iATtli. \J(m. IS7(^. 
 
Book J\ill 
 
7t 
 
 im m HAEBOE BILL MD THE BEAB-LOGL 
 
 SPEECHES 
 
 OP 
 
 oatofs lortoo, Stiefinao, and Boutwe 
 
 July IS, lO, tiJicl S*2, IJjST'O. 
 
 Tbe Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, hav- 
 ng under aoBSideraiion the bill (II. R. No. 3'j22) 
 saakingr appropriations for the construction, re- 
 pair, and completion of certain works on the rivers 
 4iQd Larbors — 
 
 Mr. Morton said : 
 
 Mr. President : I shall detain the Sen- 
 ate but a few minutes. I think it is proper 
 to make some answer to what has been 
 said by the Senator from North Carolina. 
 My friend is undoubtedly sincere in what 
 ho hns said to-day. Ho believes it all, and 
 hence I shall not call in question his mo- 
 tive for any declaration. It is sometimes 
 said that figures cannot lie ; but we know 
 that they can be placed so that they lie 
 prodigiously. The figures which have been 
 put into the hands of my friend from North 
 Carolina — I know not by whom — do lie 
 prodigiously ; they come nowhere near the 
 truth. I will ask my friend to let me see 
 that statement about the defalcations in 
 Johnson's administration in regard to 
 whisky. It is very interesting. 
 
 The Senator was asked this question in 
 the course of his remarks : What good 
 thing has been done of any character by 
 the democratio party in the last twenty- 
 five years? I will ask what good thing 
 has been doce or suggested by that party 
 in twenty-five years? I should like for 
 any Senator on this floor to name it. I 
 will give him the floor to name it. 
 
 Mr. Sattlsbury. I vrill tell the Senator. 
 I say to him that the democratic House of 
 Representatives at the present session 
 have investigated and exposed the corrup- 
 tions which have been practiced under the 
 Administration which he supports ; and 
 that the various committees of that body 
 have brought to light not only a degree of 
 oztravagance and of loose administration, 
 
 but a degree of corruption that has aston- 
 ished this whole country. That is a nobl* 
 service which has been rendered by the 
 democratic party at the present session. 
 
 Mr. Morton. We know that the dem- 
 ocratic party has assumed the role of the 
 detective. How much it has discovered 
 will appear more fully when we get the 
 evidence. But that is dodging the ques- 
 tion. The Senator has mentioned certain 
 investigations during this S(?ssion which I 
 think up to this time have merited chiefly 
 and received the contempt of the country, 
 I repeat the question. What good thing 
 has been done or suggested by the demo- 
 cratic party in the last twenty-five years ? 
 I see my friend from Connecticut, [Mr. 
 Eaton,] who has an excellent memory. If 
 there was one good thing in the history of 
 his party for twenty-five years he would 
 not hesitate to name it. 
 
 Mr. Eaton. And he will name it before 
 we get through with this discussion. 
 
 Mr. Morton. When I look back I re- 
 member the fugitive-slave law in 1850 ; I 
 remember the repeal of the Missouri com- 
 promise in 1854, that breach of faith whJcb 
 was the beginning of the war ; I i-eraem- 
 ber the border-rufiian outrages in 1855 and 
 1856 ; I remember the Lecorapton consti- 
 tution and the Dred Scott decision in 1857 ; 
 I remember the democratic party in 186G 
 saying there was no power to coerce a 
 State to remain in the Union ; I remember 
 its opposition to every war measure ; I re- 
 member its meeting at Chicago in 1864, 
 during the last great struggle, when every 
 honest man knew that the rebellion was 
 doomed unless it was saved from the 
 North, and their declaring to the world, 
 Mr. Tilden himself being on the commit- 
 tee, that the w»t was a failure and ought 
 
.Mec^^ 
 
 ;o be abaudoued. I know that in auy 
 other country in the world than this, strug- 
 i^lia^ wiih armed rcbcUiou, that declara- 
 tion tvoiild have boon punished as high 
 treason, as h deserved to be, made at that 
 time and under the circumstances. I re- 
 member its 0])position to the abolition ©f 
 slavoiy. 1 romombcr its opposition to the 
 fourieentli and fifteenth amendments. I 
 remember the counsel it gave to the South 
 to reject ail reconstruction. I remember 
 the <jutmj,jca of the Ku-Klux and white- 
 leafxucrs who received protection and en- 
 oonia^'cnieut in the tents of the democratic 
 pari;y. I put the question to my friend — 
 dud I will give him the floor to answer — 
 what good thing has his party done or even 
 iuggested in twenty-five years? Contin- 
 ually evil ; the blackest and the most damn- 
 able record in the history of parties in this 
 or any other country. 
 
 My friend from North Carolina talked a 
 great deal about the expenses of the re- 
 publican party. He talked about the in- 
 creased expenses of th« Government. He 
 said the last four years had cost the coun- 
 try more to maintain this Government and 
 carry it on than during the previous his- 
 tory of the Government. I do not know 
 whether he is right about that or not ; but 
 I will assume for the sake of argument 
 that he is ; and I ask who is responsible 
 for it? I answer, my friend and those 
 with whom he has acted during that 
 period. If we have incurred billions of ex- 
 pense, if we are now oppressed by a nation- 
 al debt, if we are burdened by heavy taxes, 
 i tell him, he and those who acted with 
 iaim have laid those burdens upon us. 
 They are directly responsible ; and it re- 
 quires all the face — I will not say cheek — 
 it requires all the good countenance even 
 of my friend to stand up and say to the re- 
 publicans, " You republicans did not con- 
 quer our rebellion quite as cheaply as you 
 ought to have done ; you have not handled 
 taxation and the i)ublic debt and the other 
 consequences growing out of our treason 
 as well as you ought to have done. There- 
 fore we are indignant about it. You 
 ought to have done this business better ; 
 you ought to have whipped us at half the 
 expense, and you did not. We propose to 
 take the Government out of your hands 
 and ourselves to settle with and deal with 
 the consequences of our own crimes and 
 blunders." That is the argument of my 
 friend. 
 
 Mr. Merkimon. Will the Senator let 
 me say a word? 
 
 Mr. MoiiTOK. Centainly. 
 
 Mr. Merrijion. I do not concede what 
 the Senator said. I deny it. I deny it 
 substantially, perhaps not altogether in 
 detail. But suppose it was true, is it not 
 my duty and the duty of every good man 
 to reform those acknowledged abuses ? Is 
 that an'" «^arrant for the wholesale plunder 
 
 which I have only to a very limited extent 
 developed here this morning ? 
 
 Mr. xMoRTON. .Mr. President, the Sen- 
 ator docs not m.eet the point at all. He 
 says, suppose it is so ; suppose that he and 
 his friends are responsible for all these ^ 
 things, is it not his duty to reform abuses? "^ 
 Certainly it is; and it is his duty and .^ 
 those who act with him to come back and 
 pay these debts if they could ; but they a^ 
 cannot do it. It is in bad taste for him ^ 
 and others'to come here aud throw these 
 things in the face of the republican party 
 as if they were crimes upon our part, when ' ■" 
 they aro but the consequences, the legiti- 
 mate results of his own conduct and those 
 who acted with him. I am not putting it ' "^ 
 in a personal sense. When the Senator ar- 
 raigns the republican party for the conse- 
 quences of the rebellion, I tell him it is 
 not within his power and it is not good 
 taste for him to hold us responsible for 
 it. 
 
 Mr. ;aiERRiMON. That is simply a ques- 
 tion of taste, then. 
 
 Mr. SIORTON. No, sir ; it is no question 
 at all. There is no question about it. If 
 these things are the natural and legiti- 
 mate consequences of the rebellion, it doe& 
 not become those who were concerned in 
 that rebellion, who helped to make it, or 
 took any part in it, to throw it up to us as- 
 if it were a crime On our part ; and that i» 
 what is continually being done. We are held 
 responsible for the crimes, the misfortunes, 
 and the blunders of others. 
 
 Mr. Merrimon. Are we to sit here 
 with our mouths closed, and are we not 
 the equals of other Senators on this floor ? 
 If not, we ought to be turned out and sent 
 away. I take it we aro sent here under 
 the Constitution of our country to do 
 whatever we can by our advice and by our 
 votes and co-operation calculated to pro- 
 mote the best interests of the countiy. I 
 am here for that purpose. If I am not 
 here as an equal, if I am not at liberty to 
 discuss measures and to aid in maturing 
 them, the sooner the republican party turns 
 me and the men like me out the better, 
 
 Mr. Morton. My friend has not been 
 Bitting all the morning with his mouth 
 closed, wo all know, [laughter ;] it is his 
 perfect right to hold the party in power 
 responsible for any of its misdeeds, and to 
 seek to reform abuses that now exist and 
 make things better in the future ; but that 
 is not what I am talkiag about, and I do 
 not intend to have my friend, with all his 
 shrewdness, escape from the point. I bidng 
 him right back and tell him that all the 
 demoralization of the times that he com- 
 plains of, these vast expenses, these in- 
 creased employees, and the enlargement 
 of the civil list, all these are things that he 
 and those who acted with him are respon- 
 sible for, and they hare bo right to lay 
 them at our doors as a crime or an offens©. 
 
' Tho Senator said in the course of Ms ar- 
 jument that tlie republican party had ac- 
 X)iiiplisbed all its measures by force. It 
 iras imputed to us as a crime that we bad 
 iccomplisbed our measures by force. Sir, 
 that is in great part true. We bad to put 
 the rebellion down by force. It required 
 much blood and it required much treasure 
 to put it down ; and we are paying the 
 .iebt every day; and even that is imputed 
 to us as a fault, that the republican party 
 has to accomplish its measures by force. 
 If we attempt to protect the colored people 
 of the South and the white republicans 
 irom the numerous slaughters that have 
 fallen upon them in the past and from 
 thoi9 with which they are threatened in 
 the future, we are told that we are trying 
 to do it by force. Ay, if we cannot do it 
 any other way, it is our duty to do it by 
 force. The protection of the lives of the 
 peoplo ig the highest duty that is ever im- 
 posed upon government ; and when such 
 slaughters take place as occurred in South 
 Carolina the other day where ten men 
 were murdered in cold blood under cir- 
 cumstances of atrocity that would shame 
 anything that has occurred in Indian war- 
 fare for years past, if we try to protect 
 men from the repetition of those things even 
 by force, would it not be justified? 
 
 The Senator referred to the great cor- 
 ruption of the republican party. He spoke 
 about the exceeding purity of the Govern- 
 ment under democratic administration, 
 and how vile and how wicked it was under 
 republican administration. I have been 
 mingling with the democrats for a great 
 many years and I know them pretty well 
 everywhere. 
 
 Mr. Meekimon. You used to belong to 
 them. 
 
 Mr. Morton. Yes, I did in their better 
 days, and I suppose I shall never cease 
 having that thing thrown up to me. I left 
 them in 1854, twenty-one years ago and 
 better. I am now of age in the republican 
 party, and whenever a democrat wants to 
 hurt my feelings he charges me with hav- 
 ing been a democrat. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. Merrimon. I can assure my friend 
 that I did not intend to wound his feelings. 
 I thought it very probably that was the 
 proud part of his life. 
 
 Mr. Morton. No, Mr. President, that 
 is not the proud part of my life. The 
 proud part of my life is that which was 
 occupied in assisting in putting down the 
 rebellion, preserving this Union, and con- 
 quering my friend and others who were in 
 arms with him. 
 
 Mr. Merrimon. My proudest part is 
 the attempt to break up this corriiption. 
 
 Mr. Morton. I am coming to "this 
 corruption" now. The Senator has brought 
 in a statement that the Government lost 
 during the administration of Andrew John- 
 eon over a billion of dollars by fi-auds on 
 
 the revenue in regard to whisky. This 
 illustration, like the others, ig exceedingly 
 unfortunate. It happens that it was dur- 
 ing a democratic administration. 
 Mr. Merrimon. O I 
 Mr. Morton. It was when the admin- 
 istration of the laws was under the control 
 and the influence of the democratic party.t, 
 but my friend says that the republican 
 party is responsible for Johnson's admin- 
 istration, because it elected him, just Ir 
 the same way that the republican party 
 of North Carolina is responsible for my 
 friend's speech this morning, because 
 they elected him. I imagine that if the 
 republicans of North Carolina had heard 
 my friend's speech this morning they 
 would come to the conclusion they had 
 done a very bad job, [laughter ;] that they 
 had made a very bad mistake. My friend 
 says he could not help getting their votes; 
 he did not know about it ; it was a sur- 
 prise to him ; he had no intimation of it, 
 and he has never forgiven them for voting 
 for him yet, and he v/as trying to punish, 
 them this morning. [Laughter.] 
 
 Mr. JIerrimon. I was very grateful for 
 their votes. 
 
 Mr. Morton. Ah 1 Grateful to thos& 
 corrupt fellows for voting for him, and 
 comes here to take Government money by 
 the votes of a party that he describes as 
 being the most corrupt that ever existed, 
 Mr. JIerrimon. I did not describe in- 
 dividuals in that way. 
 
 Mr. Morton. My friend describes thes. 
 republican party generally as being the 
 most wicked and corrupt organization. It 
 has done some good and generous things 5 
 my friend must admit that. It passed & 
 bill enabling my friend to take a seat here 
 and to give us the benefit from time t&- 
 time of his distinguished eloquence. 
 
 Mr. President, it so happens that under 
 the administration of Mr. Johnson, whec 
 the democratic party had full control of 
 him and controlled his appointments, the- 
 frauds upon the revenue in the collection 
 of the tax on whisky increased enormously,, 
 and although the tax at that time was %% 
 on the gallon the last year of his adminis- 
 tration the collection was a little over $12,- 
 000,000, a mere bagatelle. The Senates- 
 from Ohio stated the fact here this morn- 
 ing. So much for democratic administra- 
 tion as compared with republican admin- 
 istration. 
 
 The most corrupt administrations this, 
 country has ever had were those that were 
 purely democratic, and the documents in 
 the Treasury Department show it. Th® 
 most corrupt periods of our administration 
 were under democratic rule. 
 
 Mr. Merrimon. I ask the Senator t«. 
 cite his facts. 
 
 Mr. Morton. I am going to. That is 
 what I am going to do, and there is wher« 
 I shall have the advantage of my distia* 
 
guished friend. My friend believes all he 
 said this morning ; but when his speech is 
 in print, it will look like that veritable 
 history of Baron Munchausen; but, so far 
 as my statement is concerned, I will verify 
 it here. I have the statement from the 
 Treasniy Department ; I am going to read 
 it. Some four or five months ago, on the 
 9th of February, I believe, the Senate 
 passed a resolution calling on the Secretary 
 of the Treasury to make a statement from 
 the books of the Treasury of all the defal- 
 cations and failures to make settlement, 
 from whatever cause, that had occurred m 
 our country since the 1st of January, 1S34. 
 That embraced the last administration of 
 General Jackson. That document was 
 *ent here and with it an analysis prmted 
 officially. It comes over the signature of 
 the Secretary of the Treasury ; it is true ; 
 it is given by detail ; and it is worth ten 
 thousand of the loose statemeuts that my 
 fi-iend has made here this morning. I do 
 not care how sincere he is in making those 
 statements, 
 Mr. Mekrimon. A.llow me one word? 
 Mr. Morton. Yes, sir. 
 Mr. Mejikimon. I allowed the Senator 
 to interrupt me whenever be wanted to. 
 That report does not present the facts at 
 all, and I had supposed that my friend 
 knew it. It does not present a true state 
 of any case that is mentioned in it, and I 
 believe in support of this declaration I 
 might appeal to the Senator from Rhode 
 Island, [Mr. Anthony.] I remember to 
 have had a conversation with him about 
 that, if I may allude to the conversation at 
 all ; if it is disagreeable to him I will not. 
 Mr. Anthony. Go on sir: I do not un- 
 derstand what the allusion is. 
 
 Mr. Morton. I can set that matter 
 right*. The statement is not correct in this, 
 Mr. Tresident, that there are defalcations 
 put down that do not exist, that were af- 
 terwards settled ; but so far as the propor- 
 tion is concerned between the different 
 administrations, so far as my purpose is 
 concerned in the comparison I propose to 
 make, it is the same as if every defalcation 
 here stated took place. The objection is 
 that the statement is not too small, but 
 too large. . 
 
 Mr. Merrimon. My objection is— 
 Mr. Anthony. I should like to have 
 the Senator from North Carolina state 
 ■what the reference to me is. I did not 
 
 hear it. , , . ,, 
 
 Mr. Morton. I prefer going on. My 
 friend has no right to anticipate my state- 
 meat by coming in with a caveat in advance. 
 
 Mr Merrimon. The Senator from Indiana 
 ou^t not to read that paper, for It does not pre- 
 ■ent the facts. I have read no paper that does 
 not present the facts as shown by the official 
 records That paper does not present the facts. 
 
 tt'he "PRKSiDiNG Officer. Does th« Senator 
 Crom Indiana yield ? . .^ .. , . j .„ 
 
 Mr Morton. I do not yield to my Jnend to 
 •ake such a atat^Ment ta tUat. I stated wherein 
 
 It does not present the facts, that some of those 
 defalcations in ail administrations were afterward 
 settled or turned out to be nominal ; but that per- 
 tained just as much to one as to another, and, so far 
 as the object I have in view is concerned, it is a 
 fair statement, because it shows the proportion In 
 
 all administrations, and now I propose to |lvo It 
 just as it is furnished from the booUs of the Treas- 
 ury Department, and It puts to Bight ten thou- 
 sand lies that are being told every day In every 
 State aud from every slump about the republican 
 party. , _ , 
 
 Take the last administration of General .Tacic- 
 ion. The defalcations and failures to make set- 
 tlement on the thousand dollars of collection as 
 shown by the books of the Treasury were #10.55; 
 in Van Buren's adminlstrailon, $21.15; In Harri- 
 son and Tyler's administration, 110.37; In Follc'H 
 administration, $H.34; in Taylor and Fillmore's, 
 $7.54; la Pierce's administration, $5.86; la Buc- 
 hanan's administration, the last democratio ad- 
 ministration, $6.98; In Lincoln's administration, 
 $1 41, and that was during the war; In Johnson's 
 adminisirallon. forty-eight cents; In Grant's first 
 administr<atlon. forty cents ; and In the last three 
 years of Grant's adminisirallon, twenty six cents 
 on the $1,000. Here we have the statement from 
 the Treasury Department that puts to flight all 
 these Munchausen stories that are told about the 
 monstrous corruption and degradation of iho re- 
 publican party ; and I undertake to say now that 
 all things considered, while there are defalca- 
 tions, and there always will be until human 
 nature Is regenerated, and while there will bo 
 failures and shortcomings and frauds, I believe 
 to-day is the purest and best administration this 
 country has ever had. 
 Mr Mbrhimon. Gracious alive ! 
 Mr. Morton. The Senator says "gracious 
 alive " It requires stronger declarations than 
 that to get over these figures. My democratio 
 friends have but two arguments In this oamhalgn. 
 The argument has been, In the South, violence, 
 Intimidation ; and the argument In the North is 
 the cry of reform and corruption. The first argu- 
 ment is the shot-gun, the revolver, the bowie- 
 knife, and It Is sharp and murderous; and the 
 second argument Is false and hypocrltlcaL [Ap- 
 plause in the galleries.] 
 
 ThePRKSiDino Officer. The rules must toe 
 observed. .,^ ,j ^^ ^ i_ 
 
 Mr Morton. I think it has been said that In 
 the List year of Puch;inan's administration, (n 
 1860 the expenses of the Government were only 
 $90 000,000. Well, Mr. Prisident, the population 
 then wa.s 31,0)0,01)0 ; it is now not less than 44,000,. 
 000- and when you take the e.xpenditures of the 
 Government then and compare them with the ex. 
 pendilures now, and the population then 31.0ilO,000, 
 now 4-1 000 000, and take out the payment of the la. 
 terest on the public debt, the payment of pensions, 
 and all the expenses brought upon us by the re- 
 hellion,! make the declaration without fear of 
 contradiction that the expenses of the Govern, 
 mentnoware loss per capita than they were la 
 I860 If they have been increased the responsl- 
 bility is just were 1 placed It and where history 
 
 ^ M^'presidcnt, I should like to read this whole 
 statement, but it is long and I will ask the privi- 
 lege of incorporating it in my remarks. I mean 
 the statement from the Treasury Department 
 with all its details. ^. ^, 
 
 The PBESiDiNO Offtcbr. Is there objection. 
 
 Mr. Eaton. I object. I object because It was 
 not permitted to the honorable Senator from NortJi 
 CaroUna to have a table printed in his remarks. 
 
 Mr Anthomy. Then nave it read. 
 
 Mr! Morton. I did not object to what myfrlond 
 ofl^ered. , . 
 
 Mr Eaton. Let It be read. 
 
 Mr Morton. Let it be read from the begin- 
 nine • it is good reading ; It is in detail, and the 
 deuli and particularity will show the truth of 
 what I said as a general statement. If my ftlenda 
 will have the patience to hear it read, I am 8ur« 
 we shall not object. 
 
 TVTr F.aton. Let us hear it. ,„ 
 
 Thi Prssiding Officbr. The Secretary wlU 
 read the paper. . «x,i«w.. 
 
 The Secretary te»d »« foUQWS . 
 
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aiVER AND HA.IIBOR BllJCi — DEBATE CON- 
 TINUED. 
 
 The Senate, as in Committee of the 
 Whole, (July 19,) losumed the considei-a- 
 tion of the bill (II. R. No. 3022) making 
 appropriations for the constiixction, reijair, 
 presoivalicm, and completion of certain 
 puljlic works on rivers and harbors, and for 
 other purposes, the pending question being 
 on the motion of Mr. Thukman to recom- 
 mit the bill to the Committee on Appropri- 
 ations with instructions to reduce the aggi'e- 
 ffate amouutof the appropriations contained 
 in the bill toasum not exceeding $4,000,000. 
 
 Mr. SiiEKMAN. * * * The Senator 
 probably was not aware how broad and 
 sweeping these charges made by him of cor- 
 ruption wei-e or he certainly would not have 
 indulged in them. Then, when you come 
 to look at his argument, this was one of 
 them, and tJie principal one : that the tax 
 on whisky was $2 a gallon, and somebody 
 bad said, I do not know who, that 100,000,- 
 000 gallons of whisky were made in a year. 
 
 Mr. Merrimon. Mr. Fessendeu said so 
 in 1864. 
 
 Mr. Sherman. I remember the i-emark 
 made by Mr. Fessenden, Ho was one of 
 twenty million republicans who mad© an 
 error. There never have been 100,000,000 
 
 {jalldns of whisky made since the tax was 
 mposed. It was estimated in 18G0 that 
 there were 100,000,000 gallons made, by 
 the census returns, at a time when whisky 
 was worth fourteen or fifteen cents a gallon ; 
 but then it was consumed in burning fluid 
 and in a thousand ways that it cannot be 
 consumed now ; but suicc tiie tax has been 
 levied on it it has never reached anything 
 like that proportion. Sir. Fessenden sim- 
 ply said that prior to 1860 it was estimated 
 that the whisky produced in this country 
 was 100,000,000 gallons ; and upon this fact, 
 detaChed, separated, the Senator says that 
 the republican party ought to have collected 
 from the people of the United States $200,- 
 000,000 a year. 
 
 In the first place, no one was foolish 
 enough in the beginning of out internal- 
 revenue taxation to proijoss a tax of §2. 
 It was a foolish venture. We put on a 
 smaller tax, commencmg with twenty 
 cents, and we collected mors revenue then 
 than with the two dollars' tax. Yy'e grad- 
 aally raised it until 1866. It vras demanded 
 by public sentiment that we should do what 
 we did in 18C6. We then raised the tax to 
 $2 a gallon, and that tax remained three 
 or four years. During all the time from 
 1861 to 1865 the honor.able Senator by his 
 logic cliarges the republican with losing 
 this Goverument $200,000,000 a year, less 
 the amount of tax we actually collected ; 
 and that is the kind of argument on which 
 he goes to the peopla to show that the re- 
 publican party was corrupt I 
 ' It so ha;ppcned that when this two-dollar 
 tax was levied the democratic party had con- 
 trol ofthecTec'jl"' YC autlioritjcf tl-c Go~err- 
 
 ment ; it had the President. It is true w? 
 elected Mr. Johnson ; we made mistake 
 in doing it and we never cease to regret oui 
 mistake. Mr. .Johnson turned over the 
 whole executive power of the Goverument to 
 the democratic party, and the Senator hav; 
 presented a numerous list, which containj* 
 hundreds of names of men on this list who 
 were defaulters, but I would not read thorn 
 lest some of them might not have been, 
 but there are on it the names of men ap- 
 pointed by jlr. Johnson who are now active 
 leaders in the democratic party, becaiise 
 most of those who went over with Mr. 
 Johnson went iut« the democratic party. 
 During that time when there was a two 
 dollar tax we ars charged with wasting 
 and squandering $200,000,000 a year col- 
 lected from the whisky tax, ( • which ought 
 to have been collected 1 Why, sir, under 
 the administration of Andrew Johnson the 
 tax collections on whisky went down to 
 twelve millions in a single year. The re- 
 publican party, however, was charged with 
 the responsibility of the Goiernment. 
 Were we not anxious to collect this tax ? 
 \Vas it not our interest to collect the tax ? 
 Did we not pass laws as severe as ths 
 Draconian code? Did we not use every 
 effort to collect this tax ? And yet under 
 President Johnson wa could not do it. 
 "Wiry? Partly because the political disputes 
 of the time made it difficult to collect in- 
 ternal taxes because of bad appointments 
 or differences between the Senate and the 
 President as to appointment.s, but it was 
 mainly because the law was wrong. We 
 ought never to have attempted in our 
 broad country to put on a tax of $2 a gal- 
 lon, and we made the discovery that we 
 had made a mistalce and in a short time 
 v/e repealed that law and then wc com- 
 menced collecting the whisky tax. .After 
 we reduced the tax down to fifty cents, I 
 believe that the whisky tax was as tho- 
 roughly and completely collectotl as any 
 tax could be. The only dilficulty in col- 
 lecting the whisky tax after that timi-j v/as 
 in the States of North Carolina, Tennes- 
 see, and other southern sparsely populated 
 States. In the great cities for eeveral 
 years when the tax ranged between fifty 
 and sixty cents a gallon it was collected 
 with great exactitude, great correctness ; 
 but there was a difficulty in collecting it 
 in some of the southern and sparsely popu- 
 lated States ; there force had to be used to 
 collect it ; the Army had to be employed 
 more or less to a considerable extent, but 
 all was collected that could be collected. 
 So it continued . 
 
 Now, to make this loss of the whislcy 
 tax the substratum of this great effort it 
 seems to me was not treating the Senato 
 of the United States with that proper re- 
 spect with which it is noccssaiy to be treat- 
 ed. If this was a popular argument to be 
 used in the campaign in North Carolina, 
 the Senator might have reserved it untU 
 
he went down there to make a spov ^u to 
 that people, wl>ere documents coula not be 
 produced at cnce to correct him ; but 
 made here in the Senate Chamber he must 
 have expected that it would excite indig- 
 nation, reply, remark, and exposure if it 
 was not correctly and well founded. That 
 "■ is all the feeling I had about it ; but if 
 there was a little heat — I am sorry I had 
 it — it was but natural when the Senator 
 was arraigning us as a set of scoundrels 
 and rascals corrupting the whole party 
 
 Mr. Merkimon. I beg the Senator's 
 pardon. 
 
 Mr. Sherman. The language was most 
 broad that the republican party was the 
 most corrupt that had ever existed. 
 
 Mr. Merrimon. I said expressly in the 
 commencement of my speech that there 
 were in the republican party,' as in every 
 other party, good men. 
 
 Mr. Sherman, But they must be "few 
 and far between," according to the Sena- 
 tor's general declamation. We are sensi- 
 ble men here, and we know very well that 
 the great mass of all political parties of our 
 countrymen are honest, desire to do their 
 duty to their country, to their families, to 
 their God, to themselves ; and therefore 
 this broad declamation against parties 
 ought not to be indulged in. W'o have a 
 right, however, to arraign the official con- 
 duct of parties, but in doing so should give 
 particulars ; and therefore when the S«ua- 
 
 gle since Adam was boi-n in this world oi 
 ours between good and evii ; but we have 
 come to believe that in this Republic of 
 ours good has been in the ascendant and 
 evil has been sent to the penitentiary. 
 Such has been our common thought and 
 among men of all political parties. 
 
 But, sir, we are now told that the dem- 
 ocratic House, where they have a casual 
 democratic majority, have unearthed cor- 
 ruptions, exposed fi-auds, shown that the 
 people have been robbed ; and we natually 
 inquire where, when, by whom? And now, 
 gentlemen, it will not do for you to talk 
 about corruption and fraud and dishonesty 
 and wrong in a general hap-hazard way aa 
 something that will be disclosed, some bug- 
 aboo that will be developed after a while. 
 Where is it ? Who has stolen the public 
 money? Name your man. It will not do 
 for my honorable friend from Delaware to 
 say O, well, somebody has plundered the 
 Government to the extent of $300,000 in 
 some contracts, but I do not want to name 
 him ? That is not the way. The names 
 have got to be given, the place, the time, 
 the circumstances. 
 
 Mr. Saulbburt. I refer the Senator to 
 the report of the Committee on Naval Af- 
 fairs where he will find it all given. 
 
 Mr. Sherman. It was an unfortunate 
 remark for the Senator to make. During 
 the last democratic administration that 
 governed the country the House of Repre- 
 
 tor was thus declaiming I asked him, if sentativea, by a resolution passed by the 
 the republican party was so bad, what had votes of men of both political parties, de- 
 
 the democratic party done for the last ' " 
 
 forty years that would induce him to go 
 for it or that would command his respect. 
 My friend from Indiana spread that ques- 
 tion a little further, and wanted to know 
 what good measure the democratic party 
 had ever adopted. It is a remarkable fact, 
 Mr. President, and I may as well put in 
 here as this is a political discussion, that 
 there is not a single position taken by the 
 democratic party for the last thu-ty years 
 on which they now dare to make a stand 
 and defend it. You may look over the 
 whole political arena and you will find it 
 to be so. I say when you contrast the 
 position of these two great parties, what 
 they have done, what they have proposed, 
 where they sfeand, the contrast may bo 
 drawn by any intelligent man. I say the 
 democratic party has been compelled to 
 abandon and recede from every position it 
 has taken, and it will not now in this can- 
 vass in which it seeks again to come into 
 power stand upon any position it has taken 
 for the last thirty years. 
 
 But, sir, its cry is reforni. Well, every 
 honest man is in favor of reform. There 
 never will be a period in the history of 
 mankind that reform wiU not be an imper- 
 ative demand. Crimes, offenses, are con- 
 tinually occurring; there will be efforts 
 against the interests of the mass of man- 
 kind. There! has been a continual strug- 
 
 nounced the administration of Lhe Naval 
 Department then in terms stronger than 
 can be used now and for the same class of 
 contracts that have been investigated into 
 recently. But I do not wish to go into 
 that; " sufficient unto the day is the evil 
 thereof." I do not believe that when the 
 report is made and it comes to be discussed, 
 any wrong or fraud will rest upon the h^d 
 of that Department, and if there is, the 
 republicans will be as swift to punish him 
 as the Senator can be ; but until then he 
 is bound as an honest and. honorable man 
 to consider him innocent. 
 
 Mr. Saulsburt. I have not said a word 
 against the head of the Navy Department; 
 I have not referred to him. 
 
 Mr. Sherman. We ought not to deal in 
 insinuations. I naturaSy leaped to the 
 conclusion that there was some wrong or 
 fraud to be disclosed by some committe© 
 of the House in regard to the Navy De- 
 partment, and necessarily its head. Now, 
 sir, ought we to deal in such imputations? 
 Are men's characters toba made a football 
 of? If the House makes any allegation 
 against any member of this Government 
 we are bound to try him, tls judges, sworn 
 under our oath in the particular case, and 
 we have no right to prejudge. The only 
 particular cases that my frieud from Dela- 
 ware gave us — he was unfortunate there — 
 were those of a defaulting paymaster oi 
 
the army of the United States and a man 
 convicted of whisky frauds. Paymasters 
 are generally men selected in honor. The 
 Senator gave his name as Major Hodge. 
 Well, Major Hodge was a defaulter ; but 
 he was t^ied, convicted and sent to the 
 penitentiary for his defalcation. I under- 
 stood he was a Democrat always. I knew 
 his father before him. He was in the 
 regular army. Would you hold the Re- 
 publican party responsible for his defalca- 
 tion because he gambled away the public 
 money, lost it, and squandered it? I hear 
 a Senator say we ought to have known it. 
 Are we omuiscient? Is the Democratic 
 party omniscient? O. no. The very mo- 
 ment his offense was detected he was pun- 
 ished and sent to the penitentiary. I know 
 it is claimed that he was pardoned. I hear 
 It said, '-Grant pardoned him." So he did, 
 on the demand of numberless Democrats 
 high in oificial position. If he did wrong 
 he did the wroug of being merciful to a 
 man who had violated his public duty. 
 
 Mr. Logan. He pardoned the Ku-Klux, 
 too, on the same kind of recommenda- 
 tions. 
 
 Mr. Shekman. It is not on such pre- 
 mises as that that a great party like the 
 Republican party is to be tried and con- 
 victed. And you say there were McDon- 
 aid and McKee— my honorable friend saw 
 them v/ithin the bars of the State prison. 
 Who put them there? What Democrat 
 shared in that work? Not a Democrat. 
 They were put there by Republicans ; and 
 when did a Democratic administration put 
 a Democrat behind the bars of a peniten- 
 tiary for official misconduct ? Tell me the 
 case, when, where, and under what ad- 
 ministration. But unfortunately they say 
 Dyer, Pratt. and others have been removed; 
 and we are brought in and arraigned, not 
 for offences charged against the Republi- 
 can party, but because in our administra- 
 tion the Secretary of the Treasury resigns, 
 the Commissioner of Internal Revenue re- 
 signs, or disputes, coldness, or disagree- 
 ment arise in the administration of the 
 Government, and we are at once charged, 
 because these men retire from office, with 
 seeking to shield the guilty instead of pro- 
 tecting innocence. Ah, gentlemen, you 
 must do something better than that if you 
 wish to make an arraignment against the 
 Republican party. 
 
 But some one said, I think my friend 
 from North Carolina, or perhaps my friend 
 from Delaware, that we had squandered 
 $3,000,000 in the Southern States from the 
 judiciary fund. Why, sir, what became of 
 that $3,000,000? It was the money ex- 
 pended in putting down the Ku-Klux or- 
 ganization, the most infamous organization 
 in modern history since the time of some 
 of those in India, which disgraced the civ- 
 ilization of the old countries. Three mil- 
 lion dollars were spent for that purpose, 
 and no doubt some money was wasted, 
 
 some was defrauded; but that occurs Ib 
 the administration of every large fund ol 
 this kind; there is petty peculation which 
 plunders and robs from the public as welj 
 as from private individuals. Public crime 
 as well as private crime exists in every 
 community, in every State, in every land, 
 in the quiet hamlet, in the Connecticut 
 village at well as in the border regions fai 
 remote. There will be vice and crime 
 evei-y where; it accompanies all agencies 
 that are human, and we cannot avoid it 
 entirely. All we can say in reply is that 
 when these peculations occur we expose 
 them and we punish them; and when we 
 contrast our conduct and our administra- 
 tion with that of others gone before us^, 
 ours is far more favorable than theirs. 
 
 Here is the official statement of the 
 actual losses that occurred during our war. 
 They are all honorable to us. Scarcely 
 any money was lost in our war by defalca- 
 tion and peculation; I say scarcely any in 
 proportion to the percentage of other 
 losses. Take the case of the internal reve- 
 nue, the very service that was sought to!?® 
 saddled with $-20,000,000 of unaccounted 
 balances. Take that case and we have the 
 fact that only $y,37G,000 have been lost oi' 
 all the taxes that have been levied in th© 
 form of internal taxation since the organi- 
 zation of the system to the last year, or 
 one-thirteenth of one-thousandth of 1 per 
 cent. 
 
 There is another remarkable fact showii 
 in our military history. I have !iot th© 
 statement before me, but I saw the state- 
 ment made that the losses — including 
 Major Hodge's defixlcatiou, which is onts 
 of the largest — that occurred by paymas- 
 ters and other disbursing officers in our 
 war, compared with the Prussian service, 
 the English service, or any service of which 
 we had a record, was only about one-tenth 
 of the amount. The actual fidelity in tho 
 disbursements of public men after the wa^- 
 and during the war is almost unprece- 
 dented in the history of mankind. 
 
 You, gentlemen, have now had the full 
 power of this Government. You have aii 
 organized House, whose sole purpose ha© 
 been to delve in and try to find if we have 
 been gidlty of rascality or wrong. They 
 have ample means, ample ability, and 
 what has been the outcome? You tell us- 
 that something will be disclosed when th© 
 reports are printed. Can it be possible 
 that these men are withholding their re- 
 ports in order to prevent us from answer- 
 ing them, or to prevent the men whom 
 they accuse from answering them in th© 
 proper way? I trust not. I do not be- 
 lieve it, and will not believe it. They have 
 here and there fallen upon delinquents. 
 Men of both political parties have been 
 struck at by these committees. They may 
 not have been groping in the right direc- 
 tion, but wherever they groped they found 
 a Democrat; and they found, no doubt, 
 
(some bad Republicans. But if this is to 
 be a campaign of scandal, if this is to be a 
 campaign of abuse, then I warn gentle- 
 men that the people of this country are a 
 kind-hearted people. I never saw an in- 
 telligent crowd in Ohio but what turned 
 with loathing and disgust from a man who 
 addressed them in the language of calumny 
 and reproach. Go to that people, talk to 
 them plain, common sense; be the orator 
 ever so dull, be he ever so witty, they will 
 bear it all; they wiU take a joke in kind, 
 good humor; but commence your strain of 
 calumny and reproach by trying to prove 
 that Grant is a rascal and that all these 
 Republicans who have carried the Repub- 
 lican banner in triumph, in i^eace and in 
 war, are scoundrels, and they will tui-n 
 their backs upon you unless you bring 
 facts, figures, names and dates, and prove 
 your charges. Sir, your campaign of scan- 
 dal and slander will be at an end in thirty 
 days after it has commenced. Your cry 
 of reform will require something else than 
 mere empty air. The people will ask what 
 security do you, the Democratic party, 
 give us for reform. Why is Governor Til- 
 den any more likely to reform this Gov- 
 ernment than Governor Ilayes? What is 
 there in the character of these two men 
 that gives one, Tilden, the pre-eminence 
 over Hayes as a reformer? Whnt is there 
 in the conduct of your party that gives 
 you the right to claim to be reformers? 
 You have been driven from all your posi- 
 tions; you do not stand where you stood 
 at any time within tlie last thirty years. 
 Sir, the people will know who are these 
 prophets of reform before they trust them. 
 You must show something e'lss than the 
 history of the last few years in the South- 
 ern States; you must show somethiiig else 
 in the nature of reform before they will 
 trust the old associates of Tweed in New 
 York; you must show that the Democratic 
 party has in it elements of reform which 
 will give some security for their promises; 
 otherwise the people will not heed your 
 talk abo-at reform. 
 
 Sir, I again express my regret to the 
 Senate that I have been led to participate 
 In this debate. I think myself we ought 
 to leave this question to the people of the 
 United States and let them discuss it in 
 their assemblages all over this broad laud 
 of ours; and ray hope is that, although 
 they may see hero and there something to 
 find faidt with in the course of the Re- 
 publican party or the Republican leaders, 
 they will think on the whole it is better 
 for tho North, and South to trust that 
 strong, powerful political organization that 
 has guided our country through the perils 
 of war, that has secured reconstruction, 
 and aa the whole has given to the country 
 a wise administrat.ion of aflairs. 
 
 I appeal to my friends from the South- 
 ern States, becauso I think I can say that 
 ftt least I am not their enemy, that the 
 
 time has not arrived when the Democratic 
 party can again come into power in this 
 country. Its history during recent events 
 has not been such as to excite th^ hopes 
 and emotions that ought to follow^he suc- 
 cess of a great political party It is better 
 for the South that a good man who will be 
 fair and honest and straightforward, true 
 to his word, manly in every undertaking, 
 bold in execution of every promise, should 
 preside over this Government for four 
 years longer before you revive again in a 
 popular contest the old struggle between 
 the Democratic and Republican parties. 
 At all events I pray my Democratic friends 
 not to commence it here by gross exagge- 
 ration, by wholesale calumny, by charges 
 that will never be proven, and by preten.ses 
 that have not been justified by the past 
 history of the Democratic party. 
 
 Mr. Bogy. I move that the Senate 
 adjouj-a. 
 
 HIVER AND HARBOR BrLI.. 
 
 The Senate, as in Committee of theWliole, 
 July 22, resumed the consideration of the 
 bill (II. R. No. 8033) making appropria- 
 tions for the construction, repair, preser- 
 vation, and corajjletion of certain public ' 
 works on rivers and haibora, and for other 
 purposes, the pending question being on 
 the motion of Mr. Thurman to recoxnmit 
 the bill to the Committee on Appropria- 
 tions with instructions to reduce the aggre- 
 gate amount of the appropriations con- 
 tained in tho bill to a sum not exceeding 
 $4,000,000. 
 
 Mr. BouTWELL. Mr. President, I agree 
 with much that has been said by the Sen- 
 ator from Vermont [ilr. Morrill] in re- 
 gard to the condition of the country, and 
 I dis.igree entirely to the theory that if the 
 condition of ^.tTairs for the moment were 
 as unfavoralde as represented by gentle- 
 men on the other side, therefore neces- 
 sary expenditures on public works should 
 be omitted. Whatever may be the coiidi- 
 tion of affairs to-day, nothing can be more 
 certain than that tho country ha.'i in the 
 future a career of prosperity. We have 
 credit ; we have resources ; and above all 
 we have great capacity for labor. Noiv, so 
 far as jmblie works have been undertaken, 
 the undertaking of which was wise, it is 
 more wise to prosecute them and prosecute 
 them with vigor under the circumstances 
 that exist, and if the circumstances were 
 more unfavorable so witb stronger reason 
 ought we to prosecute these works. 
 
 The reasons are two : first, they can he 
 now prosecuted to completion at less cost 
 than they can be when the affairs of the 
 couutry are in a more favorable condition, 
 and second, although I would notundcrtakfl 
 public works, and especially thosa nos 
 necessary, for the purpose of giving em- 
 ployment to the peeple, yet, when public 
 works are undertaken and when those 
 works are necessary, there cari bo uo 
 
11 
 
 Eu^her daty resting upon a Governn.c-nt 
 which has both resources in property and 
 resources in credit than to prosecute those 
 words to successful completion. 
 
 A government should be abovo the reach 
 of panics, which necessarily affect individ- 
 uals, and under unfavorable circumstances 
 we should exhibit courage, not only be- 
 cause the exhibition of courage is favor- 
 able in a pecuniary point of view to the 
 Government itself, but we set an example 
 to people who otherwise would be in lack- 
 ing: courage, and they will take advantage 
 of opportunities which in a less degree are 
 equally favorable to their own fortunes. 
 Now, if our friends on the other side will 
 excuse me for the statement of a fact 
 which occurred during the war, I wiU ven- 
 ture to make it. In the darkest days, 
 when our enemies were pressing us at 
 every point along the line and when from 
 the steps of this Capitol you could hear tlie 
 reverberation of the cannon across the 
 Potomac, we voted an appropriation for 
 the completion of this Capitol. It was 
 notice, whether taken or not, it was notice, 
 and it was so given to oiir then enemies, 
 that we did not intend to abandon this 
 Capitol. 
 
 Now, there are in this bill appropria- 
 tions that I think are unnecessary, and to 
 me they are very disagreeable, and I am 
 at this moment quite in doubt whether I 
 shall vote for the bill or against it ; but 
 the time is coming, if it has not now ar- 
 rived, when the representatives of the peo- 
 ple, without distinction of party, will 
 resist appropriations for works which, 
 whether constitutional or not, have no 
 such nntioiial importance that they ought 
 to be undertaken and executed at the 
 public expense ; and unquestionably there 
 are in this bill such appropriations and 
 similar a[>propriatious have been made in 
 years past. But we are all concerned in 
 putting an end to su.ch drains upon the 
 Treasury which profit nothing in a large 
 sense probably. By the States and by 
 the people where these works are the 
 attempt would never be made for their 
 executiovj. We ought to unite and aban- 
 don thifb system of making appropria- 
 tions iu one State because men in an- 
 other Stato want other appropriations and 
 stand as representatives of States upon the 
 fact. If the representatives of a State can 
 sat^sfythcir associates here that the works 
 for which they ask appropriations are na- 
 tional works and the country is in a condi- 
 tion to undertake those works, let the work 
 ba undertaken. But in this bill there are 
 appropriations f^or improvements which are 
 not national, which if anything are local, 
 and which ought never to find countenance 
 in the Congress of the United States. 
 What I shaU do about this bill in the end 
 I cannot say, but I am at present in favor 
 of recommitting it in t'.io hope that the 
 (jommir.Tfte ?r?ii%.trika out all thesa appro- 
 
 priations that are not national, wheths; 
 the works have been undertaken or whethe r 
 they are new ones, and let us for once, :' 
 we can, pass a bill which, whether it ap- 
 propriates $3,000,000 or $6,000,000, we 
 can stand upon and say to our constituents 
 and to the country, "These;appropriationi 
 are made for important public nationa' 
 works that will yield a return in the facili 
 ties that will be afforded to the coramorca 
 and business of the country." 
 
 Now, Mr. President, I depart from the 
 particular subject before the Senate for the 
 purpose of introducing a document wliich 
 I have had in my desk for many month.^ 
 waiting for just this occasion, a statement 
 prepared at the Treasury with great care, 
 showing the net expenses of the Govern- 
 ment in the years 1800, 1810, 1S20, \SZ>), 
 1840. 1850, 18G0, 1870 and 1875. There is 
 a minute and analytical comparison of the 
 expenses of the Govermncnt iu 18G0 and 
 1 1373, excluding in tlie latter year all those 
 1 expenditures which arose from the war, 
 and there are tables containing item-j oi 
 the expenditures which are thus excluded, 
 so that, if the whole shall be printed, any 
 person who chooses to examine will hava 
 an opportunity to see whether those items 
 chissed as belonging to the war are prop- 
 erly so classed. Tlris table was prepared 
 under the direction of and by Mr. Charles F. 
 Conant, who is now Assistant Secretary o* 
 the Treasury. His letter to me is dated at 
 the Treasury Department, Washington, 
 September 16, 1875. He says: 
 
 I incloso herewith tables showing the compara- 
 tive expenses of the Government for the yean- 
 isTS aad l»ao, excluding war charges. 
 
 Sir. Conant is the responsible person for 
 this document and upon my request made 
 ' It The total expenditures for the fiscal 
 year 1875 were $274,623,392.84; the total 
 expenditures for the year ISGO were $63- 
 025,788.98. After deducting the expendi- 
 tures for the year 1875 on account of the 
 war — and there are appended to this, which 
 I will have printed, analytical tables, show- 
 ing what these deductions are— the net re- 
 sult is that the expenditures Tor the year 
 1875 were $84,773,763.49 in cv.rrency, but 
 the expenditures in 1860 were in gold. Mr. 
 Conant has deducted 12TfiijV^ per cent... as 
 the premium on gold for the year 1873, 
 leaving a net expenditure in gold for that 
 year of $74,028,688.09. Then there are 
 deductions made both from the expendi- 
 tures of the year 1860 and of the year 1875 
 growing out of the method of keeping the 
 books of the Department. Upon that point 
 there is an analytical statement of the de- 
 ! ductions and also a note showing the rea- 
 i son for them. He says: 
 
 The following Items which are Included In th« 
 acareeate as expenditures both for the years :8SJ 
 and 1875 are deducted from each for tha reasotj 
 that they are not e:^pendituros in the true meau- 
 ine of the word, as they involve no outlay of money 
 by the Treasury and are no burden upon the tax. 
 payers, thoy being merely entries on both tha 
 debit and credit side of the books (made necessary 
 
12 
 
 ' the system of book-keeping in the Department) 
 
 moneys TCC.P/IVP.d fmm r>oi.ar,no .„^ -„i,_ ,., ' 
 
 ^fm^^f^f^^™ of book-keeping in the Department) 
 ri^^^ rj^^.^u'^^'^ ^'■°™ persons and subseqnently 
 aame?^ *^' expended In their behalf, 
 
 And thence gives the items in each 
 year. After deducting the amounts thus 
 placed to the debit and credit side of the 
 books for the years 1860 and 1875, respect- 
 ively, the result is that the expenditures 
 for the year 1875, excluding the war expen- 
 ditures, deducting the premium on gold, 
 excluding the amounts placed to the debit 
 and credit side of the books in the Depart- 
 ment, \?ere $69,856,117.77. The expendi- 
 tures upon the same basis for the vear 1860 
 were 161,402,408.64. 
 
 Mr. Bogy. By whom is the table fur- 
 nished? 
 
 Mr. BouTWELL. By Mr. Conant, the 
 present Assistant Secretary of the Treas- 
 ury. 
 
 Mr. Bogy. It is not official, is it? be- 
 cause it states facts that cannot be official. I 
 They are absurd. The premium on gold 
 certainly can play no part in the expenses. 
 In 1860 gold was the only coin used, and it 
 cannot property be added or deducted. It 
 plays no part. This is an individual table 
 Mr. BouTWELL. Senators will deal with 
 the processes as they think justice requires- 
 but Mr. Conant— and in that I concur-^ 
 had deducted from the currency expenses 
 of the year 1875 the premium on gold, so 
 that the expenses are represented ulti- 
 mately in thi^s table as gold expenses in 
 1860 and gold expenses in 1875. 
 
 Mr. Bogy. The premium on gold can 
 correctly play no part in a table of that 
 kind. It is not correct at all. It can be 
 neither added nor deducted; it cannot be 
 treated as an item at all. 
 
 Mr. BouTWELL. I desire now to call the 
 attention of the Senate to the tables show- 
 ing the expenses per capita in each of the 
 years which I will mention. 
 
 The expenses per capita, including slaves 
 who paid no part of the expenses of the 
 Government directly, were in 
 
 038 
 
 1800 
 1810. 
 1820. 
 1830. 
 1840. 
 1850. 
 I860.. 
 1870. 
 
 . 1 171 
 
 . 1.897 
 . 1.178 
 1.4i!4 
 1.768 
 1.952 
 1.781 
 
 An^nnn^Jn' estimating the population at 
 40,000.000, which was the estimate of the 
 Treasury Department, the expenses ver 
 capita $l,7i(i. ^ ^"^ 
 
 .o-?,nLnn™^*.^^^ *^® P°P"l^<^ion in 1875 
 4o,U00,000, which is my own opinion upon 
 the best information I can obtain, the ex- 
 penses were $1,060 for each inhabitant 
 including those who had formerly been 
 slaves. This table I will hand to the re- 
 porter with a request that the whole of it 
 ma^ be printed. 
 
 Mr. Saulsbury. Does it contain any 
 Items which the Senator has not read? 
 
 Mr. BouTWELL. Yes, sir. 
 I Mr. Saulsbury. I beUeve the rule was 
 apphed to this side of the chambeT^JaTS 
 must be read, or otherwise it ought not to 
 go into the Record. «< "ot mj 
 
 Mr. Edmunds. Very well, let it be read. 
 We cannot dispense with it 
 
 Mr. Hamlin. It is done-every day. 
 f.« ,??^TWEi'i'- I tope the Senator 
 from Delaware will not object to tS 
 
 ^^L ^«^^''^«t^O"s made on account of 
 the war expenses, and are very necessary 
 to a proper understanding of the tables 
 themselves and also furnish the evident 
 by which the correctness of the estimatS 
 ^UlTf ^^^ be ascertained, eitSS ei 
 tabhshed or refuted. I should not like to 
 withdraw them. 
 . The Presiding Officer. Is there ob- 
 
 'S'^^tfraj'"'^ "^^ ^^'^^^ '' ^« P^-^^ 
 Mr. BOUTWELL. It will take a couple of 
 i hours to read them, I dare say ^ 
 
 Mr. Bogy. The table is the work of a 
 gentleman who may be holding office, but 
 it IS no an official paper at all, an^'do^a 
 not ptetend to be an official paper. But 
 taking the figures stated by the Senator 
 from ivlassachusetts, they would show that 
 the expenses of the Government are now 
 or were in 1875, about $150,000,000. The 
 total amount of expenses mentioned in 
 
 000,000, from which should be dedurtpH 
 faidy about $100,000,000 for the iute'est 
 
 $100,000,000, but call it $100,000,000 in 
 round numbers; and $30,000,000 for the 
 pension list. 
 
 clahis?^^^'^''^^" ^""^ *'^°''^ Southern 
 
 A2?I'Jo?oo7VhJr«''w^^ **"*'" ^^<"°'^"» "ems from 
 »^74,i.oo,ooo, there will remain about 8144.000 ooo 
 or say $150,000,000 In round numbers as the ex 
 penses of the Government other than explnfei 
 created for the army or the navy, or whfT thl 
 pntloman from Vermont has so oftrn stated 
 have grown out of the late unfortuniU war 
 Nevertheless the fact remains that the expenses 
 are about $144,000,000 or $160,COO,000, besidef the 
 amount paid for interest and the amount nafdfo? 
 the pension-Ust. I have no objection to the state' 
 ment being published ; 1 havo no objection to th« 
 facts going tefore the country, no matter wherj 
 they come from; but this is not an official docu 
 ment; it is the mere production of a Kcntleman 
 ^AV^*'; ^° ^'^"""^ ^^^'=°' biit It has nf evSe. 
 ofofflcialchaiacter even, and some of his items 
 are, in my estimation, very absurd and shouTJ 
 not be in a statement of this character *"""'« 
 Blr. Saulseury. I mova that the Senate ad 
 journ. I think there Is not a quorum p?e.ent 
 
 Mr. Stevenson. Mr. President : 
 
 Mr BOUTWELL I believe I have the floor, and 
 I wish this paper to be road as part of my speech 
 If there is objection to it° "■-'"- '- .,._•' ■A'""'^« 
 
 wrthout beinl7erd: '" ''' ^'^""^ ^"^ *^« ^^^"''^^ 
 
 Mr. Howe. Is there objection ? 
 
 Blr. Edmunds. I should like much to hear It. 
 as Its accuracy ig assailed. ^ 
 
 Mr. Hamlin I rise, Mr. ITesldent, to a quos- 
 
 tlonoforder, thatno objection prevents a Sena^ 
 
 I tor from incorporating such a i-aver in hisrSl 
 
 marks. It is done almost every day ""'=>r»- 
 
 Mr. Edmuxds. He can have It read by a «». 
 jonty vote. ' ""^ 
 
13 
 
 The Prbstdtno Officer. The Chair will 
 state that there |3 no rule of the Senate on the 
 subject. A majority of the Senile can determine 
 the matter in too Judgrment of the Chair. The 
 Chair ■wflU submit the question, If it Is the desire 
 of the Senator, whether this statement shall be 
 Incorporated in the Record without being read. 
 Senators, those tn favor of this permission will 
 say aye ; of a contrary oplnloa will say no. 
 
 Mr. Stevenson. I ask for the yeas and nays 
 on that question of order. It Is an important 
 question of order. 
 
 The yeas and nays were ordered. 
 
 Mr. Satjlsburt. On account of the appeals 
 made to me by my friends on this side of the 
 House, I will withdraw, If It is not too late, the 
 objection, while my own judgment is that it has 
 been the rule of the Senate not to permit state- 
 ments to be incorporated tn the Record which are 
 not read. 
 
 The Prestdino Officer. Objection being 
 withdrawn, the point of order falls, and the state- 
 ment will be incorporated in the Record. 
 
 The tables produced by Mr. Boulwell are as 
 follows : 
 
 Comparison of the Expenditures of 1875 vitk 
 those of 1S60. 
 
 • a. 
 
 <» _ 
 
 
 '-el 
 
 1,^9 '■ 
 
 a — 
 
 Si 
 
 ii. 
 
 p 3 » 
 
 ct;> 
 
 <^ C 
 
 2 a. 
 
 - rO ■« < 
 
 '. ° ■^'. 
 
 c~ — - 
 
 C.2 3 • 
 
 o — 
 
 E: 
 
 : ; 
 
 r£. 
 
 3'-1 oc 
 « p 
 
 oj — — o 00 CKtays 
 
 
 .SS: 
 
 Cn^ >- tO' Cn to -fik 
 
 
 WtO. w — 
 
 en oj - co^ to CO 
 
 O lO • « y"* — 2 
 
 S m * S -3 o o 
 
 S 3^ • bS '^ oc •-* 
 
 « 00 iT w 
 
 : g|g 
 
 15 w 8- = 
 
 S 3 O «> W in — 
 
 3i! 
 
 50 — 
 
 \ mnIS 
 
 > QO J^ -I 
 
 : §as 
 : ssa 
 
 SE.-3 
 
 "I ?s ~ '-1 
 
 ►^2 rt- 
 
 M-'O 3 
 So-32; 
 
 I ^ 
 
 5^ 
 
 Ta&Z« sAowinjr expenditures per capita. 
 
 Tear. 
 
 Poptilat'n 
 
 Expenditur's J^^^ 
 
 1800 
 
 5,805,925 
 7,239,814 
 9,638.134 
 12.868,020 
 17,069,458 
 28, 191, 878 
 81,443.321 
 88,553,983 
 40,000,000 
 
 »10, 813,971 01 
 8, 474; 753 37 
 13.285,634 89 
 15,142,198 26 
 24.314,518 19 
 40.948,383 12 
 61.402,408 64 
 68.684,613 92 
 69,856,117 77 
 
 2. OSS 
 1.171 
 1.897 
 1.178 
 1.424 
 1.76« 
 1.952 
 1 781 
 
 1810 
 
 1320 
 
 1830 
 
 1840 
 
 1S50 
 
 1860 
 
 1870 
 
 1875 (estimated).... 
 
 1.746 
 
 Note.— For explanations of deductions see accom- 
 panying statements marked A to K, lucIuslTe. 
 
 5t.\te>ient A— Congress. 
 
 Reporting debates In Congress $45,625 00 
 
 Printing Tor Congress, Inchiding debates. ..259,527 38 
 
 Printing for Treasury Department 136,000 00 
 
 PrlntingforWar Department 43,234 00 
 
 Printing for Interior Department 102,000 00 
 
 Printing for Department of Justice...; 6,100 00 
 
 591.356 3t 
 
 Statement B.— Executive. 
 
 
 Expenses 
 In 1860. 
 
 Expenses 
 in 1875. 
 
 Increase. 
 
 Balarl'sln Treasury 
 Department : 
 
 OfflceofSecretary.. 
 
 First Auditor 
 
 Second Auditor.... 
 
 Third Auditor 
 
 Fourth Auditor 
 
 Filth Auditor 
 
 First Comptroller. 
 
 Second Comptroller 
 
 Treasurer 
 
 Reglstir 
 
 Comp'r of Treasury 
 
 War Dept. and Us 
 Bureaus 
 
 Navy Dept. and Us 
 Bureaus 
 
 In terio-Dept., Pen- 
 sion Office 
 
 Int. Kev. OiBce 
 
 147,931 00 
 35,470 00 
 35. 470 00 
 
 132.905 70 
 27,737 80 
 ]7.8il 43 
 23,340 00 
 26.840 00 
 28,751 15 
 61,707 11 
 
 145.584 02 
 107,330 00 
 126,206 46 
 
 1476.689 97 
 72.903 81 
 26S,583 22 
 246,801 97 
 77,697 46 
 61,304 83 
 72,454 75 
 110,926 97 
 414,361 44 
 243 337 50 
 134,764 01 
 
 972,535 17 
 
 121,735 20 
 
 464,821 21 
 
 f65.600 0» 
 37,438 61 
 231,113 n 
 113,898 27 
 49,959 66 
 33,683 40 
 44.114 75 
 84 086 97 
 387,610 29 
 191.620 39 
 134,764 01 
 
 823,951 13 
 
 14.435 20 
 
 333.614 75 
 335, 168 80 
 
 2,839,065 67 
 
 
 
 
 STATEMENT C.—/t£(iiciar.v. 
 
 The expenses of courts Incurred on ic- 
 count of Internal revenue suits are es- 
 timated by the First CoTunroller at 
 one-third of the total expenditures, 
 
 or $I,3G5.576 07 
 
 STATEMENT D.— Foreign Intercourse. 
 
 Salaries and expenses of the United 
 Slates and Br'tfsh Claims Commission. 
 
 Awards to British claimants 
 
 Salaries and expenses, court of commis- 
 sioners of Alabama claims 
 
 2.093 25 
 ;.92I).S1U 00 
 
 R4. 347 79 
 
 2,C10.i3S 98 
 STATEMENT Y,.— Miscellaneous. 
 
 Payment of judgments. Court of Claims 516, 531 35 
 Salaries and expenses southern claims 
 
 commission .51.500 00 
 
 Examination of national banlcs and 
 
 bank-note plates "05 75 
 
 Expenses of engraving and printing.... l.-iSl.S'iS 41 
 
 Expenses of national currency Sai.nrs 27 
 
 Expenses of national loan 2.m 47 
 
 Retundiug naiionnl debt 15<i.JVi 11 
 
 Refunding proceeds of cotton seized 5i,-2:i 47 
 
 Pavment for lands said for direct taxes. t\:. Hii) uo 
 Return of proceeds and expenses of col- 
 lection of captured property 881.249 81 
 
 Refunding taxes Illegally collected. — 693 00 
 
 Be-lssulng national currency 64,244 76 
 
 SuDDortor free schools in South Oaio- 
 
 ifna 3,900 00 
 
 Refunding excess of duty to national 
 
 banks 258 40 
 
 Defending suits and claims for seizure of 
 
 captured property 26, 124 00 
 
 Compensation of persons employed in 
 
 insurrectionary States 4,063 63 
 
 Expenses of assessing and collecting In- 
 
 teral revenue 5,183,513 81 
 
14 
 
 Support of Preerlraan's Hospital and 
 Asylum jQ^jQQ Qj, 
 
 Nation;;! Association for Relief of Col- 
 
 orea Woiucu and Children 10,000 00 
 
 CompensatieniiiJlouof moltii's 67,134 18 
 
 Postage In lieu offraakliigprivileKe.... I,i)22li65 13 
 SxtraordinarT expenses incurred for 
 the District of Columbia : 
 
 Fayinent of Indebtedness ?1, 300, 000 00 
 
 Payment of Interest on 3.65 
 loau...*.« 154,554 64 
 
 ?ubll« bulldtnxs and Im- l.«4,554 64 
 
 proving rivers and harbors 
 in 1875 15,365,012 30 
 
 Expended forsarae purposes 
 lalSSO 2,9-13,371 48 
 
 ilxpensesof eollectlnfr rev- 12,451,640 S2 
 
 eiiue fr' m cu-stoms, includ- 
 ing revenue cutter service, 
 111875 8,006,678 10 
 
 "ost for same service in 1860 3,321,430 53 
 
 ■ 4,682,247 57 
 
 28,616,523 53 
 : TATE.ME.VT F.—Pen.fiotig. 
 ihecnti'-c amount on account of pen- 
 sions is dmluctsd, as it is not reasona- 
 ble to suppose that nja.'v persons who 
 would be entitled to the benefits of the 
 old peusioc lamrs are now living $92,456,215 22 
 
 Statemext Gc.- Military estaUishmsnt. 
 
 Bounty under act of July 28. 1896 227-111 4i 
 
 Traveling expenses of California volun- ' 
 
 teers and Mlchiean cavalry 12.185 1s 
 
 i'-ureau of Refugees and Kreedmen 3r7i6 20 
 
 Horses and otlier property lost in laili- ' 
 
 tary service 
 
 ae-imbursing States' expenses in sup- 
 pressing rebellion isg ggy oq 
 
 Claims ofloyal citizens for supplies fur- ' 
 
 nished during the rebellion 1 "es 170 *n 
 
 Publication of official records oi the • •" »" 
 
 war of rtbellion 
 
 Commutation of rations to prisoners of 
 
 war 
 
 Stoppaffos or fines due National iiome 
 
 for Disabled Volunteers 911 595 10 
 
 Expeusesunder reconstruction acts...! \m\ nA 
 Bounty and pri^e money to colored sol- 
 diers and sailors SO 000 GO 
 
 Keeping, transporting, and supplying ' 
 
 ^prisoners of war. » 2, ins 35 
 
 168,869 59 
 
 83,720 63 
 
 20,000 00 
 
 4,000 00 
 
 ,595 12 
 240 04 
 
 National cemeteries. 
 
 1S4.9S9 1? 
 40,030 Ofi 
 
 S, 171, 371 0? 
 
 ^e^^1•'ill?°^' .^"'.^'■*"^^* '" national cem- 
 Alc'jical and SurgicaViiistory oftUe War! 
 
 Total of claims actually paid 
 increased expenditures of the Armv'in 
 
 consequence of the war: -^'^my ^ 
 
 PayofthoArmyf3,82«,<«4 55 fl0,87^TO9 3» 
 Com:s>Dept.. 2,745,162 67 •2,851.g4 74 
 Q. M. Dept 6,470,472 58 12,9o0;263 ffl 
 
 13,014,559 80 16^72,358 38 13,627,^^8 KT 
 
 o^ 16,799,169 63 
 
 STATEMENT H.-JVauai establishment. 
 
 Priz« money to captors 04, «,. ,„ 
 
 se""^ aestrucUon of enemy's Ves- 
 
 PaynjenVte Officers aiid'crew of tJiiYte^^ 50,419 32 
 
 btates bteamcr Kearsarse.... 
 -Navy pensions 
 
 Kxtraordinarjr expenditure' ouicc'iujai 
 of construction of four new vessels... 
 
 Statement 1.— Public debt. 
 
 Interest on the public debt 103,893,544 57 
 
 Statement k. 
 The following items which are included in the ar- 
 
 f^ifi;rdrdf.?t's.r^-ea^^.i^for^rh^\2-ftift{fe 
 
 te.nofbook-keeplngr„p«cyc«^*Sfro'7eKceiV^^^^ 
 from persons and conseciuenMy returned i» tkem or 
 expended in their behalf, namely; ®™ ** 
 
 Items. 
 
 Refunding excess ofi 
 amounts deposited by 
 importers for unascer- 
 tained duties 
 
 Debentures and draw- 
 backs 
 
 Kel'undiug duties erione- 
 ously or illegally col- 
 lected 
 
 Patent fund ! 
 
 J814,826 87 
 S85.158 39 
 
 3,821 5.^ 
 219,573 53 
 
 »1, 863, 657 85 
 1,626,562 17 
 
 9,810 3S 
 672,539 37 
 
 Total ! i. 623, 380 341 
 
 4,172,570 8S 
 
\ 
 
 ■liioaitic Reform and their Platform Examined, 
 
 itliB House, July 31, 1876, Hon. Jacob I tributes to the ^en.ral stagnation of business I, 
 
 Thokxbukgh said : 
 
 * Mr. Speaker, it provokes both a smile and 
 
 : t'u.'isot InJignation to hear the eharge made 
 
 . i.u.st. the republican party by the democracy 
 
 . ih; expenses of the .Government are Increas- 
 
 ^ v..i :oo great, that -taxes are burdening the 
 
 ;'eup,e, that there are too many clerks and em- 
 
 p.uyoes in the Departments, and our wiekad ex- 
 
 I rc'»vaganc« has brought it about. Do they think 
 
 «ie momory of the American people is so short as 
 
 vj torget that the democratic party of the South 
 
 uuterod into a four years' rebellion, and was aided 
 
 .Ml encouraged by manyof their northern brethren 
 
 wlio are co-operating with thorn to-day V Do they 
 
 siippos'j the people do not know that billious of 
 
 treasure was a part of the price we paid to preserve 
 
 Itha union of the States and make this happy cen- 
 tennial rejoicing possible? Do they not know who 
 laid tliess burdens that are so hard to bear on our 
 jnoulders ? We pay to-day about ninety millions 
 interest on the money we borrowed to put down 
 :he rebellion. We pay about thirty millions more 
 ' pensions to disabled Union soldiers, their widows 
 and orphans; we i)ay many millions more to olli- 
 cers ol the regular Army on the retired list : for 
 the examination and payment of claims for sup- 
 plies taken ; increase of clerical force to regulate 
 and preserve the enormous records accumulatino- 
 irom a tour years' war with two millions of men 
 on the rolls— all this growing directly out of the 
 rebellion. Yet the men engaged in that rebellion 
 and thoaa in full sympathy with them then as 
 BOW are loudest in bitter denunciation of the ex- 
 travagance of the republican party; or, to quote 
 the language of an able Senator, they tell us— 
 You repuuiicans did not conquer our rebellion 
 quite as cheaply as you ought to have done, you 
 have not handled ta.Kation and the public debt 
 and the otuer consequences growing out of our 
 treason as well as you ought to have done. There- 
 lore we are indignant about it. You oiio-ht to 
 have done this business better ; you ought t'o have 
 whipped us at half the expense, and you did not 
 
 wa<*^„ / . . , ' \. expense, ana you did not. wnen ne nrst sees it may discover when tor. la 
 We propose to take the Government out of your that his folly and neglect have cost lum a shi" 
 hands and ourselves to settle with and .ipni with It is not, fi^nnm* t^ .«r.,.;"., ,« :„_. '^ *J^^'P' 
 
 hands and ourselves to settle with and deal with 
 the consequences of our own crimes and blunders. 
 
 Municipal reform and economy are necessary 
 No one doubts it. The cir,y of Ne?/ York is an ex- 
 ample of this need. V/hat reform has democracy 
 lusutuiod there? It has had an undisputed field. 
 What h.is It accomplished? It has increased the 
 city dcot from $36,UO'),000, in 1S67, to over $132 000 
 000 m 187e. Is this the kind of reform democracy 
 would bring to the nation ? If it is, our national 
 debt would be nearly 410,uaj,coo,000 before the 
 close ot a single term ef a democratic control. If 
 democracy has done better than this in any other 
 oity where it has had control, let us have the 
 name of the city and the character of the reforra 
 ostai)lished. 
 
 As for the practice of economy In public expen- 
 dltures, I believe in it. The republican party 
 practice it. But saving money does not always 
 indica e economy. You may refuse to build a 
 light-l-ouse where one is needed and thereby save 
 a few thousands of dollars, but you inflict an in- 
 jury on commerce and on humanity which cannot 
 pe calculated in dollars and cents. You may re- 
 fuse to finish a public building and thereby keep 
 a few thousands in the Treasury, but the work is 
 needed and must some time be executed. You 
 have simply postponed payment. There Is no 
 economy in that. You may cut down your appro- 
 priation bills several millions, but you risk a seri- 
 ous injury to the public service which you have 
 no rigat to incur. You may stop public improve- 
 ments, a^seharge mechanics and laborers, shut up 
 factories and workshops engaged on public works 
 and may call this economy, but it is not economy 
 You have set an example for those who have 
 money and ought to spend it to withhold expend!- 
 tures, shut down on labor, and thus you have con- 
 
 4.1 . ^ "'^ ?-,^-*«, i.ii »La,f^iicitiou vi L>usiaess IJr 
 
 chis economy? You may call it economy, but the 
 people next November will call it by Its right 
 
 name, political stupidity. ^ 
 
 <lnd''f"?,■'t'^'lr;l'"i'^f "^"^ ^^^ ^^^ °f ^^« overworked 
 andlaithiul letter-carriers, who servo the people 
 
 n^Ji^''/i^,-''"l^'^''"'lSb sunshine and storm, ex! 
 po^ed to tne fierce heat of summer and the ex- 
 treme cold of winter, but this is not economy: it Is 
 legalized injustice, and will be so regarded when 
 the people come to render their verdict 
 
 You may reduce salaries established when De- 
 wh^^'^^^iT"^ in power, and then none too largo, 
 when gold was the currency of the land, and when 
 every article entering into household co-isamptioE 
 was cheaper than now; but this is not economy 
 It is simply parsimony uncalled for by any exl! 
 goncy ot the times, and indefeasible on any 
 grounds except those ol partisan warfare. 
 „,>,"!* ^^7 ^a-p a few thousand* of dollars by 
 withdrawing the fast mails, and might appear to 
 save more by returning to the old st^e-co^h sys 
 tern 01 transportation, but you crlppfe the posta' 
 service and entail a loss direct and Indirlct oi 
 
 nnfi7« w'i''°®?? ™^° ^^"^ ^''^»^'' <l'^i«^ dispatch 
 ancl to whom the very earliest Information hla be- 
 come a vital necessity. You may call this economy, 
 and may argue on this floor that it is, but when 
 you return to your constituents you will discover 
 that you have eommitted a blunder tha,t cannot 
 
 nLt^^H^^*^ ""^ justified on any grounds of public 
 QCwCSSity, 
 
 mJ^'i.o<f°K°°?'y eonsnlts public Interests, and 
 may often be found in the increase rather than in 
 the diminution of public expenditures. By ri- 
 l'inJ?£ *° appropriate sufficient money for the 
 ?,^=Efi^ t^^° **^ °"i °*^y y^rds, arsenals, mints, 
 custom-houses and other public buildip-» that 
 constantly need to be watched and repairlid. you 
 actually waste the public funds,for you entail upon 
 subsequent years expenditures that would be un- 
 necessary if a proper sum had been appropriated 
 to care for and properly guard the property of the 
 whI^''?°'«''V "^^^ '''''°' ^lio fails to Slop a leak 
 ?^i-.t M f n * *®S^ '^ ""^y discover when too lats 
 
 it IS not economy to refuse sutScient approprla- 
 t ons for the rivers and harbors scattered ail over 
 this broad land which can easily be made navio-a- 
 by a reasonable expenditure, unless in rh« 
 samobiU you Incorporate useless and reckless ex- 
 penditures on "creeks that will not swim a duck " 
 and where the engineers report that the first thine 
 necessary is a steam-pump to pump up the water 
 to start a river. And yet this Is the character of 
 economy we have seen practiced In this House 
 where the Democratic party is in power. I do not 
 claim that Republican legislation is perfect, that 
 errors have not been committed; but I do claim 
 that It stands ready to punish its dishonest offl. 
 cials correct Its errors, and that the American 
 people can with far more confidence intrust the 
 administration of this CJ-overnment in its hands 
 than to turn it over to Democracy. 
 
 Again, we are told that reform'ls necessary In 
 Lhe civil service, and are further informed that— 
 
 ^"?^P®J's"je proves that efficient economical con- 
 duct of the Governmental business is not posgl- 
 bleif Its civil service be subject to change at every 
 election, be a prize fought for at the ballot-box. 
 be a brief reward of party zeal instead of a post of 
 honor assigned for proved competencj-, and held 
 for fidelity in th« public employ." 
 
 Does Democracy practice what itherepreacheit 
 Can it be claimed that the Republica.n officials, 
 many of them wounded ex- Federal soldiers, who 
 were removed by the majority of this House, were 
 less efficient than the Democrats who were ap. 
 pointed to their places? If they were as efficient 
 why were they removed? Everybodv knows they 
 were removed because they were Republicans. 
 Had they been Democrats they would have been 
 retained. I refer to the radical changes made iS' 
 
16 
 
 the employees of this House since Democracy coii- 
 trolled it simply to show that the Democratic 
 Solons of St. Louis differ very widely from the 
 Democratic Solomons here assembled, or St. 
 Liouis was insincoro in its x>retensions. 1 prefer to 
 beliers the latter, for a close observation has con- 
 vinced me that Democracy is about the same 
 every\vl;ere; it believes in Democracy, it sur- 
 rounds itself v/ith Democracy, it makes war on 
 anything- or everything that appears hostile to 
 Democracy. 
 
 If officers should bo held by men as a reward 
 for competency, as a post ol honor for fidelity In 
 the public emiiloy,;why did the offlctal axe decapi- 
 tate men of triod ability and known integrity in 
 this House? Why was it used so fiercely when 
 Tilden repla-sed John A. Dix, and swept the State 
 ofNew York of Republican officials? Why Is It 
 that in every State, county, town, or eity, where 
 Democracy controls the appointments, that none 
 but Democrats are found in office? The answer is 
 plain. It is simply because it is the policy of the 
 party to surround "itself by its friends; and in the 
 iull glare of this policy the reform alluded to 
 la the St. LiOuis platform seems to be much out of 
 place as a prayer-meeting would be in Tammany 
 Hall. Again, allow me to exclaim, "Humbug, thy 
 name is Democratic Reform." 
 
 There mav be abuses which have crept Into the 
 Civil Service, but these can b e corrected without 
 destroying the jiarty that has built up a civil ser- 
 vice which is as honorable and as efficient as any 
 {ft the world, To say that "the first step in re- 
 form must be the people's choice of honest men 
 froro another party," is to say that the only way 
 t-? tiop a leak is to destroy the ship and build 
 •aorher; or, to make an illustration more appli- 
 eab'ie, to destroy a vessel that is known to be 
 staunch and sea-worthy and to replace it with one 
 that is believed to be worm-eaten below the water- 
 line and badly damaged above, and likely to go 
 to pieces with the first blast of the elements. 
 
 Yes, reform is necessary, and always will be 
 until t!:e end of time; but how is It to be brought 
 about .' Our plan is to select the very best men in 
 the Rcriublican party, point out where reform is 
 needed^ and let them do the work, and bring to 
 Bwift unti certain punislunent all dishonest of- 
 flchils. What is the Democratic plan? We have 
 it annoar.ced in tlie platform. "Reform can only 
 toe had," says this oracular piece of timber, "by a 
 peaceful, civil revolution." Ominous words. The 
 last attempt of a large portion of this same party 
 at revolution was not "peaceful," though that 
 promised in the beginning it would be. It failed ; 
 and now the same portion is to try the virtues of a 
 peaceful revolution. Will it succeed? First let 
 ias ask, should it? Is there anything In the pres- 
 ent couUtion of public afl'alrs that would justify a 
 revolution of any kind, peaceful or otherwise? 
 
 Our national policy Is a good one. Our foreign 
 relations ;i re satisfactory. Wo are In the enjoy- 
 ment oi peace abroad and, with the exception of our 
 Indian troubles, peace at home. Democracy asks 
 :ifor support on the grounds that it has accepted 
 
 the results of the war and the amendments of the 
 Constitution as binding. If this is so, why thft 
 necessity of a revolution to Taring out reforWf 
 when every measure of the Republican party is | 
 exact accord with the changed condition incidol 
 to these results and amendments? What is til 
 meaning of revolution? It is something more than 
 a change for the better, it is a complete over- 
 throw of existing affairs, and whether it comes ic 
 the shape of politics or war, it leaves In its track 
 a desolation that can only be justified by the plea 
 that it was the last resort of an oppressed people. 
 Webster says, in defining the term, "a rcvolvlion 
 In politics is the consummation of a rebeUioa or 
 revolt against the established or existing gov- 
 ernment." Is this "peaceful revolution" which 
 the Democratic platform tells us is the only means 
 whereby reform can be brought about "the con- 
 summation of a rebellion or revolt against the es- 
 tablished or existing government?" If it is, then 
 Indeed the people should be informed of its char- 
 acter, and forewarned that its object is to secure 
 by peaceful revolution what an armed rebellion 
 failed to secure by the sword. If it is to be a re- 
 volt against the established Government, under 
 the cover «f politics, who that loves his country 
 can hesitate in deciding on which side he belongs?) 
 If the price to be paid for democratic reform i£ 
 revolution, even though it be peacetul, the peopl<| 
 will have none of it, but will reject it as they die 
 the reform which was proclaimed in the bugle 
 blasts of war and in the tread of migl ty column 
 armed to enforce it. 
 
 Revolution is distasteful In any form to the' 
 American people. Whether peaceful or warlike 
 they will accept It only as a last resort. That 
 contingency has not yet arrived, nor will it as;iong 
 as patriotism and loyalty remain in power. I 
 have an abiding faith in the good sense of the ma- 
 jority, and I Icel assured that whatever reform is 
 to be brought about will be Inaugurated bv the 
 party that hns defended the nation in its hour of 
 trial and guided it with unparalleled wisdom 
 through eleven years of peace. 
 
 The voice of the people will be heard in Novem- 
 ber through the ballot-box, not calling democracy 
 into power, but in a full, hearty Indorsement oi 
 the republican party and the patriotic work that 
 it has performed. The ballot has not yet failed 
 us, and never will as long as patriotism, loyalty, 
 and integrity are ruling elements in the land. On 
 the ballot we rely for the vindication of our work 
 and the purity of our motives. It is the true re- 
 former Itiat brings about Improvement without 
 revolution and corrects all wrongs without excit- 
 ing rebellion or revolt. When its voice, denounc- 
 ing democracy and sham reform, shall be heard, 
 the revoIutionist.<5 of the land will be forced te 
 acknowledge that — 
 
 There is a weapon sure- yet 
 
 And stronger than the bii.yonct ; 
 
 A weapon that comes down as still 
 As suow-flakes fall upon the sod : 
 
 But executes a fi-eeman's will 
 As lighting does the will of God. 
 
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