the governor, where he arrived in the morning, though he bad en- route called on some of the magistrates who were of the coun- cil of war to meet him at the governor's house. He gave them a statement of what had been communicated to him, which caused them to hasten preparations of defence. During the month of June, 1676, Captain Church, in passing over with a canoe from Pocasset to Rhode Island, which he was often accustomed to do, several Indians made signals to him as if to communicate with him ; having only one Englishman witli him and two Indians, he directed them to keep off the canoe while he went on shore to speak with them. The Indians informed him they were weary of fighting for Pbilip, and were resolved to fight for him no longer. AH they desired of Capt. Church was to acquaint the Gov- ernor of their decision, and that they would live quietly with the English as they had formerly done, and that they would deliver Tip their arms, or would go out with the English if he pleased to accept of tbem and fight for him. They desired further conversation with Captain Church and wished him to appoint a time and place. He made an appointment with Aswonhoks, being three miles off, he told George to inform her, her son Peter, their cbief captain, and one Nompash, an Indian that Capt. Church had formerly much respected to meet him two days after, at 12 o'clock, at Seaconet, at a rock at the lower end of Captain Eichmond's farm, which was a very noted place at Sogkanate point, and if that day should prove stormy or windy they were to expect him the next moderate day. In keeping his appointment Capt. Church was accom- panied with only his own man and two Indians, and as soon as he had landed found Aswonhoks and those he had named to meet 10 74 The Records of Oxford. him, Tliej successively gave him their hauds, and expressed themselves glad to see him, and gave him thanks for exposing himself to visit them. They walked together about a gun shot from the water, to a convenient place to sit down, when at once rose up a great body of Indians, who had been con- cealed in the tall grass and gathered around them till they had closed them in, being all armed with guns, spears, hatchets, &c., with their hair trimmed and faces painted in their warlike appearance. It was doubtless somewhat surprising to a gentleman at first, but without any visible discovery of it Mr. Church spoke to Aswonhoks and told her that a messenger had informed him she had a desire to see him and discourse about making peace with the English. She assured him she wished to unite with the English if the government of Plymouth would firmly engage to them that they, and all of them and their wives and children should have their lives spared and none of them trans- ported out of the country they would subject themselves to them and serve them in what they were able. Capt. Church answered them he was well satisfied the gov- ernment of Plymouth would readily concur with what they proposed and would sign their articles. Capt. Church expressed his pleasure of their return and of the former f riendshij) that had been between them. The chief captain rose up and expressed the great value and respect he had for Mr. Church, and bowing to him said : " Sir, if you'll please to accept of me and my men, and will lead us, we'll fight for you and will help you to Philip's head before the In- dian corn be ripe." And when he had ended, they all expressed their consent to what he said, and told Church they loved him, and were willing to go with him and fight for him as long as the English had one enemy left in the country. " Their friendship ever continued to Mr. Church." Then Mr. Church proposed unto them that they should select five Colonel CJmrcU s Narrative. 75 men to go with him to Tlymouth; they told him they would not choose, but he should take which five he pleased ; finally it was agreed they should choose three men and he two. They objected that he should travel through the woods, as it was unsafe for him and they might lose their friend. After Aswonhoks consulted Capt. Clmrch of what course she should pm-sue nothing is related of her until about the close of the month of June. A squaw Sachem of Seaconet, one of Philip's allies, sent three messengers to the Governor of Plymouth, promising submission to the English, on condition of life and liberty being granted to her subjects. She and her people, some ninety in number, surrendered themselves to Major Bradford. Capt. Church wrote an account of his interview with the Indians, and drew the articles of peace and dispatched Peter with them to Plymouth for the governor if approved to sign. By midnight Capt. Church was aroused by an express from Major Bradford, who was arrived with the army at Pocasset to whom Church repaired, he returned to go to Aswonhoks and inform her the army was arrived. The next morning the whole army marched toward Sogkonate. Capt. Church with a few men went to inform Aswonhoks and her people to come to the English camp. He informed her he was come for her and her people to Punkatese, where Major Bradford now is with the army, expecting her and her subjects to receive orders until further notice could be had from the government. The next day at twelve o'clock she with her people appeared before the English camp at Punkatese. Mr. Church tendered to the major to serve under his command, provided the Indians might be accepted with him to fight the enemy. The major told him his orders were to improve him, but as for the Indians he would not be concerned with them. And soon ordered Aswonhoks and her subjects to repair to Sand- wich to remain so six days. Mr. Church told them he would 76 TJie Records of Oxford. meet them, and tliat be was conlident the governor would coraraission him to improve them. The major hastened to send them away with an Indian in front witli a flag of truce in his hand. Mr. Church soon repaired to the governor, who informed him he had confirmed all he had promised Aswonhoks, and had sent the Indian back who had brought the letter. Capt. Church informed the governor of what had passed with Aswon- hoks and her subjects. Church requested tlie governor to give him a commission to command the Sagkonate Indians to fight Philip. The gover- nor assured him a commission if he would accept it, and get good Englishmen enough to make up a good army. Mr. Cliurch, on his return to confer with Aswonhoks, after crossing Sippecan river (Rochester) he with his party pro- ceeded and crossed another river and opened a great bay, where they might see many miles along the shore, where were flats and sands ; and hearing a great noise below them toward the sea, they dismounted their horses and cauie near the bank and saw a vast company of Indians of both sexes and of all ages, some on horseback running races, some at foot ball, some catch- ing eels and flat fish in the water, some clamming, etc. Mr. Church was soon informed that the Indians belonged to Aswon- hoks and her company. Soon a party of Indians all mounted on horseback and well armed came riding up to Mr. Church, but treated him with all due respect. Mr. Church dispatched a messenger to Aswonhoks to tell her he was come to meet her and that he designed to sup with her in the evening and to lodge in her camp that night. Upon their arrival they were conducted to a shelter open on one side, Aswonhoks and her chiefs received them, and the multitude gave shouts as made the heavens to ring. It being now about sun setting or near the dusk of the even- ing, the Netops came running from all quarters laden with the Colonel Clinrcia s Narrative. jy tops of dry pines and the like combustible matter, making a luige pile thereof near Mr. Cliurch's shelter, on the open side thereof; but hy this time supper was brought in, in three dishes, viz.: a curious young bass in one dish, eels and flat lish in a second, and shell fish in a third, but neither bread nor salt to be seen at table; but by that time sn])per was over, the mighty pile of pine knots and tops, etc., was fired, and all the Indians, great and small, gathered in a ring around it. Aswon- hoks and the oldest of the people, men and women mixed, kneeling down made the first ring next the fire, and all the lusty, stout men standing up made the next, and then all the rabble in a confused crew surrounded on the outside. Then the chief captain stepped in between the rings and the fire with a spear in one hand and a hatchet in the other danced around the fire and began to fight with it, making mention of all the several nations and companies of Indians in the country that were enemies to the English, and at naming of every particular tribe of Indians, he would draw out and fight a new fire-brand, and at finishing his fight with each particular fire- brand would bow to him and thank him, and when he had named all the several nations and tribes, and fought them all, he stuck dowm his spear and hatchet and came out and another stepped in and acted over the same dance with more fury if possible than the first, and when about a half a dozen of their chiefs had thus acted their parts the captain of the guard stepped np to Mr. Church and told him they were making soldiers for him, and what they had been doing was all one swearing them, and having in that manner engaged all the stont, lusty men. Aswonhoks and her chiefs came to Mr. Church and told him that now they were all engaged to fight for the English, and he might call forth all, or any of them at any time as he saw occasion to fight the enemy, and presented him with a very fine firelock. Mr. Church accepts their offer 78 The Records of Oxford. drew out a number of them and set out next mornino: before day for Plymouth, where they arrived the same day.* It is to be mentioned that these Indians did not belong to Philip, but were under the Seaconet squaw, who was nearly related to Philip, and her subjects had fought for Philip till they despaired of any success or good to themselves. But these Seaconet Indians ever remained firm in their friendship for Col. Church and faithful in the service of the English. Hubbard states, " that Capt. Church with the English, and with these Seaconet Indians under his command, from June to the last of October following, had subdued by killing or making prisoners, seven hundred Indians, and also three hun- dred Indians were induced to submit voluntarily to the English government." Hubbard states, " that this act of these Indians broke Philip's heart as soon as ever he understood it, so as he never rejoiced after or had any success in any of his designs, but lost his men one after another till himself at last fell into hands of those under Capt. Church's command." Many tribes deserting Philip he had returned to Mount Hope, his son and his wife were soon after captured, he said, " Now my heart breaks ; I am ready to die." For through the vigilance and bravery of Capt. Church with the Seaconet Indians under his command, Philip was found to have returned to his old home at Mount Hope, though deserted by most of his followers, still bitter against the English. Here he was killed August 12, 1676, by being shot through the heart, in the marshes of that place by a Seaconet Indian. Thus fell the last chief of the Wampanoags and with his death the power of the Indians was destroyed.f * Mr. Church received a captain's commission July 24, 1676. fThe sword of Col. Church is still preserved in the Historical Society at Boston as a relic of Philip's war. Colonel CJiurclCs Narrative. 79 On the 28tli of August occurred the death of Annawon, Philip's great captain and one of his chief counsellors, and his death with that of Philip ended this disastrous war.* It is said that Philip at the commencement of his rebellion had about three hundred lighting men under liira, besides those that belonged to his kinswoman, Wetamore, drowned about Taunton, that had almost as many under her, and one Quenoquin, a Narragansett Sachem, that lived near him and joined with him in his hatred to the English. Mather has this record of James Printer : July 8, 1676 ; " Whereas, the council at Boston had lately emitted a declaration, signifying that such Indians as did within fourteen days, come into the English, might hope for mercy, divers of them did this day return from among the Nipmucks. Among others James, an Indian, wlio could not only read and write, but had learned the art of printing, not- withstanding his apostacy, did venture hinjself upon the mercy *Annawon, when made a prisoner by Captain Church, fell upon his knees before him and speaking in English said: "Great Captain, you have killed Philip and conquered his country, for I believe that I and my company are the last that was against the English, so suppose the war is ended by your means, and therefore these things belong to you." Then opening his pack he pulled out Philip's belt, curiously wrought with wampum, being nine inches broad, wrought with white and black wampum in various figures and flowers, and pictures of many birds and beasts. This when hung upon Capt. Church's shoulders reached his ankles. And another belt of wampum he presented him, wrought in the same manner, which Philip was accustomed to place on his head ; it had two flags on the back part which hung down on his back, and another small belt with a star upon the end of it which he used to hang on his breast, and they were all edged with red hair which Annawon said he got in the Mohogs country. Then he pulled out two horns of glazed powder and a red cloth blanket. He told Capt. Church these were Philip's royalties which he was wont to adorn himself with when he sat in state. Annawon added he thought himself happy to present them to Capt. Church. J 8o The Records of Oxford. and tmtli of the English declaration, which he had seen and read, promising for the future to venture his life against the common enemj." A letter written by a Christian Indian, " supplicating mercy," is preserved in one of a series of tracts, first printed in London 1676. Tliis letter was signed by John and other Nipmuck Saga- mores, and sent by a party with a white flag, July 6, 1676, from Nashaway. John subscribed this paper : " Mr. John Leveret (Gov. Leveret). — My Lord, Mr. "Waban and all the chief men our brethren, praying to God. " We beseech you all to help us ; my wife she is but one, but there be more prisoners, which we pray you keep well. " Mattarauck his wife, we entreat you for her ; and not only that man, but it is the request of two Sachems. " Sam Sachem of Weshakin and Pakashoag Sachem." " And that further you will, consider about the making peace. We have spoken to the people of Nashobah (viz.: Tom Dubler and Peter) that we would agree with you and make a covenant of peace with you. " We have been destroyed by your soldiers ; but still we remember it now, to sit still ; do you consider it again ; we do earnestly entreat you that it may be so. " By Jesus Christ. " O let it be so ! Amen, Amen." Mattamuck, his mark iV. Sam Sachem, his mark p. Simon Pottoquam, scribe % TJppanippaquim, his mark Q. Pakaskoag, his mark F- Mather's History, 43. . Hubbard's !N"arrative, 101. Governor MayJiezv's Sketch of Philip's War. 8 1 The result of Philip's war was, the whole territory eventually became the plantation of the English. And yet the country continued to be exposed to the Indian raids, instigated by the French, until the close of the French war. CHAPTER VIL Governor Mayhew's Sketch of Philip's War. "During the late distressing war between the English and the Indians in New England, in the years 1675 and 1676, wherein almost all the Indian Nations on the Main were united against us, a censorious Spirit possessed too many of the Eng- lish, whereby they suffered themselves to be unreasonably ex- asperated against all the Indians, without distinction. " Of such there were some on these Islands, who could hardly be so moderated by Governor Mayhew and others in Govern- ment with him, as to be restrained from rising to assay the dis- arming even these Island Indians ; they being then twenty to one of the English, and having Arms. " For the Satisfaction of these jealous English, Capt. Rich- ard Sarson, Esq ; being ordered with a small Party to treat with the Natives on the West End of the Yineyard, who were most to be doubted, as being nearest the Continent, about three Leagues off, having the greatest Acquaintance and Correspond- ence there, and being the latest that had embraced Christianity, he returns with this wise and amiable Answer, " That the delivering their Arms would expose them to the Will of the Indians engaged in the present War, who were not less their own than Enemies to the English ; that they had never given occasion for the Distrust intimated ; that if in 11 82 The Records of Oxford. any tiling not hazarding their Safety they could give any Sat- isfaction or Proof of their Friendship and Fidelity, they would readily do what should reasonably be demanded of them ; But in this Particular, they were unwilling to deliver their Arms, unless the English would propose some likely Means for their necessary Safety and Preservation. " Witii this Reply, tliey drew a Writing in their own Lan- guage, wherein they declared. That as they had submitted freely to the Crown of England, so they resolved to assist the Enoflish on these Islands against their Enemies, which thev ac- counted equally their own, as Subjects to the same King. "And this was subscribed by Persons of the greatest Note and Power among them. " Having this Return the Governor resolved, and accordingly imployed them as a Guard in this time of eminent Danger ; furnishing them with suitable Anununition, and giving them Instructions how to manage for the common Safety. And so faithful were tliey, that they not only resolutely rejected the strong and repeated Sollicitations of the Natives on the neigh- boring Main, but in observance of the general Orders given them, when any landed from thence to sollicit them, tho' some were nearly related by Marriage, and others by Blood, yet the Island Indians would immediately bring them before the Gov- ernor to attend his Pleasure ; " Yea, so entire and firm did their Friendship appear, that tho' the War, on account of the Multitudes of Indians then on the Main, had a very dismal Aspect; yet the English on these Islands took no care of their own Defence, but left it wholly to these Chi'istian Indians to watch for and guard them ; not doubting to be advertised by them of any approaching Danger from the Enemy. And thus while the War was raging in a most dreadful manner thro'out the Neighboring Countries, these Islands enjoyed a perfect Calm of Peace ; and the Peo- ple wrouglit, and dwelt secure and quiet. Governor Mayhciv' s Sketch of Philip's War. 83 • This was the genuine and happy Effect of Mr. Mayhew the Governor's excellent Conduct, and of the introduction of the Christian Religion among thera." Governor Mahew perfected himself in the Indian language, and ordinarily preached in some of the assemblies of the na- tives one day every week, sometimes traveling the distance of twenty miles through the forest with no English house for lodging. Eev. James Keith of Beidgewater. His influence and advice with the civil authoiities of the colony were considerable. In the subject of the capture of Philip's squaw and child, as to the question of what should be the disposal of the son was in consideration, and the opinion of grave divines sought. Mr. Keith's opinion, stated in a letter to Rev. Mr. Cotton, in favor of mercy and dissenting from most others, had great weight indeed if it were not decisive. The life of Philip's son was spared.* During this war Philip's women and children were made prisoners'"; most of them, it would appear, were brought into Boston, as well as the prisoners of war. At hrst they were as- signed 'to such Enghsh families as would receive them as ser- vants, but before the war ended they were sent to the West Indies to be sold as slaves. Philip's wife and child became also the slaves of a West Indian planter. Eev. Mr. Eliot made his protest at the time but without avail against this additional ~ *A letteT^TRe^ames Keith, dated October 30, 1670, showing his interest upon the subject, is found in the History of Bridgewater. Rev James Keith was from Scotland (one of the Border Clans). The name anciently de Keith. He was educated at Aberdeen; he came to Boston in 1663, and was introduced to the church of Bridgewater by Dr. Increase Mather, whom he ever considered his best friend and patron. 84 The Records of Oxford. barbarity of the English, "that an Indian princess and her cliild mnst be banished from the cool breezes of Mount Plope and from the wild freedom of a New England forest and con- signed to hopeless slavery." Fearing, in 1636, that the Narragansett Indians would join the Pequots in hostilities against the English, and to perpetu- ate a peace between the colonies and the Narragansetts, the governor sent a messenger to Miantonomo, their chief sachem (a nephew of Canonicus), to invite him to Boston.* " Miantonomo, the Sacliem of the Narrhagansets, came to Boston (being sent for by the Governor), with two of Cauoni- cus's sous and another Sachem, and near twenty of their men. The Governor, having notice by Cushamakin, the Massachu- setts Sachem, sent twenty musketeers to Roxbury to meet them. They came to Boston about noon, where the Governor had called togetlier all the Maijistrates and Ministers to give coun- tenance to their proceedings, and to advise about the terms of peace. After dinner, Miantonomo declared what he had to say to them in several propositions, which were to this effect, that they had always loved the English, and now desired a firm peace with them, and that they would continue war with the Pequots and their confederates, till they were subdued, and desired the English would do so too; Promising to deliver their enemies to them or kill them, and two months after to send them a present. The Governor told them they should have an answer the next morning, which was done, upon articles subscribed by him, and tliey also subscribed with him, wherein a tirm peace was concluded. — Hubbard's Indian Wars, p. 25.f *The Pequot war in the colony of Counecticut in 1637. t Corn court leads off from Faneuil Hall square on the south of the hall. Here in early times was a public corn market, situated at the water's edge. In this court, now shut in by high business blocks, stands an inn which makes the boast of being the oldest in Boston. Samuel Cole kept tavern here in 1634, and under many succeeding land- A Letter to Sir Henry Vane. 85 Faithful in his misfortunes, Rev. Roger Williams sent a let- ter to Sir Henry Vane, governor of the Massachusetts and warned him of the impending danger from the Pequots, and volunteered his services to defeat the conspiracy if possible. In the governor's reply Mr. Williams was urged to use his utmost endeavors to prevent the threatened alliance of the Pe- quots with the Narragansetts. Mr. Williams plead with Canonicus the chief of the Narra- gansetts, and with Miantonomo, his nephew and heir, to stand fast in their allegiance with the English, for the Pequots made an effort to have the Narragan setts and Mohegan Indians join them and exterminate the English. Previously to the Pequot war the Naragansetts, the most numerous of the Indian nations, were wavering in their alle- giance to the English and hesitated in joining them against the Pequots. They, however, decided in favor of the English. Roger Williams in a letter to Major Mason, gave an account of his services to the colonies of Massachusetts and Plymouth, in regard to the Indians, as follows : " In accordance with letters received from the Governor and Council of Boston, requesting me to use my utmost and speediest endeavors to break and hinder the league labored for by the Pequots and the Mohegans against the English, the Lord helped me immediately to take my life in my hand, and scarcely acquainting my wife, to ship myself all alone in a poor canoe, and cut through a stormy wind, great seas, every minute in hazard of my life, to the Sachem's home. Three days and nights my mission forced me to lodge lords the bouse has afforded shelter and entertaiument to many dis- tinguished people. When Miantonomo, the Narragansett chief, was entertained by Gov- ernor Vane in 1636, he, and twenty of his followers, were banquetted in the tavern. Landlord Cole was a substantial citizen, a selectman of the town and a charter member of the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company. 86 The Records of Oxford. and mix with the bloody Peqnot, ambassadors ; whose hands methonght, reeked with the blood of countrymen massacred on Connecticut river. I conld not but nightly look for their bloody knives at my own throat likewise." " God wondrously preserved me, and helped me to defeat the Peqiiot negotia- tions and designs, and to promote and finish, by many travels and charges the English league with the Narragansetts and Mohegans against the Pequots." " When the English forces marched through the Narragan- sett country, against, the Pequots, I gladly entertained at my home in Providence, General Stoughton and his officers.''* In 164:2 letters from the Connecticut court and from two of their magistrates came to Boston, stating that it was feared the Narragansett Indians were conspiring against the English colonies, " being influenced by Miantonomo, who was of a haughty spirit and aspiring mind, the heir apparent of all the Narragansett nations after the death of the old Sachem, Ca- nonicus, who was his uncle." Mr. Hubbard describes Mian- tonomo " as a very goodly personage, of tall stature, as well as haughty in his designs." " The governor and the magistrates, as many as could con- vene together before the court, ordered that all the Indians within their jurisdiction should be disarmed, which they will- ingly yielded unto." Miantonomo was sent unto, and by his readiness to appear satisfied the English that he was innocent of a conspiracy. But Miantonomo returned to his home dissatisfied at the treatment he received from the English, who regarded him as a culprit, and refusing to him a seat. Notwithstanding the treaty signed at Hartford, Miantonomo in 1643, engaged in war with the Mohegans and was made a prisoner by Uncas and taken to Hartford. *Z. Allen, LL. D. Governor WintJirop' s Journal. 87 The magistrates of Hartford having no cause of complaint against the Narragansett chief, advised that the whole affair should be referred to the commissioners of the United colonies, who assembled in Boston, September, 1643. " "Was Mian tonomo to be punished because he had disre- garded the treaty by neglecting to notify the English that he proposed to make war upon Uncas ? " But this was not true according to Winthrop's own testimony ; in his journal Win- throp had recorded, " Miantonomo sent to Mr. Ilaynes at Hart- ford to complain of ' Onkus ; ' " and Governor Haynes had re- plied " that the English had no hand in it, nor would encour- age them." "Miantonomo gave notice hereof also to our governor," Winthrop himself continues the journal, and the chief was told to take his own course. Miantonomo took his own course. " In this difficulty," says Winthrop, after giving the decision of the connnissioners, " we called in five of the most judicious elders (it being the time of the general assembly of the elders), and propounded the case to them. They all agreed that he ought to be put to death." Winthrop's statement of the commissioners is that they " takino; into consideration what was safest and best to be done, were all of opinion that it would not be safe to set him (Miantonomo) at liberty. Neither had we sufiicient ground for us to put hiai to death." "There were found no criminal allegations against Mian- tonomo and nothing worthy of death had been done by him, and yet it was decided to take his life without committing a crime worthy of death. There was word sent to Hartford to deliver over Miantonomo to Uncas to be massacred." The death of the brave Miantonomo in 1643 by Uncas the Mohegan, with the consent of the English, had resulted in an implacable malice between the rival Indians and a deeper enmity toward the English, as his life was sacrificed through their influence. 88 TJlc Records of Oxford. Philip's War. Kev. Roger Williams states the Narragansett Indians had been restrained until their treatment had become too offensive to endure as is testified to in an official message sent to Governor Winthi'op in Connecticut, by the Legislature of Rhode Island, dated October 26, 1696, and certified at Newport by the Sec- retary of State, as follows : "We believe tliat if matters come to a just enquiry concern- ing the cause of the Indian War, that our Narragansett Sachems were subjects to his Majesty, and by his Commissioners were taken under his protection, and put under our government. They manifested to us their submission by appearing whenever sent for." "Neither was there any manifestation of war against us from them ; but always the contrary, until the United Colonies forced them to war, or to such submissions as it seems they could not submit to. The United Colonies (Plymouth, Mas- sachusetts and Connecticut), thus involved us in these hazards, charges and losses, to our outer Plantations." " The Narragansetts and Mohawks are the two greatest na- tions of Indians in this country. They have been confederates, and are both, as yet, firmly and peaceably disposed to the Eng- lish. I do humbly conceive, in case of unavoidable war with either of them, to make sure of the one as a friend." " The Narragansetts have ever continued friendly from the first, and they have been true to you in the Pequot War, and induced the Mohegans to come in. Then ensued the downfall of the Pequots." During the Pequot war in 1637, Rhode Island was protected by the friendly Narragansetts.* *In 1643 was formed the union of New England ; Providence and Rhode Island both pleaded for admission. Rev. Roger Williams was sent to Loudon. He was welcomed by his Rev. Roger Williams in London. 89 The English colony of Plymouth were hospitably received by the natives on their arrival to this country. The first na- tive Indian who visited them greeted them kindly in a few English words which he had learned from fisherman and other voyagers on the coast of Maine. Some accounts state that this native Indian had been kidnapped by Capt. Hunt in 1614, and had been taken to England and sold into slavery, but had found his way back to his native land. Soon after the first settlement of the English colony at Plymouth, Massasoit, " the chief Sachem of all that side of the country," came to the English at Plymouth, March 16, 1621, and entered into a treaty with them. " In the autumn, nine of the neighboring Sachems came in and made a treaty of peace, and agreed to become subjects of the King of Great Britain." This compact entitled them to be treated as fellow-subjects. Massasoit, though a native Indian, possessed the elements of a great and noble mind and a generous heart. His character is without reproach as it regards his treatment of the English from the time he arrived at Plymouth to extend to them his friendship, till the time of his death in 1661; in all this period steadfast friend Sir Henry Vane (who) was now an influential member of parliament. He obtained a charter. He visited London a second time and was successful in his efforts to prevent a separation of Rhode Island from the common government. The people wished him to be commis- sioned by the English Council as governor of the province. He de- clined to accept the tempting commission. Roger Williams was a native of Wales, born in 1606, educated at Cambridge, England ; the pupil of Sir Edward Coke, in after years the personal friend of Milton. The lands which he received from Canonicus and Miantonomo were freely distributed among the colonists, only two small fields to be tilled and planted by his own hands, and kept by the founder for his own plantation. 12 90 The Records of Oxford. in not a single instance did lie depart from the agreements of the treaty which he made with the English.* Mr. Edward Winslow stated in a letter to a friend in Eng- land : " We have found the Indians very faithful in their covenants of peace with us, very loving and ready to pleasure us. We go with them in some cases, fifty miles into the country ; and walk as safely and peaceably in^ the woods, as in the highways in England. We entertain them familiarly in our houses ; and they are friendly in bestowing their venison upon us. " They are a people without religion yet very trusty, quick of apprehension, humorous and just." — Z. Allen's Address, p. 15. In 1622, Mr. Weston, a merchant of London, having pro- cured for himself a patent for a tract of land in Massachusetts Bay of the London Stock Company, he sent two ships with fifty men or more, at his own expense, to form a settlement at Weymouth. Morton states : " The Indians complained of them for steal- ing their corn, and that they care not for the rule of right." Governor Bradford wrote to the manager of the Weston Colony, warning him against such doings. " Early in the spring Gov. Bradford received information that the Massachu- setts Indians had entered into a conspiracy to drive away the ♦ Old records of the times state that Massasoit, when he came to make the treaty with the English at Plymouth, was distinguished from the other natives with him only by " a string of white bone beads about his neck ; his face was painted of a sod red, and both face and head were profusely oiled." Massasoit, also called Osemequin, Sachem of the Wampanoags, at his death was succeeded by his son, Wamsutta, called by the English name of Alexander, who had no affection toward the English, neither to their persons nor their religion, but had endeavored to influence the Narragan- setts to rise against the English. At his death his brother Philip, known as Metacomet, succeeded him, and was called generally for his haughty and ambitious spirit King Philip. A Letter from Holland. 91 English of the Weston Colony including the Plymouth settle- ment. Massasoit, grateful for the kindness he had received from the English, advised them as the only means of safety to take the lives of the conspirators, which Capt. Miles Standish effected. When the news of this affair reached Holland, Mr. Robin- son, the pastor, wrote : " Concerning the killing of these poor Indians, of which we heard at first by reporte, and since by more certaine relation. ' Oh, how happy a thing had it been if you had converted some before you had killed any ; besides where bloud is one begune to be shed, it is seldome stanched for a long time after.' " In the same letter to Captain Standish, " Let me be bould," he adds, " to exhorte you seriously to consider of the disposi- tion of your Captaine, whom I love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercie and for much good hath sent you him, if you use him aright. " Ther is cause to fear that by occasions espectially of provo- cation, ther may be wanting that tenderness of the life of man made after God's image which is meete." It is said, the Indians have ever been distinguished for friendship, justice, magnanimity and a high sense of honor, but their revenge for real or supposed injury was implacable ; any act of kindness received by them was never to be forgotten, but returned, however distant the opportunity. The same noble traits of character are now to be found in the native red men of this country as in the time of Governor Mayhew, Rev. Roger Williams and Rev. John Eliot. The late Hon. Zachariah Allen, LL.D., of Providence, R. I.,* in response to an address before the Historical Society of Rhode Island, April 10, 1876, in which he delineated the In- dian character so truthfully, recognizing their love of justice * Hon. Zachariah Allen was president of the Historical Society of Bhode Island. 92 The Records of Oxford. and appreciation of kindness, he invoked sympathy for their sufferings. Mr. Allen had the satisfaction of receiving the official con- gratulations of two distinct tribes of Indians in the Dominion of Canada. The Ojibways and the Pattawatomies, who in their distant lodges sent him their thanks and congratulations . The Ojibways returned their thanks and congratulations to Mr. Allen as their friend. "At a council of Indians (Pattawatomies), the chiefs, coun- cillors and principal men and warriors wish to thank Mr. Allen for his kindness, and express our pleasure at finding the Red men have such a good and faithful friend as Mr. Allen. "We all, both men, women and children, shake hands in our hearts with Mr. Allen. " May 24, 1877. " Their names and totems are affixed to the official letters." — Life of Hon. Z. Allen. A Poem. 93 A POEM. "Ye say they all have passed away, That ancient race and brave ; That their light canoes have vanished From oflf the crested wave ; That 'mid the forests, where they roamed, There rings no hunter's shout. But their names are on your waters, Ye may not wash them out. " Their memory lingers on your hills, Their baptism on your shore ; Your everlasting rivers speak Their dialect of yore. Old Massachusetts wears it, Within her lordly crown, And broad Ohio bears it, 'Mid all her young renown. " Connecticut hath wreathed it Where her quiet foliage waves, And bold Kentucky breathed it, Through all her ancient caves, Monad noc, on his forehead hoar. Upholds the sacred trust ; The mountains are their monuments, Though ye destroy their dust, "Think ye the Eternal's ear is dull, His sleepless vision dim ? Think ye He'll fail in justice full, To the wronged who call on Him? " L. H. SiGOURNKT. 94 The Records of Oxford. CHAPTER VIII. Chapters of " Huguenot History." 1515-1547. Francis deValois, Count of Angouleme, ascended the throne of France as the successor of Louis XII, in 1515. The reign of Francis I, commences the era of modern France, in the development of the arts, especially architecture and sculpture, of which Francis was the lavish patron. French Hterature in the sixteenth century was revived in France. Fj-ancis had a sympathy with learned men ; they received special marks of his favor. In 1493 Jacques Lefevre, a professor in the University at Paris, who had taken his degree as doctor in theology, gave great attention to the study of the Bible and evangelical knowl- edge. Thus a new life and a new doctrine had penetrated the University. During the reign of Francis I, the doctrines of Martin Luther, the great German Reformer, had gained an entrance into France, but the Reformation had for nearly half a century been established in England. Note. — These remarkable men, called the "Reformers," commenced with John de Wycliffe, an English Reformer, born in 1324, and died December 31, 1384, at the rectory of Lutterworth. Wycliffe was educated at the university of Oxford. During the reign of Edward III and Richard II, he preached the doctrines of the Reformation. Richard withdrew his influence, which had been in favor of Wycliffe, when God (says the annalist) withdrew his hand from him. Richard, after being deposed, was confined at Pontefract castle where he soon terminated his life. At the commencement of the fifteenth century, a few miles from Rochester, stood Cowling Castle in the midst of lovely meadows watered by the Medway. " The fair Medwaya that with wanton pride. Forms silver mazes with her crooked tide." Huguenot History. 95 In this quiet retreat resided Sir John Old Castle, Lord Cob- ham, a gentlemen in great favor with Henry lY. Lord Cobham defended the doctrines of Wycliffe with his sword, saying he would not submit to decrees as dishonor to the ever- lasting Testament. Thus died a Christian, illustrious after the fashion of his time. During the reign of Henry VIII, Oxford and London did homage to the learned Erasmus, but he was dethroned by Luther, the monk of Wittemberg. "Luther and Calvin do not appear in England, but sliips from the harbors of the Low Countries brought Luther's books to London. In Henry YIII reign, 1525, or later, the universities, the rectories, and the palaces, as well the cottages and the shops of the tradesmen, desired to possess the scriptures." Subsequently to Luther, John Calvin, the French Reformer's writings, were still more widely disseminated in France. Francis I endeavored to oppose them by prohibiting all books of Luther and Calvin from his kingdom, and by penal laws and capital punishment to suppress the reformed religion. Francis I died in 154Y, at the age of fifty-three. In 1529, during the war between France and Germany, two ladies were permitted to restore peace to Europe. Margaret of Austria, aunt to Emperor Charles V, of Germany, and Louisa, mother to Francis I, of France, met at Cambrai and settled the terms of pacification between the French king and the emperor. The peace of Cambrai was called " The ladies' peace." In 1544, Francis and Charles, tired of harassing each other, concluded at Cressy a treaty of peace. Note.— Martin Luther, in speaking of his own delighted use of the Lord's Prayer, wrote that his custom in private was to take its separate petitions, one by one, and to enlarge upon them; and he says: "And so I have often learned more in one prayer, than I could have from much reading and composing." 96 The Records of Oxford. During this period from the peace of Cambrai, 1529, to that of Cressy in 1544, the Reformation had gained much ground in Germany. The Emperor Charles Y, appointed a diet of the empire to be held at Spire. The diet issued a decree confirming the edict published against Luther at Worms. Against this decree as unjnst, the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Duke of Lunenburg, the Prince Anhalt, together with the deputies of fourteen imperial or free cities of Germany, entered into a protest. On that account they were called Protestants, a name that has since become common to all who have receded from the church of Rome. At the diet of Augsburg the Protestants of Germany presented their system of opinions as composed by Philip Melancthon, a gentleman of most finished education and extrem- ely graceful as a public orator, and withal a lenient Reformer. This system known as tl)e Confession of Augsburg, from the place where it was presented, was publicly read in the diet. A decree was issued against the Protestant tenets, which caused the Protestant princes to assemble at Smalkalde and there concluded a league of mutual defense. The companion of Francis I was his sister Marguerite of Valois, Queen of Navarre. A princess narrates, Brantome (the courtly historian), of " vigourous understanding and great en- dowments, both natural and acquired." The most learned men in the Kingdom acknowledged Marguerite their patroness. When ambassadors from foreign countries had presented themselves at the French court, they were accustomed to wait on Marguerite. They were greatly pleased with her — and on leaving France the fame of her extended to other countries, so states Brantome, and he adds : " The king would often submit to her matters of importance, leaving them to her decision." Huguenot History. gy Marguerite de Valois, sister to Francis I, was educated " with strictness by a most excellent and most venerable dame, in whom all the virtues at rivalry, one with another, existed to- gether." [Madame de Chantillon, whose deceased husband had been governor to King Charles VIII.] Marguerite was provided with every kind of preceptors, who made her profi- cient in profane letters, as they were then called. She learned Latin, Greek, philosophy, and especially theology. " She had a heart," says Brantome, " devoted to God, and she loved mightily to compose spiritual songs." — History of France, M. Guizot. Marguerite, seeking for some natural emblem which might express the wants and affections of her soul, took, says Bran- tome, that of the flower of the marigold, " which, by its cor- olla and leaves, has the greatest affinity with the sun, and fol- lows it wherever it goes." She added the following device : " I follow not the things belovr." "To testify," adds the courtly writer, "that she directed all her actions, thoughts, wishes and affections to this great Sun, which was God." She is one of the most remarkable characters of history. Neither Germany nor England presents such a picture as Mar- guerite of Valois. Marguerite, while residing at the court of her brother, ob- tained the books and small treatises called, in the fashion of the time, " Tracts of Luther," and became a Protestant. Thus, amid the brilliancy of the court of Francis I, was one of those conversions of the heart which in every age are produced by the word of God. The opinions and influence of Maiguerite had no small share in extending the doctrines of the Reforma- tion in the kingdom of France. Marguerite, at one time, had so much influence on Francis I, her brother, as to engage him to hear the great Reformer, Melancthon, prearo2> de Vdme pechereuse'^ ("The Mir- ror of a sinful soul "), which was supposed to reflect a likeness of her brother. Marguerite had visited Spain to attend her brother, Francis I, when at Madrid, sick and a prisoner of Charles Y, having been taken in the battle of Pavia, February, 1525. It was through her influence that the Emperor had treated her brother according to his rank, and finally restored him to his kingdom. Attending the court, in its progress through the provinces, she employed herself in describing the manners of the time, and especially those of the priests and monks. "On these occasions," continues Brantorae, "I often used to hear her recount stories to my grandmother, who constantly accompanied her in her litter, as dame d'honneur, and had charge of her writing desk." According to some we have here the origin of the Hepta- meron ; but more recent and esteemed critics have satisfied themselves that Marguerite liad no hand in forming that col- lection, in some parts chargeable with worse than levity, but that it was the work of Desperiers. In the Kevue des Deux Mondes M. Ch. Nodier, LXX, p. 350. " Desperiers is in reality and almost exclusively author of the Heptameron. I scruple not to say I have no doubt of this, and entirely coincide in the opinion of Bonistuan, who, solely on this account, omitted and withheld the name of the Queen of Navarre." '' If as I think. Marguerite did compose some tales, doubtless the most harmless of those in the Heptameron, it must have been in her youth — just after her marriage with the Duke of Alen9on (1509)." — D'Aubigny. Huguenot History. 99 " Every one loved her," narrates Brantonie. For " she was very kind, gentle, condescending, charitable, very easy of access, giving away much in alms, overlooking no one but winning all hearts by her gracious deportment." In 1534^, Clement Marot, accused of heresy, sought the pro- tection of Renee in Ferrara. He met Calvin in Ferrara, who was engaged on a translation of the Psalms in verse. Marot translated thirty of the Psalms and dedicated them to Francis I, who not only accepted the dedication, but recom- mended the work and the author to Charles Y, " who accepted the translation graciously, connnended it both by words and by a present of two hundred doubloons, which he made to Marot, thus giving him courage to translate the rest of the Psalms, and praying him to send him as soon as possible the Psalm (Trust in the Lord, for He is good), so fond was he of it." Singular sympathy between Charles Y, and his great ad- versary, Luther, who said of that same Psalm, " It is my friend." Marot published in 1541 the first thirty Psalms; in 151:3, he added twenty others, and dedicated the collection " to the ladies of France." Note.— " The Psalms, translated into French metre by Clement Marot, were set to music by Goudimel, and became extremely popular in the salons of Paris, and at tlie palace of the Louvre. It is said, that they greatly aided the Protestant cause, and induced people to read the Script- ures, from which the beautiful poetry was drawn which so much charmed their imaginations." lOO The Records of Oxford. CHAPTER IX. 1547-1559. Henry II, succeeded his father Francis I, as King of France. He married Catherine, the daughter of Lorenzo de Medici, Duke of Urbino. Catherine assumed an important part in the government of France, She fascinated all strangers by her elegant manners and great personal beauty, but was noted for her powers of dissimulation of cliaracter and her cruelty of disposition. The preamble to the edict of Chdteaubriand, issued in 1551, declares that all efforts to suppress heres}' had failed, and that it required the severest measures "to conquer the willfulness and obstinacy of that wretched sect, and to clear the kingdom of them." Edict after edict was issued against them. In June, 1559, Henry II issued a decree by which the judges were bound to sentence all Lutherans to death, and this decree was published and confirmed by all the parliaments. Henry II was succeeded by his son Francis II, a youth of sixteen years, who was married to Mary, Queen of Scotland, who had been sent to France in her childhood to be educated. Francis assured his mother she should administer the govern- ment in his name. But the house of Lorraine and Bourbon were not disposed to favor that a woman from a foreign coun- try should control the government of France. In 1560, the balance of power between the two parties at the French court was so equally divided it was now doubtful Note. — lu the reiga of Henry II, the term Huguenot was applied to all opponents of the Catholic Church of France and Holland. They were so designated during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The name of Huguenot was one of reproach. This term, as applied to the Protestants of France, is of uncertain origin. In public documents they were styled of the "new religion," or "Re- formed " (or of the Reformed church). Huguenot History. • loi if the Hngnenots would not control the government of France, as the strife between the parties had divided the kingdom. The Reformation liad great leaders, men who had power and were experienced in the affairs of the world. The Prot- estants had now become formidable by their numbers, leaders and influence. "In 1558, the Venetian ambassador stated the number of the Reformers at four hundred thousand. In 1559, at the death of Henry II, Claude Haton, a contemporary chronicler, on the Catholic side, stated that the Reformers composed a fourth of the population of France." — French History, Guizot. In 1559, the Queen of Navarre, Jeanne d'Albret, the daughter of Queen Marguerite, became passionately devoted to the faith and cause of tlie Reformation. Brantome says, in her early youth " she was as fond of a ball as of a sermon." Her husband, Anthony de Bourbon, and his brother Louis de Bourbon, Prince of Conde, became devoted to the cause of the Reformation. Admiral de Coligni openly identified himself iu the cause. On the death of Francis II (1561), Catherine de Medici, the Queen mother, was appointed guardian to her son Charles IX, only ten years of age at his accession, and invested with the administration of the kingdom, though not with the title of regent. Catherine attempts to govern France by balancing the Cath- olics against the Protestants, in consequence of her maxim, " divide and govern," When, in 1562, the edict of January was given, there was an effort made to induce the Queen to evade the edict ; in de- clining, the Queen made reply, " that the Calvinists were a powerful party." The edict of January gave to the Huguenots a formal ap- proval under the authority of the royal seal. The Catholic church denounced the government. A Franciscan monk I02 The Records of Oxford. reading the royal ordinance in his church of Saint Croix, in Provins, remarked, " Well, now gentlemen of Provins, what must I and the other preachers of France do ? Must we obey this order \ What shall we tell you ? What shall we preach ? ' The gospel,' Sir Huguenot will say," adding, stating to his own view the errors of Martin Luther, and Calvin, and other preachers of erroneous doctrines, " Is not this preaching the Gospel ? " The " Edict of January " was soon followed by the massacre of Yassy, under the Duke of Guise, tliis was the first aggres- sive step which caused the first civil war in France. These civil wars desolated the kingdom for over thirty years, only interrupted by occasional truces, almost to the close of the six- teenth century. The Prince of Conde, Louis de Bourbon, was the leader of the Huguenots, and he demanded the punishment of the Duke of Guise as the author of the massacre of Yassy, and sent to the Admiral Coligni to solicit his support. Coligni was at his pleasant castle of Chatillon-sur-Loing, surrounded by his young family. The admiral continued to hesitate before joining him, it was the fear of initiating a " Civil War." " Peace was far distant,"— peace, which Coligni preferred to his own life, but would not purchase it dishonorably by the sacrifice of civil liberty or his Protestant faith. Many persons of the highest rank in France, at this time came forward and declared themselves to be Protestants, those of large influence and of extensive landed possessions. The Huguenots had now rendered themselves masters of cities in almost every French province. Many of the nobility were included in their number, among whom was the Count de la Rochefoucauld, the Earl of Montgomery, and others of Note. — "Mem. — de Claude Haton," 211, 213. "The Rise of the Huguenots of France." — Prof. Baird. Huguenot History. 103 hi.^h station. One of the Chatillon, Francois d'Andelot, a younger brother of the Admiral Coligni, Colonel-General of the French infantry, whom the army had surnamed " La Cheva- lier sans peur,'" (the knight without fear.) " The Cardinal Odet de Chatillon, elder brother of Admiral Coligni, under the suspicion that he was a Protestant, he is cited by the Pope's nevj nuncio to appear at Rome, he demanded the red cap taken from the Cardinal. The Constable de Mont- morency at his palace of Chantilly, espoused his defense, I am myself a papist ; my nephew shall leave neither cap nor dignity, seeing the King's edict gives him that liberty, if otherwise, ' my sword shall be a Huguenot.' " In 1563 the two Montmoiencys, the Constable and his son, the Marshal, espoused Coligni's cause as their own, publicly declaring that any blow aimed at the Chatillons, save by legal process, they would regard and avenge as aimed at themselves. The edict of Amboise was a half way measure, neitlier was the accord acceptable to Catholic or Protestant. The peace of Amboise terminated the first civil war. The royal edict of Pacification was signed March, 1563, " The prince (Conde) and the Admyrall," wrote the special envoy Middlemore to Queen Elizabeth, " have been twice with the queue mother since my commynge hyther, where the admirall hath bene very earnest for a further and larger lybertye in the course of religion, and so hath obtayned that there shall be preachings within the townes in every valliage, whereas before yt was accordyd but in the suburbs of townes only, and that the gentyl men of the visconte and provoste ot Parys shall have in theyr houses the same lybertye of religion as ys accordyd elz where. So as the sayd Admyrall doth now seame to lyke well inonghe that he shewj^d by the waye to mislyke so muche, which was the harde articles of religion con- cludyd upon by the prince in his absence." Letter from Orleans, March 30, 1563. I04 The Records of Oxford. MSS. State Papers Office. Due d'Aiimale, Yol. I, 411. " Rise of the Huguenots," Vol. II, 117. Elizabeth of England was greatly interested in the state of affairs in France. And new troops would have entered France from the Ger- man borders " This day " writes Cecil To Sir Thomas Smith, ambassador at Paris, Feb. 27, 1562-3, " Connnission passeth hence to the comte of Oldenburg to levy eight thousand footemen and four thousand horse, who will, I truste passe into France with spede and corradg. He is a notable, grave and puissant captayu, and fully bent to hazard his life in the cause of religion." Th, Weight Queen Elizabeth and her Time. But Elizabeth's troops, like Elizabeth's money, came too late. Of the latter Admiral Coligni plainly told Smith a few weeks later : " If we could have had the money at Newhaver (Havre) but one XIII dales sooner, we would have talked with them after another sorte, and would not have been contented with this accord." Due d'Aumale, I, 439. In 1569 the Prince of Conde was killed at the battle of Jarnac. Coliffni now placed the young Henry of Navari'e, only sixteen years of age, and the young Prince of Conde, at the head of the Protestant party. Admiral Coligni was assassinated previous to the massacre of Paris. " Thus says Davila, died the Admiral Gaspard de Coligni, who had filled the Kingdom of France with the glory and terror of his name for the space of twelve years." Fleury 24, 45, states the heirs of Coligni were permitted to enter into their estates. Huguenot History. 105 The Massacre of Paris on St. Bartholomew's Day occurred August 24, 1572, a striking picture of which is drawn by Fenelon, the French ambassador at the court of England, in his account of his first audience after that barbarous transaction. " A gloomy sorrow," says he, " sat on every face; silence, as in the dead of night reigned through all the chambers of the royal apartment ; the ladies and courtiers clad in deep mourning were ranged on each side ; and as I passed bj^ them, in my approach to the queen, not one bestowed on me a favorable look, or made the least return to my salutations." — From Fenelou's Desjjatches. " La Kochelle the stronghold of the Huguenots, before which in a manner was assembled the whole force of France, became now the theatre of a civil war, she shut her gates and sustained a siege of eight months. "During the siege the citizens repelled nine general and twenty particular assaults, and obliged the Duke of Anjou who conducted the attack, and lost twenty-four thousand men, to grant them an advantageous treaty of Pacification in 1573.* Thus ended the fourth civil war." Charles IX died at the youthful age of twenty-five years ; he was succeeded by his brother, the Duke of Anjou, as Henry III, who was also in extreme youth. The south of France was at this time filled with Protestants, and many were found in the northern provinces. Henry III and Catherine his mother, failed in establishing peace with their government for fifteen years. During this time different parties were aspiring to the crown of France. Henry III of Valois, was at the head of the royal authority ; Henry of Guise was the leader of the zealous Catholics and the League ; Henry of Navarre was the leader of the Hu- guenots. The Duke d'Aumale in his Histoire des Princes de Conde, *Davila, lib. 5. 14 io6 The Records of Oxford. narrates of the battle of Coutras, in 1587. " The Bearnese was on horse-back whilst his adversary was banqueting." Joyeuse when near to Coutras, found the town occupied by the Protestant advance-guard. The battle began on October 20, 1587, shortly after sunrise. Before mid-day the battle was won, and the royalist army routed, and the Duke de Joyeuse in command, was fatally wounded. The following is a description of the battle of Coutras : " His body was taken to the king's quarters ; there it lay, in the evening, upon a table, in the very room where the con- queror's supper had been prepared ; but the king ordered all who were in the chamber to go out, had his supper things re- moved else whither, and with every mark of respect, com- mitted the remains of the vanqnished to the care of Viscount de Turenne, his near relative. " On the one side, there was gilded armour, gloriously damasked, glittering in the sun ; painted lances covered with ribbons, with their banderolles dancing in the air ; rich coats of velvet, with broad lace, and galoons of gold and silver ; large and beautifully colored plumes waving on their crests ; scarfs magnificently embi'oidered and edged with long gold fringe, and all the young cavaliers carrying the ciphers and colors of their mistresses, as if they were marching to a carousal, and not on the point of giving battle." " On the Huguenot side, they arranged themselves in a line, and in a deep and solemn voice, sung the hundred and eighteenth Psalm ; then knelt while the minister d 'Amour, made a short but fervent prayer. " It is said this attitude was mistaken by the young cavaliers, who exclaimed : ' S'death ! they tremble ; the cowards are at confession.' The venerable minister drew his sword at the conclusion of his prayer, and mingled with the combatants." " The army led by Navarre, consisted of old soldiers inured Huguenot History. 107 to toil and labor, whose mien was fierce and menacing ; un- combed, ill clothed, with their long buff coats all bespattered ; over their coarse threadbare clothes, having no other ornament than their trusty bilbo by their sides, and sound armour on their breasts, mounted on traveling horses, without hous- ings," &c. " After the battle, Navarre repaired to the castle of Coutras. Henry III, to restore the royal authority, endeavored to moderate the difference between his Catholic and Protestant subjects, reducing both to a dependence upon himself. " Henry granted peace to the Protestants on the most ad- vantageous conditions. They obtained the public exercise of their religion, except within two leagues of the court ; party chambers, consisting of an equal number of Protestants and Catholics, were elected in all the parliaments of the kingdom for the more equitable administration of justice." — Davila. There was for Henry III but one possible ally who might do him effectual service, and that was Henry of Navarre, and the Protestants. Henry III was a Catholic, and the prospect of an excommunication troubled him greatly if he had recourse to this party, and Catholicism was in a large majority in France. Henry of Navarj-e enlisted Swiss infantry and Ger- man cavalry, and being still supported by his nobility, and by the princes of the blood, he assembled an army of forty-two thousand men. With these two forces the two kings advanced to the gates of Paris, July, 1589, and were ready to crush the League. August 2, 1589, Henry III, tlie last king of the House of Valois, was assassinated. io8 The Records of Oxford. CHAPTER X. 1589-1685. The death of Henry HI left the succession open to the king of Navarre, who as next heir to the crown assumed the gov- ernment under the title of Henry IV, The desertion of his troops obliged him to abandon the siege of Paris, and retire into Normandy. There he was followed by the forces of the League, and by the Duke of Mayenne. In this extremity Henry IV applied to the Queen of England. Elizabeth sent him a present of twenty -tv^'o thousand pounds, to prevent the desertion of the German and Swiss soldiers, and a reinforcement of four thousand men. He again marched towards Paris, and had almost taken the city by storm ; but the Duke of Mayenne entering it with his army, Henry thought it more prudent to retire. In 1590, soon after, Henry IV attacked the Duke of Mayenne at Ivri, and gained a complete victory. Henry's bearing on this occasion was truly heroic. " My lads," said he to his sol- diers, "if you should lose sight of your colors, rally towards this," pointing to a large white plume which he wore in his hat ; " you will always find it in the road to honor. God is with us ! " added he emphatically, drawing his sword, and rushing into the thickest of the enemy ; but when he perceived their ranks broken, and great havoc committed in the pursuit, his natural humanity and attachment to his countrymen returned, and led him to cry, " Spare my French subjects ! " forgetting that they were his enemies. — Davila, lib. xi. The Duke of Mayenne was urged to call an assembly of the states, in order to deliberate on the election of a king. The Catholic friends of Henry IV demanded of him now to de- NoTE. — Sully tells us wherever the battle raged there towered the white plume. Huguenot History. 109 clare the sentiments of his religion, and their jealousy appeared to increase as he approached nearer to the full possession of his throne. Henry IV, soon after the taking of Dreux, solemnly made his abjuration at St. Dennis, and received absolution from the archbishop of Bourges. — Davila, hb. xiii. This course of Henry was highly agreeable to the French nation, though the more zealous Catholics suspected his sin- cerity. His Protestant allies, particularly the Queen of Eng- land, expressed much indignation at this interested change in his religion, though he was influenced by the celebrated Mar- quis de Rosni, afterward Duke of Sully, and prime minister to Henry IV. Henry was crowned with much solemnity at Chdrtres, and all promised a speedy pacification. The Duke of Mayenne retired from Paris. The Duke of Guise made peace, and Henry returned to Paris in triumph where lie was received with every possible mark of loyalty ! Ilenrj' now saw himself established in his kingdom. In 1594, while these events were taking place in France, war was still carried on with the Protestants in the Low Countries. Queen Elizabeth aided Prince Maurice with her power against Spain. The war against the Spanish forces in the Low Countries was still continued ; besides several bodies of Germans and Swiss, the states took into their service two thousand French veterans, disbanded by Henry IV, on the conclusion of the peace of Vervins ; and that prince generously supplied the re- public with money. In 1600 the two armies came to a general engagement at Nieuport, near Ostend. " The conflict was terrible. The field was obstinately disputed for three hours. The Spaniards were defeated with a loss of five thousand men by the valor of the English forces under Lord Vere, who led the van of the con- I lo The Records of Oxford. federates. A share of the honor was due under the military skill of Prince Maurice to a body of Swiss immediately under his command, who supported the English troops. " This victory was of the utmost importance to the United Provinces, as the defeat of their army must have been followed by the loss of their liberties and their final ruin as independent states." — Kussell, History of Modern Europe, vol. I. Note.— ' ' Lord Vere a man wliose Coat of Armour made more Re- nowned than his coat of Arms." "And whose personal Achievements in the field, especially at the Battle of Nieuport ennobled more than the high blood derived from his Ancestors, but his unstained piety gave him the highest char- acter of all." Sir Horace [Horatio] Vere, an English nobleman ; he was the defender of the Protestants in the Netherlands. "This noble Lord was one, that could as well wrestle with God, as fight with men, and may be thought to have gotten his victories upon his knees in the closet, before he drew his sword in the field. "And when he had overcome his enemies he could overcome himself also, being one of the humblest souls, in whom so much true worth lodged, that we have heard of."— Life of Lady Vere. Distinguished Christians of the Church Nobility and Gentry. London edition. 1683. The victories of Lord Vere were long remembered and honored by the English nation and by the Protestants of France and Netherlands. An epitaph upon the Right Honorable and Religious, the Lady Vere, wife to the most Noble, and Valiant Lord Horatio Vere, Baron Tilbury, who died at the advanced age of ninety years. Anno Christi, 1G71 . "Noble her self; more Noble, 'cause so neer To the tlu-ice Noble, and Victorious Vere. That Belgick Lion, whose loud fame did roar. Heard from the German to the British shoar. His Trophies she was Joyntur'd in (so say The Lawyers) Wives shine by their Husbands Ray. See therefore now, how by his side she stands, Tryumphing 'midst the Graves, those Netherlands. Rather in Heaven, those only we confess. Are truly called Th' United Provinces.'''' Charles Derby. Huguenot History. 1 1 1 April 13, 159S, Henry lY secured to the Protestants their civil rights by the " Edict of Nantes, called the Edict of Peace," which confirmed to them the free exercise of their religion, and gave them equal claims with the Catholics to all offices and dignities. They were also left in possession of their fortresses, which were ceded to them for their security . This edict afforded to the Protestants a means of forming a kind of republic within the kingdom. In maintaining the Edict of Kantes Henry lY assured his Parliament that established laws should be respected. " You see me here in my cabinet, not as the kings, my pred- ecessors, nor as a prince who gives audience to ambassadors — but dressed in my ordinary garb as a father of a family, who would converse with his children. I know there have been parties in the Parliament, and that seditious preachers have been ejected. I will put good order into these people. I will shorten by the head all such as venture to foment faction. " 1 have leaped over the walls of cities, and I shall not be terrified by barricades. " I have made an edict, let it be observed. "My will must be executed, not interpreted." With all his errors, Henry lY was a great king, and did more for the prosperity of France than any monarch who had preceded him. Sully, his chief minister, thus describes him : "He was candid, sincere, grateful, compassioned, generous, wise, penetrating, and loved by his subjects as a father." Note. — " Nantes, the capital of ancient Brittany, is described as a quaint tumble-down old city, where the houses, with their upper stories projecting over the narrow streets, seemed to be tipsy and the streets crazy. In the old round-towered castle, which they now use as a barrack the good Henry of Navarre signed the famous Edict of Nantes." 112 The Records of Oxford. In 1610 Henry assisted in the coronation of his queen, Mary de Medicis, and is assassinated the following day by Ravaillac. Jane d'Albret was the daughter of Henry. II, King of Navarre, and Marguerite, sister of Francis I, King of France, and was carefully educated in the Protestant faith from her childhood. She married Anthony of Bourbon, son to Charles, Duke of Yendome, and was the mother of Henry IV, King of France. " Jane of Navarre inhei'ited the genius and elegance of Mar- guerite, with acquirements far bej^ond that period. She pos- sessed the amiable and graceful attractions of domestic life in her cliaracter, having great simplicity and purity of manners ; she wrote with ease^ and spoke Latin and Spanish witli fluency. Men of talent and learning thronged her court." When Antliony of Bourbon, King of Navarre and Beam, had openly left the Protestants and joined the Princes of Guise, the Queen in disappointment retired to her own dominions on the northern slope of the Pyrenees. There with her son Henry, the Prince of Beam, and her daughter, tlie Lady Catharine, in the midst of her own subjects, she was studynig, more than any other of her age, the true welfare of her people, and in Note. — In 1604 Henry IV when he was informed of the death of his sister, Catharine de Bourbon (Duchess de Bar), exclaimed, "All ! all ! mother and sister ! " The Duchess de Bar was carried to Vendome, and buried in the tomb of her ancestors, by the side of her mother, Queen Jane of Navarre. — Sully's " Memoirs." jq-QTE. — The cradle Henry IV was rocked in, a great tortoise shell, is still kept at Pan in Beam. Note. — Navarre a small kingdom in the south of France. j^oTE. — The Queen of Navarre had the New Testament printed at her own expense, the Catechism and the prayers used in the Church of Geneva. The same were also translated into the Gascoin and printed at La Rochelle for the province of Contabria under the jurisdiction of Navarre. Huguenot History. 113 educating her son soon to appear in history as the leader of the Huguenot party, and on the expiration of the Yalois line, to succeed to the throne of France as Henry the Fourth. She had already established the principles of the Keformation in her kingdom, upon which she hoped to see her son lay a foundation of a great and glorious career. The first preliminary devised by Catharine de Medici for confirming a pretended peace, which was only a ruse to more surely destroy the Protestants, was to send an envoy to Kochelle, in the King's name, to treat with the Queen of Navarre about the marriage between her son Henry and the King's sister, the Lady Marguerita, for which purpose he ex- tended to them an invitation to come to court, where tlie pro- posed marriage could be more fully concluded. Upon the earnest solicitation of the King the Queen of Na- varre went the March following (1572) from La Kochelle to the court, which was then at Blois, accompanied by a great retinue. The articles of marriage were concluded between the King's sister and the Prince of Navarre ; the King was to give his sister for her dowry three hundred thousand crowns, each crown being valued at four and .fifty shillings. — Life of Jane of Navarre. " Accordingly on May 6 she took her journey from Blois, and arrived on the 15th at Paris, to make suitable preparations for the marriage and the arrival of her son. She went from place to place in the city into several houses and shops in order to furnish herself with such things as were suitable to adorn the approaching marriage. " An Italian it is said sold to the Queen of Navarre poisoned perfumes (also perfumed gloves that were poisoned) and was afterward heard to boast of what he had done. She preserved her own chaste and ^simple style of dress, which might have been termed almost a censure on the cos- tumes of the court. 15 114 '^^^^ Records of Oxford " Soon after her arrival she fell sick of a continued fever and died June 9, Anno Christi, 1572."— Life of Jane of Navarre. London edition. 1683. While in Paris the Queen had written to Prince Henry. "My son," she concluded, "you have rightly judged from my letters, that their great object here is to separate you from me and from God Pi'ay earnestly to God, whose assist- ance you need at all times, but especially at the present ; and I too, will add my fervent prayer, that he will grant you in all your just desires." " As her strength was decaying, the Queen requested that a clergyman might be present in her sickness, to give her coun- sel from the Scriptures. She listened to the reading of the fourteenth to the completion of the seventeenth chapter of St, John's Gospel, and in conclusion to the thirty-first Psalm, in which the prophet, among other things, commends his spirit into the hands of God, because, said he, ' Thou hast redeemed me, O Lord God of truth ! ' If Jane of Navarre were a per feet pattern, nothing was ever suggested to lessen her, but that which was her true glory, her receiving the Reformation." " She both received it and brought her subjects to it. She not only reformed her court, but her whole principality, to such a degree that the golden age seemed to have returned Note. — Catharine de Bourbon, the sister of Henry IV, was alone in the court circle by her simplicity of manners and unostentatious plain ness in dress. The dresses, though of the richest material (for she encouraged the silk looms of France), were neither "flounced nor fur- belowed ; " she wore her hair cut as prescribed, even when other court ladies of rank in the reformed church refused. The simplicity of her life discovered itself in her pure, transparent complexion, the delicacy of which was heightened by the lawn kerchief that shaded her neck in spite of Marguerite de Valois' ridicule. The Lady Catherine married Charles, Duke de Bar. "He was the son of Lorraine, her former suitor. It would seem that tlie admiration which animated the father had been entailed with his fortunes upon the feon." Huguenot History. 115 under her; or rather, Christianity appeared again with the purity and histre of its first beginnings." — Bishop Burnet, Essay on the Memory of Queen Mary, p. 29. The Queen of Navarre, Jeanned' Albret,who had gone to Paris in preparation for the marriage, had died there June 8, 1572. " It was in deep mourning that her son the King of Na- varre, arrived at court, attended by eight hundred gentle- men, all likewise in mourning. ' But,' says Marguerite de Valois herself, ' the marriage took place a few days afterwards with such triumph and magnificence as none others of my quality ; the King of Navarre and his troop having changed their mourning for very rich and fine clothes, and I being dressed royally, with crown and corset of tufted ermine, all blazing with crown-jewels, and the grand blue mantle with a train four ells long borne by three princesses, the people choking one another down below to see us pass.' The mar- riage was celebrated August 18, by the Cardinal of Bourbon, in front of the principal entrance of Notre-Dame." Note. — It may be of interest to some to observe the changes in the style of dress for the last three centuries. It is said "Marguerite of Valois, both before and after her marriage with the King of Navarre, though she required no aid of art, being singularly beautiful, and yet she often wore false hair and paint. One of the Queen of Navarre's gowns was black satin, covered with embroidery, the expense of which was from four to five hundred crowns, and many other costly gowns. The mourning at this period was black, white and gray, with violet or blue stockings." Marguerite being seized with a sudden devotion she presented to the church one of these gowns, adorned with gems of great value. Henry of Navarre wore at his marriage with Marguerite of Valois a uniform of pale, yellow satin, covered with the richest embroidery, wrought in relief, and decorated with pearls. King Henry at his second marriage with Mary de Medici was dressed in white satin, embroidered with gold and pearls. Mary of Medici, niece to the Great Duke of Tuscany, was extremely elegant in all her style of dress. 1 1 6 The Records of Oxford. Henry IV was succeeded by his son Louis XIIT, during whose minority Mary de Medici, his mother, was appointed re- gent. Cardinal de Eichelieu was the minister of state, and a great favorite of Louis XIII. At this time the Huguenots were able to offer a powerful resistance, as they had become very numerous in the provinces. They still retained La Kochelle, which enabled them to continue a communication with England. Cardinal Richelieu, though a Catholic prelate, was not a bigot or a persecutor, but a statesman. He was as ready to enter into alliances with Protestant powers as with Catholic powers, for political purposes. Richelieu with his army and navy laid siege to La Rochelle in 1627, to increase the royal government. The siege continued fifteen months, as the city was supported by the English fleet, and by German recruits. La Rochelle from 30,000 inhabitants was reduced to 5,000, from famine. The possession of the city was given to the royal troops October 30, 1628. Mazarine, prime minister of France, was the successor of Richelieu. At the Mazarine palace he died in 1661, at the age of fifty-one years. " A few days before his death he was car- ried, in his chair, to the promenade, exquisitely dressed and rouged ; the courtiers ironically complimented him on his ap- pearance, telling him he never looked 'so fresh and ver- milion.' Mazarhie had completed his political career ; he had married his nieces to the first nobles in Europe, and amassed immense wealth. His love of fine paintings became a passion. His health was daily failing, and he consulted his physicians upon the nature of his malady, who frankly told him he could not live longer than two months. The cardinal, in his dress- ing-gown and nightcap, tottered to his gallery of pictures. Brienne, his friend, followed him ; ' he stood gazing upon them with hands clasped.' ' Look,' he exclaimed, ' look at that Cor- reggio ! this Yenus of Titian ! that Deluge of Carracci ! Oh, Huguenot History. 117 my friend, I must quit all these. Adieu, dear pictures, that I loved so truly, that have cost me so much ! ' 'I shall never see them more where I am going.' " — The History of France, by M. Guizot and Madame Guizot de Witt. Madame de Maintenon, the Last Years of Louis XIV. By the Author of Mirabeau. a translation from the French (Madame de Maintenon.) Frangoise d'Aubigne was descended from an honorable and ancient family of France ; her grandfather, Theodore Agrippa d'Aubigne, was a Huguenot, and the devoted friend and com- panion of Henry IV. Her father. Constant d'Aubigne, had acquired consideration at court and wealth for his treachery to the Huguenots; his father disinherited him ; he was then de- tected in a treasonable correspondence with the English, and imprisoned by the government. Frangoise was born in the prison of the Conciergerie of JSf iort, 1635. Her godfather was the celebrated Duke de la Roche- foucauld, her godmother was the daughter of the Baron du Neuillant, the governor of ISTiort. In great destitution were the parents of Frangoise. Madame de Villette, a sister of her father, and a Huguenot, brought them relief, removing the little Frangoise to her home. But when Constant d'Aubigne was transferred to a prison at Bordeaux the mother took Frangoise to share with her a prison life with her father. In 1639, after unwearied solicitations, Madame d'Aubign6 obtained her husband's enlargement, after which they embarked for Martinique, to make their fortunes in a new world of surroundings. During the voyage little Frangoise fell dangerously ill, and was at last laid out as dead. The body was just about to be committed to the sea when the mother, as she held it in a last passionate, parting embrace, felt a slight movement. "My child is not dead ! " she shrieked. " Her heart beats ! " The 1 1 8 TJie Records of Oxford. little girl was put back into bed, and in few days was restored to health. By what trifles are the destinies of men and of nations de- cided ! Had not the mother's heart craved for yet another embrace, or had the sailor who was to have been the grave- digger of the sea been but a moment quicker, the edict of Nantes might never have been revoked, and the latter years of Louis the Fourteenth might have been wholly different. What wonderful events hang upon moments ! — upon some ap- parently insignificant life ! The mother of Francoise, who had herself been so schooled in adversity, desired to instil into the child's mind something of her own courage and fortitude. " One day while in Martinique the house took fire. Seeing little Francoise weep bitterly, Madame said reprovingly, ' I thought you had more courage. Why should you weep thus for the loss of a house ? ' ' It is not for the house I am weep- ing,' answered the child, quickly, ' but for my doll ! ' " The child is the father of the man — the mother of the woman. In those words are the germ of the future intensely selfish nature of Madame de Maintenon. In Martinique Constant d'Aubigne again acquired wealth, owning large plantations, but gambled them away and died. Madame d'Aubigne returned to France. Frangoise was again committed to the protection of Madame de Villette, who readily undertook the charge, and at once proceeded to train her little niece in the doctrines of the Reformed faith. " Years of poverty, of successive misfortune, of silent en- durance, of living in the shadow of life, had hardened and chilled Madame d'Aubigne's character into coldness and severity, beneath which her virtues and affections were con- cealed. Madame de Yillette, who had lived in the sunshine of life, was on the contrary, smiling, tender, loving, and so child- Huguenot History, 119 like, the little Fi-angoise soon began to prefer this cheerful lady to the troubled, saddened mother, and to embrace all her teach- ings with the utmost docility. " One day Frangoise refused to accompany her mother to mass. Madame d'Aubigne with her usual energy at once appealed to Anne of Austria, to issue an order for the girl's restoration to her own custody. The order was granted, and the young Huguenot was handed over to her god-mother, the Countess de Neuillant, to be brought back to the Catholic faith. But Fran^oise was not yet to be converted, so as a pun- ishment for her contumacy she was set to perform the most menial offices, among others, to measure out the corn for the horses, and to look after a flock of turkeys . ' It was there, in the farm yard,' she used to say, 'I first began to reign.' " As not even these degradations could bend her firm spirit, she was consigned to a convent. Mademoiselle d'Aubigne, after a time, renounced her Protestant faith. Leaving her convent life, and her mother having died, " Mademoiselle d'Aubigne, after a training to wither the heart and to fill the soul full of bitterness, the flavor of which abides with us evermore. A childhood of privation is a poor preparation for a noble life ; little that is truly generous, tender and merciful ever comes from it, but nmch that is hard, cold, selflsh and hypocritical." "Mademoiselle d'Aubigne was beautiful, graceful, accom- plished, clever, spirituelle," and when sixteen years of age, she was married to the Abbe Scarron. After his death, Madame Scarron was reduced once more to a state of destitution, being deprived of her pension by the death of Anne of Austria. In 1669 the Maintenon estate was for sale ; the King pur- chased it, and bestowed it upon Madame Scarron, it being a most convenient residence for the royal children, and for herself, their guardian, the estate being in the near vicinity of Versailles. 1 20 The Records of Oxford. " Madame de Maintenon erased from her carriage the arras of Scarron, substituting her own in their place — she had now assumed that title. Although she had been mixed up with the society of the Fronde, of which throughout his life Louis entertained the greatest horror, Louis, ill-educated himself, hated learned women. " It would appear that Madame de Main- tenon aspired to govern the mind of Louis XIV. Even as early as 1676, writing of Madame de Maintenon, Madame de Sevigne says, " Every thing is subject first to her empire." Louis XIII was succeeded by his son, Louis XIV, whose mother, Anne of Austria, was declared regent of the kingdom. The reign of Louis XIV was the greatest in French history, great in the grandeur of its King, the splendor of its court, the commanding talent of its generals and its ministers, the success in its arms, the nobleness of its literature. Marmontel narrates that throughout his life Louis XIV was always governed, either by his ministers or the ladies of his court. It would appear that no important act of that long reign emanated from the unprejudiced judgment of the monarch — the most absolute that ever reigned over France. Perhaps there is no more extraordinary history upon record than that of Madame de Maintenon at the court of Louis XIV, who governed by her influence one of the proudest sov- ereigns and through him the entire kingdom of France. In 1683 the Queen of Louis XIV, who was extremely fond of Madame de Maintenon, died in that lady's arms. From that hour Madame de Maintenon appeared to propose for her- self but one object in life — to become the wife of Louis XIV. Duke St. Simon's Testimony. " She brought to pass what our eyes have seen, but which posterity will refuse to believe. But what is very certain and very true is, that in the middle of the winter which followed the Queen's death, Louis XIV was privately married to Madame de Maintenon. Huguenot History. I2i " She had great remains of beauty, bright and sprightly eyes, an incomparable grace," says St. Simon, who detested her, " an air of ease and yet of restraint and respect, and a great deal of cleverness, with a speech that was sweet, correct, and in good terms, and naturally eloquent and brief." The marriage of Louis XIV to Madame de Maintenon was known only to a few persons at the French court, for Louis never pubhcly acknowledged her as his queen. He regarded her with great respect, and her opinion was sought by him on all occasions. Madame with her needlework now sat by him in all his con- sultations with his ministers of state, and he would very gal- lantly inquire of her at the end of these interviews : " What does your solidity think ? " And yet this brilliant long reign of seventy years of Louis XIY became sad and mournful to the French court. For the King kept up all his old state with all his untameable pride, for it was glory only he had sought, and yet with the weight of years his strength and spirit were gone. And Madame de Maintenon, though she had attained the summit of her earthly hopes in her marriage with Louis, would say : " No one could guess what a dreadful thing it was to have to amuse an unamuscable king." — The last record of Madame de Maintenon. October 22, 1685, the King struck a blow against her great- ness and prosperity, from which, even at the present day, France has never wholly recovered. It was on that day that, yielding at last to the solicitations of Madame de Maintenon and Father La Chaise, his confessor, he revoked the Edict of Nantes, and blotted out all the previous glory of his reign. Note — Pere la Chaise, a French Jesuit, confessor of Louis XIV, born August, 1624 ; died January, 1709. He promoted the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes. The King built for him a country-seat called "Mount Louis." Its gardens are now the cemetery Pere la Chaise, iu Paris . l6 122 The Records of Oxford. Duke St. Simon, a courtier of Louis XIV, writes of the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, though himself a Catholic, that it was ruinous to the interests of France. EXTKACT FROM BiSHOP BuKNEt's HiSTORY OF HiS OW^N TiME. He writes : " While 1 was in Paris I took a little house, and lived by myself as privately as I could until the beginning of Auo;ust, wdien I went to Italv. " I found the Earl of Montague at Paris, with whom 1 con- versed much, and from him I had knowledge of the affairs of the court that the king had been for many years weakening the interests of the Protestants." Rouvigny, who was the deputy-general of the churches, (known at the Enghsh Court as Earl of Galway still remained firm to the Huguenots ;) he told me that he was long deceived in his opinion of the king. CHAPTER XL Colonial History. Hon. William Stoughton, of Dorchester, Hon. Joseph Dudley, of Roxbury, contemplating a settlement, petitioned the General Court in respect to the ownership of lands in the Nipmuck country, and the rights of the Indians in them. The Court replied to this petition May 11, 1681, as follows : "The Court judgeth it meete to grant this motion, and doe further desire & impower the wor'pfll Wm. Stoughton & Joseph Dudley Esqrs. to take particular care & inspection into the matters of the land in the Nipmug Country, w^hat Colonial History. 123 titles are pretended to by ludeans or others, and the validity of them, and make retnrne of what they find therein to this Conrt as soone as may be. — Mass. Col. Rec., Y, 315. They fnrther reported, October 16, 1681 : " Since which time, in September last, perceiving a bet. ter vnderstanding amongst them, wee warned seuerall of the principall claymers to attend vs into the country & travajle the same in company with ns as farr & as much as one weeke would allow us & find that the southerue part, clajmed by Black James and company is capable of good setlement, if not too scant of meadow, though vncerteine what will fall w'thin bounds if our lyne be to be quaestioned." — Mass. Col. Rec, V, 328. The boundary between the Massachusetts and Connecticut colonies was at this time unsettled. The same commissioners, Stoughton and Dudley, were au- thorized by the General Court to treat with the Indians for that purpose, and " to agree with them upon the easiest terms that may be obtejned." — Ibid, 329. The action of the Court appears limited to the Nipmuck lands. On February 18, 1681-2, another report was made by the commissioners to the Court, stating that they had agreed for all the land belonging to the Hassanaraesit and Natick In- dians. " lying fower miles northward of the present Springfield road, & southward to that, haue agreed betweene Blacke James & them, of which wee aduised in our late returne, wee haue purchased at thirty pounds money & a coate. " The southern halfe of sajd country we haue purchased of Blacke James & Company, for twenty pounds." — 1 Mass. Col. Rec, V, 342. Stoughton and Dudley being approved by the Court, one thousand acres of land were voted to each for their " great care & pajnes." 1 24 The Records of Oxford. These grants were surveyed by John Gore, at Manchang, in cue phit, and confirmed to Stouglitoii and Dudley June 4, 1685. In act of the General Court in confirminfj this grant it is described, viz.: " Conteyning 1800 acres with allowance of ad- ditions of two hundred more next adjoyning to compleat the same to 2000 acres.... in the Nipniug Counti'y, at a place called Marichouge [Manchaug] the line being marked with rainging markes in the corners with S. D." [the initials of grantees]. — 2 Ibid, 343. 3 Ibid, 488. " According to the earliest plan in the Oxford Reckords, ' Manchaug Farm ' measured 674 rods on its east and west lines, and 434 rods on its north and south lines. This included both Stoughton and Dudley's shares. A later plan, made after the incorporation of the town of Dudley, in 1731, gives 'Manchaug Farm' as 1100 acres, the property of the 'heirs of Mr. Dudley,' and 'belonging' to Oxford. A still later plan made in 1756 shows 1020 acres as in Oxford, and belonging to Thomas Dudley — and adjoining it on the east ; in Sutton, is shown the balance of the plat as ' now llichard Waters,' and others." At Natick, May 19, 1682, these deeds, dated Feb. 10, 1681-2, were delivered. The commissioners reported to the Note. — On the back of the original deed is the following: viz. " Tliat on the twentieth day of May 1685 full and peassable possession and seizure, of the Lands within mentioned to be granted with the ap- purtenances was given by Benjamin the brother of Black James and Simon Wolomp son of the sayd Black James by delivery of a turffe of the Land called Mayanexet upon a small twigg, in the name of the whole, unto the within named William Stoughton and Joseph Dudley, which was so done under a tree growiug on the sayd Mayanexet land, and then marked S. D. in the presence of us." Whose names are underwritten. John Blackwith, robt. purdour. Note. — The Huguenots in the Nipmuck country. Colonial History. 125 court on May 27, 1682, that they had purchased "from the principall men of Naticke ... of a parcell of remote & wast land, belonging to said Indians, lying at the vtmost westerly bounds of Naticke, and, as wee are informed, is for quantity about acres, more or lesse, being mean land." These deeds received the confirmation of the Court. — Ibid, 361. The first deed was executed for the consideration of thirty pounds, and its first signature was that of Waban, who was chief at Natick. Attached to the same deed were twenty-two added signatures. In tlie second deed, executed for twenty pounds, was the signature of Black Jatnes of Chaubunagun- gamaug, followed by twenty-nine other signatures, " all that part of the Nipmug country, . . . lying and being beyond the great ryuer called Kuttatuck, or Nipmug [Blackstone] Ryver, and betweene a rainge of marked trees, beginning at sajd riuer and running south east till it fall vpon the south lyne of the sajd Massachusets colony on the south, and a certaine imaginary lyne fowre miles on the north side of the road, as it now Ijeth, to Springfeild on the north, the sajd great riuer Kuttatuck or Nipmuck on the eastward, and the sajd patent lyne on the westward." — Mass. Col. liec, Y, 361. First Deet>. " To all Christian People to whom this present Deed shall come ; "Know ye, that we Waban, Pyambobo, John Awassawog, Thomas Awassawog, Samuel Awassawog, John Awassa- wog, Jr., Anthony Tray, John Tray, Peter Ephraim, JS'ehe- miah James, Rumeny Marsh, Zackery Abraham, Samuel Neaucit, Simon Sacomit, Andrew Pittyme, Ebenezer Pegin, John Magnaw, James Printer, Samuel Acompanit, Joseph Milion, and Samuel Cocksquamion, Indian natives, and natural descendants of the ancient proprietors and inhabitants of the Nipmuck country (so called) and lands adjacent within the 126 The Records of Oxford. Colony of Massachusetts, in New England, for and in consid- eration of the sum of thirty pounds, current money of New England, to us in hand, at and before the ensealing and de- livery of these presents, well and truly paid by William Stoughton, of the town of Dorchester, Esq., and Joseph Dud- ley, of the town of Roxbury, Esq., both within the Colony of Massachusetts, the receipt of which valuable sum we do hereby ackno.wledge ourselves therewith fully satisfied, have granted, bargained, and sold unto said William Stoughton and Joseph Dudley, their heirs and assigns, forever, all the lands lying within the said limits or bounds, be they more or less. In witness whereof, we have hereunto put our hands and seals this 10th day of February, Anno Domini, one thousand six hundred and eighty-one, and in the four-and-thirtieth year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord, King Charles the Second, over England," &c. " Signed, sealed, and dehvered in presence of us, Samuel Ruggles, Sen., Daniel Morse, Samuel Gookin, John Allen, Obadiah Morse." " Waban, X his mark and seal. Pyambobo, u u John Awassawog, " " Samuel Awassawog, m " " Samuel Bowman, li " " John Awassawog, Jr., Y " " Anthony Tray, A " " Thomas Tray, Benjamin Tray, P Jethro, B Joseph Ammon, Jo Peter Ephraim, ho 4( a <( <( (( (C (( (( a a Colonial History. 127 Andrew Pittyme, An his mark and seal. Nehemiah, " " Zackery Abraham, R " " Samuel Neaucit, M " " Thomas Waban, m " " George Moonisco, G " " Eleazer T. Pegin, " " Simon Sacomit, " " Great Jacob Jacob, " " Elisha Milion, O, " " In the second deed is the following : "All that part of the sajd Nipmug country . . , lying & being on the south part of the sajd colony of the Mattachnsets, beyond the great riuer, . . . bounded with the Mattachnsets patent line . . on the south, and certeine marked trees, beginning at the sajd riuer aad ruuing south east, till it strike vpon the bounds the of sajd patent line; on the north, the said great riuer ; on the east, and coming to a point on the west." — 1 Mass. Col. Rec, Y, 362-365. Feb., 1681-2. The commissioners reported to the Court, " The whole tract in both deeds conteyned is in a forme of a trjangle & reduced to a square, conteyneth a tract about fifty miles long and twenty miles wide." — Ibid, 342. In the second deed there was a reservation of five miles square, to the native Indians, which might be chosen in two separate tracts of land. The first was on the Quinebaug river at Maanexit, three or four miles southerly of Chaubunagun- gamaug. The other tract of land, four or five miles south- easterly of Maanexit, in the present town of Thomj)son. — 1 Mass. Col. Rec, V, 488. Most of the first reservation was subsequently conveyed to Dudley or his heirs, and a part of the land was incorporated in the town which received his name. The second deed was of the same date, the same territory 128 The Records of Oxford. iiicliulcd, with tlie consideration of twenty pounds lawful money of New England, making fifty pounds as the full pay- ment for the relinquishment of the Indian title to the tract of country thus conveyed, but had a reservation, viz.: "Reserv- ing always unto ourselves, our heirs and assigns, out of the above said grant, a certain tract of land live miles square, at such two places as we shall choose, to be wholly at our own use and dispose." This reservation was at " Chanbunagunga- niaug, surveyed in October, 1684, to Black James and others. It extended west from Ohaubunagungamaug pond (from which the Indian town here took its name), over Maancxit river (French river). Nearly all this tract, with other lands be- tween the towns of Oxford and Woodstock, became the prop- erty of Joseph Dudley, and afterwards fell to his sons, the Hon. Paul and William Dudley. Part of this Indian land is now within the limits of Thompson, Ct., and part in Dudley." Second deed, signed sealed and delivered in presence of, William Parker, Isaac Newell, John Gove, Samuel Ruggles, Jr., Peter (his X mark) Gardiner, Ralph Brodhurst. Black James, TJ and seal. Sam Jaco, E " Benjamin, O " Simon Wolamp, Lo " Wolowa Nonck, F Pe Pey Pegans, ■ " Poponi Shant, Ts " Cotoosowk, son of Wolompaw, by his order, Wabequola, Wah Siebquat, his mark, S Colonial History. 129 A grant of land was made to Robert Thompson in the Nip- mug country, as follows : " This Court, being informed by our agents, now in Eng- land, of the good will & friendship of 'Maj Robert Thompson, of London, & his readiness vpon all occasions to be assistants to them in the service of this colony, wherein they are, accord- ing doe, by way of gratuity, give vnto the said Major Thompson & his heires, fine Inmdred acres of land in the Nip- mug country, to be lajd out, to him w'th all reasonable con- venience. Dated May IGth, 1683." — 1 Mass. Col. Rec, Y, 409. Major Robert Thompson, who is mentioned in this grant, had been for a length of time a resident of Boston, New England. He was a member of the first corporation established in England, by an act of Parliament July 19, 1649, for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Indians of New Eng- land, and when the Hon. Robert Boyle resigned the office of president of the society, he was succeeded by Major Thompson. He received a special grant of five hundred acres of land from Massachusetts, besides liis share of the grant for Oxford, in 1683, in acknowledgment of his good will and friendship for the colony. This grant was afterward laid out in the ter- ritory EAST of Woodstock, whicii became the north part of Kil- lingly. In 1731 the General Assembly of Connecticut granted to Joseph Thompson, Esq., of the Inner Temple, London, grandson and heir of the said Robert Thompson, Esq., of the parish of Stoke, Newington, deceased, two thousand acres, Note. — Governor Gurdan Saltonstall, in behalf of his great grand- father, Sir Richard Saltonstall, owned one thousand acres here. Josiah Wolcott, of Salem, had two thousand acres here, formerly the property of Thomas Freake. The first sale of land in this tract was by this Mr. "Wolcott and his wife Mary (Freake) "Wolcott, of Salem, to Josiah Sabin, April 10, 1716. 17 1 30 The Records of Oxford. near tlie grant before to liis grandfatlier, wliicli, with the five hunclt-ed as aforesaid, making two thousand five hundred acres, was given in remembrance of the vahiable services of Major Thompson. In 1730, "The North Parish of Killinglj" was, in honor to Major Thompson, clianged to Thompson's Parish. In 1785 it was again changed to Thompson. The grant for Oxford, Mass'tts, was mr.de May 16 — 1683. "Tliis court hauing information that some gentlemen in England are desirous to remove themselves into this colony, & (if it may be) to setle themselues vnder the Massachnsetts ; for the incouragement of such persons, and tliat they may haue some from among themselues, according to their motion, to as- sist & direct them in such a dcsigne, this Court doth grant to Major Robert Thompson Will jam Stoughton and Joseph Dudley, Esq., and sucli othei-s as they shall associate to them, a tract of land in any free place, conteyning eight miles square, for a towneship, tliey settling in the sayd place w'thin fower yeares, thirty familjes vfe an able orthodox minister, and doe allow to the sayd towneship freedom from country rates for fower years from the time aboue Ijmitted" — May 16, 1683." — Mass. Col. Ilec, vol. Y, p. 408. " The plan, a copy of which is now in the town clerk's oftice, comprehended forty-one thousand two hundred and fifty acres, or a little less than sixty-five square miles, and was two thou- sand one hundred and fourteen rods, or six and two-thirds miles on the easterly side ; three tliousand three hundred and forty rods, or about ten and a half miles on the southerly ; one thou- sand nine hundred and sixty-eight rods, or about six miles on the westerly ; and three thousand two hundred and sixteen rods, or about ten miles on the northerly. The description in the deed of division — hereafter described — begins at the south-west corner of Worcester, which was near the present village of Auburn, and from thence the line ran nearly south, to the north-west corner of Mr. Dudley's grant of one thou- Colonial History. 131 sand acres before alluded to,* and thence south fifteen degrees east, bj the west line of said farm to a point about one and a quarter miles south-westerly of the village of West Sutton, and a mile and a half west of Manchaug pond, known as ' Manchaug Corner' — thence west fifteen degrees south, to a point a little north of Peter pond in the easterly part of Dudley, and thence continuing westerly, crossing the Quine- baug riv^er to a point in the vicinity of Sandersdale, in the easterly part of Southbridge, thence northerly to a point about two miles westerly of Charlton city, on the Sturbridge line, thence easterly, bearing northerly, to the south-west corner of Worcester. " These lines enclosed, besides the present town of Oxford, nearly the whole of Charlton, about one-fourth of Auburn, one-fifth of Dudley, and three or four square miles of the north-eastern portion of Southbridge. " Through this tract there ran, due north and south a ' way,' twenty rods in width, called ' the common way.' The design of this unusual provision can only be conjectured, but as it is called on an old plan the 'proprietors' common way,' it was a reserve for the purpose of access to the several allot- ments of the lands west of the village. We find no sub- sequent allusion to it in the records, and later it is believed, it became a part of the village territory, and its western lines the boundary. This dividing line cut off from the main grant eleven thousand two hundred and fifty acres of the eastern portion, a tract six and two-thirds miles long, and two and one-half miles wide, which was given to the (planters) for a ' Village,' or a general Plantation. •' The remaining thirty thousand acres was divided into five equal parts, the division lines running easterly and westerly. These parts were allotted as follows : The nortliernmost to *The Huguenots iu the Nipmuck country. 132 ' TJie Records of Oxford. Robert Thompsoiij the second to Daniel Cox, the third to Wil- liam Stonghton, the fourth to Jolm Blackwell, and the south- ernmost to Joseph Dudley. Mr. Cox's portion is subdivided on the pLan between Blackwell, Freak and Cox. All the bounds mentioned in this deed were of a transient nature — marked trees, a heap of stones, or a stake, constituting them all except one, which is permanent, and this was at the north- east corner of the natural pond at the present Hodges' vil- lage. This bound marked ' the village line,' as it was called Mr, Blackwell' s north line joined the village line at this point, so that the pond was in the north-eastern angle of his portion, and is called on the plan referred to, ' Blackwell's pond.' On another plan of early date his share is designated as now ' Papillon's,' and on another later as ' Wolcut's and Wil- liams'.' " The following letter from Dr. Cox, of England, to Governor Bradstreet, dated "London, October 10, 1684. Note. — Josiali Wolcott, Esq., a gentleman in his time distinguished in the history of the town — as was Mr. Williams, both were grandsons of Peter Papillon of Boston. Note. — The deed of division gives the Indian name to the pond which was " Augutteback." Note. — The deed of division is a document of historical interest, and is now in possession of the New York Historical Society. It was pre- sented by Charles Welford, Esq., of Loudon, in tlie year 1872. This deed is on parchment, and elegantly executed, and is in good preserva- tion, the prominent words and phrases in old English German text. In size its length is two feet three inches, and two feet five inches in width ; it is closely written in a legible hand . Attached to the instrument are five loops of parchment, bearing only the remains of seals in wax at the bottom of the parchment like pendants. The left hand seal bears the name of Joseph Dudley, and the second William Stoughton, and the fifth has the name of John Blackwell. On the back of the document are the signatures of witnesses, viz.: Samuel Witty, Edward Thomas, Daniel Bondet, J. B. Tuflfean and Wil- liam Blackwell. Colonial History. 133 " Divers persons in England and Ireland, gentlemen, citizens, and others, being inclined to remove themselves into foreign parts, where they may enjoy, without interruption, the public exercise of the Christian religion, according to what they ap- prehend to be of Divine institution, have prevailed with Mr. Blackwell to make your country a visit, and inquire whether they may be there welcome, and which they may reasonably expect — that liberty they promise themselves and others, who will attend their motion." Among the associates of these three gentlemen whose names appear in the grant for Oxford, were Doctor Daniel Cox, Captain John Blackwell, of London, and Thomas Freake, of Hannington, in the county of Wilts, England. It would appear that these gentlemen were Puritan Dis- senters, who designed to remove and settle permanently in this country, but they were deterred by a favorable change in Eng- land in political and church affairs by the death of Charles II, and the short reign of James II, and William III succeeding to the throne of England, giving to England a constitution pro- tecting the rights of tlie people. On the petition of these grantees, in 16S5, the General Court extended the time for settling upon this grant the thirty families, as follows : "In answer to the motion and request of William Stoughton and Joseph Dudley, Esq., on behalf of Major Thompson and themselves, desiring this Court's favor to enlarge the time of their grant of their plantation, this Court do enlarge the time for settling that plantation therein mentioned, the space of three years from this day. January, 1685." — See Kecords of General Court, vol. V, p. 594. 1 34 The Records bf Oxford. CHAPTER XII. "The Huguenot's Farewell." "And I obey — I leave their towers Unto the stranger's tread ; Unto the creeping grass and flowers, Unto the fading pictures of the dead. "I leave their shields to slow decay, Their banners to the dust; I go, and only bear away Their old majestic name — a solemn trust. " I go up to the ancient hills Where chains may never be ; Where leap in joy the torrent rills, Where man may worship God, alone and free. " There shall an altar and a camp, Impregnably arise; There shall be lit a quenchless lamp, To shine unwavering through the open skies, '' And song shall 'midst the rocks be heard, And fearjess prayer ascend ; While thrilling to God's most Holy Word, The mountain pines in adoration bend. '' And there the burning heart no more, Its deep thought shall suppress; But the long buried truths shall pour Free currents thence amidst the wilderness. "Then fare thee well, my mother's bower. Farewell, my father's hearth ! Perish my home ! whence lawless power Hath rent the tie of love to native earth. " Perish ! let death-like silence fall, Upon the lone abode ; Spread fast, dark ivy — spread thy pall ! I go up to the mountains, with my God." Mrs. Hemans. The Edict of Najttes. 135 At the revocation of the Edict of Nantes 1685, many of tlie French exiles from Normandy, LannjuedoC; and other parts of France, repaired to England and Ireland. In London they were received with great kindness. Here the French artisans commenced trades in silk, tapestries, line linens and the build- ing of ships, and reached great success in other commercial de- partments. " The Episcopal church is not without its own traditions of amity with the Huguenots. In the closing years of the six- teenth century the silk looms of the French and Flemish refugees filled the crjpt of Canterbury Cathedral, and to this day the descendants of the persecuted people maintain their worship beneath the roof of that ancient and accredited home of Anglican religion." — Wm. R. Huntington, D. D. The Protestant countries of Europe, England, Holland, Germany and Switzerland, extended their sympathy and hospi- tality to the Huguenots. " The cordial understanding that existed between the Re formed Churches of France and the Church of England, dated from the time of Calvin." On their part the English Reformers showed no less cor- diality toward Calvin and other Continental divines, freely acknowledging the validity of their orders, and inviting their counsel and concurrence in the most important measures. The Church of England extended to them a generous wel- come. Bristol next to London presented great attractions to the French refugees, for here they enjoyed the favor and patronage of the Bishop, Sir Jonathan Trelawney, and a church offered them for French service. — Dr. Baird. Many refugees escaped to England without being able to secure any portion of their estates. For these provision was already secured. There was a balance that remained of a fund raised some few years before by contributions throughout England for the relief of French Protestants. Additional 1 36 The Records of Oxford. benefactions were added in April, 1686. The fund thus con- tributed amounted to the sum of a quarter of a million pounds sterling, known as the Royal Bounty. A royal letter or brief enjoining these collections was necessary in order to their le- gality, but as neither Charles 11 nor James II had any sym- pathy in the movement, it was done reluctantly. Refugees were assisted by the committee that dispensed the Royal Bounty, or by the consistory of the French church in London. " A brief for a collection on behalf of the Protestant refugees, was issued by King William III, in the year 1609. The proceeds amounting to nearly twelve thousand pounds, were intrusted as usual to the Chamber of the city of London, for safe keeping. From this fund disbursements were made by the Chamberlain, upon the order of the Archbishop of Canterbury, Sir William Ashurst, and others composing the Committee." In the early part of the seventeenth century it would ap- pear from the history of the Church of England of that time that the French divines were held greatly in favor by the English church, as extracts from an ancient " Treatise," by Bishop Hall will establish their relations of church sympathy. Bishop Hall refers to Dr. Prideaux, of Oxford, and Dr. Primrose of the French chui'ch, in London. While many of the French exiles were leaving the Old World and abandoning their homes, they sought protection and new homes on the shores of New England. " America was regarded by the wandering Huguenot as a blissful home," and no inconsideiable number came to this country. Mrs. Lee states with great truthfulness : " In viewing tlie refugees, we are not to lose sight of the peculiar circumstances under which they fled to this country ; — whole families together, women tenderly educated, and un- accustomed to hardship, ' men of relined and cultivated minds.' ' Some few were able to secure a portion of their wealth, others The Huguenots in Boston. 137 escaped with only their lives.' But they all brought with them those accomplishments and mental acquisitions which they had gained in polished society. Wherever the Huguenots made a settlement they were among the most estimable citizens." Dr. Snow, in his history of Boston, states that " during the summer of 1686 a number of vessels arrived at that port, hav- ing on board French refugees. " Many of whom were of the company who came to Kew Oxford, and had left England in reference to a settlement on that grant for a township." Thursday, July 5th. On this day Foy arrives. Several gentlemen came over with Foy, some of them with estates. — Diary of Samuel Sewell, vol. 1, p. 219. Gabriel Bernon arrived in Boston July 5, 1688, in the ship Dolphin, John Foy, master, with a company of forty persons. Bernon certifies he paid the passage of over forty persons to America. Bernon ship'd himself with his family, servants, and associates, with Capt. Foye and also with Capt. Ware. Foy did not sail from Gravesend before April 26, 1688, when Bernon signed a contract with Pierre Cornilly. — Bernon Papers. Bernon arrived in London from Amsterdam early in the year 1687. Here he was introduced to Mr. Robert Thompson by a French refugee. Mr. Thompson was the president of the Society for Promot- ing and Propagating the Gospel in New England. The General Court of Massachusetts had granted to a com- pany, organized with Robert Thompson at its head, a large tract of land, eight miles square, for the site of a settlement in New Oxford, in the Nipmuck country. No settlement had as yet been made. Bernon was made a member of this society for propagating the gospel among the Indians, and was ofiered a share in the company's Massachusetts lands, and be- 18 138 The Records of Oxford. came the founder of Oxford. Isaac Bertrand du Tuffean, a refugee from Poitou, hearing of Bernon's plans, offered to proceed to New England, obtain a grant, and coinmence a plantation. Bernon advanced money for the settlement. There was a French congregation in Boston established in 1685 ; a French church was erected in 1715 on School street. Rev. Laurent Van den Bosch was the first minister of the French congregation in Boston, having removed from Holland to England ; he conformed to the English church, and received a license from the Bishop of London. Mr. Yan den Bosch was not received favorably in Boston. He was succeeded by Rev. David de Bonrepos, who came from the island of St. Christopher to Boston in 1686, but subsequently in 1687 re- moved to New Rochelle, Staten Island, and New Paltz, in the New Yor'< province. Rev. Pierre Daille came to Boston in 1696, from New York, where he had been the French minister. Mr. Daille was possessed of great learning ; he wrote Latin fluently. The English sometimes attended the French church, as Rev. Pierre Daill6 was a favorite in society, but some of the English Puritans could not be pleased when a liturgy formed a part of the church service, or with any observance of Christmas or Easter. In the famous diary of Samuel Sewell there is the following item : " This day I spake with Mr. Newman about his partaking with the French Church on the 25th of December on account of its being Christmas day, as they abusively call it." Yet the excellent Cotton Mather said : " 'Tis my hope that the EngHsh Churches will not fail in Respect to any that have endured hard things for their faith- fulness to the Son of God." Note. — Diary of Samuel Sewall, vol. 1, p. 491. Note.— A large folio French Bible was presented to the French Protestant Church of Boston by Queen Anne. The Huguenots in Boston. \y\ In the French church after the benediction the congregation was dismissed with an injunction to remember the poor as thej passed the alms cliest at the church door. The will of Peter Daille, of Boston, clerk, is on record in the Probate Office of Suffolk County, Boston. In respect to his funeral, there is a " restriction that there be no wine at my funeral, and that none of my wife's re- lations have mourning clothes furnished them except gloves, and a request that ' all ministers of the Gospel within the sd Town of Boston and to the Rev. Mr. Walter of Eoxbury shall have scarves and gloves, as well as my bearers.' " The following bequests : " I give all my French (and Latin) Books to the French Church in Boston (where I have been a Teacher) as a Library to be kept for the use and benefit of the Ministers "—Vol II p. 238. ■ ' " Item : I give and bequeath to my loving wife Martha Daille, the sum of Three hundred and fifty pounds in Province bills or silver equivalent thereto, and my negro man serv' named Kuffy, and also all my plate, cloaths, household goods and furniture, to hold the same, to her the s'l Martha Daille, her heirs executors admin" and assigns forever. " Item: I give devise and bequeath unto my loving Brother Paul Daille (in Amsfort) in Holland and to his heirs and assigns for- ever all the residue of my estate both real and personal where- soever the same is lying, or may be found. " I give five pounds to old Mr. John Rawlins, French School- master. " Ult" : I do hereby nominate and appoint my (good friend M"- James Boudoin the sole) executor of this my last Will and Testament. Note.— Mr. Daill6 was married three times. His first wife Esther Latonice, died Dec. 1696. 140 The Records of Oxford.^ " In Witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and seal the day and year first within written. "Daille." (Seal). " Witnesses : " Benjamin Wadswoeth, " Phebe Manley, " Martha Willis." Offered for probate, May 31, 1715. The date given of the notice of his death in the Boston News Letter of May 23, 1715: " On Friday morning last, the 20th current, Dyed here the Reverend Mr. Peter Daille, Pastor of the French Congrega- tion, aged about 56 years. He was a person of great Piety, Charity, affable and courteous Behaviour, and of exemplary life and Conversation, much Lamented, especially by his Flock, and was Decently Interred on the Lord's Day Evening, the 22d Instant." Rev. Andre Le Mercier, a graduate from the Academy of Geneva, while in London, was invited to come to Boston by the French church, and one hundred pounds per year promised him. Le Mercier was a native of Caen, Normandy. Soon after the arrival of the French minister Le Mercier a small brick church was erected on School street upon the land which had been purchased with King William's gift. Mr. Le Mercier was the minister of the French church for thirty-four years until 1748. In 1730, O. S. Mr. Daniel Johonnot, Le Mercier, Andrew Sigourney, Note — In 1715 Andrew Faneuil, James Bowdoin, Daniel Johonnot and Andrew Sigourney were influential members in the church, and each at his death left a generous bequest to the minister of the French church. Fre?ich Settlemenfof Oxford. 14! Mr. Martin Brimmer, John Petel, Adam Duckeran, petitioned the General'Conrt of Mass. Baj, praying the Court to confer on them the rights and privileges of denizens or Free born subjects of the King of Great Britain or otherwise as the Court shall see meet for reasons mentioned. The prayer was so far granted as that the petitioners shall within this Province hold and enjoy all the privileges and im- munities of his Majesty's natural born subjects. Jour. House Rep. Mass. Bay in New England. French Settlement of Oxfokd, 1687. There are no records of the Oxford French settlement until November, 1687. A letter of a French Protestant refugee in Boston, dated November, 1687, published by the French Protestant His- torical Society : [ TRANSLATION.] "The Nicmok country belongs to the President, himself (Gabriel Bernon), and the land costs nothing, I do not know as yet the precise quantity that is given to each family ; some have told me it is from fifty to a hundred acres, according to the size of a family. ... It lies with those who wish to take up lands whether to take them in the one or the other plantations (Boston or New Oxford) — on the sea board or in the interior. The Nicmok plantation is inland, at a distance of twenty leagues from Boston, and equally distant from the sea ; so that when the settlers wisli to send any thing to Boston, or to obtain any thing from thence, they are obliged to trans- port it in wagons. In the neighborhood of this settlement Note. — Bulletin, xvi, 73. t42 The Records of Oxford. there are small rivers and ponds abounding in fish, and woods full of game. M. Boudet is their minister. The inhabitants as yet number only fiftj-two persons." — Bulletin, xvi, 73. At this time the number of French in Boston was very small. " Here in Boston," says the French refugee, writing in November, 16S7, "there are not more than twenty French families, and they are every day diminishing on account of departing for the country to hire or buy land,* and to strive to make some settlement. They are expected this spring from all quarters. Two young men have lately arrived from Caro- lina, who give some news from that colony." — Report of a French Protestant refugee in Boston, 1687. Translated from the French by E. T. Fisher, Brooklyn, N. Y. May 24, 16SS, is the date of the deed of Dudley and other proprietors, to Gabriel Bernon. The deed of division was executed July 3, 1688. These documents would prove that the thirty families were occupying their French plantations in the spring of 1688, the stipulated time having expired in the January previous. In the deed of division dated July 3, 1688, there is a de- scription of Mr, Dudley's portion of land, where it names his northeastern bound as " a white oak, square driven in the meadow, by the river which runs bj'^ and from the French houses. This bound was about one-third of a mile down the river from where the road to Webster now crosses it, and of course due south from the north-east corner of the Augutteback pond."t This is the only record we have relating to the existence of the hoiises of the French habitans at that time, and is a con- firmation of their location from tradition. *The French plantation of New Oxford. t The Augutteback pond is the original lake in Howarth's, not the pres- ent reservoir. The Old French Mill. 143 The deed to Bernon required that he should build a corn or grist mill within twelve months from the date of his deed ; 1689 is tlie next record of the French settlement. In March, 1689, is the contract of Mr. Cliurch for the mill for New Oxford. Mr. Bernon states that he had built in New Oxford "a corn mill! [mill], a wash leathern miln, and a saw miln." The corn mill was the upper site near what is known as Rich's mill. The saw mill near the south village street on the high- way leading to the French fort. The wash leather mill on the same river, situated between the corn and saw mills. These mills were located upon the river east of the village street. In the village records in 1714, the one near the south end is called the "Old Mill Place," and was the sawmill. At a later date the corn mill was built, at the upper site. The Old French Mill of New Oxford. [ " contract De Mr Cherch pour Le Moulin de New-oxford:'^ "Articles of Agreement had made concluded and agreed upon by and Between Caleb Church of \Vatertown Millright and Gabriel Bernon of Boston Merc' this Day of March Anno Domini One Thousand six hundred Eight Eight Nine. "Imp« The said Caleb Church doth Covenant^'and Agree with the 8'^ Gabriel Bernon that he shall and vill att his own Proper Costs and Charges Erect Build and ffinish a Corn or Grist mill in all poynts workmanlike in Such Place in the Village of Oxford as shall by the s'' Bernon be Directed the s" Mill House to be Twenty two foot Long and Eighteen foot Broad and Eleven foot stud Substantially and Sufficiently covered with a jett to Cover the W heele and a Chamber fitt for the Laying and Disposing Corn Bags or other Utensills Neces- sary for the s" Mill and the s'' Church doth Covenant to find att his Own Proper Costs all the Iron Worke Necessary for 144 The Records of Oxford. the 8*^ Mill and all other Things Except what is hereafter Expressed " Item, the said Gabriel Bernon doth Covenant and Agree with the said Caleb Church that hee will bee att the Charge of searhing Preparing and Bringing to Place the Mill Stones for the s^ mill and that he will by the Oversight and Direction of the s"* Church Make Erect and finish the Earth of the Dame that shall bee by the s** Church adjudged necessary for the s^ Mill and also will dig and Prepare the Place where the Mill shall be Erected and also will allow to the s*^ Church five hun- dred foot of Boards and Persons to help for the Cutting Down of the Timber and will bee att the Charge of Bringing the Timber to Place and further doth Covenant to pay to the s** Church for his Labor and Pains herein the Sume of forty Pounds two thirds thereof in money the Other Tiiird in goods att money price in Three Equall Payments One Third att the Ifalling the Timber One Third att the Raising and the Last att the finishing the s'* mill " Lastly the s"* Church doth Covenant and Promies to finish the s* Mill all sufficient and workemanlike and Sett her to "Worke by the Last day of Aug* next after the Day of the Date hereof In Wittness whereof they have hereunto sett their hands and seals the day and Year first above written " Caleb Church. [ Seal.A^ " Sealed and Delivered " in Presence of " I. Bertrand Dutuffeau " Tho Dudley." On the back of the original paper is the following : " Within named Caleb Church do ingage and promis to find the stones and laye them on to make mele at my one costs and charge for the which m"^ Bernon doth ingage and promis to The Old French Mill, 145 paye for the same one and twenty pounds in corent mony for the same to be concluded when the mill grinds " Boston May : y« 20 : 1689 " KiCHAED W1LKIN8 Caleb Church "Edmond Browne Gabriel Bernon." [Seal.'] L s: d " ffor the mill in first the sura of forty pounds 40 : 00 : secondly for the stones of the said one and twenty pounds 21 : 00 : forthely for an addition to the house six pounds 6 : 00 : (sic) 67: 00: Two receipts from Mr. Church : " Eeceived one third Part of the within mentioned sume of forty well is Thirteen Pounds six shillings and Eight Pence two thirds in money and one third in Goods by me " Caleb Church." "More I have received fifty three pounds tirteen shillings wich the above said sum are in all the sum of sixty and seven pounds in full following our s"^ bargain Boston : 4 february 1689-90 received by my " Caleb Church." " Peter Basset in witness " Gabriel Depont present." — Bernon Papers. — Dr. Baird. 19 H^ The Records of Oxford. CHAPTER XIII. Intercolonial Wars. 1. King William's War, 1689. The French settlement is estabh'shed at Oxford. The inhabitants are located on their plantations. Rev, Daniel Bondet is their minister; he so states in a letter to Lord Corn- bury, and accompanied these French Protestants to New Oxford. The mills are being erected for the convenience of tbe in- habitants. When in 1689 King William's war was declared in the Colonies it continued nearly eight years, and was the cause of the French inhabitants abandoning the settlement of New Ox- ford, it being unsafe to remain frcm the hosiility of the Indians. M^ Dan', Bondet's Repre.-en rations referring to N. Oxford, July 6•^ 1691. He mentions it as upon " an occasion which fills my heart with sorrow and my life of trouble, but my humble request will be at least before God, and before you a solemn protesta- tion against the guilt of those incorrigible persons who dwell in our place. " The rome [rum] is always sold to the Indians without order and measure,. . . .insomuch that according the complaint sent to me by Master Dickestean with advice to present it to your honor. " The 26 of the last month there was about twenti indians so furious by drunkness that they fought like bears and fell upon one called remes. , . . , who is appointed for preaching the gospel amongst them he had been so much disfigured by his wonds that there is no hope of his recovery. If it was your pleasure to signilie to the instrumens of that evil the jalosie of your athoreti and of the publique tranquility, you would do great good maintaining the honor of God, in a Christian habita- Daniel Allen, Representative. i/^y tion, comforting some honest souls which being incompatible witii such abominations feel every day the burden of afflixion of their honorable perigrination aggravated. Hear us pray and so God be with you and prosper all your just undertakins and applications tis the sincere wish of your most respectuous servant. " D. BoNDET, " minister of the gospell in a " French Congregation at New Oxford." 1693 is the date of the followin": record : " Andre Sigourney aged of about fifty years doe affirme that the 28 day of nouemb' last past he was with all of the village in the mill for to take the rum in the hands of Peter Canton and when they asked him way (why) hee doe abuse so the In- dieus in seleing them liquor to the great sliame and dangers of all the company, hee s** Canton answered that itt was his will and that he hath right sue to doe and asking him further if itt was noe him how (who) make soe manylndieans drunk he did answer that hee had sell to one Indian and one squa the valew of four gills and that itt is all upon w'^*' (which) one of the company named Ellias Dupenx told him that hee have meet an Indian drunk w'^'* (which) have get a bott (le) fooll (full) and said that itt was to the mill how sell itt he answered that itt may bee truth. " Andke Sigoubmay." " Boston, Dec. 5, 1693." The original document is in the possession of the Hon. Peter Butler. Quiney, Mass. — Huguenot Emigration to America, vol. 2, p. 273. In 1693 Daniel Allen was chosen representative from New Oxford to the General Court at Boston. Mr. Allen's name is found in the list for iiV.rS, as from this place. ' In this county Lancaster, Mendon and Oxford were repre- sented. 148 The Records of Oxford. Oxford having been granted by the Provincial government the privilege of representation was made liable to taxation. \\\ 1694 a moderate assessment was made and sent with an order for its collection, to the "Constable of the French Plantations." The following was sent in reply to this order: [ Andrew Sigourney to Sir William Phijpps^ etcl "To His Excellency Sir William Phipps, Kn't Capt. General and Governor in Chief of their Majesties' Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England, AND TO the Honorable Council " : " The humhle petition of Andreio Sigourney., Constable of the French Plantation., "Humbly Sheweth unto Your Excellency and to Your Honors, that your petitioner received an order from Mr. James Taylor Treasurer for collecting eight pounds six shillings in our plantation for Poll money, now whereas the Indians have appeared several times this Summer, we were forced to garri- son ourselves for three months together and several families fled, so that all our Summer harvest of hay and corn hath gone to ruin by the beasts and cattle which hath brought us so low that we have not enough to supply our own necessities many other families abandoning likewise, so that we have none left but Mr. Bondet our minister and the poorest of our plantation so that we are incapable of paying said Poll unless we dispose of what little we have and quit our plantations. Wherefore humbly entreat this Honorable Council to consider our miseries and incapacity of paying this poll, and as in duty bound we shall ever pray."* *Ma83. Archives, C, 502. — Payment was not enforced. We find an act later, " abating, remitting and forgiving " taxes from this place to tlie amount of thirty-three pounds and six shillings. — Province Laws 698, p. 341. Rev. Daniel Bondet in Boston. 149 This paper without date is endorsed, Read Oct. 10, 1694. — Mass. Archives, C, 502. Mr. Sigourney's declaration " The Indians have appeared several times this summer, we were forced to garrison our- selves for three months together, and several families fled." This statement reveals the cause of the decline and final ex- tinction of the settlement. Not long after the date of this petition, Rev. Mr. Bondet retired from the New Oxford settlement, and became a resi- dent of Boston. He left his plantation of two hundred acres of land, which he and his heirs never claimed. The Society for Propagating the Gospel Among the In- dians of New England was incorporated by Parliament in 1649. It was this society tliat appointed the Rev. Daniel Bondet to preach to the remaining Nipmuck Indians in the Indian town of Manchang (Oxford village), where he com- menced his labors with both the French and these natives in 1687. At this time Major Robert Thompson, the first named in the grant for Oxford, was President of the Society. " During this summer of 1694, a daughter of Mr. Alard, one of the refugees in the settlement of Oxford, on leaviiig her home, near the lower mills, accompanied by two younger chil- dren of the family, was murdered by some roving Indians, and the younger children were made prisoners, and taken to Que- bec. Several months must have elapsed before the parents knew the fate of their children who were captured." — Note, Bernon Papers. The following sketch is a transcript from an interesting and valuable paper, entitled : Note. — Andrew Sigourney, Constable (Connetable), an ancient offi- cer only second to the crown of France, formerly the first military officer of the crown. — See Constable Montmorency. 1 50 The Records of Oxford. "A Memoir of the French Protestants who Settled at Oxford, Massachusetts, 1687, by Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D,, OF Cambridge, Mass., Cor. Sec't Mass. Hist. Socip:ty." " Every thing concerning this interesting colony of exiles has hitherto been learnt from tradition, with the illustrations de- rived from scanty records, and original manuscripts. Many of these manuscripts, which are generally written in the French language, are in the possession of Mr. Andrew Sigourney,"* of Oxford, and the rest were principally procured by Mr. Sig- ourney for the compilation of this memoir." " Mr. Andrew Sigonrney is a descendant from the first of that name who was among the original French settlers of Ox- ford. To his kindness I am entitled for nearly all my materials for this part of the memoir. After giving me every facility at Oxford, in aid of my inquiries and researches, he made a jour- ney to Providence for the sole purpose of procuring for me the Bernon papers, which he brought to me at Cambridge. These papers were in the possession of Philip Allen, Esq. (Governor Allen, of Providence, a descendant of the Pernon family), and who has indulged nie with the MSS. to the extent of my wishes." Rev. Abiel Holmes, D. D., visited Oxford, Mass., in April, 1817. He writes : " I waited upon Mrs. Butlerf , who obligingly told me all she could recollect concerning the French emigrants." " Mrs. Butler was the wife of Mr. James Butler, who lives *Andrew Sigourney (Captain), sod of Anthony Sigourney, of Boston, was born in Boston, Nov. 30, 1752. Note. — Capt. Sigourney made his journey to Providence in a one- horse chaise, and subsequently to Cambridge, in the same manner of traveling, tMrs, Butler was the daughter of Anthony Sigourney of Boston, and was b, in Boston, March 23, 1741-2, Mrs. Butler s Reminiscences. 151 near the First Church in Oxford;* and when I saw her, was in the seventj-fiftli year of her age. Her original name was Mary Sigoiirney. Slie was a granddaughter of Mr. Andrew Sigour- ney, who came over when young with his father (Andrew Sigourney, 1st, from France). Mrs. Butler's "Reminiscences. Her grandmother's mother (the wife of Captain Germaine), died on the voyage, leaving an infant of only six montlis (who was the grandmother of Mrs. Butler) and another daughter, Marguerite, who was then six years of age.f "The information which Mrs. Butler gave me, she received from her grandmother, Mrs. Mary (Germaine) Sigourney, who lived to the age of eighty-three years, and from her grand- mother's sister. Marguerite (Germaine), married to Captain de paix Cazeneau, who lived to the age of ninety-live or ninety- six years, both of whom resided and died in Boston. Eeminiscences of Mrs. Mart (Germaine) Sigourney of Boston, as Given to Mrs. Bdtleb. " The refugees left France in 1684, or in 1685, with the utmost trepidation and precipitancy. The great grandfather of Mrs. Butler (Captain Germaine), gave the family notice that *The church on the north common. Note. — Mrs. Butler in her interview with Rev. Abiel Holmes D. D. narrates facts relative to the Germaine ancestry in leaving France, and not of the Sigourney family. tin an ancient French prayer-book of tlie Sigourney family, published 1641, there is the record of Marguerite (Germaine) Cazeneau's birth, viz. : Aunt Casno, born ye 12 Decemb. 1671. Mother Sigourney (Mary Ger- maine), ye 2 March, 1680, In 1686, at the time of Mrs. Germaine's death, leaving an infant, Mary Germaine, the grandmother of Mrs. Butler, was six years of age, and her sister, Mrs. de Paix Cazeneau, was fifteen years of age. 152 The Records of Oxford. they must go. They carae ojff with secrecy, with wliatever clothes they conld put upon tlie children," and left without waiting to partake of the dinner which was being prepared for them. When they arrived at Boston they went directly to Fort Hill, where they were provided for, and there continued until they went to Oxford. Mrs. Butler's account was entirely verbal, according to her recollection. Mrs. Butler stated the " French built a fort on a hill at Ox- ford, on the east side of French river." She also stated another fort and a church were built by the French in Oxford. Dr. Holmes writes : " Mrs. Butler lived in Boston until the American Revolu- tion, and soon afterward removed to Oxford. Her residence in both places rendered her more familiar with the history of the emigrants than she would have been, had she resided exclu- sively in either. She says they prospered in Boston after they were broken up at Oxford. Of the memorials of the primitive plantation of her ancestors she had been very observant, and still cherished a reverence for them." In 1817, very soon after my visit to Mrs, Butler, I received a letter from her husband, expressing his regret that she had not mentioned to me Mrs. Wheeler, a widow lady, the mother of Mr. Joseph Cooledge, an eminent merchant in Boston. Her maiden name was Oliver (Olivier). She was a branch of the Germaine familv, and related to " Old Mr. Andrew Sigournev " Note. — French Families. — Mrs. Butler named as of the first emigrants from France, the following families: Bowdoin and Boudinot came to Boston ; could not say whether or not they came to Oxford. Bouyer, who married a Sigourney. Charles Germaine, removed to New York. Olivier did not know whether tliis family came to Oxford, or not; but the ancestor, by the mother's side, was a Sigourney. Note. — Bouyer married Marie Anne, daughter of Daniel Johonnot, and Susanne Sigourney Jansen, who was daughter of Andrew Sigour- ney, Sr. Mrs. Butler s Reminiscences. 153 in whose family she was brought up, and at whose house she was married.* Mrs. Butler supj^osed slie must be between eighty and ninety years of age, and that being so much older than herself, she had heard more particulars from their ances- tors. But on inquiry for Mrs. Wheeler, in Boston, I found that she died a short time before the reception of the letters. How much do we lose by neglecting the advice of the son of Sirach? "Miss not the discourse of the elders; for they also learned of their fatliers, and of them thou shalt learn un- derstanding, and to give answer as need requireth." Db. Holmes Continues Mrs. Botlek's Keminiscences. " Mrs. Johnson (Jausen) the wife of Mr. Johnson (Jansen), who was killed by the Indians in 1696, was a sister of the first Andrew Sigournev.f " The husband, returning home from Woodstock while the In- dians were massacreing his family, was shot down at his own door. *Mrs. Marguerite Wheeler was the daughter of Antoine and Mary Sigourney Olivier (French refugees). She was born at Annapolis, Nova Scotia. November 6, 1726. She was married three times; in her first marriage to Joseph Cooledge of Boston; in her second marriage to Capt. Israel Jennison of Worcester, a son of Peter Jennison and a nephew of Hon. William Jennison; after Mr. Jennison's death she was married to the Rev. Joseph Wheeler, who was a member of the Provincial Congress in 1774; removed to Worcester in 1781, where he was register of the Probate Court till his death in 1793. Mrs. Wheeler died in Bos- ton, at her son's house, Mr. Joseph Cooledge, 1816, aged 90 years. Note.— Captain Israel Jennison died in Worcester, September 19, 1782. Mr. Joseph Wheeler died in Worcester, 1793. tMrs. Susanne Johnson (Jansen) was the daughter of the first Andrew Sigourney and sister to Andrew Sigourney, Jr., who rescued her from the Indians. It was early evening when the massacre of the Jansen family occuiTed; Mrs. Jansen was anxiously awaiting the return of Mr. Jansen from Woodstock. The names of the tliree unfortunate children of Jean Jansen who were massacred by the Indians were : Andre (Andrew), Pierre (Peter), Marie (Mary). Jean Jansen was a native of Holland, but of French extraction. 20 154 The Records of Oxford. " Mr. Sigournev, hearing the report of the guns, ran to the house and seizing his sister carried her out of a hack door and took her over French river, which they waded through, and fled towards Woodstock, where there was a garrison. The Indians killed the children, dashing them against the jambs of the fire-place." From Woodstock Records. " The inhabitants were aroused at the break of day by the arrival of the fugitives with their heavy tidings. The news of the massacre spread through the different settlements, filling them with alarm and terror. The savages might at any moment burst upon them. Their defenses were slight, ammu- nition scanty, their own Indians doubtful ; the whole popula- tion, men, women and children, hastened within their fortifica- tions. Posts were at once dispatched to Lieutenant-General Stoughton, commander of the Massachusetts forces, and to Major James Fitch at Norwich. The day and night were spent in watching and terror, but before morning the arrival Note. — The chimney base of the Jansen house is still preserved in Oxford at the Memorial Hall, as a relic of the massacre of the Jansen family. The name of Jansen is, in the Boston Records, Jeanson. A memorial stone has been erected on or near the site of the dwelling on the old Dudley road, on land belonging to the late Charles A. Sig- ourny, Esq., of Oxford. Tradition states Captain Andrew Sigourney visited yearly the site of the Jansen house to mark the ruins. Note. — ''Mrs. Shuraway, living near the Jansen house, showed Mrs. Butler the spot where the house stood, and some of its remains. " Col. Jeremiah Kingsbury, fifty-five years of age (1817), had seen the chimney and other remains of that house. " His mother, aged eighty-four years, told Mrs. Butler that there was a burying place called ' the French Burying Ground,' not far from the fort at Mayo's Hill. She herself remembered to have seen many graves there." \i yJiMrs. Shumway was the wife of Peter Shumway whose ancestor was a \\ Huguenot from France. Woodstock Records. 155 of Major Fitch, with his brother Daniel, a few EngHsh sol- diers, and a band of Pequots and Mohegans, somewhat allayed apprehensions. N^o enemy had been seen, but it was rumored they had divided into small companies, and were lurking about the woods. "It was proposed to leave a sufficient number of men for the defense of Woodstock, and send others to range for the marauders. The Wabquassets eagerly welcomed Major Fitch as their friend and master, and offered to join the Mohe- gans in their congenial service. The Woodstock authorities would gladly have employed them, but could not supply them with ammunition according to the laws of Massachusetts. To refuse their offer at this critical juncture, or to send them forth without ammunition, might enrage and forever alienate them, while conciliation and indulgence might make them the firm friends and allies of Woodstock, Under these circumstances. Major Fitch took the responsibility of employing and equip- ping these Indians; calling them all together he took their names, and found twenty -nine fighting men, twenty-five native Wabquassets, and four Shetuckets, married to Wabquassets. "Eighteen Wabquassets and twenty-three Mohegans then sallied out together, under Captain Daniel Fitch, to range through Massachusetts, with a commission from Major Fitch, as magistrate and military officer, asking all plantations to which they might come for supplies and accommodations. Scarcely had they gone forth when four strange Indians were discovered at the west end of the town, but whether enemies or not they could not tell. At evening a scout from Provi- dence arrived, being the captain with fourteen men, who had been out two days northward of Mendon and Oxford, but made no discovery. Captain Fitch and his men were equally unsuccessful, and the invading Mohawks effected their escape uninjured." Note. — Miss Larned's History of Windham County. 156 The Records of Oxford. '* It is stated on the intelligence of those outrages, and the appearance of hostile parties near Woodstock, Major James Fitcli marched to that town. On the 27th a party was sent out of thirty-eight Norwich, Mohegan and Nipmiick Indians, and twelve soldiers, to range the woods toward Lancaster, un- der Captain Daniel Fitch ; on their march they passed through Worcester, and discovered traces of tlie enemy in its vicinity." A Letter from Captain Daniel Fitoh to the Rt. Hon. William Stoughton, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief, etc. " Wliereas we are informed of several persons killed at Ox- ford on Tuesday night last past, and not knowing what danger might be near to Woodstock and several other fron- tiers toward the western parts of the Massachusetts province, several persons offering volunteers, both English and Indians, to the number of about fifty (concerning which the bearer, Mr. James Corbin, may more fully inform your honor), all of which were willing to follow the Indian enemy, hoping to find those that had done the late mischief : In prosecution whereof, we have ranged the woods to the westward of Oxford, and so to Worcester, and then to Lancaster, and were freely willing to spend some considerable time in endeavoring to find any of the enemy that may be upon Merrimac or Penicook rivers, or any where in the western woods; to which and we humbly request your Honor would be pleased to encourage said design, by granting us some supply of provisions and ammunition ; and, also, by strengthening us to any tiling wherein we may be short in any respect, that so we may be under no disadvantage or discouragement." They may further inform your Honor that on the Sabbath day coming at a place called Half Way River, betwixt Oxford and Worcester, we came upon the fresh tracks of several Indians, which were gone towards Wor- cester, which we apprehend were the Indians that did the late Jansen Massacre. i^y damage at Oxford, and being very desirous to do some ser- vice that may be to the benefit of his Majesty's subjects, we humbly crave your Honor's favorable assistance. "Herein I remain your Honor's most humble servant, accord- ing to my ability. Daniel Fitch." " Lancastek, 31^^^ August, 1696. " Not far from Oxford, in the village of the Wabquassets, a clan of the Nipmuck tribe, near New Roxbury, or Woodstock, lived an Indian known to the English as ' Toby,' who was distinguished among his more sluggish and pacific people for a restless, schemhig disposition. Toby is now the 'great man or captain ' among these JSFipmuck Indians." " On Tuesday, the twenty-hfth of August, 1696, Toby, with a party of Indians, toward evening approached the ' French houses ' at 'New Oxford. The habitation of Jean Jansen was situated on what has ever since been known to the English as Johnson's plain." " Toby leaving his residence, is sometimes pi-ivately among his relatives at Woodstock, and at hunting houses in the wilderness." " But liis activity in the service of the Canadian enemy is greater than ever. At one time, he appears at a meeting of the Canada Mohawks with their brethren among the Five Na- tions, and tells them if they will 'but draw off the friend In- dians from the English,' they can ' easily destroy ' the New England settlements." Note 1. — Huguenot Emigration to American. Dr. C. W. Baird, vol, II. Note. — "January 29, 1700, Governor Wiuthrop, of Connecticut, in correspondence with Governor Bellemont of New York, referred to it as an occurrence to be remembered, and tlie friendly Mohegans wlio met in council at New London, spoke of Toby as the Indian 'that had a hand in killing one Jansen. One Toby the principal instigator who had a particular hand in killing one Jansen.' " Documents relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York. Vol. IV., pp. 612-630. 158 The Records of Oxford. "At another time he is in Norwich, Connecticut, bearing a belt of wampum to the loyal tribes, inviting them to join in a general uprising."* Reminiscences of Mrs. Mary Germaine Sigourney, as given TO Mrs. Mary Sigodrney Bdtler. Immediately following the massacre, the Huguenots decided to abandon the settlement in New Oxford. Early on the morning of their departure, the different famihes bade adieu to their homes and plantations ; the doors of their dwellings were closed, and the narrow diamond casements were darkened by the heavy inside shutters, and their homes with their gar- dens, orchards and vineyards were again to be deserted for new homes, leaving their harvests and vintage unharvested. *'* The Information of Black James, taken from liis own mouth on Feb. the 1st, 1699-1700: " That he being in the woods a hunting, came to a place near Masso- muck to a great Wigwam of five fire places and eleven hunting Indians ; he went into the Wigwam towards one end of it, and saw an Indian w'''' seemed to hide himself, he turned himself towards the other end of the Wigwam, and met there a man called Cawgatwo, a Wabquasset Indian, and he asked if he saw any strange Indians there; he said I saw one I did not know ; then Toby came to him, and another stranger and Caw- gatwo told him that was Toby ; he said he would go away to-morrow, they bid him not go away, for to-morrow they should discourse ; the next morning they went out and called this James and bid him come and see the Wampom they had gathered ; he asked what that Wampom was for, they said it was Mohawk's Wampom ; the Dutchman had told them that the English had ordered to cut off all Indians, and they had the same news from the French, and therefore we are gathering and send- ing Wampom to all Indians, that we may agree to cut off the English ; and Cawgatwo told this James that Toby brought that Wampom and that news from the Mohawks; then he went home and told his own company, and desired them to send Word to the Mohawks and Nihan- ticks of this news." (Information respecting a rumored rising of the Indians. Docu- ments, etc., Vol. IV, pp. 613-616.) The Departure of the Huguenots, 159 The refugees repaired to their chapel for a 'matin service ; they then retired to the little churchyard in front of the chapel to take leave of the graves of their friends. In imagination one can picture the little groups as they departed in a silent pro- cession and moved onward over the forest paths toward Boston. Nothing can be added to this simple narrative of Mrs. Mary Germaine Sigourney who was herself one of the refugees and whose reminiscences have been treasured so sacredly by her descendants. Mary Germaine, born in France in 1680, must have been at this time sixteen years of age, and her sister, Mrs. Marguerite (Sigourney) Cazeneau, twenty-five years of age. The Deskrted House. Life and thought have gone away ;^:!"V; Side by side, Leaving door and windows wide:' Careless tenants they ! All within is dark as night : In the windows is no light ; And no murmur at the door, So frequent on the hinge before. Close the door, the shutters close Or thro' the windows we shall see The nakedness and vacancy Of the dark deserted house. Come away; no more of mirth Is here or merry-making sound. The house was builded of the earth, And shall fall again to ground. Come away; for life and thought Here no longer dwell; But in a city glorious — " '\ A great and distant city have bought A mansion incorruptible. Would they could have stayed with us ! Tennyson. A French document signed in Boston, September 4, 1696, by the principal French planters of " new oxford," shows that Mrs. Jeanson and her brother, Mr. Sigourney, had returned i6o The Records of Oxford. from Woodstock, to which place they had fled on the night of the massacre, Angust 25th, and, also, the abandonment of the French plantations in JS^ew Oxford, and the return of the French inhabitants to Boston. The first record we find of the French refugees after leav- ing New Oxford is the following certificate, signed in Boston, September 4, 1696, O. S. Nous sousignes certifiions et ateston que Monsr. Gabriel Bernon non a fait une despence [depeuse] considerable a new oxford pour faire valoir la Ville et encourager et ayder les hab- itans. et quil [qu'il] a tenu sa maison en etat jusques a ce que en fin les Sauvages soient venus masacrer et tuer John John- son et ses trois enfens [enfans] Jet que netant [n'etant] pas soutenu il a ete oblige et forse d'abandoner son Bien. en foy de quoy lui avons signe le present Billet, a Baston le 4® Sep- tembre 1696 :* Jermon8 Baudouin Benja faneuil Jaques Montier Nous attestons ce qui est desus et t marque [est] veritable. X marque de pais cazaneau MoussET Entien [Ancien] V marque de Abraham Sauuage Jean Rawlings Ancien * marque de la vefue de Jean Jeanson P. Chardon Charle Germon Entien *NoTE. — We subscribe, certify and attest that Mr. Gabriel Bernon has been at a considerable expense at New Oxford for to make valuable the village, and to encourage, aid the inhabitants, and that he held his house and estate until the time the Savages came and massacred and killed John Johnson and his three children, and not being protected he was obliged and forced to abandon his goods. In faith of which we have signed the present bond. Bastan,* the 4th September, 1696. * The French orthography of Boston. French Records. i6i Nous certiffions que ce sont les marques de personnessusdites. Daille Ministre Baudodin Jacques Montier Barbut Elie Dupeux Andre Sigournat Jean Maillet Jean Millet Ant. Nous declarons ce que dessus fort veritable ce que John Johnson et ces trois en fans ont ete tue le 25® Auost [Aout] 1696 : en foy de quoj avons signe. MoNTEL DuPEDX I. B. Marque de Jean baudoutn Jacques Depont Philip [obscure] Jermon Rene Grignon Je connais et le soy d'experiance que Mr. Gabriel Bernon a fait ses efforts pour soutenir notre plantation, et y a depance pour cet effet un bien considerable. Bureau L'aine [the elder or senior] Peter Canton We underwritters doe certifie and attest that Mr. Gabriel Bernon hath made considerable expences at New oxford for to promote the place and incourage the Inhabitants and hath kept his house until the s*^ 25*^ August that the Indians came upon s'l Plantation & most barbarously murthtred John Evans John Johnson and his three childrens. Daeed Bastan 20th Septemb. 1696. John Usher Wm Stoughton John Butcher Increase Mather Laur Hammond Charles Morton Jer. Dummer Nehemiah Walter minf Wm. Fox. Translation. "By original manuscripts, dated 1696, and at subsequent periods, it appears that Gabriel Bernon, merchant, of an an- 21 1 62 The Records of Oxford. cient and noble family in La Roclielle, was the president of the French plantation in Oxford, and expended large sums of money for its improvement. An original paper in French, signed at Boston, Sept. 4, l(i96," by the principal French planters, certifies this fact in behalf of Mr. Bernon ; and sub- joins a declaration that the massacre of Mr. Johnson [Jansen] and of his three children by the Indians was the unhappy cause of his losses, and of the abandonment of the place. From an Ancient Record of 1697. All the places are named between ISTew York and Boston " where travelers could find entertainment for man and beast." And over this forest path all tlie French refugees traveled from Oxford via Boston, to New York, and New Rochelle, N. Y. "From New York to Boston it is accounted 274 miles, thus, viz. : From the ]wst-office in New York to Jo. Clapp's in the Bowery, is 2 mile [which generally is the baiting place, where gentlemen take leave of their friends going so long a journey], and where a parting glass or two of generous wine " If well applied, make their dull horses feel One spurr i' the head is worth two in the heel." From said Clapp's (his tavern was near the corner of Bayard street), to half-way house, 7 miles; thence to King's bridge, 9; to old Shute's at East Chester, 6 ; to New Bochel Meeting- House, 4; to Joseph Norton's, 4; to Denliam's, at Rye, 4 ; to Knap's, at Horseneck, 7 ; to Belben's, at Norwalk, 10 ; to Burr's, at Fairfield, 10 ; to T. Knowles' at Stratford, 9 ; to Andrew San- ford's, at Milford, 4 ; to Capt. John Mills', at New Haven, 10 ; to the widow Frisbie's at Branford, 10 ; to John Hudson's, at Guilford, ; to John Grissil's, at Killinsworth, 10 ; to John Clarke's, at Seabrook, 10; to Mr. Plum's, at New London, 18 ; to Mr. Sexton's, 15 ; to Mr. Pemberson's, in the Narragansette country, 15 ; to the Frenchtown, 24; to Mr. Turnip's, 20 ; to Resettlement of O.xford. 163 Mr. WoodeoL-k's, 1;'; to Mr. Billino-s' farm, 11; to Mr. White V, 6 , to Mr. P^'islier's, 6 ; and from tlience to the great town of Boston, 10, where many good lodgings and accommo- dations mav be had for love and money." CHAPTER XIV. E.KSETTLEMEMT OF THE FrENCH IN OxFORD INTERCOLONIAL Wars. II. Queen Ann^s War. At the close of King William's War, the peace of Ryswick, in 1697, was of short continuation. In 1702, England was engaged in war with France and Spain, and the American colonies were interested in what was called Queen Anne's War. In 1699 there was a resettlement of French Protestants at New Oxford, with the Rev. James Laborie for their minister. Queen Anne's War soon commenced. This war between Eng- land and France greatly exposed the New England colonies to increased Indian irruptions and barbarities. And this war caused the dispersion of the second French settlement in New Oxford. An ancient record of this settlement is the petition of the " Inhabitants of the town of New Oxford," by James Laborie, their minister, dated October 1, 1699." [James Laborie " Tou His Excellencie and tou the Honorable Council.^^] " My Lord and most Honorable Council : " Mr. Bondet, formerly minister of this town, not only satis- fied to leave us almost two years before the Indians did com- mit any act of hostility in this place, but carried away all the 164 The Records of Oxford. hooks wliicli haii been oiven for the use of the phiiitation, with the acts and papers of the vilL\o-e, we most humbly supplicate your Excellency and the most Honorable Council to oblige Mr. Bondet to send back again said books, acts, and papers belong- ing to said plantation.* " The inhabitants, knowing that all disturbance that hath been before in this plantation, have happened only in that some people of this plantation did give the Indians drink without measure, and that at present there is some continuing to do the same, we most humbly supplicate your Excellencj', and the Honorable Council to give Mr, James Laborie, our minister, full orders to hinder those disturbances which put us in great danger of our lives. The said inhabitants complain also against John Ingall, that not only he gives to said Indians drink with- out measure, but buy all the meat they bring, and goes and sell it in other villages, and so hinders the inhabitants of putting up any ])rovisions against the Winter. We most humbly suppli- cate your Excellency and most Honorable Council to forbid said John Ingall to sell any rhoom, and to transport any meat out of the plantation that he hath bought of the Indians, be- fore the said inhabitants be provided." ItOYAL Historical Society, 11 Chandos Stkeet, ) Cavendish Squake, W., 28, 6, '84. \ Dear Madam — At last I am able to send you all the in- formation that is probably now to be had here about M. Bondet. The " Society for the Propagation of the Gospel," to which you refer, is now known as the " New England Company, * Note. — Mr. Bondet was the minister of the church and public clerk, and the custodian of the records. Tlie records of the French settlement in Oxford, are not to be found with French records in Boston. They were doubtlessly sent to England by Mr. Bondet. Records from Royal Historical Society. 165 London," whose liistory I have the pleasure to send yon l)y book post. The secretary of the company (Dr. Venning) has been kind enough to make a most careful search through the papers of tlie company, but only, 1 regret to say, with small result, as all the papers of the company between the years 1685 and 1696 inclusive, were destroyed by fire many years ago. The only notice he has found is in the minutes of a meeting held 17th Feb., 1698 : "A letter from Richard, Lord Bellemont, to the governor, being read, relating to a proposal of providing five itinerant ministers to preach the Gospel to the Five Nations of the Indians, "Ordered, That Monsieur Bondet (recommended by Mr. John Ruick) be one of the said five ministers, and that the other four be sent from Harvard College in Cambridge, to be chosen by the Commissioners there. And that the said five ministers dwelling in and preaching to the inhabitants of those Five Nations have £60 per annum allowed them out of the stock of the Company in New England." With many regrets that I am able to add so little to your knowledge of M. Bondet, I remain, dear madam, Very faithfully, yours, P. Edward Dove. Mrs. Mary de W. Fkeeland. Lambeth Palace, S. E., ) 13 March, 1884. \ Madam — I am directed by the Archbishop of Canterbury to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 20 Feb. His Grace desires me to inform you that he believes the So- ciety for the Propagation of the Gospel have no records prior to the establishment of the Society. 1 66 The Records of Oxford. For information as to records, prior to that date, it might be advisable for yon to apply to Professor Baird of New York, or to S. W. Kershaw, Esq., M. A., Librarian Lambeth Palace. I am, madam, Yours faithfnlly, Montague Fowlee, Chaplain. Mrs. Mary de W. Freeland. A Letter from the Lord Bishop of London. London House, \ St. James' Square, S. W., \ March 22, 1884. \ Madam — I have much pleasnre in forwarding to yon the en- closed extract from Bishop Compton's Registry. You will observe that Daniel Bondet was ordained Deacon tfe Priest on the same day. No less than 27 Frenchmen were ordained by the Bishop of London between Feb. 28, 1G85, & August 2i;, 1686, and all of them were made Deacons and Priests at the same time. This is not the case with the English Clergymen ordained at the same period. They remained for some time in the Diaconate. I infer therefore that the French Clergy were ordained for service abroad where they wonld not have an opportunity of obtaining Priest's Orders ; and it is probable that they did not officiate in England. Note: — Lambeth Palace, S. E., \ 11 June, 1884. ( Dear Madam — I am directed by the Archbishop of Canterbury to thank you for your letter of the 16th inst., and to send you the enclosed autograph. I am, dear madam, Yours faithfully, MANDEVILLE B. PHILLIPS, Asso. Secretary. Mrs. M. de W. Freeland. Letter from the Lord Bishop of London. 167 You have I understand received from the Secretary of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel all the information they have in their office respecting Mr. Bondet and I fear that there are no further records of him in England I am Madam Tr obedient Servant J. London. Mrs. Mary de W. Fkeeland. Documents Received feom the Lord Bishop of London. Extract from Bishop Compton's Register of tiie Names of Persons ordained by him ; preserved in the registry of the See of London. A Latin copy of the ordination of Rev. Daniel Boudet was enclosed in the Lord Bishop of London's letter and the copy certified by the Sub-Dean of St. Paul's Cathedral. A translation. 13 day of April 1686 On this day Daniel Bondet of France was admitted to holy orders as Deacon and Priest by the above written Lord Bishop. The Lord Bishop above written is the Reverend in Christ, Father Flenry, Bishop of London by divine authority. FuLHAM Palace, June 30, 18^4. Mrs. M. de W, Freeland : The Bishop of London is very sorry that he cannot give Mrs. Freeland any information about records of the "Lords of Trade" or as to the office in which they are likely to be found. He has no doubt that the Sec. of the Soc. for Propagation of the Gospel, will give Mrs. Freeland any information he can if he be applied to but he has of course very little spare time. 1 68 The Records of Oxford. " James Laborie in this particular most humbly supplicate your Excellency and the most Honorable Council to give him a peculiar order for to oblige the Indians to observe the Sab- bath Day, many of the said Indians to whom the said Laborie hath often exhorted to piety, having declared to submit them- selves to said Laborie's exhortations if he should bring an or- der with him from your Excellency, or from your honorable Lieutenant Governor, Mr. Stanton, or the most Honorable Council. "Expecting these favors, we shall continue to pray God for the preservation of your Excellency, and the most Honorable Council, etc. James Laborish." This petition is indorsed "L re, written 1st Xbr 99 with a proclamacon for the observance of the Lord's Day inclosed." Monsieur Laborie to the Earl of Bellemont. " At New Oxford, this Ylth June, 1700. " My Lord : "When I had the honor to write to your Excellency, I did not send you the certificate of our inhabitants with reference to Monsieur Bondet, for the reason that they were not all here. I have at length procured it, and send it to your Excellency. As to our Indians, I feel myself constrained to inform your Excellencv tliat the four who came back, notwithstanding all the protestations which they made to me upon arriving, had Note. — Same year " His Excellency also acquainted the board that by express from New Oxford that he had received a letter from Lieu- tenant Sabin of Woodstock," "concerning the Indians who had gone eastward." — Council Rec, 94. Advised and consented that his Excellency issue forth his warrant to Mr. Treasurer, to pay forty shillings unto John Ingall, sent with an ex- press from Oxford bringing the news." February 7th, 1699.— Council Rec, 95. Commerce of Oxford in IJOO. 169 no other object in returning than to induce those who had been faitliful to depart with them. They have gained over the greater number, and to-day they leave for Penikook — twenty- tive in all — men, women and children. I preached to them yesterday in their own tongue. From all they say, I infer that the priests are vigorously at work, and that they are hatching some echeme which they will bring to light so soon as they shall lind a favorable occasion." Earl of Bellemont to the Lords of Trade, London (July 9, 1700). "Mons. Labourie is aFrench minister placed at New Ox- ford by Mr. Stoughton, the Lieutenant-Governor, and myself, at a yearly stipend of £30, out of the corporation money ; there are eight or ten French families there that have farms, and he preaches to them. * * * " The Indians about the town of Woodstock and New Oxford, consisting of about forty families, have lately deserted their houses, and corn, and are gone to live with the Penicook In- dians, which has much alarmed the English thereabouts, and some of the English have forsaken their houses and farms and removed to towns for better security. That the Jesuits have seduced these forty families is plain. * * * Mr. Sa bin is so terrified at the Indians of Woodstock and New Oxford quit- ting their houses and corn, that he has thought fit to forsake his dwelling and is gone to live in a town. All the thinking people here believe the Eastern Indians will break out against the English in a little time." The Commerce of Oxford Nearly Two Hundred Years Ago. In 1700, during the time of the return of the French refu- gees to the settlement of Oxford, " from time to time wagon Note.— Peanacook was the name of an Indian settlement at the present site of Concord, N. H. 22 I/O The Records of Oxford. loads of dressed skins were sent down to Providence, to be shipped to Bernou (who was residing in Newport) for the sup- ply of the French hatters and glovers in Boston and New. port," quite a contrast to transportation by railroad of the pres- ent time. " Several of the French Protestants in Boston were engaged in the manufacturing of hats. They were sup})lied with peltries for this purpose by Bernon, who received the dressed skins from his ' Chamoiserie ' at Oxford, and forwarded them to Peter Signac, John Baudouin and others in Boston, as well as to John Julien, who pursued the same business in Newport. " A cargo shipped in August, 1T03, to his agent Samuel Baker, comprised otter, beaver, raccoon, deer and other skins, valued at forty -four pounds." The dressing of chamois skins, and the making of gloves, were among the arts in which the Huguenots excelled. " Hat making was among the most important manufactories taken into England by the refugees. In France, it had been al- most entirely in the hands of the Protestants. Tliey alone possessed the secret of the liquid composition which served to prepare rabbit, hare and beaver-skins ; and they alone supplied the trade with fine Caiidebec hats, in sucli demand in Eng- land and Holland. After the Revocation, most of them went to London, taking with them the secret of their art, which was lost to France for more than forty years. " It was not until the middle of the eighteenth century, that a French hatter, after having long worked in London, stole the secret the refugees had carried away, took it back to his country, comnmnicated to the Paris hatters and founded a large manufactory." * A record from the French church in Boston, dated June 29, * History of the French Protestant Refugees, from the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes to Our Own Days. Charles Weiss. Vol. I, book III, Chapter III. A Petition to Gov. BelUmont. 171 1702, signed by Peter Chardon and Eene Grignon. The French Protestants of Boston, in a petition to Governor Belle- mout, to the Council and Aesembly of Representatives, then in session in Boston, for aid in support of the Gospel ministry among them. (We) "have borne great charges in paying taxes for the poor- of the country, and in maintaining their own poor of this town and those of New Oxford, who by occasion of the war witli- drew themselves, and since that they have assisted many who returned to Oxford in order for their re-settlement." (They) " have recourse to this honoral)le Assembly, which God has established for the succour of the afflicted, especially the faith ful that are strangers." Gov. Dudley to (Boston, July 7th, 1702) Mr. Gabriel Ber- non, in reply to his petition for aid in the protection of his property against the Indians. " Herewith you have a commis- sion for captain of New Oxford. I desire you forthwith to re- pair thither and show your said commission, and take care that the people be armed, and take them in your own house, with a palisade, for the security of the inhabitants ; and if they are at such a distance in your village that there should be need of an. other place to draw them together in case of danger, consider of another proper house, and write me, and you shall have orders therein. " I am, your humble servant, "J. Dudley." The resettlement of French Protestants in Oxford, is named in the Council records. In the summer of 1703, soldiers were sta- tioned here for the protection of the inhabitants from the Indians. "An accompt of wages and subsistence of thirteen soldiers, whereof one a sergeant, posted at Oxford and Hassanamisco in Note. In 1703, the Indians were conspiring to attack the settle- ment. Lieut. Tobin of Woodstock reported to the Massachusetts Coun- cil, April 9, 1702: " That the Indians were plotting mischief, and that he had ordered a garrison to put in repair and a military watch kept." 172 TJic Records of Oxford. the Slimmer past, was laid before the board and there examined and stated the whole sum, with other incidental charges amomit- ing to forty pounds, fifteen shillings, tliree and a half pence. " Ordered paid Dec. 24th, 1703." — Council Rec, 509. In 1704 Bernon had transactions in business with people in New Oxford. CHAPTER XY. J. Dudley to G. Bernon. " Boston, SOiJ/i May, 1707. " Sr : I am very unhappy in my affayres at Oxford, both with your Cooper & the Jiegro Tom. I must desire you to take other care of your alfayres than to improve such ill men that disquiet the place, that I have more trouble with them than with seven other towns. If you do not remove them yourself, I shall be obliged to send for the Negro & turn him out of the place, & I understand Cooper is so criminal that the law will dispose of him. I pray you to use your own there not to Destroy or Disturb the Governour or your best friend, who is, Sr., your humble servt., " J. Dudley. " Send an honest man and he shall be welcome. I pray you to show what I write to Mr. Gritrnon." " To Mr. Gabriel Bernon, Newport, Road Hand." Mr. Bernon soon makes an engagement with new tenants. Note 1. — In 1704, James Laborie left Oxford, and was in October established over the French church in New York. A final abandon- ment of the settlement ensued, and no further record of its history is to be traced. Note 2. — The accounts of the Chamoiserie show that Oxford con- tinued to be occu])ied by the French until 1704. Bernoii's Contract. 1/3 Ageeement between Gabriel Bernon and Oliver and Na- THANAEL CoLLER. " Know all meii by these presents that I Gabril Bernon hath bargind with and let vnto Oluer Coller and "Nathanel Coller uiy howse and farme at new oxford Called the olde mill; with four Cowes and Calfes the which said farm and Cowes I have let for five years upon the conditions as foloweth that they brake np and rnonnure and plant with orchod two Accrs and half of land with in the s^ Term of Fine and also to spend the remain-part of their time to work upon the other lands ; and all that is soed dow now to ly to English grass and at the end of fine years for s*^ oluer Coller and Nathanel Coller for them to reshie up peceble posestion of the s^ hous farm and four Cowes and Calves and half the increes to the s^ Gabril Berncm or his heirs or asigns the s^ two Acers and half of land ly a boue the spring on the side of the hill ; and for thare in Conrigment I haue let them one pare of oxen for one year, the which s"* oxen they must Deliuer to me at s