vV ':%,/ W • V> ^ '' ,N> X ' V '\ V ^ %. x c „ v. \V Tic v -^ .-is' -_ x .0' VARRONIANUS: CRITICAL AND HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION PHILOLOGICAL STUDY THE LATIN LANGUAGE. ™y REV. JOHN WILLIAM DONALDSON, M.A. F.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., F.P.S. ; HEAD MASTER OF THE ROYAL SCHOOL, BURY ST. EDMUNDS ; AND LATE FELLOW, ASSISTANT TUTOR, AND CLASSICAL LECTURER OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. Licet omnia Italica pro Romanis habeam. Quintil. CAMBRIDGE : J. AND J. J. DEIGHTON; LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS, LONDON; J. H. PARKER, OXFORD; AND J. A. G. WEIGEL, LEIPSIG. MDCCCXLIV. -./.' ■■";■ -TV . .; - THE RIGHT REVEREND CONNOP THIRLWALL, D.D. LORD BISHOP OF ST. DAVIDS, PRESIDENT OF THE PHILOLOGICAL SOCIETY, ETC. ETC. If I had only public reasons for prefixing your Lordship's name to this work, I should not have much difficulty in justifying my dedication. Your position in the first rank of English scholars, your profound and original researches in the highest departments of philology, and, above all, the share which you have had in rendering the great work of Niebuhr accessible to the English student, might well exact such a tribute of respect from any labourer in the same field. But while I express the admiration which I have always felt for your genius and learn- ing, I wish also to take this opportunity of recording some of the most pleasing recollections connected with my residence within the walls of Trinity College, Cambridge. There is no period of that residence to which I do not revert with affection and grati- tude, and my warmest acknowledgments are due to many whom I had the happiness to know there. But of all the advan- tages which I enjoyed at Cambridge, there is no one which I estimate more highly than this — that I was among those who were permitted, some ten or twelve years ago, to attend the crowded lecture-room in which your Lordship first taught the students of the College to understand and appreciate the philo- VI DEDICATION. sophy of Aristotle. These lectures, combined with the influence which your Lordship possessed among the more intellectual and cultivated members of the College, produced a normal effect of the utmost importance, by which many have benefited. My own share in this benefit I would gladly acknowledge ; and I am sure I cannot prize too highly the opportunity by which I was allowed to profit. The philological student travels along a road with many turnings which all end in nothing, or worse ; and he has great reason to be thankful, if, at an early part of his career, he meets with a guide who is both willing and able to point out to him the straight and steep and narrow road which leads to the temple of truth. My personal acquaintance with your Lordship has been inconsiderable ; but, though I may re- gret this circumstance on my own account, it will not, I conceive, detract from this testimony to the merits and efficacy of your public teaching. In this spirit, and writing as a philologer to a philologer, I have presumed to request your acceptance of the present work ; and I cannot form a more ambitious hope, than that it may succeed in obtaining your Lordship's approbation. I have the honour to be, My Lord, Your Lordship's faithful servant, J. W. DONALDSON. PREFACE. No person who is conversant with the subject will venture to assert that Latin scholarship is at pre- sent flourishing in England. On the contrary, it must be admitted that, while we have lost that practical familiarity with the Latin language which was possessed some forty years ago by every Eng- lishman with any pretensions to scholarship, we have not supplied the deficiency by making our- selves acquainted with the results of modern phi- lology, so far as they have been brought to bear upon the language and literature of ancient Rome. The same impulse which has increased and ex- tended our knowledge of Greek has checked and impoverished our Latinity. The discovery that the Greek is, after all, an easier language than the Latin, and that it may be learned without the aid of its sister idiom, while it has certainly enabled many to penetrate into the arcana of Greek criti- cism who must otherwise have stopt at the thresh- old, has at the same time prevented many from facing the difficulties which surround the less at- tractive literature of Rome, and, by removing one reason for learning Latin, has induced the student to overlook the other and higher considerations which must always confer upon this language its value, its importance, and its dignity. A return to the Latin scholarship of our ances- tors can only be effected by a revival of certain old-fashioned methods and usages, which have been abandoned, perhaps more hastily than wisely, in favour of new habits and new theories. No arguments can make it fashionable for scholars to clothe their thoughts in a classic garb : exam- ple will do more than precept ; and when some English philologer of sufficient authority shall ac- quire and exert the faculty of writing Latin with terse and simple elegance, he will not want imita- tors and followers. With regard, however, to our ignorance of modern Latin philology, it must be owned that our younger students have at least one excuse — namely, that they have no manual of instruction ; no means of learning what has been done and is still doing in the higher depart- ments of Italian philology ; and if we may judge from the want of information on these subjects which is so frequently conspicuous in the works of our learned authors, our literary travellers, and our classical commentators, this deficiency is deeply rooted, and has been long and sensibly felt. Even those among us who have access to the stores of German literature, would seek in vain for a single book which might serve as the groundwork of their studies in this department. The most com- prehensive Roman histories, and the most elabo- rate Latin grammars, do not satisfy the curiosity of the inquisitive student ; and though there is already before the world a great mass of mate- rials, these are scattered through the voluminous works of German and Italian scholars, and are, therefore, of little use to him who is not prepared to select for himself what is really valuable, and to throw aside the crude speculations and vague con- jectures by which such researches are too often encumbered and deformed. These considerations, and the advice of some friends, who have supposed that I might not be unprepared for such an office, have induced me to undertake the work which is now presented to the English student. How far I have accom- plished my design must be left to the judgment of others. It has been my wish to produce, within as short a compass as possible, a complete and systematic treatise on the origin of the Romans, and the structure and affinities of their language, — a work which, while it might be practically useful to the intelligent and educated traveller in Italy, no less than to the reader of Niebuhr and Arnold, might at the same time furnish a few specimens and samples of those deeper researches, the full prosecution of which is reserved for a chosen few. The most cursory inspection of the table of contents will shew what is the plan of the book, and what information it professes to give. Most earnestly do I hope that it may contribute in some degree to awaken among my countrymen a more thoughtful and manly spirit of Latin phi- lology. In proportion as it effects this object, I shall feel myself excused in having thus ventured to commit to a distant press a work necessarily composed amid the distractions and interruptions of a laborious and engrossing profession. J. W. D. The School Hall, Bury St. Edmunds, 25th March. 1844. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES CONSIDERED AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. SECT. PAGE 1. Elements of the population of Rome 1 2. The Latins — a composite tribe 2 3. The Oscans, &c 3 4. Alba and Lavinium 4 5. The Sabines — how related to the Umbrians and Oscans . . 5 6. The Umbrians — their ancient greatness ..... 7 7. Reduced to insignificance by Pelasgian invaders .... 8 8. The Pelasgians — the differences of their position in Italy and Greece respectively . . , 9 9. They preserve their national integrity in Etruria . . . .10 10. The Etruscans — the theory of Lepsius, respecting their Pelasgian origin, adopted and confirmed ....... 10 11. Meaning and ethnical extent of the name " Tyrrhenian" . . 11 12. " Rasena" only a corruption of the original form of this name . 13 13. The Etruscan language — a mixture of Pelasgian and Umbrian ; the latter prevailing more in the country, the former in the towns 16, 18 14. The Pelasgian origin of the Etruscans further confirmed by the tra- ditionary history of the Luceres . . . . . .19 15. Conclusion 22 CHAPTER II. THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 1. Etymology of the word Tle\av ipv^druiv, & Trpccroi roov TrjSe oikovvtccv KareffKevdcravTO. ripireis yaq Kal irapa Tv$pr\v ° Tl Ty P* yo$, i. e. the arx. 2 In the neighbourhood, how- ever, was the city Tiryns, which is still remarkable for its gigantic cyclopean remains, and in the name of which we may recognise the word Tvppis ; 3 and not much further on the other side was Thyrea, which Pausanias connects with the fortified city Thyrceon, 4 in the middle of Pelasgian Arcadia ; and further south we have the Messenian Thuria, and Thyrides at the foot of Taenaron. Then again, in the northern abodes of the Pelasgians, we find Tyrrheum, a 1 01. ii. 70 : ereiAav Aibs 68bv irapa Kp6vov Tvpaiv. See also Orph. Argon. 151: rvpaiv ipvfjivrjs MjA^tojo. Suidas: ivptros, rb ev vitrei ^koSo,utj- ixtvov. The word rvpavvos contains the same root : comp. noipavos with /capo, and the other analogies pointed out in the New Cratylus, p. 415, sqq. 2 Liv. xxxiv. 25 : " Utrasque arces, nam duas habent Argi." 3 According to Theophrastus (apud Plin. vii. 57), the inhabitants of Tiryns were the inventors of the ripasis. As early as Homer's time the town was called Tetx^ etrv iOvicav PapPdpoov avxvuv immediately follows. I cannot doubt that we ought to read, avfyrai is nArjdos, rwv HeAacrywv jxaXicna Tpo(mex u P'0 K &' roiv avrai koX olWwv iQv4wv fiap- fidpow ffvx"^v. The epithet iroWSiv has crept into the text from a marginal explanation of avxywv, and ruv iQviwv iroXXuv has consequently taken the place of the abbreviation twc nArw [nAAwy] for twv UeAaayuv. § 12.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 15 to the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians, and not to the Masence, a rude people from the Alps ; that the cyclopean architecture, the famous signa Tuscanica, the musical skill, the monetary system, and even the writing of the Tuscans, is due to them; that in the Etruscan discipline, in the Etruscan science and literature, in a word, in then* history and my- thology, we have an inheritance left by Pelasgians, and not by barbarous Rasenae. If so, how did it happen that, while the uncultivated northern conquerors exchanged their own nationality for these endowments of the subjugated Pelasgians, and even assumed their name — that of the Tyrrhenians — they nevertheless did not adopt their lan- guage, the original vehicle of all mental cultivation, but translated the thoughts of a foreign tribe into their own barbarous tongue ? It seems to me useless to follow any further the consequences to which this hypothesis of a Rasenic conquest of the Pelasgic Tyrrhenians must neces- sarily lead: thus much will suffice to shew how utterly untenable it is." Lastly, we are indebted to this ingenious author for a confirmation of the happy conjecture by which Lanzi 1 and Cramer 2 had already removed the only diffi- culty that might seem to leave a doubt upon the subject. After observing that the name 'Paaeva occurs only in a single passage of Dionysius — that it is never mentioned before or after him, either as a name of the people, or as that of an Etruscan hero — and how incredible it is that the Roman writers, who so thoroughly investigated the subject, should have heard nothing of this name, or the tradition on which it rested, — he suggests the probability, that the text of Dionysius, 3 which is often faulty, and . p. i»y. 2 Ancient Italy, i. p. 161. It is not a little surprising that this conjec- ture should have been either unknown to Niebuhr and Miiller, or unheeded by them. 3 The passage runs thus (i. 30) : uvoixdaOaL 5' vvo>v nvbs 'Pacreva (1. Tapaeva) rbv abrbv itce'ivcc Tp6lT0V ovofx.d£ovtri. 1 According to Strabo, v. p. 254, Tpax'wa was the earlier name of Tapfia- Kiva. Terracina is the later pronunciation, resulting perhaps from a wish to Latinise the name. Similarly, Veladri was converted into Volaterrce. 2 The change from Tapaeva into Tvpai}v6s is analogous to the Greek change of Porsena into Tlvpat)v6s, Hopa-i]vas, Tlopalvos (as from irvpaSs, irvppds, Tlvfip'Ss) ; a change which led Niebuhr into his strange error respecting the quantity of the word (see Macaulay, Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 44). 3 If it be objected, that the word Rasne (plur. Rasnes) occurs in the great Perugian inscription (below, Chap. V.) ; in the first place it may be answered, that there is no evidence for identifying this with the ethnic designation of the Tuscans ; and if this were necessary, still we might sup- pose that 'Paaeva and Rasne were mutilations of Tapaaeva, analogous to the Tuscan mi for esmi. As far, however, as I can conjecture the meaning of the word Rasne, it has nothing whatever to do with this ethnic name. § 13.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 17 language — an interpenetration of the Pelasgian and Urn- mixture of Pe- brian idioms. The Pelasgians of the Po invaded and umbrian! conquered the Umbrians, who remained, however, in their own land in subjection to the Pelasgian aristocracy. Al- though the Umbrian language, therefore, was in the first instance thrown into the background, it could not be alto- gether suppressed, but, on the contrary, gradually exerted an influence on the language of the victors, which was the more sensibly felt, because the Pelasgians were separated from their own people, whereas the Umbrians spoke the language of the land and that of the surrounding countries. The Pelasgian invaders stood in the same relation to the Umbrians, as the Normans did to the Saxons after their conquest of England. In both cases a more highly civilised nation settled, as conquerors and with strong national attachments, among a less cultivated race. As the English language was formed by an union of the Norman with the Anglo-Saxon, so the Etruscan arose from the combination of the Pelasgian with the Umbrian. The process of amal- gamation in the former case is well known. It did not take place at once. Gradually, however, the language of the conquered people resumed its place even in the cities. The characteristics of this mixed language, as it appeared in the towns, was a preponderating number of Norman words accommodated to the Saxon grammar, as far as it remained. The words were mutilated, lost their termina- tions, and were pronounced with the accent thrown back, like the Saxon words. The same was the case in Etruria. The Umbrians were perhaps even less cultivated in letters than the Anglo-Saxons, and the oldest written memorials were Pelasgian. But the old language of the country at length began to exert a modifying influence on the idiom of the conquerors. The accent was thrown back, after the Italian custom ; the inflexions, no longer understood, were omitted ; and a compound language sprung up, which we 18 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [Ch. I. must call no longer Pelasgian, but Etruscan. The Pelas- gian element predominated, but was always more and more corrupted by the influence of the Umbrian admix- ture. The older the fragments of the language, the more Pelasgic are they ; the later, the more Etruscan. There were some exceptions, — such, for instance, as Caere, which may have retained the Pelasgian language, — but these were only exceptions to the general rule. Lepsius supposes that the old Pelasgian language gave way to the new compound language at the time when the democratic party in Etruria, supported by the Romans, began to prevail over the Pelas- gian aristocracy : this period commences with the fifth century B.C., and includes the downfal of Tarquinii, the Veientine wars, the rise of the Roman colonies (383), the conquest of Perusia (310), and the seditions of Volsinii. As in England the country -people preserved their Saxon longer than the inhabitants of the towns, so it was in Etruria. This appears from the circumstance mentioned by Livy (x. 4) under the year B.C. 301, that some pre- tended shepherds were detected by a Roman general in Etruria, in consequence of their speaking the town lan- guage. The same author mentions (ix. 36), that, in the year B.C. 308, two men brought up at Caere were sent through the Ciminian forest to treat with the Camertians in Umbria. This implies that Umbrian country -people surrounded the Tuscan cities of Caere and Clusium (an- ciently called Caviars) ; and the same fact is implied, with regard to Etruria in general, in the mention of Penestce by Dionysius (ix. 5), and in the agrestes Etruscorum cohortes of Livy (ix. 86). The conclusion arrived at by Lepsius is, therefore, that the Etruscan language is a Pelasgian idiom, gradually de- stroyed by intermixture with the Umbrian ; and he is con- vinced that this view will be confirmed by every increase of our knowledge with regard to the Etruscan. What § 14.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 19 we already know of this language proves its connexion with the Grseco-Latin dialects on the one hand, and with the Umbrian on the other ; and it will be shewn in a sub- sequent chapter, that some even of those words which appear most barbarous, admit of a very satisfactory ex- planation from a comparison with corresponding roots in the Indo-Germanic languages. In addition, however, to the inferences which Lepsius § 14. has drawn from the notices scattered through the pages of origin of the" ancient writers, and from the Etruscan language as it still Etruscans fur- ° ° ther confirmed appears, we must not overlook the fact that this identifica- by the tradition - tion of the Etruscans with the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians most the Luceres. strikingly explains the traditionary history of the Luceres. While a great many traditions represent the Luceres, or third Roman tribe, as Pelasgians, just as many more describe the settlers on the Cselian and Esquiline as Etruscans, who fought on the side of Romulus in his war with the Sabines. If, then, it is once ascertained that the Etruscans were Pelasgians, all these diverging traditions flow in the same channel. It appears that the Oscan or Alban Ramnes on the Palatine 1 had reduced the Pelasgians on the Caelian to a state of dependence or vassalage; what took place in Latium generally was also enacted on the Septimontium. These two communities — one of which we may call Roma, and the other Lucerum — constituted the original city of Rome, which contended on a footing of equality with the Quirites: hence the legend calls Roma the daughter of Italus and Leucaria, 2 — of the aboriginal Oscans, and the foreign or Pelasgian Luceres. When Roma admitted 1 The " Palatini aborigines ex agro Reatino," as Varro calls them (L. L. v. § 53). 2 Plutarch. Romul. ii. , where we must read Aevnapias. 20 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES [Cii. I. Quirium to the privileges of citizenship, the Qui rites na- turally took rank above the subject Luceres, and the celsi Roanies still remained at the head of the populus. Accord- ing to one story, they compelled the Luceres to leave their stronghold and descend to the plain. 1 It appears, too, that, together with the Caelian town, the Palatine Romans ruled over the possessions of the Luceres in the Solonian plain, which were called the Pectuscum Palati, or " breast- work of the Palatine." 2 Now, it is distinctly said, that the Luceres were first raised to the full privileges of the other burgesses by the first Tarquinius, who both intro- duced them into the senate, and also gave them represen- tatives among the ministers of religion. 3 And who was this Lucius Tarquinius but a Lucumo or grandee from the Tuscan city Tarquinii, who settled at Rome, and was raised to the throne ? Indeed, there seems to be but little reason to doubt that he was the Caeles Vivenna, 4 whose friend and successor Mastarna appears under the name of Servius Tullius. 5 The difference in the policy of the first and second of these Tuscan kings of Rome need not surprise us. Every scattered hint referring to this Tullius, or Mastarna, represents him as connected with that Pelasgian 1 Varro, L. L. v. § 46. 2 Festus, p. 213, Miiller: " Pectuscum Palati dicta est ea regie- Urbis, quam Romulus obversam posuit, ea parte in qua plurimum erat agri Romani ad mare versus et qua mollissime adibatur urbs, cum Etruscorum agrum a Romano Tiberis discluderet, ceterse vicinse civitates colles aliquos haberent oppositos." 3 See Niebuhr, i. p. 296; iii. p. 350. 4 Niebuhr, i. p. 375, note 922 ; and Kleine Schriften, ii. p. 26, sqq. 5 See the celebrated Lugdunensian Table, Lipsius, Excurs. ad Tac. Ann. xi. 24. Miiller (Etrusker, i. 118-123) ingeniously conjectures that the reigns of the Tarquins mythically represent the predominance of the city Tarquinii, which was for a time interfered with by Mastarna, the representative of the rival city Volsinii. Tarquinii, however, for a while resumed her influence ; but at last was obliged to succumb, like the other Tuscan cities, to Clusium. § 14.] AS RELATED TO EACH OTHER. 21 branch of the Roman population which eventually fur- nished the greater part of the plebs , J whereas Vivenna, or Tarquinius, was a patrician or Lucumo of the Tuscan city Tarquinii, and his prejudices were of course aristocratic, or rather, as was more fully developed in the case of the second Tarquinius, tyrannical; for only the absolute so- vereign of a great nation could have accomplished the wonderful works which were achieved by this Tarquinian Lucumo. There is sufficient reason to believe that Rome stood high as a Tuscan town during the last years of its monarchal history. The Septimontium, if not the capital of southern Etruria, 2 was at least the southern bulwark of the twelve cities, and extended its dominion over a large part of the Sabine territory. The fall of the regal power of Rome has been well ascribed to the downfal of Tar- quinii and the rising predominance of Clusium. If Lars Porsena, when he conquered Rome, had really been anxious for the restoration of Superbus, he might easily have re- placed him on the throne ; but he was so far from doing this, that he did not even grant him an exsilium in his own dominions. The vanquished Lucumo of Rome took re- fuge, not at Clusium, but at Cumas, 3 with Porsena's great enemy Aristodemus, 4 whom he made his heir, and who subsequently defeated and slew Aruns Porsena, when, with a Clusian army, he made war on Aricia, and endeavoured to found a Tuscan empire in Latium. 1 See, for instance, Livy, i. 30, where both Tullius and Servilius (Nie- buhr, i. note 920) are mentioned as Latin family names. 2 Niebuhr, i. p. 373. 3 Cramer's Italy, ii. p. 150. 4 There are many traces of the connexion of the Roman Tuscans with the Greeks. The first Tarquin himself is represented as half a Greek ; and Mac- aulay has pointed out very clearly the Greek features of the second Tarqui- nian legend {Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 80). The equestrian games of the Tarquins, and their reverence for the Delphic oracle, also imply frequent intercourse with Greece, of which we read still more distinctly in the case of Pyrgi, the renowned port of Agylla, or Cseie, another Etruscan town, which, like Tarquinii, was intimately connected with Rome. 22 THE OLD ITALIAN TRIBES. [Ch. I. § 15. This identification of the Etruscans with the Tyrrheno- oac usion. p e i aS g} aris enables us to come to a fixed conclusion on the subject of the old population of Italy, and the relations of the different tribes to one another. How they stood re- lated to the Transpadane members of the great European family is a subsequent inquiry ; but within the limits of Italy proper, we may now say, there were originally two branches of one great family, — the Umbrians, extending from the Po to the Tiber; and the Oscans, occupying the southern half of the peninsula. These nations were in- vaded by Pelasgians from the north-east. The main body of the invaders settled in Etruria, and established a perma- nent empire there, which the Umbrians could never throw off. Another great horde of Pelasgians settled in Latium, where they were afterwards partially conquered by the Oscans ; and a mixed population of Pelasgians and Oscans extended to the very south of Italy. The Sabines, how- ever, who were members of the great Umbrian family, returned from the hills, to which the Pelasgians had driven them, and pressed upon the other Umbrians, upon the Oscans, and upon those Latins who were a mixture of conquered Pelasgians and Oscan conquerors. The combi- nation of a branch of these Sabines with a branch of the Latins settled on the Tiber constituted the first beginnings of that Roman people which, standing in the midst of all these races, eventually became a point of centralisation for them all. CHAPTER II. THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. § I. Etymology of the word He\a(ry6s. § 2. How the Pelasgians came into Europe. § 3. Thracians, Gets, and Scythians. § 4. Scythians and Medes. § 5. Iranian origin of the Sarmatians, Scythians, and Getse, may be shewn (1) generally, and (2) by an examination of the remains of the Scythian language. § 6. The Scythians of Herodotus were mem- bers of the Sclavoniari family. § 7. Peculiarities of the Scythian language suggested by Aristophanes. § 8. Names of the Scythian rivers derived and explained. § 9. Names of the Scythian divinities. § 10. Other Scythian words explained. § 11. Successive peopling of Asia and Europe : fate of the Mongolian race. § 12. The Pelasgians were of Sclavonian origin. § 13. Foreign affinities of the Umbrians, &c. § 14. Reasons for believing that they were the same race as the Lithuanians. § 15. Further confirmation from etymology. § 16. Celtic tribes intermixed with the Sclavonians and Lithuanians. § 17. The Sarmatse probably a branch of the Lithuanian family. Since the Umbrians, Oscans, &c. must be regarded in the s ], first instance as aboriginal inhabitants, the inquirer, who Etymology of would pass the limits of Italy and investigate the foreign \a dictum, ut ab La- tinis Venilia, mare notat ; a qua origine etiam weXaayoi, advence." 4 Hellenische Alterthumsk. i. p. 29, Trans, p. 39. He also, half in jest, refers to irXa&v, " to lead astray," p. 36. 5 " Von ireAo (ir6\ts, iroXew, der Sparte TliXwp, und tleXcipia, das Fest der Bewohnung) und dpyos." Orchom. p. 125. 6 Strabo, v. p. 221 ; viii. p. 397. 7 Bekker, Anecd. p. 229 : 8ia ras awMvas hs icp6pow. So also Etymol. Magn. 8 Philol. Mus. i. p. 615. » Lexilogus, i. p. 68, note 1. § 2.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 25 was k/jL6\- ; 1 but the labial generally predominated over the guttural element. Of the labial forms, that with the tenuis more usually came to signify " livid" than " black ;" as we. see in the words Trekios, ireXthvos, &c. Apollodorus expressly says 2 that UeAm? was so called because his face was rendered livid (irekios) by a kick from a horse ; and it is obvious that IHX-o-^r, which signifies "dark-faced" or " swarthy," is an ethnical designation which differs from the well-known name AlQio-^r only in the degree of black- ness which is implied. The Aldioire^ were the " burnt- faced people" (quos India torret, as Tibullus says of them, ii. 3, 59), and are described as perfectly black (Jeremiah xiii. 23 ; Kvaveoi, Hes. Op. et Dies, 525) ; whereas the UeA.07re5 were only dark in comparison with the Hellenes. 3 On the whole, it can hardly be doubted that the IleXaa-yoi were, according to the name given them by the old inha- bitants of Greece, cb-09, and the German thau-en. Zevs, or Zevs irarrjp (Ju-piter), was called Hairalo<;, or " the Father," a name by which he was known to the Latins also. The primary labial sounds are appropriated in all languages to express the primary relation of parent and child. The children on whom Psammitichus tried his experiment (Herod, ii. 2) first uttered the articulate sound /3e-fco$, apparently the first labial followed by the first guttural ; and in some articulations, as well as in the order of our alphabet, this is the natural sequence. To this spon- taneous utterance of the first labials to designate the pa- rental relation and the primary necessities of infancy, I have referred elsewhere (N. Crat. p. 340) ; and it seems to have struck Delitsch also (Isagoge, p. 131), when he speaks of those nouns " quae aboriginum instar sine verbi semine sponte provenerunt, velut 2S } as, primi labiales bal- butientis pueri, Sanscr. pi-tri, nia-tri, &c." The Scythian name for the goddess of the Earth is Airla. This word actually occurs in Greek, ,as the name of the country where the Pelasgians ruled : and the root Ap- or Op- is of frequent occurrence both in Greece and in Italy (Buttmann's Lexil. s. v.). As the Scythian religion appears to have exhibited an elementary character, we should expect that their Apollo would be " the god of the sun." And this seems to be the meaning of his name, as cited by Herodotus. Olro-o-vpos should signify " the light or life of the sun." The second § 9.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 37 part of the word at once refers us to the Sanscrit surya, which is also implied in the avpiov apfia of iEschylus (Pers. 86. N. Crat. p. 576). The first two syllables may be ex- plained as follows. After the loss of the digamma, the sound of w at the beginning of a word was often expressed by o : thus we have "Oa^o<; = Fago? ; "Oao~is, with its modern equivalent el Wall; the Persian interjection oa (iEschyl. Pers. 116), which is doubtless the Greek repre- sentative of the oriental exclamation wah; the N. Test. ovai=weh; and the word olarpos, referring to the whiz- zing noise of the gad-fly. Accordingly, Olro-crvpos, pro- nounced Wito-suros, signifies the Uita, Olros, Alaa, or life of the sun : comp. the Russian Vite, signifying " a por- tion ;" or if we prefer the cognate idea of light, we may compare the oho- with aWrj, aWos, uitta, weiss, " white." It is by no means clear what were the attributes of the celestial Venus of the Scythians. It seems, however, that the name 'ApTlfi-Trao-a must be an approximation to Erth- am-pasa, " the queen of the earth." The Scythian name for Neptune may be explained with almost demonstrable certainty. The general obser- vations on the Scythian language have shewn that they preferred the tenuis to the aspirate. The word ©a/jit/jua- pv (phru) probably contains the element of prav-us (comp. the Ger- man f revel) ; and dpa, signifying " a virgin," may perhaps be connected with "Ap-repus, Etrusc. Ari-timi-s. Herodotus (iv. 52) mentions a fountain the name of which was IZkvOuttI puev ^E^afiTraio^, Kara he rrjv 'EWrj- voov fykwaaav, 'I pal 6Bol. Ritter (Vorhalle, p. 345) conjee- 40 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [Ch. II. tures that the original form of , E^afi-7rai-o<; must have been Hexen-Pfad, i. e. Asen-Pfad, which he compares with Siri-pad, and which denotes, he thinks, the sacred ominous road by which the Cimmerian Buddhists travelled towards the west. Bockh {Corpus Inscript. ii. p. Ill) supposes the right interpretation to be ivvea 6801; so that i£dv is " nine." The numeral " nine" is preserved in a very mu- tiluted state in all languages, both Semitic and Indo-Ger- manic. It may, however, be shewn that it is equivalent in all its expressions to 10— 1 ; and it would not be difficult to point out the possibility of this in the word i%dv, if the reading ivvea 68ol were really certain. This examination includes all the Scythian words which have come down to us with an interpretation ; and in all of them it has been shewn that they are connected, in the signification assigned to them, with the roots or elements which we find in the Indo-Germanic languages. If we add this result of philology to the traditionary facts which have been recorded of the international relations of the Getse, Scythae, Sauromatae, and Medes, we must conclude that the inhabitants of the northern side of the Euxine, who were known to the Greeks under the general name of Scy- thians, were members of the Indo-Germanic family, and not Mongolians, as Niebuhr has supposed. §11. The true theory with regard to the successive peopling pSngSAsS " of Asia and Europe seems to be the following. 1 While S^pMnn the Indo-Germanic or Japhetic race was developing itself within the limits of Iran, and while the Semitic family were spreading from Mesopotamia to Arabia and Egypt, a great population of Tchudes, or Mongolians, had extended 1 See Winning's Manual, p. 124, sqq. Rask iiber das Alter und die Echtheit der Zend-Sprache, p. 69, sqq., Hagen's Tr. And, for the affinity of the inhabitants of Northern Asia in particular, see Prichard on the Ethno- graphy of High Asia (Journal of R. G. S. ix. 2, p. 192, sqq.). § 12.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 41 its migrations from the Arctic to the Indian Ocean, and from Greenland over the whole north of America, Asia, and Europe, even as far as Britain, France, and Spain. In proportion, however, as these Tchudes were widely spread, so in proportion were they thinly scattered ; their habits were nomadic, and they never formed themselves into large or powerful communities. Consequently, when the Iranians broke forth from their narrow limits, in com- pacter bodies, and with superior physical and intellectual organisation, they easily mastered or drove before them these rude barbarians of the old world ; and in the great breadth of territory which they occupied, the Tchudes have formed only two independent states — the Mantchus in China, and the Turks in Europe. There can be no doubt that they were mixed with the Sarmatians and Getae, who conquered them on the north of the Euxine ; and perhaps the name of S-colotae, or Asa-Galatce, by which the Scythae called themselves, may point to a Celtic in- termixture. But it is obvious, from the arguments which have been adduced, that this Scythian nation, of which Herodotus wrote, did not consist of Tchudes, but of the Indo- Germanic tribes, who conquered them, and who were, as has been shewn, of the same family as the Pelasgians. It has been proved that the Sarmatians were the § 12. parent stock of the Sclavonians ; and we find in the Scla- g^ of sdavo- vonian dialects ample illustrations of those general prin- nian origin, ciples by which the Scythian languages seem to have been characterised. Making, then, a fresh start from this point, we shall find an amazing number of coincidences between the Sclavonian languages and the Pelasgian element of Greek and Latin : most of these have been .pointed out elsewhere ; at present it is only necessary to call attention to the fact. So that, whichever way we look at it, we 42 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [Ch. II. shall find new reasons for considering the Pelasgians as a branch of the great Sarmatian or Sclavonian race. The Thracians, Getas, Scythae, and Sauromatse, were so many links in a long chain connecting the Pelasgians with Media ; the Sauromatse were Sclavonians ; and the Pelas- gian language, as it appears in the oldest forms of Latin, and in certain Greek archaisms, was unquestionably most nearly allied to the Sclavonian : we cannot, therefore, doubt that this was the origin of the Pelasgian people, especially as there is no evidence or argument to the contrary. But, to return to Italy, who were the old inhabitants of that peninsula ? Whom did the Pelasgians in the first instance conquer or drive to the mountains ? What was the origin of that hardy race, which, descending once more to the plain, subjugated Latium, founded Rome, and changed the destiny of the world ? The Umbrians, Oscans, or Sabines — for we must now consider them as only different members of the same family — are never mentioned as foreigners. We know, however, that they must have had their Transpadane affinities as well as their Pelasgian rivals. It is only because they were in Italy before the Pelasgians arrived there, that they are called aborigines. The difference between them and the Pelasgians is in effect this : in examining the ethnical affinities of the latter we have tradition as well as compa- rative grammar to aid us; whereas the establishment of the Umbrian pedigree depends upon philology alone. § 14. Among the oldest languages of the Indo-Germanic family not the least remarkable is the Lithuanian, which Reasons for be- lieving that they were the same stands first ^among the Sclavonian dialects, 1 and bears a 1 See Pott, Et. Forsch. i. p. xxxiii. § 14.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 43 nearer resemblance to Sanscrit than any European idiom, race as the Li- It is spoken, in different dialects, by people who live around the south-east corner of the Baltic. One branch of this language is the old Prussian, which used to be indigenous in the Sam-land or " Fen-country" between the Memel and the Pregel, along the shore of the Curische Haf. Other writers have pointed out the numerous and striking coincidences between the people who spoke this language and the Italian aborigines. Thus the connexion between the Sabine Cures, Quirinus, Quirites, &c. and the old Prussian names Cures, Cour-land, Curische Haf, &c. has been remarked; it has been shewn that the wolf (hirpus), which was an object of mystic reverence among the Sabines, and was connected with many of their cere- monies and some of their legends, is also regarded as ominous of good luck among the Lettons and Courland- ers ; the Sabine legend of the rape of the virgins, in the early history of Rome, was invented to explain their mar- riage ceremonies, which are still preserved among the Courlanders and Lithuanians, where the bride is carried off from her father's house with an appearance of force ; even the immortal name of Rome is found in the Prus- sian Romowo ; and the connexion of the words Roma, Romulus, ruma Iwpce, and ruminalis ficus, is explained by the Lithuanian raumu, gen. raumens, signifying " a dug" or "udder." 1 Besides these, a great number of 1 See Festus, p. 266-8, Miiller ; and Pott, Etymol. Forsch. ii. p. 283. According to this etymology, the name Romanics ultimately identifies itself with the ethnical denomination Hirpinus. The derivation of the word Roma is, after all, very uncertain ; and there are many who might prefer to connect it with Groma, the name given to the forum, or point of intersection of the main streets in the original Roma quadrata, which was also, by a very signi- ficant augury, called mundus (see Festus, p. 266 ; Dionys. i. 88 ; Bunsen, Beschreib. d. Stadt Rom, iii. p. 81; and below, Ch. VII. § 6). The word groma or gruma, however, is not without its Lithuanian affinities. I cannot agree with Miiller (Etrusk. ii. p. 152), Pott (Etym. Forsch. ii. 101), and 44 THE FOREIGN AFFINITIES OF [Ch. II. words and forms of words in the Sabine language are explicable most readily from a comparison with the Li- thuanian; and the general impression which these argu- ments leave upon our mind is, that the aborigines of Italy were of the same race as the Lithuanians or old Prus- § 15. Let us add to this comparison one feature which has 2on r from r " not y et Deen observed. The Lithuanians were not only etymology. called by this name, which involves both the aspirated dental ih and the vocalised labial u, but also by the names Livonian and Lettonian, which omit respectively one or other of these articulations. Now it has been mentioned before, that the name of the Latins exhibits the same phenomenon ; for as they were called both Latins and Lavines, it follows that their original name must have been Latui?iians, which is only another way of spelling and pronouncing Lithuanians. If, therefore, the warrior tribe, which descended upon Latium from Reate and conquered the Pelasgians, gave their name to the country, we see that these aborigines were actually called Lithuanians, and it has been shewn that they and the Sabines were virtually the same stock. Consequently, the old Prussians brought even their name into Italy. And what does this name Benfey (Wurzel-Lexikon, ii. p. 143), who follow the old grammarians and connect this word with the Greek yvufia, yvcifiri, yv&iuap : it is much more reasonable to suppose, with Klenze {Abhandl. p. 135, note), that it is a genuine Latin term; and I would suggest that it may be connected with grumus, Lithuan. Jcruwa, Lettish kraut : comp. Kpoifia^, nXuifxa^, globus, gleba, &c. The name may have been given to the point of intersection of the main via and limes, because a heap of stones was there erected as a mark (cf. Charis. i. p. 19). Even in our day it is common to mark the junction of several roads by a cross, an obelisk, or some other erection; to which the grumus, or " barrow," was the first rude approximation. If so, it may still be connected with ruma; just as fiaar6s signifies both " a hillock" and " a breast;" and the omission of the initial g before a liquid is very common in Latin, comp . narro with yvwpifa, nosco with yiyvibcww, and norma with yvcipi/nos. § 17.] THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. 45 signify ? Simply, " freemen." l For the root signifying " free/' in all the European languages consisted of /- and a combination of dental and labial, with, of course, a vowel interposed. In most languages the labial is vocalised into u, and prefixed to the dental; as in Greek i-XevOe-pos, Lithuan. liaudis, Germ, leute, &c. In the Latin liber the labial alone remains. There are many points of resemblance between these § 16. Lithuanians and the Sclavonians on the one hand, and termked with 1 " between them and the Celts on the other: and it can the Sclavonians and Lithuani- scarcely be doubted that in their northern as well as their ans. southern settlements, they were a good deal intermixed with Celtic tribes in the first instance, and subjected to Sclavonian influences afterwards. That this was the case with the Lithuanians, we learn from their authentic and comparatively modern history. It appears, too, that in Italy there was a substratum of Celts before the Lithu- anians arrived there ; and that the Sclavonian Pelasgians, having subsequently entered the country, absorbed the Lithuanian element into their own language in the north- ern half of the peninsula, whereas in the south, and espe- cially on the banks of the Tiber, the Lithuanian ingredient predominated, and most materially affected the kindred Pelasgian idiom of ancient Latium. If it is necessary to go one step further, and identify § 17. this Lithuanian race with some one of the tribes which probably a 1 By a singular change, the name of the kindred Sclavonians, which in the oldest remains of the language signifies "celebrated," "illustrious" (from plava, "glory," root flu, Sanscr. gru, Gr. k\v- : see 'Safafik and Palacky's litest. Denkm. der Bohm. Spr. pp. 63, 140), has furnished the modern designation of " a slave," esclave, schiavo. The Bulgarians, whom Gibbon classes with the Sclavonians (vii. p. 279, ed. Milman), have been still more unfortunate in the secondary application of their name (Gibbon, x. p. 177). 46 AFFINITIES OF THE ANCIENT ITALIANS. [Ch. II. branch of the form so many links of the chain between Media and m ily, Thrace, it would be only reasonable to select the Sauro- matce, whose name receives its interpretation from the Lithuanian language {Szaure-Mateni, i. e. " Northern Medes). The Sauromataa and the Scythae were undoubt- edly kindred tribes ; x but still there were some marked differences between them, insomuch that Herodotus reck- ons the Sarmatas as a separate nation. Between the Pe- lasgians and the Umbrians, &c. there existed the same affinities, with similar differences ; and the ethnographer may acquiesce in the satisfactory assurance that he has Lithuanians by the side of Sclavonians — Sarmatians dwell- ing in the neighbourhood of Scythians — on the north of the Euxine, on the south coast of the Baltic, and in the richer and more genial peninsula of Italy. The present inhabitants of Sarmatia are the Cossacks ; a word which many derive from the ethnic name Sacce. Whatever may be the origin of the term, it is clear that it is no longer a national name ; for Cossacks, or " free- booting light troops," are found in the Turkish as well as in the Russian armies. The Cossacks who occupy the ter- ritory of the ancient Sarmatas are Sclavonians. 1 As general designations, the names Sarmatian and Sclavonian are co-extensive, and include the Scythians as well as the Sauromatse. In speak- ing, however, of the Scythians of Herodotus, we are obliged to take the name Sauromatce in a somewhat narrower sense. It is true that some confusion may be created by this change in the application of ethnical names ; for we must also limit the name Sclavonian, if we wish to oppose it to the term Lithuanian. But these difficulties will always beset the terminology of the ethnographer, who has to deal with names as vague and fleeting as the tra- ditions with which they are connected. CHAPTER III. THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE AS EXHIBITED IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. § 1. The Eugubine Tables. § 2. Peculiarities by which the old Italian alphabets were distinguished. § 3. The sibilants. § 4. Some remarks on the other letters. § 5. Umbrian grammatical forms. § 6. Selections from the Eugubine Tables, with explanations : Tab. I. a, 1. § 7. Tab. I. a, 2-6. § 8. Tab. I. b, 13, sqq. § 9. Extracts from the Litany in Tab. VI. a. § 10. Umbrian words which approximate to their Latin synonymes. § 11. The Todi inscription contains four words of the same class. From the preceding investigations it appears that the § 1. original inhabitants of ancient Italy may be divided into Tables!^ "^ two great classes, one of which entered the peninsula before the other. It is not necessary to speak here of the Celts, who formed the substratum in all the insular and peninsular districts of Europe; but confining our attention to the more important ingredients of the popu- lation, we find only two — the Lithuanians and the Scla- vonians. To the former belonged the Umbrians, Oscans, and, the connecting link between them, the Sabines ; to the latter the Etruscans, and all the various ramifications of the Pelasgian race. The next step will be to examine in detail some of the fragmentary remains of the language spoken by these ancient tribes. The Umbrian claims the precedence, not only on account of the copiousness and importance of the reliques of the language, but also because the Umbrians must be considered as the most important and original of 48 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. all those ancient Italian tribes with whom the Pelasgians became intermixed either as conquerors or as vassals. The Eugubine Tables, which contain a living speci- men of the Umbrian language, were discovered in the year 1444 in a subterraneous chamber at La Schieggia, in the neighbourhood of the ancient city of Iguvium (now Gubbio or Ugubio), which lay at the foot of the Apen- nines, near the via Flaminia (Plin. H. N. xxiii. 49). On the mountain, which commanded the city, stood the temple of Jupiter Apenninus ; and from its connexion with the wor- ship of this deity the city derived its name : — Iguvium, Umbr. Iiovium, i. e. Iovium, Alov, A to? ttoXls. The Ta- bles, which are seven in number, and are in perfect pre- servation, relate chiefly to matters of religion. From the change of s in those of the Tables which are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character, into r in those which are engraved in Roman letters, Lepsius infers (de Tabb. Eugub. p. 86, sqq.) that the former were written not later than a.u.c. 400; for it appears that even in proper names the original s began to be changed into r about a.u. c. 400 (see Cic. ad Famil. ix. 21. comp. Liv. iii. cap. 4, 8. Pompon, in Digg. i. 2, 2, § 36. Schneider, Lat. Gr. i. 1, p. 341, note) ; and it is reasonable to suppose that the same change took place at a still earlier period in common words. By a similar argument, derived chiefly from the arbitrary insertion of h between two vowels in the Tabula Latine scriptcs, Lepsius infers (p. 93) that these were writ- ten about the middle of the sixth century a.u.c, i. e. at least two centuries after the Tabulce Umbrice scriptcs. § 2. Before, however, we turn our attention to these Ta- wSch fte old 7 ^ es > an( * ^ ie f° rms °f wor ds which are found in them, it Italian alpha- w ij] De advisable to make a few remarks on the alphabet bets were dis- tinguished. which was used m ancient Italy. The general facts with regard to the adaptation of the §3.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 49 Semitic alphabet to express the sounds of the Pelasgian language have been discussed elsewhere. 1 It has there been shewn that the original sixteen characters of the Semitic syllabarium were the following twelve : — Breathings. Labials. Palatals. Dentals. Tenues. Aspirates. Medials. S a 3 1 n i n V) V D P n with the ^addition of the three liquids, \>, », 3, and the sibilant D ; and it has been proved that these sixteen were the first characters known to the Greeks. They were not, however, sufficient to express the sounds of the old lan- guages of Italy even in the earliest form in which they pre- sent themselves to us. The Umbrian alphabet contains twenty letters ; the Oscan as many ; the Etruscan and the oldest Latin alphabets nineteen. In these Italian al- phabets some of the original Semitic letters are omitted, while there is a great increase in the sibilants ; for whereas the original sixteen characters furnish only the sibilants s and th, the old Italian alphabets exhibit not only these, but sh or x, z, r, and r. Of these additional sibilants, x is the Hebrew shin, z is zade, r represents resh, and r is an approximation to the sound of 6. As these sibilants constitute the distinguishing feature in the old Italian languages, it will be useful to speak more particularly of them, before we turn to the other letters. (a) The primary sibilant s, as used by the Umbrians 1 N. Crat. p. E sqq. §3. The sibilants. 50 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. and Oscans, does not appear to have differed, either in sound or form, from its representative in the Greek alphabet. (b) The secondary sibilant z, in the Umbrian and Etruscan alphabets, appears to have corresponded to only one of the two values of the Greek f. The latter, as we have proved elsewhere, was not only the soft g or j, or ultimately the sound sh, but also equivalent to the com- bination sd, or ultimately, by assimilation, to ss. Now the Romans expressed the first sound of the Greek £ either by di or by j, and its ultimate articulation (sh) by x ; whereas, on the other hand, they represented ^=aS either by a simple s, or by its Greek assimilation ss. Thus the Etruscan Kanzna, Venzi, Kazi, Veliza, are written in Latin Ccesius, Vensius, Cassius, Vilisa, and ZdicvvOos becomes Saguntus ; while the Greek pd^a, fjuv^co, o/3pv£ov, 7tvti^€lv, dvayfcd^ecv, Kcofjid^etv, may be compared with massa, musso, obrussa, pgtissare, necesse, comissari. In the Eugubine Tables, words which in the Umbrian characters exhibit a z, give us a corresponding s in those which are written with Latin letters. Thus, for the proper name Iapuzkum, as it is written in Umbrian characters, we have in the Latin letters labushe, Iabus- Jcer, &c. (c) The aspirated Umbrian sibilant s, for which the Oscans wrote x, expressed the sound sh (Germ, sch, Fr. ch), which was the ultimate articulation of the other sound of the Greek £". We may compare it with the Sanscrit S[T (c) ; and, like that Sanscrit sibilant and the Greek £, it often appears as a softened guttural. Thus we find prusesetu for prusekatu, Lat. pro-secato ; and the termi- nation -Ma, -Me, -Mu (Lat. -culum), often appears as -sla, -sle, -slu. As in our own and other languages the gut- turals are softened before the vowels e and i, so in Um- brian the guttural k generally becomes s before the same §3.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 51 vowels. The sibilant s occurs only in contact with vowels, liquids, and h; and the prefix an-, which drops the n be- fore consonants, retains it before vowels and s. (d) The letter r is always to be regarded as a second- ary or derived character. In Umbrian it generally repre- sents, at the end of a word, the original sibilant s. When the Eugubine Tables are written in Etruscan characters, we have such forms as, veres treplanes, tutas Ikuvinas ,- but in those which give us Latin letters, we read verir treplanir, totar Ijovinar. This change is particularly observable in the inflexions of the Latin passive verb ; and the Latin language, in other forms, uses the letter r in the same way as the Umbrian. In fact, the most striking charac- teristic of the Umbrian language is, its continual employ- ment of the secondary letters r and h, both of which are ultimately derived from sibilants. The former is used in Umbrian, not only in the verb-forms, as in Latin, but also in the declensions, in the Latin forms of which it only occurs in the gen. plural. The letter h is often interposed between vowels both in Umbrian and in Latin. Thus we have in Umbrian the forms stahito, pihatu, for stato, piato, and Naharcum derived from Nar ; and in Latin, ahenus, vehemens, cohors, melie (Quinctil. i. 5, 2), by the side of aeneus, vemens (compare ve-cors, cle-mens), cors, me; and even Deheberis for Tiberis: but this, as has been men- tioned above, refers to a later epoch both in Umbrian and Latin (see Lepsius, de Tabb. Eug. p. 92, and Schneid. Lat. Gr.i. 1, p. 118, not. 187). (e) The sibilant r is peculiar to the Umbrians. In the Latin transcription it is often represented by the combina- tion rs. Sometimes, however, it seems to stand for si, as in festira=vestisia; and it also serves as the ultimate assibi- lation of a guttural, for tera=dersa and tesva=dersva are connected with dica and dextra. Its real pronunciation was probably similar to that of 0, which last occurs only 5 C 2 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. twice in the Eugubine Tables. The frequent substitution of r for d in Latin indicates a change to that letter through the softened dental 6, and we often find R where we should expect a dental, as in furenr =furent, kai, -iv, -bi, -bus (see New Cratylus, p. 321). The latter is the more reasonable supposition. At all events, this must be the force of kute-f=caute, which stands by the side of the locative sevum. The genitive plural seems to end in -rum, like the Latin (iii. 2). The verbs generally occur in the imperative mood, as might be expected, since the Tables contain chiefly prayers and injunctions about praying. In these imperatives we mostly recognise a singular in -tu, and a plural in -tutu ; as fu-tu (vi. a, 30, &c), and fu-tutu (vi. b, 61), corresponding to es-to, es-tote. Verbs of the -a conjugation seem occa- sionally to make their imperative in -a, like the Latin. See i. b, 33 : pune purtinsus, haretu ; pufe apruffakurent, puze erus tera ; ape erus terust, pustru kupifiatu : where, though the meaning of particular words may be doubtful, the construction is plain enough : postquam consecraveris (?), § 6.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 55 ccedito (scil. popa) ; ubi apris fecerint, ibi preces (? comp. apas) dica; quando preces dicaverit, bitumine (? (paxTrpm) com-piato. We often have the perf. subj. both singular and plural, as may be seen in the example just quoted. The pres. subj. too occasionally appears, the person-ending in the singular being generally omitted, as in arsie for ar- sies = ad-sies, and habia for habeas. The old infinitive, or supine as it is called, is used in Umbrian ; and we often find the auxiliary perfect both in the singular and in the plural. See vi. b, 30 : perse touer peskier vasetom est,pese- tom est, peretum est, frosetom est, daetom est, touer peskier virseto avirseto vas est : i. e. quoniam bonis precibus vaca- tum est, pacatum est, paratum est, rogatum est, datum est, bonis precibus vertere, avertere fas est. And we have not only skrehto est, but also skreihtor sent (vi. a, 15). The active participle seems to end both in -ens, like the Latin, and also in -is, like that of the Greek verbs in -fit. The following are the forms of habeo which are found in the Tables : Pres. Indic. 3. sing. habe[t] (i. b, 18; vi. b, 54). Pres. Subj. 2. sing. habia[s] (v. a, 17). Pret. Subj. 2. sing, habiest (vi. b, 50) ; habus (habueris) (vi. b, 40). 3. plur. haburent (vii. a, 52). Imperat. 2. sing, habitu (vi. a, 19) ; or habetu (ii. a, 23). 2. plur. habituto (vi. b, 51); or habetutu (i. b, 15). In interpreting the remains of the Umbrian language, § "• ,.,,., iin Selections from it seems advisable, m the present state ot our knowledge, the Eugubine that we should confine our attention to those passages expirations. 56 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. which fall within the reach of a scientific philological exa- mination. Grotefend, 1 indeed, has frankly and boldly pre- sented us with a Latin version of all the Eugubine Tables ; but although he has here and there fallen upon some happy conjectures, his performance is for the most part mere guesswork of the vaguest kind, and therefore, for all pur- poses of scholarship, uninstructive and unsatisfactory. Las- sen, by attempting less, has really effected more. 2 The following extracts are selected from the admirable transcripts of Lepsius, and the arrangement of the Tables is that which he has adopted. The first four Tables, and part of the fifth, are written in the Etruscan or Umbrian character. The others are in Latin letters. Tab. La, 1. This Table and its reverse contain the rules for twelve sacrifices to be performed by the Fratres Atiersii in honour of the twelve gods. The same rules are given in Tables vi. and vii. and in nearly the same words, the differences being merely dialectical ; but the latter Tables add the liturgy to be used on the occasion, and also dwell at greater length on the auguries to be employed, &c. The first Table begins as follows : Este persklum aves anzeriates enetu, 2. per- naies pasnaes. And in VI. a, 1 1 , we have : 1 Rudimenta Linguce Umbrica:, Particulse viii. Hannov. 1835-1839. 5 Beitrage zur Deutung der Eugubinischen Tafeln, in the Rhein. Mus. for 1833, 4. Of earlier interpretations it is scarcely necessary to speak. It may, however, amuse the reader to know that the recent attempt of a worthy herald, in the sister island, to prove that pure Irish was spoken hy the an- cient Umbrians and Tuscans, has its parallel in a book published at Ypres in 1614, by Adriaen Schrieck, who finds the ancient language of his own country in the seventh Eugubine Table! {Van 't Beghin der eerster Volcken van Europen, t'Ypre, 1614.) The Irish book, however, is the more elaborately ridiculous of the two : indeed, it is the most wonderful discovery of the ovov irSices which is known to the writer of these pages. § 6.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 57 Este persklo aveis aseriater enetu. There can be little doubt as to the meaning of these words. Este, which is of constant recurrence in the Tables, is the loc. sing, of the pron. est, " that of yours," = isto, agreeing with persklum or persklo, the locative of persklum =preq-culum, " a prayer." Grotefend derives this noun from purgo, and translates it by " lustrum." But pur-go is a compound of purus and ago (comp. castigo, &c), whereas the root pers-, signifying " pray," is of constant occurrence in Umbrian ; and every one, however slightly conversant with etymology, understands the metathesis in a case of this kind. It is the same root as prec- in Lat., prach'- in Sanscr., frag-en in Germ., &c. The adj. anzeriates or aseriater seems to be rightly ex- plained by Grotefend. The Salian songs were called axa- menta or anxamenta, from axo=nomino (Fest. p. 8; see Turneb. Advers. xxii. 25), or from anxare=cantare : and Jovis Axur or Anxur, the beardless god of Terracina, seems to have been no other than " Jove's augur," i. e. Apollo ; for Aibs TTpofyrjTrjs iarl Aotjla? Trarpos (iEschyl. Eumen. 19). Consequently aves anzeriates are aves quae cantant vel nominant, i. e. " augurial birds." Enetu seems to be the imper. of ineo, for in-ito, and signifies indagare or inquirere in. The adjectives per-naies, pus-naes, are derived from per-ne, post-ne, which are locative forms of the prepositions prce and post, and signify " at the southern and northern side of the temple." The birds are so defined with re- ference to the practice of the augurs in such cases. See Varro, L.L. vii. § 7, p. 119, Miiller: " quocirca ccelum, qua attuimur, dictum templum .... Ejus templi partes iv. dicuntur, sinistra ab oriente, dextra ab occasu, antica ad meridiem, postica ad septentrionem." The meaning of the whole passage will therefore be : 58 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. " At that supplication of yours, inquire of the augurial birds, those in the south, as well as those in the north." § 7. Tab. I. a, 2. Tab. I. a, 2-6. Pre-veres treplanes 3. Iuve Krapuvi tre[f~] buffetu, arvia ustenta, 4. vatuva ferine feitu, heris vinu, heri\s~] puni, 5. ukriper Fisiu, tuta- per Ikuvina, feitu sevum, 6. kutef pesnimu ; arepes arves. — Comp. vi. a, 22. Pre-vereir treblaneir luue Grabovei buf treif fetu. vi. b, 1. Arviofetu, uatuo ferine fetu, poni fetu, 3. okriper Fisiu, totaper Iiovina. The words pre-veres (vereir) treplanes (treblaneir) are easily explained in connexion with (7) pus-veres treplanes, (11) pre-veres tesenakes, (14) pus-veres tesenakes, (20) pre- veres vehiies, (24) pus-veres vehiies. It is obvious that these passages begin with the prepositions pre, " before," and ptts=post, " after," and that they fix the point of time. The prepositions per, signifying " for," and co or ku, signifying " with," are placed after the word which they govern : thus we have tuta-per Ikuvina = " pro urbe Iguvina" vocu-com Ioviu = " cum foco JovioT But the prepositions pre and pus precede, and it seems that they both govern the ablative, contrary to the Latin usage, which places an accus. after ante and post. The word veres (vereir) is the abl. plur. of a noun verus (cf. i. b, 9), corre- sponding in root and signification to the Latin ferice. The v answers to the /, as vocus, vas, &c. for focus, fas, &c. Lassen (Rhein. Mus. 1833, p. 380, sqq.) refers treplanes, tesenakes, vehiies, to the numerals tres, decern, and viginti. Grotefend, more probably, understands the adjectives as describing the carriages used at the particular feasts. Cato (R. R. c. 135) mentions the trebla as a rustic car- § 7.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 59 riage. Tensa is the well-known name of the sumptuous processional chariot in which the images of the gods were carried to the pulvinar at the ludi Circenses (Festus, p. 364, Miiller) j 1 and veia was the Oscan synonym for plaustrum (Festus, p. 368, Miiller). It is, therefore, not unreasonable to suppose, that at theferits treblancs the ex- piatory sacrifices were carried for distribution in trebles ; at the ferite tesenakes the statues of the gods were conveyed to their pulvinar in tenses ; and at the f erics vehice chariot- races were held, as at the Roman circus. In the Latin Table the adj. derived from tesna or tensa ends in -ox -ocis, like velox ; in the Umbrian it ends in -ax -acis, like capax. The epithet Krapuvius, or in the Latin Table Gra-bov- ius, according to Lassen signifies " nourisher or feeder of cattle." The first syllable, he supposes, contains the root gra-, implying growth and nourishment, and found in the Sanscr. grd-ma (signifying either " a herd of feeding cat- tle" — grex — or vicus inter pascua), in the Lat. grd-men, in the Goth, gras, and in the old Nord. groa = virescere. Lassen, too, suggests that Gradivus contains the same root. This comparison ought perhaps to have led him to the true explanation of both words. For it is manifest that Gra- divus— gravis or grandis Divus; and it is equally certain that no genuine Latin compound begins with a verbal root. If, therefore, Gra-bovius contains the root of bos, bovis, the first syllable must be the element of the adjective gravis or grandis ; so that Grabovius will be a compound of the same kind as KaXXi7rdp0evo<; (see Lobeck, Paralip. p. 372). Pott, however, (Et. Forsch. ii. p. 201) considers Grab-ovius as another form of Gravi-Jovius. Tre or treif buf is either boves tres or bobus tribus. If we have here the accus. plural, we must conclude that this 1 For the metathesis tesna or tesena for tensa we may compare mesene flusare in an inscription found near Amitemum (Leps. Tab. xxvii. 46), with mense flusare in the Latin inscription quoted by Muratori (p. 587). 60 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. case in the Umbrian language ends in -af, -of, -uf, -ef -if, -eif, according to the stem ; and the labial termination may be compared with the Sanscrit and Zend change of s into u at the end of a word (Wilkins, § 51. Bopp, § 76). This is the opinion of Lassen (Rhein. Mus. 1833, p. 377). Accord- ing to Lepsius and Grotefend, on the other hand, all these words are ablatives ; and it is obvious that the termination is more easily explained on this hypothesis. There is not much force, however, in the argument that these words must be ablatives because verbs signifying " to sacrifice " are construed with the ablative in good Latin (Virg. Eclog. iii. 77. Hor. Carm. i. 4, 11). For it is quite clear that abrons is an accusative, like the Gothic vulfans (see Chap. VIII. § 4), and yet we have both abrons fakurent (vii. a, 43) and abroffetu (vii. a, 3). See also Pott, Et. Forsch. ii. p. 202. Feitu (fetu) is simply facito, the guttural being softened down, as in ditu for dicito (vi. b, 10, &C.). 1 Arvia seems to be the same as the Latin arvina, i. e. " the hard fat which lies between the skin and the flesh " (Servius ad Virg. JEn. vii. 627) ; and ustentu is probably obstineto, which was the old Latin for ostendito (Festus, p. 197, Miill.). Vatuva ferine feitu must mean " offer up unsalted meal" {fatuam farinam or fatud farina), according to Nonius Marcellus, iv. 291 (quoting Varro, de Fit. Pop. Horn. lib. i.) : quod calend. Jun. et publice et privatim fatuam pultem diis mactat. Grotefend supposes that ferine must mean raw flesh, and not farina, because " bread" (puni) is mentioned in the passage. But in minute directions like these, a dif- ference would be marked between the meal (akevpa) and the bread (apro?) ; just as the hard fat (arvina) is distin- guished from the soft fat (adipes), if the interpretation suggested below is to be admitted. Heris vinu, heris puni, " either with bread or wine." 1 According to Pott and Lepsius this imperative stands for fito=fiat. § 7.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 61 Heris, as a particle of choice, is derived from the Sanscr. root hri, " to take ;" Lat. Mr, " a hand," &c. ; and may be compared with vel, which is connected with the root of volo, as this is with the root of alpico. In fact, heris appears to be the participle of the verb, of which the im- perative is heritu (vi. a, 27, &c). This verb occurs in the Oscan also (Tab. Bantin. 12, &c). That ocriper (ucriper) Fisiu means " for the Fisian mount" may be demonstrated from Festus, p. 181, Miil- ler : " Ocrem antiqui, ut Ateius philologus in libro Glos- sematorum refert, montem confragosum vocabant, ut aput Livium : Sed qui sunt hi, qui ascendunt altum ocrim ? et : celsosque ocris, arvaque putria et mare magnum, et : namque Tcenari celsos ocris. et: haut ut quern Chiro in Pelio docuit ocri. Unde fortasse etiam ocreae sint dictse inaequaliter tuberatae." From this word are derived the names of some Umbrian towns, e. g. Ocriculum and Interocrea (cf. Inter amnd). The epithet Fisius indicates that the moun- tain was dedicated to the god Fisius or Fisovius Sansius (Fidius Sancus), a name under which the old Italians wor- shipped Jupiter in their mountain-temples. Lassen (p. 388) refers to this temple the following lines of Claudian (de VI. Cons. Honor. 503, 4) : Exsuperans delubra Iovis, saxoque minantes Apenninigenis cultas pastoribus aras. He also quotes from the Peutinger inscription : " Iovis Penninus, idem Agubio," where Iguvium is obviously re- ferred to. Lepsius thinks that ocris Fisius was the citadel of Iguvium. Tota-per (tuta-per) Ikuvina, " for the city of Iguvium." It was always understood by previous interpreters that tuta or tota was nothing more than the fern, of the Lat. totus. But Lepsius has clearly proved that it is both an Oscan and an Umbrian substantive, signifying " city," from which the adj. tuti-cus is derived, as in the name of the magistrate OX THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. rneddix tuticus, i. e. consul urbanus : consequently tuta-per Ikuvina is simply "pro urbe Igtwina." This substantive, tota or tuta, is, no doubt, derived from the adject, totus ,- for the idea of a city is that of " fulness," " collection," " entirety." Similarly, the Greek iroXis must contain the root 7ro\- [iro\-vs e^eiv: and the same principle may be applied to explain oi>% ■tjKia-ra, ov yap afieivov, &c. In a case like this the Romans seem to have used nee as qualifying and converting the whole word, in preference to non. Miiller supposes that negritu, quoted by Festus (p. 165) as signifying cegritudo in augu- rial language, stands for nec-ritu. I think it must be a corruption for ne-gritudo : see below, Ch. VII. § 5. He- ritu is the imper. of Jiri, " to take," and here seems to mean " attack" or " afflict." The whole passage then may be rendered: «7. Gr. precor prece, quoniam in ocri Fisio ignis ortus est, in urbe Iguvina sacerdotes dissecantes sub- missi sunt, — ita ne tu affligas. This may suffice as far as the direct interpretation of § 10. the Tables is concerned. In conclusion, it may be well to w jriciTapproxi- ffive a list of those words in the Umbrian language which ™ at . e to tlieir ° . Latin syno- approach most closely to their Latin equivalents. And nymes. first, with respect to the numerals, which are the least 68 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. mutable elements in every language. It is clear that tuves (duves), tuva (duva), and tris, treia, correspond to duo and tres, tria. Similarly tupler (dupler) and tripler represent duplus and triplus, and tuplak (iii. 14) is duplice. It is obvious, too, that petur is " four," as in Oscan ; see vi. b, 10: du-pursus, petur-pursus, i.e. bifariam, quadrifariam. As to the ordinals, prumum is primum, etre (etrama) is alter, and tertie (tertiama) is tertius. The other words may be given in alphabetical order. Abrof (apruf) (vii. a, 3)=apros or apris ; ager (Tab. xxvii. 21); alfu (i. b, 29) = albus (d\cf)6q); ander (anter) (vi. b, 47. i. b, 8)=inter (sim. in Oscan); angla or ankla (vi. a, l) = aquila (comp. anguis with e^t?, w?ic?a with vSeop, &c, see JVew Cratylus, p. 303) ; an-tentu (passim) = in-tendito ; ar-fertur (vi. a, 3) = ajfertur; arputrati (v. a, 12) = arbitratzi ; ar-veitu (i. b, 6) = advehito (cf. ar#e« and arves) ; asa (vi. a, 9, et passim) = ara ; Asiane (i. a, 25) = Asiano; atru (i. b, 29) = a£er; a»m (vi. a, 1 ) = aves. Bue (vi. a, 26, et passim) =bove. Der-sikurent (vi. b, 62) = dissecaverint ; ditu (vi. b, 10) = dicito ; dupla (vi. b, 18), so also numer tupler (v. a, 19) — comp. numer prever (v. a, 18) and numer tripler (v. a, 21). i£rw (v. a, 26) = erit. Famerias Pumperias (viii. a, 2) =z families Pompilice ; fera- klu (Miiller, Etrusk. i. p. 57, note) =ferculum; ferehtru (iii. 16)=feretrum ; ferine (i. a, 4) = farina ; f rater (v. b, 11). Homonus (v. b, 10) = homines. Ifont (vi. b, 55) = «6ww£ .• the same form occurs in Lucilius Afranius : comp. erafont (vi. b, 65), erahunt (i. b, 23), erarunt (iv. 1) ; all by-forms of the mutilated future erunt. Kapire (i. a, 29)= capide, " with a sacrificial jug ;" kaprum § 11.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 69 (ii. a, 1) ; karne (ii. b, 1) ; hastruo (vi. a, 80, et passim) — castrorum; kuratu (v. a, 24) sve r elite kuratu si=si recte curatum sit; kvestur (v. a, 23)= quaestor. Naratu (ii. a, 8) = narrato (Varro wrote narare) ; wowe (passim) = nomen ; numer (v. a, 17). Omz (vi. b, 43), uve (ii. 6, 10) = ovis. Pase (vi. a, 30) =pace ; pater (ii. a, 24) ; pelsana (i. a, 26) = balsamon ; pihakler (v. a, 8)=piaculum; pihatu (vi. a, 9)=piato; pir (i. b, 12) = 7rvp,jlre ; poplo (passim) =populus ; porka (vii. a, 6)=porca; postro (vi. b, 5) = crTpq> ; prokanurent (vi. a, l6)=procinerint; pro- seseto (vi. a, 56)=prosecato ; puemune (iii. 26)=^>omo- M; puprike (iii. 27)=publice ; pustertiu (i. b, 40) = ^os£-£er^0. ifo/^e (v. a, 24) = recfe ; ruphra (i. b, 27) = rwora. Sakra (i. b, 29) ; safeo, salva, &c. (passim) ; senta (passim), either creatfo (iVew Crat. p. 444), or servato (Miiller, Etrusk. i. p. 55) ; sif (i. a, 7) = suibus ; skrehto (vii. b, 3) = scriptus ; sopo (vi. b, 5) = sapone; stahitu (vi. b, 56)= state- ; strusla (vi. a, 59) = stru-cula, dimin. of strues ; subator (vi. a, 27, &cc.) = subacti; suboko (vi. a, 22, &c.) = sub-voco ; subra (v. a, 20) = szzpra ; sve (v. a, 24)=Osc. sw«, Lat. si; seritu (ii. b, 24), vide seritu ; sesna (v. b, 9) = cesna, coena. Tafle (ii. a, 12)= tabula; tases (vi. a, 55)=tacens ; teku- ries (ii. a, \) = decurice ; termnu-ko (vi. b, 53) = cum termino ; tio (passim) = te. TJretu (iii. 12) = urito ; uvikum (iii. 28) = cum ove. Vas (vi. a, 28)= fas; vatuva (i. a, 4!)=fatua; veiro (vi. a, 30) = virorum; vinu (passim) = vinum ; vitlu (ii. a, 21) =vitulus ; voku-kom (vi. b, 43) = cm)ifoco. In the year 1835 a bronze figure of a man in armour § 11. was discovered near Todi (Tuder), on the borders of Um- Option con- bria. The inscription, which was detected on the girdle tains four words 70 THE UMBRIAN LANGUAGE [Ch. III. of the same of the breast-plate, has been interpreted from the Greek, Latin, and Hebrew languages by a number of different scholars. It appears to me to contain four words, which may be added to the above list, as they are all explicable from the roots of the Latin language. The inscription runs thus : AHALTRVTITISPVNVMPEPE. The word titis occurs in the Eugubine Tables (i. b, 45), and punum is obviously the accusative of punus, another form of pune, punes, puni, which are known to be Umbrian words. It is true that the Latin synonym panis and the Eugubine words belong to the i-declension ; but that is no reason why we should not have a by-form of the o- declension, and that this form actually existed in Mes- sapia is well known (Athen. iii. p. Ill c. : 7ravbs apro? Mea-adTnoi). These two words being removed from the middle, the extremities remain, namely, ahaltru and pepe. With regard to the first it is to be observed that the lengthening of a syllable, by doubling the vowel and in- serting the letter h, is common in Umbrian (see Leps. de Tabb. Eugub. p. 92, sqq.), and the same practice is often remarked in Latin. Ahaltru, then, bears the same relation to the Latin alter that ahala bears to ala, nihil to nil, vehemens to vemens, &c. It is true that in the Eugubine Tables etre seems to represent the meaning, if not the form of alter; but this is no reason why there should not be the other equally genuine and ancient form alter, or ahalter, which is probably the more emphatic word in that language, and corresponds, perhaps, in mean- ing to the adjective alienus. The signification of the word pepe suggests itself from the context, and is also supported by analogy. It seems to be a reduplication of the root pa (pd-nis, pa-sco, ira-aao-Qai, ira-Teofxai, Sec), analogous to the reduplication of the root bi (or pi, ttl-voj, Sec.) in bir-bo. If the Sabines were a warrior tribe of Umbrians, it is rea- § 11.] IN THE EUGUBINE TABLES. 71 sonable to conclude that their name for " a warrior" would be Umbrian also ; now we know that the Sabine name for " a warrior" was titus (Fest. p. 366, and below, p. 76), and the warrior tribe at Rome was called the Titienses (Liv. i. 13) ; accordingly, as the Umbrian Propertius calls these the Titles {El. iv. 1,31: Hinc Titles Ramnesque vlri Lu- ceresque colonl), 1 it is not an unfair assumption that tltls, pi. titles, was the Umbrian word for " a warrior." The inscription, then, will run thus : " the warrior eats an- other's bread ;" the position of alialtru being justified by the emphasis which naturally falls upon it. Compare Dante, Paradlso, xvii. 58-60 : Tu proverai si come sa di sale Lo pane altrui, et com' e duro calle Lo scendere e '1 salir per 1' altrui scale. This motto, then, either refers to the practice of serving as mercenaries, so common among the Italians, or expresses the prouder feeling of superiority to the mere agricultu- rist, which was equally characteristic of the oldest Greek warriors. Compare the scolion of Hybrias the Cretan (ap. Aihen. xv. 695 p.) : ecrri fj.01 ttXovtos (ityas 86pv na\ £i, rovTca 6epl£, tovtcp 8ecrir6Ta.s /xvcpais KeK\r]fxai. rol Se /j.7] to\[xoovt ex eiv 5u kcu £i(pos, k. t. A. It is also to be remarked that the Lucumones, or " illus- trious nobles," among the Tuscans, seem to have distin- guished their plebeians as Aruntes (apovvres), i. e. mere ploughmen and agricultural labourers (Klenze, Phil. Ab- handlung. p. 39, note). In general the praenomen Aruns seems to be used in the old mythical history to designate an inferior person (Miiller, Etrusk. i. p. 405). 1 Lucmo in v. 29 is an accurate transcription of the Etruscan Lauchme. CHAPTER IV, THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. § 1. The remains of the Oscan language must be considered as Sabellian also. § 2. Alphabetical list of Sabello-Oscan words, with their interpre- tation. § 3. The Bantine Table. § 4. Commentary on the Bantine Table. § 5. The " Atellame." The Oscan language is more interesting even than the Umbrian, and the remains which have come down to us are much more easily interpreted than the Eugubine Tables. Indeed, as Niebuhr has remarked (i. ad not. 212), " some of the inscriptions may be explained word for word, others in part at least, and that too with perfect certainty, and without any violence." This language had a literature of its own, and survived the Roman conquest of southern Italy. It was spoken in Samnium in the year 459 ; l it was one of the languages of Bruttium in the days of Ennius ; 2 the greatest relique of Oscan is the Bantine Table, which was probably engraved about the middle of the seventh century ; and the Oscan was the common idiom at Hercu- laneum and Pompeii, when the volcano at once destroyed and preserved those cities. Although, as it has been shewn in a previous chapter, the Sabines must be regarded as a branch of the Umbrian stock, who conquered all the Ausonian nations, and though Varro 3 speaks of the Sabine language as different from the 1 Liv. x. 20 : " gnaros lingum Osccb exploratum mittit." 2 Festus, s. v. bilingues, p. 35 : " bilingues Bruttates Ennius dixit, quod Brutti et Osce et Graece loqui soliti sint." 3 L. L. vii. § 3, p. 130, Miiller. Varro was born at Reate (see p. 301 of Midler's edition), and therefore, perhaps, attached peculiar importance to the provincialisms of the ager Sabinus. § 1.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 73 Oscan, yet, as all the remains of the Sabine and Oscan lan- guages belong to a period when the Sabellian conquerors had mixed themselves up with the conquered Ausonians and had learned their language, it seems reasonable that we should not attempt, at this distance of time, to discri- minate between them, but that, recognising generally the original affinity of the Umbrian and Oscan nations, we should consider the Sabine words which have been trans- mitted to us, as belonging, not so much to the Umbrian idiom, as to the complex Sabello-Oscan language, which prevailed throughout the whole of southern Italy. And this view of the matter is further justified by the fact, that a great many of these words are quoted, not only as Sa- bine, but also as Oscan. It is true that some particular words are quoted as Sabine, which are not found in Oscan inscriptions, and not known to be Oscan also ; but we can- not form any general conclusions from such isolated pheno- mena, especially as a great many of these words are Latin as well. All that it proves is simply this, that there were provincialisms in the Sabine territory properly so called. Still less can we think with Miiller (EtrusJc. i. p. 42), that the Sabine language is the un-Greek element in the Oscan ; for many of these words have direct connexions with Greek synonymes, as Miiller himself has admitted. There are no Sabine inscriptions as such. The Marsian inscription, quoted by Lanzi, and which Niebuhr thought unintelligible (i. 105, ad not. 333), is Oscan, if it ought not rather to be called old Latin. In the following observations, then, for the materials of which I am largely indebted to Professor Klenze {Philolo- gische Ahhandlungen, Berlin, 1839), the Sabine and Oscan will be treated in conjunction with one another. Before proceeding to consider the Oscan inscriptions, it may be well to give an alphabetical list of those words which are cited by old writers as Sabine, Oscan, or both. 74 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. IV. Alpus, Sab. Fest. p. 4, Miiller : " Album, quod nos dici- mus, a Graeco, quod est a\ei. Macrob. Sat. i. 9 : " Quirinum quasi bellorum poten- tem, ab hasta, quam Sabini curim vocant." Festus, p. 49 : " Curis est Sabine hasta. Unde Romulus Qui- rinus, quia earn ferebat, est dictus." Ibid : " Curitim Junonem appellabant, quia eandem ferre hastam puta- bant." p. 63 : " Quia matronae Junonis Curitis in tu- tela sint, quae ita appellabatur a ferenda hasta, qua3 lingua Sabinorum Curis dicebatur." (Comp. Muller, EtrusJc. ii. p. 45, and Festus, p. 254.) Servius, JEn. i. 296 : " Romulus autem Quirinus ideo dictus est, vel quod hasta utebatur, quae Sabinorum lingua Curis dici- tur : hasta enim, i. e. curis, telum longum est, unde et securis, quasi semi-curis." Isidor. ix. 2, 84 : " Hi et Quirites dicti, quia Quirinus dictus est Romulus ; quod semper hasta utebatur, quae Sabinorum lingua quiris dicitur." Cf. Plutarch. Fit. Romul. 29. If curis meant " a lance," as these authorities indicate, its meaning was derived from the definition of a lance as " a headed or pointed staff." The analogies suggested by Pott {Et. For sell. i. 263, ii. 533) do not lead to any satisfactory result. Some confusion arises in the mind from a com- parison of Quirites, {curia), curiatii, " the full citizens or hoplites," with Kovprjre^, Kvpioc, Koipavou, icovpoi, Kovpihios — words denoting "headship" or "personal 76 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. IV. rank." Comp. New Cratylus, p. 413, sqq. ; Welcker, Theognis, p. xxxiii. ; Lobeck, Aglaopham. p. 1 1 44, not. c, and ad Soph. Aj. 374, 2d edit. The fight between the Horatii and Curiatii probably refers to a contest between the Curiatii (tcov pyres), " men of the curia, and wielders of the spear, or wearers of the helmet," and the Horatii (j^epvrJT€<;), " handicraftsmen," i. e. the lower order, in which contest, as usual, the latter suc- ceeded in maintaining their just rights. In the old tradition it is uncertain which of the two fought for Alba (Liv. i. 24), i. e. whether the Latin or Sabine interest was at that time predominant at Rome. The story about Horatius Codes admits of a similar inter- pretation. The Tuscans were repelled at the bridge- head by the three Roman tribes — Lartius (Larth, Lars, "prince" or "king") representing the head-tribe, Her- minius the second, and Horatius the third. The mean- ing of the name Herminius is far from obvious ; it does not sound like a Latin name. Since, however, we know that the later Romans converted Herr-mann into Arminius (for the first syllable comp. herus, &c, and for the second ho-min-, ne-min-, &c), we may well suppose that Her-minius represents the same original form, and therefore that, as Lartius typifies the nobles, and Ho- ratius the common people, so Herminius personifies the warriors of Rome. And this explanation of the name is quite in accordance with the meaning of the word Her-min in those Low German languages with which the Sabine and other Italian idioms were so in- timately connected. Grimm says {Deutsche Mythol. p. 328, 2d edit.) : " die Sachsen scheinen in Hirmin einen kriegerisch dargestellten Wodan verehrt zu ha- ben." We find a further confirmation in the fact, that his name was Titus Herminius ; for not only does Titus signify " warrior" (Fest. p. 366, Muller: " Tituli mi- § 2.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 77 lites appellantur quasi tutuli, quod patriam tuerentur, unde et Titi prsenomen ortum est "), but the Titienses, or Titles, were actually " the Sabine quirites (spear- men)," the second tribe at Rome. By a similar personi- fication, the senior consul, Valerius, commands Hermin- ius, the " warriors," and Lartius the " young nobles ;" while the other consul, Lucretius, represents the Luceres, or third class of citizens (Liv. ii. 11). Even Lucretia may be nothing more than a symbol of the third order of the populus ; so that her ill-treatment by Sextus will be an allegory referring to the oppression of the Luceres, who often approximated to the plebs, by the tyrannical Etruscan dynasty. It is also singular that Lucretius and Horatius, both representatives of the third class, succeed one another in the first consulship. The praenomen of Spurius Lartius does not appear to be the Latin spurius, " illegitimate," but a Tuscan deriva- tive from super, the first vowel being omitted, accord- ing to the Tuscan custom, and the second softened into u, as in augur (also perhaps a Tuscan word) for avi- ger. That Spurim was a Tuscan name appears from the derivative Spurinna. Cyprus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 159 : " Vicus Cyprius (Liv. i. 48) a cypro, quod ibi Sabini cives additi conse- derunt, qui a bono omine id appellarunt ; nam cyprum Sabine bonum" The word probably contains the same element as the Persian khub (l-j^), " good" or " fair." Dalivus, Osc. Fest. p. 68 : " Dalivum supinum ait esse Aurelius, iElius stultum. Oscorum quoque lingua significat insanum. S antra vero dici putat ipsum, quern Grseci SelXaiov, i. e. propter cujus fatuitatem quis misereri debeat." Comp. Hesych., Aa\i<;, /teopo"?; and see Blomf. ad ^Esch. Lumen. 318. Diana, Sab. Vide sub v. Feronia. Dirus, Umbr. et Sab. Serv. ad Mn. iii. 235 : " Sabini et 78 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. IV. Umbri, quae nos mala dira appellant." This word seems to be the same in effect as the Gr. Setvo?. Famel, Osc. Fest. p. 87 : " Famuli origo ab Oscis de- pended apud quos servus famel nominabatur, unde et familia vocata." Comp. Miiller, Etrusker, i. p. 38. Benfey (Wurzel-Lex. ii. 20) would connect fa-mel for fag-mel with the Sanscrit root bhag, " to honour ;" Sclav, bog, " god ;" Russ. bog'-itj, " to honour." Fasena, Sab. Varro {ap. Vet. Orthogr. p. 2230 p.) : " Si- quidem, ut testis est Varro, a Sabinis fasena dicitur." p. 2238 : " Itaque harenam justius quis dixerit, quo- niam apud antiquos fasena erat, et hordeum, quiafor- deum, et, sicut supra diximus, hircos, quoniam jirci erant, et hcedi, quoniam fcedi." The ancients, how- ever, often omitted the aspirate in those words which originally had /. Quinctil. Inst. Orat. i. 5. § 20 : " Par- cissime ea (aspiratione) veteres usi sunt etiam in voca- libus, cum csdos ircosque dicebant." The /is changed into h in the proper name Halesus — the hero epony- mus of the Falerians, and founder of Falisci: see Turneb. Adv. xxi. 3. Below, Fedus. For the similar change from / to h in the Romance languages, see New Cratylus, p. 125. Februum, Sab. Varro, L. L. vi. § 13 : " Februum Sabini purgamentum, et id in sacris nostris verbum." Ovid. Fast. ii. 19 : " Februa Romani dixere piamina Patres." Fest. p. 85. Also Tuscan ; see J. Lyd. de Mens. p. 170. Fedus, Fcedus, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 97 : " Ircus, quod Sabini fircus ; quod '^c fedus, in Latio rure edus; qui in urbe, ut in multis a addito, aedus." Apul. de Not. Adspir. p. 94 (Osann.) : " M. Terentius scribit hedum lingua Sabinorum fedum vocatum, Romanosque cor- rupte hedus pro eo quod est fedus habuisse, sicut hircus pro fircus, et trahere pro trafere." p. 125 : " Sabini emm fircus, Romani hircus; illi vefere, Romani vehere § 2.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 79 protulerunt." Fest, p. 84: " Fcedum antiqui dicebant pro hcedo, folus pro olere, fostem pro hoste, fostem pro hostia." Above, Fasena. Feronia, Sab. Varro, L. L. v. § 74 : " Feronia, Minerva, Novensides a Sabinis. Paulo aliter ab eisdem dicimus Herculem, Vestam, Salutem, Fortunam, Fortem, Fidem. Et ara? Sabinam linguam olent qua? Tati regis voto sunt Romae dedicatae ; nam ut Annales dicunt, vovit (1) Opi, (2) Flora, (3) Vediovi Saturnoque, (4) Soli, (5) Lunce, (6) Volcano et Summano, itemque (7) La- rundce, (8) Termino, (9) Quirino, (10) Vortumno, (11) Laribus, (12) Diance Lucinc&que. [The figures refer to the xii. altars, according to Miiller's view, Festus, p. xliv. : comp. Etrush. ii. p. 64.] E quis nonnulla no- mina in utraque lingua habent radices, ut arbores, quaa in confinio natae in utroque agro serpunt : potest enim Saturnus hie de alia causa esse dictus atque in Sabinis, et sic Diana, et de quibus supra dictum est." Fides, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia. Fircus, Sab. Above, Fedus. Flora, Sab. Above, s. v. Feronia. Fors, Fortuna. Ibid. Gela, Opic. Steph. Byzan. voc. JeXa: — 6 Se irorafio^ (TeXa) qtl TroWrjv 7rd^y7jv jevva' tuvttjv rzm . medicat . mom . ^is£ . »» . pow . dos . mo . xx . con . preivatud . urust . eisucen . ziculud . OO THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. IV. 17. zicolom . xxx . nesimum . comonom . ni . /lipid . suae . pis . contrud . exeic . fefacust . iojic . suae . jus . 18. herest , meddis . moltaum . licitud . ampert . mis- treis . aeteis . eitnas . licitud. pon . censtur. 1 9. Bansae . tautam . censazet . p)is - ceus . Bantins . fust . censamur . esuf . in . eitnam . poizad . ligud . 20. aisc . censtur . censaum . anget . uzet . aut . suae . pis . censtomen . nei . cebnust . dolud . mallud . 2 1 . in . eizeik . vincter . esuf . comenei . lamatir . prmed . dixud . touiad . praesentid . perum . dolum . 22. mallom . in . amiricatud . alio . famelo . in . ei . sivom . paei . eizeis . fust . pa . ean . censto . ust . 23. toutico . esiud . pr . suae . praefucus . pod. post . exac . Bansae . fust . suae . pis . op . eizois . com . 24. at r ud ... ud . acum . herest . auti . pru- inedicatud . manimasepum . eizazunc . egmazum . 25. pas . ex . aiscen . ligis . serif tas . set . nep . Mm . pruhipid . mais . zicolois . x . nesi- mois . suae . pis . contrud . 26. exeic . pruhipust . molto . etanto . estud . n . Q . in . suae . pis . ionk . meddis . moltaum . herest . licitud . 27. . . . minstreis . aeteis . eituas . moltas . mol- taum . licitud pr . censtur . Bansae § 4.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 89 28. . . . id .iii .i . suae . . . fust . nep . censtur . fuid . nei . suae . pr . fust . in . suae . pis . pr . in . suae . 29. . . . w, . . . iei . q . d . . . im . nerum . fust . izic . post . eizuc . tr . ph . ni . fuid . suae . pis . 30 ist . izik . amprufid . facus . estud . idic . medicim . eizuh . 31 um . vi . nesimum . 32 um . pod . 33 medicim . In the first line we have only the word Uki\t\u\d\, 1 i.e. § 4. liceto, which occurs in five other passages, and also in the o^^BantLe Cippus Abellanus. Table. In 1. 2 we read: Q. moltam angit . u. Q. is the com- mon abbreviation for qucestor, whose business it was to col- lect such fines : compare Mus. Ver. p. 469 : qvaistores . . . . AIRE . MVLTATICOD . DEDERONT. We have seen above that multa s. molta is recognised as a Sabello- Oscan word; and it is of course equivalent to the Latin multa. As anter is the Oscan form of inter, we might sup- pose that an-git . u was for in-igit . o. But a comparison of the Oscan inscriptions xxiv. 18 (p. 71 Leps.), meddiss degetasius araget, and xxvii. 38 (p. 86 Leps.), meddis degetasis aragetud multas (which are obviously, with the common change of d to r, meddix degetasius adiget and meddix degetasius adigito multas), would rather shew that angit . u[d~] is an abbreviation of adigito, the dental liquid representing the dental mute. L. 3 : deivast maimas hameis senateis tangi. . . The 1 In the second transcription I have substituted k for c, for the reasons given by Lepsius {ad Inscr. p. 150). 90 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. IV. first word is the conjunctive of divavit, which occurs in the inscription quoted by Lanzi (Saggio, iii. p. 533), and we have the imperative deivatud in 1. 5, deivatuns in 1. 9, and deivaid in 1. 11. Deivo must mean " to divide" or " dis- tribute," if we may judge from the context in this passage and in Lanzi's inscription, which runs thus : v. atii divavit TUNII IRINII II. T. IR1NII PATRII DONO MIIIL I. LIB , . . T. Maimas karneis must mean maximas carries, as mais in 11. 15, 25, signifies mag is : comp. the French mais. The mutilated tangi . . . was probably tanginud (1. 7), an abla- tive case, corresponding to the accus. tanginom (1. 9). We have the same phrase, senateis tanginud, in the Cippus Abellanus, i. 8 ; and it is probably equivalent to the de senatuos sententiad of the senatus-consultum de Bacchana- libus. If so, the root tag- (with nasal insertion ta-n-g-) occurred in Oscan as well as in Greek. L. 4 : suce pis pertemust. The first two words, suae pis, i. e. si quis, are of constant occurrence in this Table. For the form of sua = si, see New Cratylus, p. 274. So suad — sic (Midler, Suppl. Ann. in Fest. p. 411). Pertemust is the perf. subjunctive of a verb pertimere, which seems to mean " to portion off" or " divide:" comp. pertica, &c. In 1. 7 it is used with maximas karneis ; and it is therefore, perhaps, not unlike deivo in meaning. L. 5 : komonei seems to be the genitive of a word com- unus, synonymous with com-munis, and designating the ager publicus, i. e. to koivov. Perum dolum mallom siom=per dolum malum suum. The preposition per-um seems to be a compound like its synonyme am-pert (12, &c). Iok komo- [wo] is perhaps hoc com-unum : ionc stands in this inscrip- tion for hunc. L. 6 : -kas amnud. In Lepsius' transcript this is writ- ten as one word ; but in the original there is a vacant space between the two, and -kas is clearly the end of some muti- lated word, the beginning of which was broken off from the § 4.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 91 end of the preceding line. Amnud occurs again in this line, and also in the Cippus Abellanus, 1. 17. It seems to be the abl. of some noun. Piei, in this line and the next, must surely be a verb : it is impossible to speak with any degree of confidence about a word which occurs only in this passage; but if the usual change from qu to p has taken place here, the passage may mean : quam quiverit, sumat brateis aut kadeis (perhaps two participles) ex amne ; and 1. 7, [si senatuis~\ sententiad maximas carries distribuere quiverit, ex com-uno distribuere [liceto]. L. 8: ni hipid, i. e. ne habeat: conf. 11. 11, 14, 17; also pru-hipid (25) =prcehibeat, and pru-hipust (26) =prcs- hibuerit. Post post is probably an error of the engraver for pod post : pod = quod signifies quando in 1. 23. Post- esak =post-hac : e'sak is the accus. neut. pi. of the pro- noun esus, which we have also in the Eugubine Tables, the -k, -ke, being subjoined, as in the Latin hic = hi-ce. This is a most instructive form, as bearing immediately on a difficulty which has long been felt in Latin etymology. The quantity of the last syllables of anted, intered, posted, proptered, seems at first sight irreconcilable with the sup- position that these words are the prepositions ante, inter, &c, followed by the neut. accus. ea. And a comparison with post-hac, adversus hac (Fest. p. 246, 1. 8, &c), might lead to the supposition that they are ablatives feminine, the regimen of the prepositions being changed, as is cer- tainly the case in Umbrian. This is, at any rate, the opi- nion of Klenze (Phil. Abhandl. p. 45) and Miiller (ad Fest. p. 247). Another philologer supposes that they may be deduced from the accus. earn, on the analogy of post-quam, ante-quam, &c. (Journal of Education, i. 106). But this opinion has nothing to support it. It is much more rea- sonable to suppose that the demonstrative pronoun, in Latin as in Oscan, being generally followed by the termi- nation -ce, made its neut. pi. in -a-ce or -esc- : we have an 92 THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. IV. instance of this in the demonstrative hi-c, the neut. pi. of which is hcec, not ha-ce or ha. Now as this form has become ha-c in posthac, and as qua-ce has become quce, we may understand that, as quce-propter becomes qua- propter, so ante-ea-ce, or ante-ecec, might become ant'ed; and so of the others. At least, there is no other way of explaining the neuter forms quce and hcec. Post-e'sa-k is therefore a synonyme for post-hcec =post-hac. L. 10: pod valcemom toutikom tadait ezum nep fepakid pod pis dat, i.e. [si quis fecit] quod salut em public am tardet, illud neque fecit, quod quis dat [faciendum - ] . Tadait ap- pears to contain the root of tcedet, which is connected in sense and etymology with tardus ; the r is only an assimi- lation to the d. Similarly we have pigere interdum pro tar- dari, Festus, p. 21 3, Miiller. Fepakid is only an error for fefakid, like docud for dolud in the next line. We see from this and the conjunctive fefakust, which follows, that the Oscans formed the preterite oifacio by reduplication, and not by lengthening the root-syllable (New Crat. p. 463). The passage from 1. 11 to the end of the paragraph maybe supplied and explained as follows: sues pis contrud eseik fefakust, auti Jcomono hip[id], [molto] [etan]to esiud n. © 0., in sues pis ionk fortis meddis moltaum her est ampert mi\nstreis ei]teis eituas moltas moltaum likitud ; i. e. si quis adversus haic fecerit, aut com-unum (i. e. agrum publicum) habeat (i. e. possideai), multa tanta esto numi cio. cio, inde si quis hunc validus magistratus multare vo- luerit per ministros cetuos (?) diribitorii (?) multas multare liceto. It is easy to restore molto etanto from 1. 26 infra. Multa tanta refers to what has preceded, like the siremps lex esto of the Roman laws. The sum is denoted by the nume- ral sign, which was subsequently represented by cio, just as U.S. became h.s. Fortis meddix=validus magistratus (see Festus, p. 84, s. v. forctes), in other words, " a magistrate of sufficient authority." Molta-um is the old infinitive of § 4.] THE SABELLO-OSCAN LANGUAGE. 93 multo. Herest is the second perf. of a verb hero, " to choose" or " take" (root hir, "a hand," Sanscr. hri), which occurs in the Umbrian Tables with a slight variety of meaning. In the Latin Bantine Table (1. 7) we have quel volet magistratus in a parallel clause. That ampert is a preposition is clear, and it is also obvious that it signifies " by" or " through;" but that it is to be referred to d/u,9, id. : comp. also jd/ioio reXos, Horn. Od. xx. 74, and the epithet "Hpa rekeia. The Aramaean TaXidd (rpbrj, Mark v. 41) is not perhaps to be referred to this class. The deity Vulcanus, who in the Etruscan mythology was one of the chief gods, being one of the nine thunder- ing gods, and who in other mythologies appears in the first rank of divinities, always stands in a near "relationship to Juno. In the Greek theogony he appears as her son and 108 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. V. defender; he is sometimes the rival, and sometimes the duplicate, of his brother Mars ; and it is possible that in the Egyptian calendar he may have been a kind of Jupiter. Here we are only concerned with the form of his Etruscan name, which was Sethlans. Applying the same principles as before, we collect that it is only Se-tal[a]nus, a mascu- line form of Tal\a\na (=Juno) with the prefix Se- : comp. the Greek rj-Xios, ae-Xrjvr], with the Latin Sol, Luna, where the feminine, like Tal\a\na, has lost the prefix. To the two deities Tina and Talna, whose names, with their adjuncts, I have just examined, the Etruscans added a third, Minerva, or, as they called her, Menerfa, Menrfa, who was so closely connected with them in the reverence of this people, that they did not consider a city complete if it had not three gates and three temples dedicated to Jupiter, Juno, and Minerva. She was the goddess of the storms prevalent about the time of the vernal equinox ; and her feast, the quinquatrus, was held, as that word im- plied in the Tuscan language, on the fifth day after the ides of March. The name seems to have been synony- mous with the Greek /jLrJTis ; the word bears the same re- lation to mens that luerves (in the Arval hymn) does to lues : this appears from the use of the verb promenervat (pro monet, Fest. p. 205). It is easy to explain the names Sdturnus, Vertumnus, Mars, and Feronia, from the elements of the Latin lan- guage. Sdturnus =Kpovos is connected with ste-culum, as <2-ternus with cevum (the full form being avi-ternus, Varro, L.L.vi. § 11), sempi-ternus with semper, and taci-turnus with taceo. Vertumnus is the old participle of vertor, " I turn myself." Mars is simply " the slayer :" comp. Md- mers, " the man-slayer." The attributes of the goddess Feronia are by no means accurately known : there seems, however, to be little doubt that she was an elementary goddess, and as such perhaps also a subterraneous deity, § 2.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 109 so that her name will be connected with feralis, 0el- peiv, (f)epae(f)6v7}, &c. AevKoOea, " the white goddess," had a Tuscan repre- sentative in the Mater matuta, " mother of the morning," whose attribute is referred to in the Greek name, which designates the pale silvery light of the early dawn. Both goddesses were probably also identical with El\el0via, Lucina, the divinity who brought children from the dark- ness of the womb into the light of life. Sothina, a name which occurs in Etruscan monuments (Lanzi, ii. p. 494), is probably the Etruscan transcription of the Greek Xowhlva (" saving from child-bed pains"), which was an epithet of Artemis (see Bockh, Corp. Inscr. no. 1595). Apollo was an adopted Greek name, the Tuscan form being Apulu, Aplu, Epul, or Epure. If the " custos So- ractis Apollo," to whom the learned Virgil {JEn. xi. 786) makes a Tuscan pray, was a native Etruscan god, then his name Soranus, and the name of the mountain Soracte, must be Tuscan words, and contain the Latin sol, with the change from I to r observable in the form Epure for Epul : compare also the Sanscr. Surya. Although Neptunus was an important god in the Tus- can pantheon, it is by no means certain that this was the Tuscan form of his name : if it was, then we have another Tuscan word easily explicable from the roots of the Indo- Germanic language ; for Nep-tunus is clearly connected with via, Nrjpevs, vItttw, &c. The form Neptumnus (ap. Grut. p. 460) is simply the participle vfKr6^evo ^rvybs KeXcuvrjs vafffiSv, evda Tep/xiebs 6pK(i>/j.6Tovs eTev£ei/ a.a\alai, with t?}9 kottiSos' Aoopiels he rrjv fcecpaXrjv outgo koXovctiv. J. Pollux, ii. 29. Falandum, " the sky." Fest. p. 88 : " Falce [(pd\ac opr), aicoiriai, Hesych.] dictas ab altitudine, a falando, quod apud Etruscos significat coelum." This is generally connected with (j>d\av0ov, blond, &c. Or we might go a step further, and refer it to (frdWco, " the goose," i.e. " the gaping bird" (xV Kex 7 )^^) Athen. p. 519 a). §3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 117 Februum, " a purification." Angrius, ap. J. Lyd de Mens. p. 70 : " Februum inferum esse Thuscorum lingua." Also Sabine: see Varro, L. L. vi. § 13. If we com- pare febris, &c, we shall perhaps connect the root with foveo=torreo, whence favilla, &c, and understand the " torrida cum mica farra," which, according to Ovid {Fast. ii. 24), were called by this name. Fentlia, according to Lactantius {de Fals. Relig. i. c. 22, § 9), was the old Italian name of Fatua, the feminine form of Faunus, " quod mulieribus fata canere consue- visset, ut Faunus viris." The form Finthia seems to occur on an old Tuscan monument {Ann. delV Instit. viii. p. 76), and is therefore perhaps a Tuscan word. The analogy of Fentha to Fatua is the same as that which has been pointed out above in the case of Man- tus. The n is a kind of aniiswdrah very common in Latin : comp. e^t?, anguis ; Xeiirm, linquo ; A-e/^w, lingo; Sanscr. tuddmi, tundo ; vhwp, unda ; Sec. Uaruspex is generally considered to have been an Etruscan word. Strabo, xvi. p. 762, renders it by iepove<>, el/coves, ft)? ijjbol Sofce?, roiv 2aXta>v. Appian, viii. de Reb. Pun. c. 66 : X°P 0% &c. Quinquatrus. Varro, L. L. vi. § 14: " Quinquatrus ; hie dies unus ab nominis errore observatur, proinde ut sint quinque. Dictus, ut ab Tusculanis post diem sextum idus similiter vocatur Sexatrus, et post diem septimum Septimatrus, sic hie, quod erat post diem quintum idus, Quinquatrus" Festus, p. 254 : " Quinquatrus appellari quidam putant a numero dierum qui feriis iis celebran- tur : qui scilicet errant tarn hercule, quam qui triduo Saturnalia et totidem diebus Competalia: nam omni- bus his singulis diebus fiunt sacra. Forma autem vo- cabuli ejus, exemplo multorum populorum Italicorum enuntiata est, quod post diem quintum iduum est is dies festus, ut aput Tusculanos Triatrus et Sexatrus et Septimatrus et Faliscos Decimatrus." See also Gell. N. A. ii. 21. From this we infer that in the Tuscan language the numeral quinque, or as they probably wrote it chfinchfe, signified " five," and atrus meant " a day." With this latter word, perhaps connected with aWpiov, we may compare the Tuscan atrium, according to the second of the etymologies proposed above. Ramnenses, Tities, Luceres. Varro, L. L. v. § 55: " Omnia haec vocabula Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragoedias Tuscas scripsit, dicebat." See Miiller, Etrusk. i. p. 380. Ril, " a year." This word frequently occurs before nume- rals in sepulchral inscriptions ; and, as the word aifil=z cetatis generally precedes, ril is supposed with reason to mean annum or annos. It is true that this word does not resemble any synonyme in the In do- Germanic lan- guages ; but then, as has been justly observed by Lep- sius, there is no connexion between annus, eVo?, and idr, and yet the connexion between Greek, Latin, and Ger- §3.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 123 man is universally admitted. 1 The word ril appears to me to contain the root ra or re, implying " flux " and " motion," which occurs in every language of the family, and which in the Pelasgian dialects sometimes furnished a name for great rivers (above, p. 35). Thus Tibe-ris, the Tuscan river, is probably " the mountain-stream ;" see below, § 4. The termination -I also marks the Tuscan patronymics, and, in the lengthened form -lius, serves the same office in Latin (e. g. Servi-lius from Servius). The Greek patronymic in -S^? expresses derivation or extraction, and is akin to the genitive- ending. This termination appears in pel-rov, pel-6-pov, &c, which may therefore be compared with ri-l. How well suited this connexion is for the expression of time need not be pointed out to the intelligent reader. The following examples from the Latin language will shew that the etymology is at least not inconsistent with the forms of speech adopted by the ancient Italians. The Latin name for the year — annus — of which annulus is a diminutive — denotes a circle or cycle — a period — a curve returning to itself. Now as the year was re- garded as a number of months, and as the moon-god- dess was generally the feminine form of the sun-god, we recognise Annus as the god of the sun, and Anna as the goddess of the moon ; and as she recurred through- out the period of the sun's course, she was further designated by the epithet perenna. To this Anna per- enna, " the ever-circling moon," the ancients dedicated the ides of March, the first full moon of the primitive year, and sacrificed to her, as Macrobius tells us (Sa- turn, i. 12), " ut annare perennareque commode liceat." The idea, therefore, attached to her name was that of a regular flowing, of a constant recurrence. Now this 1 See the other instances of the same kind quoted by Dr. Prichard, Jour- nal of R. G. S. ix. 2, p. 209. 124 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. V. is precisely the meaning of the common Latin adjective perennis ; and sollennis (= quod omnibus annis prce- slari debet, Festus, p. 298) has acquired the similar signification of " regular," " customary," and " indis- pensable." It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that in a Tuscan monument (Micali, Storia, pi. 36) Atlas sup- porting the world is called A-ril. If Atlas was the god of the Tuscan year, this may serve to confirm the com- mon interpretation of ril. Stroppus, "a fillet." Fest. p. 313: " Stroppus est, ut Ateius philologus existimat, quod Grasce arpo^nov vo- catur, et quod sacerdotes pro insigni habent in capite. Quidam coronam esse dicunt, aut quod pro corona in- signe in caput imponatur, quale sit strophium. Itaque apud Faliscos diem festum esse, qui vocetur struppe- aria, quia coronati ambulent. Et a Tusculanis [for another instance of the similarity of language between the people of Falerii and Tusculum see under Quinqua- trus~\, quod in pulvinari imponatur, Castoris struppum vocari." Idem, p. 347 : " Struppi vocantur in pulvina- ribus fasciculi de verbenis facti, qui pro deorum capiti- bus ponuntur." Subulo, " a flute-player." Varro, L. L. vii. § 35 : " Subulo dictus quod ita dicunt tibicines Tusci : quocirca radices ejus in Etruria non Latio quasrundse." Fest. p. 309: " Subulo Tusce tibicen dicitur ; itaque Ennius : subulo quondam marinas adstabat plagas." Compare sibilo, (rlcf)cov, si-lenus, , d-avcjirjXo'i, &c. Fr. siffler, persifler, &c. Toga. If toga was the name by which the Tuscans called their outer garment, the verb tego must have existed in the Tuscan language ; for this is obviously the deri- vation. That the Tuscans wore togas, and that the Romans borrowed this dress from them, is more than probable (Miiller, Etrusker, i. p. 262). If not, they §4.] THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. 125 must, from the expression used by Photius {Lex. s. v.), have called it rrjfievva, which was its name in Argos and Arcadia. Vorsus, " one hundred feet square," is quoted as both Tus- can and Umbrian. Fragm. de Limit, ed. Gees. p. 216 : " Primum agri modulum fecerunt quattuor limitibus clausum figurae, quadratae similem, plerumque centum pedum in utraque parte, quod Graeci ifKeOpov appellant, Tusci et Umbri vorsum." For the use of rrXedpov, see Eurip. Ion. 1137. The fact that vorsus is a Tus- can word confirms the etymologies of Vertumnus and Nortia. In passing to our third source of information respecting § 4-. the Tuscan language — the inscriptions which have been scr i p ti ns— preserved — we are at once thrown upon difficulties, w T hich difficulties at- r r ' tending their at present, perhaps, are not within the reach of a complete interpretation, solution. We may, indeed, derive from them some fixed results with regard to the structure of the language, and here and there we may find it possible to offer an expla- nation of a few words of more frequent occurrence. In general, however, we want a more complete collection of these documents ; one, too, in deciphering which the re- sources of palaeography have been carefully and critically applied. When we shall have obtained this, we shall at least know how far we can hope to penetrate into the hitherto unexplored arcana of the mysterious Etruscan language. Referring to the position, that the Umbrians and Tus- cans were so intermixed, that the language of the former had influenced, and indeed corrupted, the language of the latter, it would be well, if possible, to discriminate between those inscriptions which were least subjected to the influ- ences of the Umbrian population, and those which have almost lost their Pelasgic character. 126 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. V. § 5. Of all the Etruscan cities the least Umbrian perhaps is wWch'the^e" Cwe 1 or Agylla, which stands in so many important con- lasgian element liex ions with Rome. Its foundation by the Pelasgians is predominates. J ° attested by a great number of authorities (Serv. ad JEn. viii. 478; Strabo, v. p. 220; Dionys. Hal. iii. 58; Plin. H. N. iii. 8) : its port, Tlvp^ot, had a purely Pelasgian name, and the Pelasgians had founded there a temple in honour of EiXrjOvca (Strabo, v. 226 ; Diod. xv. 14). In the year 534 B.C., the people of Agylla consulted the oracle at Delphi respecting the removal of a curse ; and they ob- served, in the days of Herodotus, the gymnic and eques- trian games which the Pythoness prescribed (Herod, i. 167) : moreover, they kept up a connexion with Delphi, in the same manner as the cities of Greece, and had a deposit in the bank of the temple (Strabo, v. p. 220). As the Agyllaeans, then, maintained so long a distinct Pelasgian character, we might expect to find some charac- teristics in the inscriptions of Caere, or Cervetri, by which they might be distinguished from the monuments of north- ern and eastern Etruria. There is at least one very strik- ing justification of this supposition. On an ancient vase, dug up by General Galassi at Cervetri, the following in- scription is traced in very clear and legible characters : Mi ni keJuma, mi ma&u mar am lisiai dipurenai ; E&e erai sie epana, mi ne&u nastav hele x ea / u «- Ao ' s ; XW^'h humus, &c. The difference of quantity in the second mi will not prevent us from identifying it with the first, which is lengthened by the ictus. Ma8u is the Greek fiedv, Sanscr. madhu. Maram is the epithet agreeing with mathu .- it contains the root mar-, found in Mapoov (the grandson of Bacchus), and in "Icr- /xapos, the site of his vineyards (see Od. ix. 196, sqq.), and probably signifying " ruddy" {fiaipai, /xoupa, &c). The fact that Maro was an agricultural cog- nomen at Mantua is an argument in favour of the Pelasgian origin of the root. Lisiai is the locative of lisis, an old word corresponding to lix, " ashes mingled with water." Qipurenai is an adjective in concord with lisiai, and probably containing the root of daK-roi, rdcp-pos, &c. E9e is some particle, perhaps the same as eth in the Perugian Inscription, 1. 3. Erai is the locative of erus, which constantly occurs in the Eugubine Tables, and also appears in the Perugian Inscription, 1. 18. Sie (probably pronounced sye) is sies = sis (so ar-sie= ad-sis in the Eug. Tables) ; and epana may be connected with ddirTai, &c, as epulis is with Sa-rravT], daps, Seiirvov, &c, or ignis with the root dah, " to burn." There can be little doubt that nedu means " water" in the Tuscan language. There is an Etruscan mirror in which the figure of Nep- tune has superscribed the word Nethuns = Nethu-n[u\s. The root is ne-, and appears under the same development in the next word, nastav (comp. va.o-ft.6s, vadfios, O. H. G. naz), which is probably a locative in -(pi, agreeing with hele Latin heluo, &c. Some of these suggestions are more probable than the others ; but it would be premature to found any conclusions upon even the most certain of them. Thus much may be inferred, that the inscription confirms what we might have gathered from the shape of the vase, — namely, that it is a sort of funereal lachrymatory, with the same symbolical meaning as that which was found last year at Rougham, near Bury St. Edmunds. 128 THE ETRUSCAN LANGUAGE. [Ch. V. compass the same features with that which has just been quoted. It runs thus : Mi ni mulvene kevel&u ir piipliana. Besides these, we have a great number of inscriptions beginning with the syllable mi, mostly from Orvieto (i. e. urbs vetns, Volsinii ?) ; and an inspection of those among them which are most easily interpreted leaves us little reason to doubt that this syllable represents the verb et/n, which has suffered decapitation in the same manner as the modern Greek vd for Xva. A collection of these inscrip- tions has been made by Lanzi {Saggio, ii. p. 319, Epitqfi scelti frcu piu antichi, no. 188-200) ; and Miiller thinks (Etrusk. i. p. 451) that they are all pure Pelasgian. Some of them, indeed, seem to be almost Greek — at least, they are more nearly akin to Greek than to Latin. Take, for instance, no. 191, which has been adduced both by Miiller and by Lepsius, and which runs thus : Mi kalairufuius. Surely this is little else than archaic Greek : el/xl KaXatpov Evios. In regard to the last word at any rate, even modern Latin approaches more nearly to the Etruscan type. It is well known that the termination -al, -ul in Etruscan indi- cates a patronymic. Thus a figure of Apollo, found in Picenum, is inscribed, Jupetrul Epure, i. e. " Jupiter's son, Apollo." The syllable -al corresponds to the Latin form -alls, but in its significance as a patronymic it is represented rather by -i-lius, as in Servius, Servilius ; Lu- cius, Lucilius ; &c. According to this analogy, fi-lius, from jio, is nearer to the Etruscan than (fruios, from the Mo]ic contribute to the same conclusion — that the oldest Latin was not so unlike the language with which we are familiar as to defy interpretation. Two reliques of the same kind as the last have been preserved by Cato (R. R. 160), who writes thus : " Luxum si quod est, hac cantione sanum fiet. Harundinem prende tibi viridem p. iv. aut v. longam. Mediam diffinde, et duo homines teneant ad coxendices. Incipe can tare in alio: S[anum] F[iet]. In mota et soluta (vulg. mota vceta) : daries dar- daries astataries, die sempiterno (vulg. dissunapiter or die una pariter), usquedum coeant .... Ad luxum aut ad frac- § 4.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 141 turam alliga, sanum net, et tamen quotidie cantato in alio : S. F. vel luxato : vel hoc modo : havat, havat, havat : ista pista sista: domabo damnaustra et luxato" i. e. haveat, haveat, haveat : istam pestem sistam : domabo damna vestra et luxatum (see Grrotefend, Hud. L. Umbr. iv. 13). With regard to the second excantatio, which is simple enough, it is only necessary to observe, that the final m is omitted both in the accusatives luxato, pista, &c. and in the future sista ; and we are especially told that it was the custom with Cato the Censor to drop the m at the termination of the futures of verbs in -o and -io : thus he wrote dice, facie, for dicam, faciam (see Quinctil. Inst. Or. i. 7, § 23, and cf. ix. 4, § 39; Fest. p. 72. Mull.), recipie for reci- piam (Fest. p. 286), attinge for attingam (id. p. 26), os- tende for ostendam (id. p. 201), which are all quoted as common examples. He also omitted the -s of the nomi- native, as in prcef amino for prcefaminus (used for prafato : see R. R. 141 : " Janum Jovemque vino praf amino, sic dicito." cf. 134; and see Fest. p. 87). The words daries, dar-dar-ies, as-ta-tar-ies, seem to be a jingling alliteration, the meaning of which must not be pressed too far ; Pliny, at least {H. N. xvii. 28), does not think them worthy of serious attention ; though Grotefend would compare them with dertier dierir in the spurious Umbrian inscription (see Leps. p. 52). The Salian songs, if any considerable fragments of § 4. them had come down to our times, would have furnished th r g Saiian ° us with very interesting specimens of ancient Latinity. h y mns - Unfortunately they are all lost, with the exception of a few lines and detached words ; and with them we have been deprived of the learned commentaries of iElius Stilo, who was not, however, able to explain them through- out. Varro, vii. § 2 : " iElii, hominis in primo in litteris Latinis exercitati, interpretationem carminum Saliorum 142 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. videbis et exili littera expeditam et praeterita obscura multa." x Of the explanations of iElius the following have been preserved. Festus, s. v. Manaos, p. 146: " Manuos in carminibus Saliaribus iElius Stilo [et Amelias, v. Paul, p. 147] significare ait bonos : unde Inferi Di manes pro boni dicantur a suppliciter eos venerantibus propter metmn mortis, ut immanes quoque pro valde [non bonis] dicun- tur." Id. s. v. Molucrum, p. 141 : " Molucrum non solum quo molae vertuntur dicitur, id quod Graeci fjivXrjKopov ap- pellant, sed etiam tumor ventris, qui etiam virginibus inci- dere solet .... Cloatius etiam [et sElius] in libris sacrorum molucrum esse aiunt lignum quoddam quadratum ubi im- molatur. Idem iElius in explanatione carminum Sali- arium eodem nomine appellari ait, quod sub mola suppo- natur. Aurelius Opilius appellat ubi molatur." Id. s. v. Pescia, p. 210: " Pescia in Saliari carmine iElius Stilo dici ait capitia ex pellibus agninis facta, quod Graeci pelle vocent TreaKT) [ireaKecov, Sep/Jbdrcov, Hesych.] neutro ge- nere pluraliter." Id. s. v. Salias virgines, p. 329 : " Salias virgines Cincius ait esse conducticias, quae ad Salios adhi- beantur cum apicibus paludatas, quas iElius Stilo scripsit sacrificium facer e in Regia cum pontifice paludatas cum apicibus in modum Saliorum." There are other references in Festus to the philological interpretations of iElius ; but as the Salian songs are not mentioned in them, we have no right to assume that this particular commentary is quoted : see Festus, s. v. Manias, p. 129 ; s. v. Monstrum, p. 138; s. v, Nebulo, p. 165; s. v. Naucum, p. 166; s. v. Nusciciosum, p. 173; s. v. Novalem agrum, p. 174; s. v. Ordinarium hominem, p. 185; s. v. Obstitum, p. 193 (cf. pp. 248, 249) ; s. v. Puticulos, p. 217 ; s. v. Portisculus, p. 234 ; s. v. Sonticum, p. 290 ; s. v. Subuculam, p. 309 ; 1 Horace, too, alludes to the difficulty of the Salian songs (ii. Epist. i. "") : Jam saliare Numse carmen qui laudat, et illud, Quod mecum ignorat, solus vult scire videri, &c. § 4.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 143 s. v. Tongere, p. 356; s. v. Tamne (=eo usque), p. 359; s. v. Victimam, p. 371. The following are the remaining fragments of the Sa- lian hymns. Varro, L. L. vii. § 26 : " In multis verbis, in quo an- tiqui dicebant s, postea dictum r; ut in carmine Saliorum sunt haec : cozeulodoizeso [vel coreulodorieso] ; omina [enim] vero ad patula coemisse [vel oremisse~\ JAM- CUSIANES; DUONUSCERUSES dunzianus vevet." This may be written as follows, in the Saturnian metre : Chbroi aulbdor eso : | omina enim vero s Ad patula? bse misse \ Jdni curiones. Dubnus Cerus esit, | dunque Janus vevet. i, e. choroio-aulodos ero ; omina enimvero ad patulas aures miserunt Jani curiones. Bonus Cerus (i. e. Cerus manus = creator bonus, Fest. p. 122) erit donee Janus vivet (Grote- fend, Rud. L. Umbr. ii. p. 16). With regard to the apparently Greek word clioroi- aulodos, it may be sufficient to quote an observation of Varges {Rliein. Mus. for 1835, p. 69), who, speaking of his derivation oiampirvo (see below) from afnreipa, says: "Vix est quod moneam in Saliari carmine alia quoque vocabula inveniri, quae originem Graecam manifesto prae se ferant, ut pescia, de quo vocabulo vide Fest. et Gutberl. [de Sa- ins], p. 146, et tripudium, quod propius esse Graecorum iroha quam Latinorum pedem patet, et recte interpretatur Auson. Popma de Differ. Verbor. s. Saltare. Item cosauli apud Varronem de L. L. vii. c. 3. Graecorum %6pav\oi esse videntur, quod verbum Pollux servavit." In this word, as in curiones, I have ventured to insert the letter r, (above, p. 51). Varro, L. L. vii. § 27 : " Canite, pro quo in Saliari versu scriptum est cante, hoc versu : 144 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. DIVUM riMPTA CANTE, D1VUM | D^O SUPPLICANTE." i. e. Deorum impetu canite, deorum deo supplice canite. Cf. Macrob. Sat. i. 9 : " Saliorum carminibus deorum deus canitur [Janus]." Festus, s. v. Mamuri Veturi, p. 131 : " Probatum opus est maxime Mamuri Veturi, qui praemii loco petiit, ut suum nomen inter carmina Salii canerent." Id. s. v. Negumate, p. 168 : " Negumate in carmina Cn. Marci vatis significat negate, cum ait: quamvis moventiiim [molimentum Herm. El. D. M. p. 614] du-bnum negumate." Id. s. v. Obstinet, p. 197 : " Obstinet dicebant antiqui, quod nunc est ostendit ; ut in veteribus carminibus : sed jam se coelo cedens [Aurora] obstinet suum pair em." Here it will be observed that se coelo cedens = coelo secedens, and that suum is a monosyllable (see Fest. p. 301). Id. s. v. Prceceptat, p. 205 : " Prceceptat in Saliari car- mine est saepe prascipit. Pa pro patre, et po pro potissi- mum, positum est in Saliari carmine. Promenervat item pro monet. Prcedopiont, praeoptant, &c. Pilumnos poploe in carmine Saliari, Romani, velut pilis assueti : vel quia praecipue pellant hostes." Id. s. v. Redantruare, p. 270 : " Redantruare dicitur in Saliorum exsultationibus, quod cum praasul amptruavit, quod est motus edidit, ei referuntur invicem idem motus. Lucilius : Praesul ut amptruat inde ; ita volgu' redamptruat ollim. Pacuvius : Promerenda gratia Simul cum videam Graios nihil medioeriter Redamptruare, opibusque summis persequi." According to Varges (Rhein. Mus. for 1835, p. 62, sqq.) the fragment of Lucilius ought to be read thus : Prasul ut ampirvat, sic vulgu' redantruat inde. He derives ampirvo from the Greek a^iTreipa, which, according to Hesychius (s. v. avaireipa), was pvOfjuos T£9 av\7]Ti/c6<; ; for Dionysius tells us (Antiq. ii. 70) that the Salii danced to the flute. Old regal laws. § 5.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 145 The same name was given to the second part of the Pythian nome (Timosthenes, ap. Strab. ix. 3) ; and Argolus (Grsev. Thesaur. ix. p. 342) explains the passage in Claudian (vi. Cons. Hon, 626-30) by a reference to the Pythian nome. Turnebus (Advers. xvii. 8, vol. ii. p. 145) connects am-pirvo with the French pirouetter ; comp. the Oscan am-pert= per; above, Ch. V. § 4. Id. p. 290 {ex Suppl. Ursin.): " Sesopia in augurali et Saliari carmine appellantur, quae alias esopia pro sedilibus dicere habemus nunc adhuc in consuetudine." Id. s. v. Sonivio, ibid. : " Sonivio significat in carmine [Saliari et a]ugurali sonanti." Id. p. 360 : " Tame in carmine positum est pro tarn." So also cume for cum, Terent. Scaur, p. 2661 p., who quotes from the Salian songs. The fragments of the oldest Roman laws, though un- § 5 doubtedly genuine in substance, must be considered as having undergone considerable alteration in the ortho- graphy at all events. They are precious memorials of primeval Latinity ; but, like the Homeric poems, they not unfrequently exhibit the deformity of an ancient statue, which the false taste of a later age may have daubed over with a coat of coloured plaster. One of these fragments professes to be as old as the time of Romulus and Tatius. Festus, s. v. Plorare, p. 230 : " Plorare, flere nunc significat, et cum prsepositione implo- rare, i. e. invocare ; sed apud antiquos plane inclamare. In regis Romuli et Tatii legibus : Si nurus . . . sacra divispa- rentum estod. In Servi Tulli haec est : Si parent em puer verberit, ast olle plorasset, puer divis parentum sacer esto ; i. e. inclamarit, dix[erit diem]" The restoration of the laws quoted in this passage may be given thus: (1) Sei nuros [parentem verbussit, ast ole plorasit], sacra diveis pa- rentom estod. (2) Sei parentem puer verbesit, ast ole plo- rasit, puer diveis parentom sacer estod. L 146 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. In these fragments two forms deserve to be noticed. If verberit, as it is quoted in Festus, were a syncope for verberarit, the old form would be verberasit. It seems, however, that there was an older form of verbero, inflected according to the third conjugation, like carint (Plautus, Mostell. iv. 1, 1) and temperint (Trucul. i. 1, 41). The three participles, verbustus, castus, tempestus (Fest. p. 362), are further indications of such original forms. Accord- ingly verberit is the modern orthography, not of verberarit, but of verbesit or verbussit (Midler, Suppl. Annot. in Fest. p. 393). We should write ole = olle with one I. That this was the primitive orthography is proved, not only by the express testimony of Festus (s. v. Solitaurilia, p. 293 ; id. s. v. Torum, p. 355 ; id. s. v. ab oloes, p. 19 : " ab oloes dicebant pro ab illis ; antiqui enim litteram non gemina- bant"), but still more strikingly by the locative olim, which retained its orthography long after its derivation had been forgotten. There are several fragments of the laws of Numa Pom- pilius. Festus, s. v. Occisum, p. 178: " Occisum a necato distingui quiclam, quod alterum a csedendo atque ictu fieri dicunt, alterum sine ictu. Itaque in Numaa Pompili regis legibus scriptum esse : Si hominem fubnen Jovis occisit, ne supra genua tollitor. Et alibi : Homo si fulmine occisus est, ei justa nulla fieri oportet." In the old orthography these fragments would run thus : Sei hemonem fulmin Jobis ocisit, nei supra cenua tolitor. Hemo sei fulmined ocisus escit, eiei jousta nula fieri oportet. For the form hemo, see Muller ad Fest. p. 100. Escit, an inchoative of est, has a future signification : see Muller ad Fest. p. 77 ; and Suppl. Annot. p. 386. Festus (s. v. Parrici\di\ Qucestores, p. 22\) quotes a short fragment from another law of Numa, which defines the word parricida : " Si qui hominem liberum dolo sciens morti duit, parricidas esto ;" i. e., in the old orthography, Sei qui hemonem loebesum,(Fest. p. 121) dolo sciens mortei § 5.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 147 duit, pariceidas estod. The Parricidi Qucestores seem to have been the same as the Perduellionis Duumviri. The law respecting- the punishment of the criminal and his right of appeal, which both Livy and Cicero call a carmen, has been thus preserved in Saturnian verse : Duumviri perduelli|6nem judicanto. Si a dutkaviris provocasit | provocatione certato. Si vincent, caput obnubito in|felici arbore reste Suspendito, verberato | intra vel extra pomoerum. I have here written judicanto for judicent, because the final thesis cannot be suppressed (below, § 20). The v or b is slurred over in pro'casit, prdcatione, and obnu'to, according to the common Roman pronunciation. Each trochaic tri- podia in 1. 2 begins with an anacrusis. According to Livy (i. 26), the law belongs to the time of Tullus Hostilius ; Cicero, on the other hand {pro Rabir. c. 4, § 13), refers it to the legislation of Tarquinius. Id. s. v. Pellices, p. 222 : " Cui generi mulierum poena constituta est a Numa Pompilio hac lege : Pellex aram Junonis ne tangito ; si tanget, Junoni crinibus demissis agnum fceminam ccedito" i. e. Pelecs asam Junonis nei tan- citud; sei tancet, Junonei crinebos demiseis acnom feminam ceditud. Id. s. v. Opima spolia, p. 189: " Esse etiam Pompili regis legem opimorum spoliorum talem : Cujus auspicio classe procincta opima spolia capiuntur, Jovi Feretrio bovem ccedito ; qui cepit [ei] ceris ccc darier oportet : [cujus au- spicio capiuntur] secunda spolia, in Martis aram in Campo solitaurilia utra voluerit (i. e. ' vel majora vel lactentia,' Scal.) ccedito; [qui cepit, ei aeris cc dato] : [cujus auspicio capiuntur] tertia spolia Janui Quirino agnum marem ccedito, c qui ceperit ex cere dato : cujus auspicio capta, dis piacu- lum dato." Niebuhr (H. R. ii. note 972) explains these gradations of reward by a reference to the scale of pay in the Roman army. The supplements in this passage rest 148 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. principally on Plutarch, Fit. Marc. c. 8 : /cat Xa/ifidveiv 76/00.9, dacrdpia rpuaKoaia rbv Trpwrov, rbv Be Bevrepov BiaKOcna, rbv Be rplrov e/carov. Plin. H. N. xxxii. 2, 10, § 20: " Pisceis quei squamosei nee sunt, nei polucetod ; squamosos omneis prater scarom polucetod." Cf. Fest. s. v. Pollucere, p. 253 : " Pollucere merces [quas cuivis deo liceat], sunt far, polenta, vinum, panis fermentalis, ficus passa, suilla, bubula, agnina, casei, ovilla, alica, sesama, et oleum, pisces quibus est squama, praeter scarum : Herculi autem omnia esculenta, pocu- lenta." Id. s. v. Termino, p. 368 : " Denique Numa Pompi- lius statuit, Eum qui terminum exarasset et ipsum et boves sacros esse." i. e. Qui terminom ecsaraset, ipsus et boveis sacrei sunto. (See Dirksen, Versuche, p. 334.) Id. s. v. Aliuta, p. 6: " Aiuta antiqui dicebant pro ali- ter, .... hinc est illud in legibus Numae Pompili : Siquis- quam aliuta facsit ipsos Jovei sacer estod." § 6. But of all the legal fragments which exhibit the prisca XII. Tables. vetustas verborum (Cic. de Oratore, i. c. 43), the most copi- ous, as well as the most important, are the remains of the Twelve Tables, of which Cicero speaks in such enthusiastic, if not hyperbolical language. These fragments have been more than once collected and explained. In the following extracts I have followed the text of Dirksen ( Uebersicht der bisherigen Versuche zur Kritih und Herstellung des Textes der Zwolf-Tafel-Fragmente). The object, however, of Dirksen's elaborate work is juristic x rather than philologi- cal ; whereas I have only wished to present these fragments as interesting specimens of old Latinity. It was probably the intention of the decemvirs to com- prise their system in six double Tables ; for each successive 1 The student will find a general sketch of the old Roman law in Arnold's Rome, i. p. 256, sqq. § 7.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 149 pair of Tables seems to refer to matters which are naturally classed together. Thus Tab. i. and ii. relate to the legis actiones ; Tab. iii. and iv. to the mancipium, potestas, and manus, or the rights which might be acquired over insol- vent debtors, the right of a father over his son, and of a husband over his wife ; Tab. v. and vi. to the laws of guardianship, inheritance, and property ; Tab. vii. and viii. to obligationes, delicto,, and crimina ; Tab. ix. and x. to the jus publicum and jus sacrum; Tab. xi. and xii. were supplementary to the ten former Tables, both in subject and in date. Tab. I. Fr. 1 (i. 1, 2, Gothofredi): si . in . jus . vocat . ni . it . § 7. antestator . igitur . em . capito . (Porphyrio ad Hor. a ' * i. Serm. 9, 65 : " Adversarius molesti illius Horatium con- sulit, an permittat se antestari, injecta manu extracturus ad Praetorem, quod vadimonio non paruerit. De hac au- tem Lege xii. Tabularum his verbis cautum est: si vis vocationi testamini, igitur en capito antestari. Est ergo antestari, scilicet antequam manum injiciat," Cf. Cic. Legg. ii. c. 4; Aul. Gell. N.A. xx. 1 ; Auctor ad Herenn. ii. c. 13; Non. Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 1, § 20, s. v. calvitur. Lu- cilius, Lib. xvii. : " Si non it, capito, inquit, eum et, si calvitur ergo, Ferto manum "). It seems probable that the original form of the law was, si quis in jus vocatus nee it, antestamino, igitur (i. e. inde, postea, turn, Fest. p. 105) em (== eum) capito. Cf. Gronov. Led. Plautin. p. 95. Fr. 2 (i. 3) : si . calvitur . pedemve . struit, . ma- num . endo . jacito . (Festus, p. 313). The word calvi- tur is explained by Gaius, L. 233, pr. D. de Verb. Sign. : " Si calvitur et moretur et frustretur. Inde et calumnia- tores appellati sunt, quia per fraudem et frustrationem alios vexarent litibus." Pedem struere is explained by Festus, 1. ].: "Alii putant significare retrorsum ire: alii, in aliam 150 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. partem : alii fug ere : alii gradum augere : alii minuere, cum quis vix pedem pedi praefert, otiose it, remoratur:" and p. 210: "pedem struit in xn. significat fugit, ut ait Ser. Sulpicius." This fragment seems to have followed close upon the previous one : see the passage of Lucilius, quoted above, Fr. 3 (i. 4): si . morbus . aevitasve . vitium . escit, . QUI . IN . JUS . VOCABIT . JUMENTUM . DATO; . SI . NOLET . ARCERAM . NE . STERNITO . (Aul. Gell. N. A. XX. 1). Vi- tium escit means impedimento erit. Arcera is explained by Nonius Marcellus, de Propr. Serm. i. § 270: " Arcera plaustrum est rusticum, tectum undique quasi area. Hoc vocabulum et apud Varronem et apud M. Tullium inve- nitur. Hoc autem vehiculi genere series et cegroti vectari solent. Varro yepovTiSihaa-KaXa) : vehebatur cum uxore vehiculo semel aut bis anno cum arcera : si non vellet non sterner et" Fr. 4 (i. 6): assiduo . vindex . assiduus . esto, . pro- letary . QUOI . QUIS . VOLET . VINDEX . ESTO . (Aul. Gell. N.A. xvi. c. 10; cf. Cicero, Top. c. 2, who explains assiduus as a synonyme of locuples, and derives it, with iElius, ab asse dando; Nonius, Propr. Serm. c. 1, § ante- pen., who explains proletaries as equivalent to plebeius — " qui tan turn prolem sufficiat." See Niebuhr, Hist. Rom. i. p. 445, note 1041). Fr. 5 (ix. 2). Festus, p. 348: " Sanates dicti sunt, qui supra infraque Romam habitaverunt. Quod nomen his fuit, quia cum defecissent a Romanis, brevi post redierunt in amicitiam, quasi sanata mente. Itaque in xn. cautum est, ut ' idem juris esset Sanatibus quod Forctibus,' id est bonis (cf. pp. 84, 102), et qui nunquam defecerant a p. r." Whence we may supply, p. 321 : " [Hinc] in xii. : ' NEx[i solutique, ac] forcti SANATi[sque idem jus estod'], id est, bonor[um et qui defecerant sociorum]." Where also sanas is explained from Cincius, ". [quod Priscus] praeter opinio- § 8.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. t51 [nem eos debellavis]set, sanavisse[tque ac cum iis pajcisci potuisset." Dirksen (p. 164) is wrong in referring these extracts to the epitome of Paulus. Fr. 6 (i. 17): rem . ubi . pagunt, . orato . (Auctor ad Herenn. ii. c. 13). Fr. 7 (i. 8): ni . pagunt . in . comitio . aut . in . FORO . ANTE . MERIDIEM . CAUSAM . CONJICITO, . QUOM . PERORANT . AMBO . PRAESENTES . (id. ibid, and Aul. Gell. xvii. 2). The word pagunt is explained by Priscian (x. 5, § 32) as. a synonyme of paclscor ; the common Latin form is pa-n-go, but the medial and tenuis of the gutturals were constantly interchanged after the distinction between them was introduced by Sp. Carvilius (Terent. Scaur, p. 2253, Putsch). Fr. 8 (i. 9): post . meridiem . praesenti . stlitem . addicito . (Aul. Gell. xvii. 2). Fr. 9 (i. 10): sol . occasus . suprema . tempest as . esto . (id. ibid). The word tempestas is here used for tempus; the whole afternoon was called tempus occlduum, and the sunset was suprema tempestas (Macrob. Saturn, i. c. 3). Gellius, to whom we owe these fragments, considers the correct reading to be sol, not soils occasus. "Sole occaso," he says, " non insuavi venustate (vetustate ?) est, si quis aurem habeat non sordidam nee proculcatam." But Festus (p. 305), Varro (L. L. v. c. 2), and others, consider the phrase to have been soils occasus. There is more pro- bability in the reading of Gellius. Fr. 10 (ii. 1). Aul. Gell. N.A. xvi. c. 10: " Sed enim quum proletarll, et assldul, et sanates, et vades, et subvades, — evanuerint, omnisque ilia xn. Tabularum antiquitas — consopita sit," &c. Tab. IT. Fr. 1. Gaius, Inst. iv. § 14: " Poena autem sacramenti § 8. aut quingenaria erat, aut quinquagenaria ; nam de rebus IL 152 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. mille asris plurisve quingentis assibus, de minoris vero quinquaginta assibus Sacramento contendebatur ; nam ita lege xii. Tabularum cautum erat. Sed si de libertate hominis controversia erat, etsi pretiosissimus homo esset, tamen ut L. assibus sacramento contenderetur eadem lege cautum est favoris causa ne satisdatione onerarentur adser- tores." Fr. 2 (ii. 2): (a) morbus . sonticus — (b) status . dies . CUM . HOSTE (c) SI . QUID . HORUM . FUAT . UNUM, . JU- DICI, . ARBITROVE . REOVE, . DIES . DIFFENSUS . ESTO . (a) Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1 : " Morbum vehementiorem, vim graviter nocendi habentem, Leg. istar. i.e. xn. Tab. scrip - tores alio in loco non per se morbum, sed morbum sonticum appellant." Pest. p. 290: " Sonticum morbum in xn. signi- ficare ait iElius Stilo certum cum justa causa, quern non nulli putant esse, qui noceat, quod sontes significat no- centes. Nsevius ait: sonticam esse oportet causam, quam ob rem perdas mulierem." (b) Cic. de Off. i. c. \2\ " Hostis enim majores nostros is dicebatur, quern nunc peregrinum dicimus. Indicant xn. Tabula? ut : status dies cum hoste ; itemque adversus hostem ceterna auctoritas." Fest. p. 314: " Status dies [cum hoste] vocatur qui judici causa est con- stitutus cum peregrino. Ejus enim generis ab antiquis hostes appellabantur, quod erant pari jure cum populo R., atque hostire ponebatur pro cequare. Plautus in Curcu- lione [i. 1, 5]: si status condictus cum hoste intercedit dies, tamen est eundum, quo imperant ingratis." This passage is neglected by Dirksen, but not by Gronovius, Lectiones Plautince, p. 81. With regard to the original signification of hostis, it is very worthy of remark that the Latin hostis and the Greek %evo<;, starting from opposite points, have interchanged their significations. Hos-tis originally signi- fied " a person entertained by another," " one who has food given to him" (comp. hos-pi[t-~]s, " the master of the feast," hostia, gasts, &c. N. Crat. p. 579) ; but at last § 8.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 153 it came to mean " a stranger," " a foreigner," and even "an enemy" (see Varro, L. L. p. 2, Miiller). Whereas £evo? originally denoting "a stranger" (extraneus), i.e. " one without" ([e]£evo?), came in the end to signify " an entertainer" and " a friend." I cannot accept Muller's derivation of £evo9 (ad Fest. p. 102). (c) Festus, p. 273: "Reus nunc dicitur, qui causam dicit; et item qui quid promisit spoponditve, ac debet. At Gallus iElius libro ii. Sign. Verb. qu. ad Jus 'pertinent, ait: Reus est, qui cum al- tero litem contestatam habet, sive is egit, sive cum eo actum est. Reus stipulando est idem qui stipulator dicitur, quive suo nomine ab altero quid stipulatus est, non is qui alteri adstipulatus est. Reus promittendo est qui suo nomine alteri quid promisit, non qui pro altero quid promisit. At Capito Ateius in eadem quidem opinione est : sed exemplo adju- vat interpretationem. Nam in secunda Tabula secunda lege in qua scriptum est : si quid Jiorum fuat unum judici arbitrove reove eo die diffensus esto, hie uterque, actor reusque, in judicio rei vocantur, itemque accusator de via citur more vetere et consuetudine antiqua." Ulpian. L. lxxiv. ad Edict.: " Si quis judicio se sisti promiserit, et valetudine vel tempestate vel vi fiuminis prohibitus se sis- tere non possit, exceptione adjuvatur; nee immerito: cum enim in tali permissione prassentia opus sit, quemadmodum potuit se sistere qui adversa valetudine impeditus est ? Et ideo etiam Lex xn. Tab. : si judex vel alteruter ex litiga- toribus morbo sontico impediatur, jubet diem judicii esse diffensum." I have restored difensus both in Festus and Ulpian on the authority of Miiller, who has shewn (Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 401) that fendo must have been an- ciently a synonyme of ferio and trudo, and consequently that diffensus esto = differatur. Fr. 3 (ii. 3) : cui . testimonium . defuerit, . is . ter- TIIS . DIEBUS . OB . PORTUM . OBVAGULATUM . ITO . (Fest. p. 233: " Portum in xn. pro domo positum omnes fere 154 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. consentiunt : si," &c. Id. p. 375 : " Vagulatio in lege xn. [Tab.] significat qucestionem cum convicio : si" &c). Fr. 4 (ii. 12). " Nam et de furto pacisci lex permittit" (L. 7. § 14. d. de Pactis, Ulp. iv. ad Edictum). Tab. III. § 9. Fr. 1 (iii. 4) : aeris . confessi . rebusque . jure . JUDICATIS . TRIGINTA . DIES . JUSTI . SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1 : " Eosque dies Decemviri justos appellaverunt, velut quoddam justitium, id est juris inter eos quasi inter- stitionem quandam et cessationem, quibus diebus nihil cum his agi jure posset." xv. c. 13 ; cf. Gaius, Institut. iii. § 78, &c). Fr. 2 (iii. 5) : post . deinde . manus . in jectio . esto ; . in . jus . ducito . (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1 ; cf. Gaius, Inst. iv. §21). Fr. 3 (iii. 6) : ni . judicatum . facit (1. faxsit), . aut . QUIPS . ENDO . EM . JURE . VINDICIT, . SECUM . DUCITO ; . VINCITO, . AUT . NERVO . AUT . COMPEDIBUS, . QUINDECIM . PONDO . NE . MAJORE, . AUT . SI . VOLET . MINORE . VINCITO . (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1). We should perhaps read faxsit for facit on account of vindicit, for which see Miiller, Suppl. Ann. ad Fest. p. 393. For the form quips see Gronovius ad Gell. I.; the proper reading is ques; see below, § 23. v For the meaning of nervus here comp. Fest. s. v. p. 765. Fr. 4 (iii. 7) : si . volet, . suo . vivito ; . ni . suo . VIVIT, . QUI . EM . VINCTUM . HABEBIT, . LIBRAS . FARRIS . ENDO . DIES . DATO; . SI . VOLET . PLUS . DATO . (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 1 ; and for the meaning of vivere compare L. 234, § 2. d. de Verb. Sign.; Gaius, L. ii. ad Leg. xn. Tab. ; Donat. ad Terent. PJwrm. ii. 1, 20). The student will ob- serve that endo dies = indies. Fr. 5 (iii. 8). Aul. Gell. N. A. xx. 1 : " Erat autem jus interea paciscendi ; ac nisi pacti forent, habebantur in vin- culis, dies lx. ; inter eos dies trinis nundinis continuis ad § 10.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 155 Prastorem in comitium producebantur, quantseque pecuniae judicati essent prasdicabatur." From which Ursinus con- jectures : Endoderatim [rather interatim. Festus, p. Ill] pacio estod. Nei cum eo pacit, xl. dies vinctom habetod. In ieis diebus tertieis nondineis continueis indu comitium endo joure im procitato, quanteique stlis cestumata siet prcedicato. Fr. 6 (iii. 9) . Aul. Gell. xx. 1 : " Tertiis autem nun- dinis capite pcenas dabant, aut trans Tiberim peregre ve- num ibant — si plures forent, quibus reus esset judicatus, secare si vellent atque partiri corpus addicti sibi hominis permiserunt — verba ipsa Legis dicam: — tertiis, inquit, NUNDINIS PARTIS SECANTO, SI PLUS MINUSVE SECUERUNT, se fraude esto." Cf. Quinctil. Inst. Or. iii. c. 6 ; Tertul- lian. Apol. c. 4. The student will remark that we have here se for sine, as in the compounds se-dulo (—sine dolo), se-paro, se-cludo, &c. Fr. 7 (iii. 3) : adversus . hostem . aeterna . aucto- ritas . (Cic. de Off. i. c. 12). Tab. IV. Fr. 1 (iv. 1). Cic. de Legg. iii. c. 8 : " Deinde quum § 10. [Trib. pot. ortus] esset cito legatus [leto datus, Orelli], tam- quam ex xn. Tabulis insignis ad deformitatem puer." From "whence we infer that the xn. Tables authorised the expo- sure of deformed children. Fr. 2 (iv. 2). From the statement of Dionysius (ii. 26, 27), that the decemvirs in their fourth Table continued the jus vendendorum liberorum established in the time of the kings, Ursinus imagines some such passage as this : patrei . ENDO . FIDIO . VITAE . NECISQUE . POTESTAS . ESTOD, . TER- que . in . venom . darier . jous . estod ; to which he appends the next fragment. Fr. 3 (iv. 3) : si . pater . filium . ter . venum . duit, . filius . a . patre . liber . esto . (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. x. § 1 ; Gaius, Inst. i. § 132; iv. §79). Tab. IV. Tab. V. 156 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. Fr. 4 (iv. 4). Aul. Gell. iii. 16 : ..." Quoniam Decem- viri in decern mensibus gigni hominem, non in undecimo scripsissent ;" whence Gothofredus would restore : si qui ei in x. mensibus proximis postumus natus escit, Justus esto. Tab. V. 11. Fr. 1. Gaius, Inst. i. § 145: " Loquimur autem ex- ceptis Virginibus Vestalibus, quas etiam veteres in hono- rem sacerdotii liberas esse voluerunt ; itaque etiam lege xii. Tabularum cautum est." Cf. Plutarch, Fit. Num. c. 10. Fr. 2. Id. ii. § 47 : " (Item olim) mulieris quae in ag- natorum tutela erat, res mancipi usucapi non poterant, prae- terquam si ab ipso tutore (auctore) traditae essent : id ita lege xii. Tabularum cautum erat." Fr. 3 (v. 1) : [paterfamilias] . uti . legassit . SUPER . PECUNIA . TUTELAVE . SUAE . REI, . ITA . JUS . esto . (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. xi. § 14; Gaius, Inst. ii. § 224; Cic. de Invent. Rhet. ii. c. 50 ; Novell. Justin, xxii. c. 2, &c.) Fr. 4 (v. 2) : si . intestato . moritur . cui . suus . HERES . NEC . SIT, . ADGNATUS . PROXIMUS . FAMILIAM . habeto. (Ulpian, Fr. Tit. xxvi. § 1 ; cf. Gaius, Inst. iii. § 9, &c) Fr. 5 (v. 3) : si . adgnatus . nec . escit, . gentilis . * familiam . nanxitor. (Collatio Legg. Mosaic, et Rom. Tit. xvi. § 4 ; cf. Gaius, Inst. iii. § 17.) I have written nanxitor for nancitor on the authority of Miiller, ad Fest. p. 166, " nanxitor in xii., nactus erit, prashenderit ;" where he remarks, " nancitor quomodo futurum exactum esse possit, non intelligo, nisi correcta una littera. Ab antiquo verbo nancio fut. ex. fit nanxo, sicut a capio capso ; idque translatum in pass. form, efficit nanxitur vel nanxitor, ut a turbasso fit turbassitur." Fr. 6 (v. 7). Gaius, Inst, i, § 155 : " Cluibus testamento quidem tutor datus non sit, iis ex lege xii. agnati sunt § 12.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 157 tu tores ; qui vocantur legitimi." Cf. § 157, where he says that this applied to women also. Fr.7(v.8): si . furiosus . aut . prodigus . escit, . ast . EI . CUSTOS . NEC . ESCIT, . ADGNATORUM . GENTIL1UMQUE . IN . EO . PEQVUNIAQUE . EJUS . POTESTAS . ESTO. (Cicer. de Invent. Rhet. ii. c. 50, gives the bulk of this passage ; aut prodigus is inserted on the authority of Ulpian, § 3, i. de Curationibus ; and ast ei custos nee escit is derived from Festus, p. 162 : "Nee conjunctionem grammatici fere dicunt esse disjunctivam, ut nee legit nee scribit, cum si diligentius inspiciatur, ut fecit Sinnius Capito, intelligi possit earn positam esse ab antiquis pro non, ut et in xn. est : ast ei custos nee escit") For nee see above, Ch. III. § 9, and below, Ch. VII. § 5. Fr. 8 (v. 4). Ulpian, Frag. Tit. xxix. § 1 ; L. 195, § 1. d. de Verb. Sign. : " Civis Romani liberti hereditatem lex xn. Tab. patrono defert, si intestato sine suo herede libertus decesserit — Lex: ex ea familia, inquit, in eam fami- liam." Gothofredus proposes the following restoration of the law : si libertus intestato moritur cui suus heres nee escit, ast patronus patronive liberi escint, ex ea familia in eam familiam proximo pecunia adduitor. Fr. 9 (v. 5) and 10 (v. 6). From the numerous pas- sages which refer the law de ercti-ciscunda (as the word must have been originally written) familia to the xn. Ta- bles (see Hugo, Gesch. d. Horn. R. i. p. 229), we may perhaps suppose the law to have been : si heredes partem quisque suam habere malint, families ercti-ciscunda tris arbitros sumunto. Tab. VI. Fr. 1 (vi. 1) : cum . nexum . faciet . mancipiumque, . § 12. UTI . LINGUA . NUNCUPASSIT, . ITA . JUS . ESTO. (Festus, p. 173; Cic. de Off. iii. 16, de Orator, i. 57.) Nuncupare =nominare : Festus, 1. 1. ; Varro, L. L. vi„ § 60, p. 95, Miiiler. Tab. VI. 158 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. Fr. 2 (vi. 2). Cic. de Offic. iii. 1G : " Nam cum ex xn. Tabulis satis esset ea prcestari qua? essent lingua nuncupate/,, quce qui injitiatus esset dupli pcenam subiret ; a jurecon- sultis etiam reticentiae poena est constituta." Fr. 3 (vi. 5). Cic. Topic, c. 4 : " Quod in re pari valet, valeat in hac, quae par est; ut: Quoniam usus auctoritas fundi biennium est, sit etiam cedium : at in lege aedes non appellantur, et sunt ceterarum rerum omnium, quarum an- num est usus." Cf. Cic. pro Ccecina, c. 19 ; Gaius, Instit. ii. § 42 ; and Boethius ad Top. 1. c. p. 509, Orelli. Fr. 4 (vi. 6). Gaius, Inst. i. § 1 1 1 : " Usu in manum con- veniebat, quae anno continuo nupta perseverabat : — itaque lege xn. Tab. cautum [erat], si qua nollet eo modo in manum mariti conve\nive, ut quo tan] wis trinoctio abesset, atque [ita usum] cujusque anni interrumperet." Cf. Aul. Gell. iii. 2 ; Macrob. Saturn, i. 3. Fr. 5 (vi. 7) : si . qui . in . jure . manum . conserunt. (Aul. Gell. xx. c. 10). Fr. 6 (vi. 8). From Liv. iii. 44, Dionys. Hal. xi. c. 30, &c, we may infer a law : pr&lor secundum libertatem vin- dicias dato. Fr. 7 (vi. 9) : tignum . junctum . aedibus . vineaeve, . e . concapite . ne . solvito . (Fest. p. 364). A great number of emendations of this passage have been proposed. The reading which I have adopted is the same as Miiller's, except that I prefer concapite to his concape : compare procapis =progenies, " quee ab uno capite procedit" (Fest. p. 225). In the same way as we have capes, capitis m.= miles; caput, capitis n. = vertex; so we have concapis, con- capitis i. = continua capitum junctura. (Comp. Madvig, Beilage zu seiner Latein. Sprachl. p. 33.) Fr. 8 (vi. 10). L. 1. pr. D. de tigno juncto, Ulpian, L. xxxvii. ad Edictum: " Quod providenter lex [xn. Tab.] effecit, ne vel aedificia sub hoc prsetextu diruantur, vel vinearum cultura turbetur ; sed in eum qui convictus est § 13.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 159 junxisse, in duplum dat actionem." Where tignum is de- fined as signifying in the xn. Tables : omnis materia ex qua cedijicium constet, vineceque necessaria. Fr. 9 (vi. 11) : quandoque . sarpta, . donec . dempta . erunt . (Fest. p. 384). The word sarpta (which Muller understands of the ipsa sarpta, i. e. sarmenta putata) is ex- plained by Festus, 1. 1. : " sarpiuntur vineas, i. e. putantur," &c. p. 322 : " [sarpta vinea putata, i.] e. pura [facta — ] inde etiam [sarmenta script]ores dici pu[tant ; sarpere enim a]ntiqui pro pur[gare dicebant]." The sentence in the fragment probably ended with vindicare jus esto. Tab. VII. Fr. 1 (viii. 1). Varro, L. L. v. § 22, p. 9: " Ambitus § 13. est quod circumeundo teritur, nam ambitus circumitus, ab ' eoque xu. Tabularum interpretes ambitum parietis circum- itum esse describunt." Volusius Maecianus, apud Gronov. de Sestertio, p. 398 : " Sestertius duos asses et semissem. Lex etiam xu. Tabularum argumento est, in qua duo pedes et semis sestertius pes vocatur." Festus, p. 16 (cf. p. 5) : " Ambitus proprie dicitur inter vicinorum aedificia locus duorum pedum et semipedis ad circumeundi faculta- tem relictus." The law itself, therefore, probably ran thus : inter vicinorum cedificia ambitus parietum sestertius pes esto. Fr. 2 (viii. 3). Gaius (lib. iv. ad Leg. xu. Tab. L.fin. D. finium regundorum) refers to a law of Solon, which he quotes in Greek, and describes as in some measure the type of the corresponding law of the xu. Tables, which regulates digging, fencing, and building near the borders of a piece of ground. Fr. 3 (viii. 6) : hortus — heredium — tugurium . (Plin. H. N. xix. 4, § 1 : "In xu. Tab. leg. nostrar. nus- quam nominatur villa ; semper in significatione ea hortus, in horti vero heredium." Festus, p. 355 : " \Tugu-~\ria a tecto appellantur [domicilia rusticorum] sordida — quo no- 160 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. mine [Messalla in explanajtione xn. ait etiam .... signi- ficari.") Properly speaking, the vicus (signifying " several houses joined together") included the villa (=vicula, D6- derl. Syn. u. Et. iii. 5), which was the residence of the proprietor, and the adjoining tuguria, in which the coloni partiarii lived. All persons living in the same vicus were called vicini; and the first fragment in this table refers to the ambitus between the houses of those who lived on the same estate. The pasture-land left common to the vicini was called compascuus ager (Festus, p. 40). It is not im- probable that the words compescere and impescere occurred in the xn. Tables. See, however, Dirksen, p. 534. Ager is defined as " locus qui sine villa est" (Ulpian, L. 27. Pr. D. de V. S.). But in a remarkable passage in Festus (p. 371), the vicus is similarly described in its opposition to the villa or prcedium. The passage is as follows (see Miiller, Suppl. Ann. p. 413) : " Vici appellari incipiunt ab agris, [et sunt eorum hominum,] qui ibi villas non habent, ut Marsi aut Peligni, sed ex vicis partim habent rempub- licam, [ubi] et jus dicitur, partim nihil eorum, et tamen ibi nundinas aguntur negotii gerendi causa, et magistri vici, item magistri pagi, [in iis] quotannis fiunt. Altero, cum id genus officiorum [signiflcatur], quae continentia sunt in oppidis, quaeve itineribus regionibusve distributa inter se distant, nominibusque dissimilibus discriminis causa sunt dispartita. Tertio, cum id genus sedificiorum deflnitur, quae in oppido prive, id est in suo quisque loco proprio, ita aedificat, ut in eo aedificio pervium sit, quo itinere habi- tatores ad suam quisque habitationem habeat accessum : qui non dicuntur vicani, sicut ii, qui aut in oppidi vicis, aut ii, qui in agris sunt, vicani appellantur." Festus here de- scribes (1) the vicus rusticus, (2) a street in a town, as the vicus Cyprius, and (3) a particular kind of insulated house {insula) in the city. Fr. 4 and 5 (viii. 4, 5). Cicero de Legg. i. c. 2\ : § 13.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 161 " Usucapionem xn. Tabulae intra quinque pedes esse no- luerunt." Non. Marcell. de Propr. Serm. c. 5, § 34, quotes, as the words of the law : si jurgant. " Sijurgant, inquit. Benevolorum concertatio non lis, ut inimicorum, sed jur- gium dicitur." Ursinus supposes the law to have been: si vicini inter se jurgassint, intra v. pedes usucapio ne esto. Fr. 6 (viii. 10). L. 8. d. de Servit. Prced. Rustic. : " Vise latitudo ex lege xn. Tab. in porrectum octo pedes habet ; in anfractum, id est, ubi flexum est, sedecim." Varro, L.L. vii. § 15, p. 124: "Anfractum est flexum, ab origine duplici dictum, ab ambitu et frangendo; ab eo leges ju- bent, in directo pedum viii. esse, in anfracto xvi., id est in flexu." Fr. 7 (viii. 11). Cicero pro Ccecina, c. 19: " Si via sit immunita, jubet (lex), qua velit agere jumentum." Cf. Festus, p. 21, s. v. Amsegetes. Miiller and Huschke express their surprise that Dirksen and other learned jurists should have overlooked the passage in Festus, which contains the best materials for the restoration of this law. Festus (s. v. Vice, p. 371) says : " Viae sunt et publicae, per [quas ire, agere veher]e omnibus licet: privatae quibus [vehiculum immittere non licet] praeter, eorum quorum sunt privatae. [In xii. est: Amsegetes] vias muniunto, bonicum la- pides escunt: [ni munierint,] qua volet jumenta agito." See Miiller, Suppl. Annot. p. 414. Fr. 8 (viii. 9). L. 5. d. ne quid in I. publ. Paulus, Lib. xvi. ad Sabinum : " Si per publicum locum rivus aquaeduc- tus privato nocebit, erit actio private ex lege xn. Tab. ut noxae domino caveatur." L. 21. d. de Statuliber. Pompon. L. vii. ex Plautio: si . aqua . pluvia . nocet. Fr. 9 (viii. 7). L. 1, § 8. d. de Arboribus ccedend. Ulp. L. lxxi. ad Edict. : " Lex xn. Tab. efficere voluit, ut xv. pedes altius rami arboris circumcidantur." From which, and Festus, p. 348, it is proposed to restore the law: si M 162 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. arbor in vicini agrum impendet, altius a terra pedes xv. sublucator. Fr. 10 (viii. 8). Plin. //. N. xvi. c. 5: " Cautum est praeterea lege xn. Tab., ut glandem in alienum fundum procidentem liceret colligere." The English law makes a similar provision respecting rabbit-burrows. Fr. 1 1 (vi. 4). § 1, 41, i. de Her. Divis. : " Venditae vero res et traditae non aliter emptori adquiruntur, quam si is venditori pretium solvent, vel alio modo satisfecerit, veluti expromissore, aut pignore dato. Quod cavetur quidem et lege xn. Tab., tamen recte dicitur et jure gentium, i. e. jure naturali, effici." Fr. 12 (vi. 3). Ulpian, Fr. tit. 2, § 4: " Sub hac con- ditione liber esse jussus, si decern millia heredi dederit, etsi ab herede abalienatus sit, emptori dando pecuniam, ad li- bertatem perveniet : idque lex xn. Tab. jubet." Cf. Fest. s. v. Statuliber. p. 314. Tab. VIII. § 14. Fr. 1 (viii. 8). Cic. de Republ. iv. 10: " Nostras xn. Tab. VIII. Tabulae, quum perpaucas res capite sanxissent, in his hanc quoque sanciendam putaverunt : si quis occentavisset, sive carmen condidisset, quod infamiam faceret flagitiumve al- teri." Festus, p. 181 : " Occentassint antiqui dicebant quod nunc convitium fecerint dicimus, quod id clare, et cum quodam can ore fit, ut procul exaudiri possit. Quod turpe habetur, quia non sine causa fieri putatur. Inde cantile- nam dici querellam, non cantus jucunditatem puto." Plau- tus, Curcul. i. 2, 57; Horat. ii. Serm. 1, 80; ii. Epist. 1, 152. Gothofredus would restore the law thus: si quis pipulo (=ploratu, Fest. p. 253; cf. p. 212, s. v. pipatio) occentassit, carmenve condidisset, Sec. fuste ferito. Fr. 2 (vii. 9) : si . membrum . rupit . ni . cum . eo . pacit, . talio . esto . (Fest. p. 36S : " Permittit lex parem vindictam." Aul. Gell. xx. 1; Gaius, Inst. iii. § 223). § 14.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 163 Fr. 3 (vii. 10). Gams, Inst. iii. § 223 : " Propter os vero fractum aut conlisum ccc. assium poena erat (ex lege xii. Tab.), velut si libero os fractum erat; at si servo, cl." Cf. Aul. Gell. xx. 1. Fr. 4 (vii. 7) : si . injuriam . faxit . alteri, . vigin- TI . QUINQUE . AERIS . POENAE . SUNTO . (Aul. Gell. XX. 1 ; cf. Gaius, Inst, iii, § 223). Fest. p. 371 : " Viginti quinque pcenas in xn. significat viginti quinque asses." Here pce- nas =>poinas is the old form of the genitive singular and nominative plural. Fr. 5 (vii. 2) : rupitias . [qui . faxit] . sarcito . (Fest. s. vv. pp. 265, 322) i. e. qui damnum dederit prcestato. Fr. 6 (vii. 5). L. 1, pr. d. si Quadrup. Paup. fee. die. Ulp. xviii. ad Edict. : " Si quadrupes pauperiem fecisse dicetur, actio ex lege xn. Tab. descendit ; quae lex voluit aut dari id quod nocuit, id est, id animal, quod noxiam commisit, aut aestimationem noxiae offerre." Fr. 7 (vii. 5). L. 14, § 3. d. de Prcescr. Verb.: " Si glans ex arbore tua in meum fundum cadat, eamque ego immisso pecore depascam, Aristo scribit non sibi occurrere legitimam actionem, qua experiri possim, nam neque ex lege xn. Tab. de pastu pecoris, quia non in tuo pascitur, neque de pauperie neque de damni injuriae agi posse." Fr. 8 (vii. 3) : qui . fruges . excantassit . (Plin. H.N. xxviii. c. 2). neve . alienam . segetem . pellex- eris . (Serv. ad Virg. Eel. viii. 99). Cf. Seneca, Nat. Quasi. iv. 7, &c. Fr. 9 (vii. 4). Plin. H.N. xviii. c. 3: " Frugem qui- dem aratro quaesitam furtim noctu pavisse ac secuisse, puberi xn. Tabulis capitale erat, suspensumque Cereri necari jubebant; gravius quam in homicidio convictum : impubem praetoris arbitratu verberari, noxiamque duplione decerni." Fr. 10 (vii. 6)* L. 9. d. de Incend. RuinaNaufr. Gaius, iv. ad xii. Tab. : " Qui cedes acervumve frumenti juxta 164 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. domum positum combusserit, vinctus verberatus igni necari jubetur, si modo sciens prudensque id commiserit : si vero casu, id est, negligentia, aut noxiam sarcire jubetur, aut si minus idoneus sit, levius castigatur: appellatione autem tedium omnes species sedificii continentur." Fr. 1 1 (ii. 11). Plin. H. N. xvii. 1 : " Fuit et arborum cura legibus priscis; cautumque est xn. Tabulis, ut qui injuria cecidisset alienas, lueret in singulas aeris xxv." Fr. 12 (ii. 4) : si . nox . furtum . factum . sit, . si . im . occisit, . jure . caesus . esto . (Macrob. Saturn, i. c. 4). Here nox = noctu; Aul. Gell. viii. c. 1. Fr. 13 (ii. 8). L. 54, § 2. d. defurt. Gaius, Lib. xiii. ad Edict. Provinc. : " Furem interdiu deprehensum non aliter occidere lex xn. Tab. permisit, quam si telo se de- fendat." Fr. 14 (ii. 5-7). Aul. Gell. xi. c. 18: "Ex ceteris autem manifestis furibus liberos verberari addicique jusse- runt (decemviri) ei, cui factum furtum esset, si modo id luci fecissent, neque se telo defendissent : servos item furti manifesti prensos verberibus affici et e saxo praecipitari ; sed pueros impuberes praetoris arbitratu verberari volue- runt, noxamque ab his factam sarciri." Cf. Gaius, iii. § 189. For the last part, cf. Fr. 9. Fr. 15 (ii. 9). Gaius, Inst. iii. § 191, 192: " Concepti et oblati (furti) poena ex lege xn. Tab. tripli est, — praeci- pit (lex) ut qui quaerere velit, nudus quaerat linteo cinctus, lancem habens ; qui si quid invenerit, jubet id lex furtum manifestum esse." Cf. Aul. Gell. xi. 18, xvi. 10. Fr. 16 (ii. 10) : si . adorat . furto . quod . nec . ma- nifestum . escit . (Fest. p. 162. Gaius, Inst. iii. § 190 : " Nec manifesti furti per leg. xn. Tab. dupli irrogatur"). For the use of adoro, see Fest. p. 19 : " Adorare apud an- tiquos significabat agere, unde et legati oratores dicuntur, quia mandata populi agunt .•" add, Fest. s. v. oratores, p. 182; Varro, L. L. vi. § 76, vii. § 41, &c. § 14.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 165 Fr. 17 (ii. 13). Gaius, Inst. ii. § 45 : " Furtivam (rem) lex xn. Tab. usucapi prohibet." Fr. 18 (iii. 2). Cato, R. R. prooem. : " Majores nostri sic habuerunt, itaque in legibus posuerunt, furem dupli damnari, fceneratorem quadrupli." Tacit. Annal. vi. 16: " Nam primo xn. Tabulis sanctum, ne quis unciario fcenere amplius exerceret." See Niebuhr, H. R. iii. 50, sqq., who has proved that the fcenus unciarium was — of the princi- pal, i. e. 8± per cent for the old year of ten months, and therefore 10 per cent for the civil year. Fr. 19 (iii. 1). Paulus, Rec. Sent. ii. tit. 12, § 11 : " Ex causa depositi lege xn. Tab. in duplum actio datur." Fr. 20 (vii. 16). L. i. § 2. d. de suspect. Tutoribus : " Sciendum est suspecti crimen e lege xn. Tab. descen- dere." L. 55, § 1. d. de Admin, et Peric. Tutor.: " Sed si ipsi tutores rem pupilli furati sunt, videamus, an ea actione, quae proponitur ex lege xn. Tab. adversus tutorem in du- plum, singuli in solidum teneantur." Fr. 2\ (vii. 17) : patronus . si . clienti . fraudem . fecerit . sacer . esto . (Servius, on Virgil's words, JEineid. vi. 609 : " pulsatusve parens, et fraus innexa cli- enti"). I can suppose that the original had fraudem frausus siet : see Festus, p. 91, and Gronov. Lect. Plant, p. 33, ad Asin. ii. 2, 20. Fr. 22 (vii. 11) : qui . se . sierit . testarier, . libri- PENSVE . FUERIT, . NI . TESTIMONIUM . FARIATUR(?), . IM- PROBUS . INTESTABILISQUE . ESTO . (Aul. Gell. XV. 13). Fr. 23 (vii. 12). Aul. Gell. xx. 1 : " An putas, si non ilia ex xn. Tab. de testimoniis falsis poena abolevisset, et si nunc quoque, ut antea, qui falsum testimonium dixisse convictus esset, e saxo Tarpeio dejiceretur, mentituros fuisse pro testimonio tarn multos quam videmus ?" Fr. 24 (vii. 13). Pliny, in the passage quoted in Fr. 9, implies that involuntary homicide was but slightly pun- ished. The fine in such a case seems to have been a ram 166 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. (Serv. ad Virg. Eel. iv. 43) ; and the law has been restored thus (with the help of Cic. de Orat. iii. 39, Top. 17) : si quis hominem liberum dolo sciens morti dedit, parricida esto : at si telum manu fugit pro capite occisi et natis ejus arietem subjicito. Fr. 25 (vii. 14). From Plin. H. N. xxviii. 2, and L. 236, pr. d. de Verb. Sign., the following law has been re- stored : QUI . MALUM . CARMEN . INCANTASSIT . [CERERI . SACER . ESTO]. [QUl] . MALUM . VENENUM . [FAXIT . DU- ITVE . PARRICIDA . ESTo] . Fr. 26 (ix. 6). Porcius Latro, Declam. in Catilin. c. 19 : " Primum xn. Tabulis cautum esse cognoscimus, ne quis in urbe coetus nocturnos agitaret." "Which Ursinus restores thus : qui calim endo urbe nox coit, coiverit, capital estod. Fr. 21 (viii. 2). L. 4. d. de Colleg. et Corporibus : " So- dales sunt, qui ejusdem collegii sunt; quam Graeci eraipiav vocant. His autem potestatem facit lex, pactionem quam velint sibi ferre, dum ne quid ex publica lege corrumpant." Tab. IX. § 15. Fr. 1 (ix. 1). Cicero pro Bomo, c. 17: " Vetant xu. Tab. IX. Tabulae leges privis hominibus irrogari." Fr. 2 (ix. 4). Cicero de Legibus, iii. 19: " Turn leges praaclarissimae de xu. Tabulis translates duae : quarum . . . altera de capite civis rogari, nisi maximo comitatu, vetat." Cf. Cicero pro Sextio, c. 30. Fr. 3 (ix. 3). Aul. Gell. xx. 1 : " Dure autem scrip- turn esse in istis legibus (sc. xu. Tab.) quid existimari potest ? nisi duram esse legem putas, quae judicem arbi- trumve jure datum, qui ob rem dicendam pecuniam ac- cepisse convictus est, capite pcenitur." Cf. Cicero, Verr. Act. ii. lib. ii. c. 32. Fr. 4 (ix. 5). L. 2, § 23. d. de Orig. Jur. : " Quaes- tores constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus prases- § 16.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 167 sent: hi appellabantur Qucestores parricidii; quorum etiam meminit lex xn. Tabularum." Cicero de Republ. ii. 81 : " Provocationem autem etiam a regibus fuisse declarant pontificii libri, significant nostri etiam augurales ; itemque ab omni judicio pcenaque provocari licere, indicant xn. Tabulae compluribus legibus." See above, p. 147. Fr. 5 (ix. 7). L. 3, pr. d. ad Leg. Jul. Majestat. : " Lex xii. Tab. jubet eum qui hostem concitaverit, quive hosti civem tracliderit, capite puniri." Tab. X. Fr. 1 (x. 2) : hominem . mortuum . in . urbe . ne . § 16. sepelito . neve . urito . (Cicero de Legibus, ii. 23). Fr. 2 (x. 4, 5) : hoc . plus . ne . facito . — rogum . ASCI a . ne . polito . (id. ibid). Fr. 3 and 4 (x. 6, 7) : " Extenuato igitur sumtu, tribus riciniis, et vinclis purpuras, et decern tibicinibus tollit (lex xii. Tab.) etiam lamentationem : mulieres . genas . ne . RADUNTO ; . NEVE . LESSUM . FUNERIS . ERGO . HABENTO ." (id. ibid). For ricinium {=vestime?itum quadratum) see Fest. s. v. p. 274, and for radere genas (=unguibus lace- rare malas), id. p. 273. From Servius ad JEn. xii. 606, it would appear that the full fragment would be, mulieres genas ne radunto, faciem ne carpunto, &c. Fr. 5 (x. 8) : " Cetera item funebria, quibus luctus au- getur, xii. sustulerunt: homini, . inquit, mortuo . ne . OSSA . LEGITO, . QUO . POST . FUNUS . FACIAT . Excipit bel- licam peregrinamque mortem" (Cic. de Leg. ii. 24). Fr. 6 (x. 9, 10) : " Hasc prseterea sunt in legibus de unctura, quibus servilis . unctura . tollitur, omnisque circumpotatio : quae et recte tolluntur, neque tollerentur nisi fuissent. ne . sumtuosa . respersio ; . ne . longae . coronae, . nec . acerrae . praetereantur " (Cic. de Legibus, ii. 24). For acerra see Fest. p. 18 : " Ac err a ara quae ante mortuum poni solebat, in qua odores incendebant. Alii 168 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. dicunt arculam esse thurariam, scilicet ubi thus repone- bant." Festus, s. v. Murrata potione (p. 158), seems also to refer to this law, which, according to Gothofredus, ran thus : Servilis unctura omnisque circumpotatio auferitor. Murrata potio mortuo ne inditor. Ne longce corona, neve acerrce prceferuntor. Fr. 7 (x. 11) : qui . coronam . parit . ipse, . pecu- NIAVE . EJUS, . VIRTUTIS . ERGO . DUITOR . EI . (PHll. H. N. xxi. 3 ; cf. Cic. de Leg. ii. 24). Fr. 8 (x. 12). Cic. de Leg. ii. 24 : " Ut uni plura (fu- nera) flerent, lectique plures sternerentur, id quoque ne fieret lege sancitum est." Fr. 9 (x. 13) : neve . aurum . addito . quoi . auro . DENTES . VINCTI . ESCUNT, . AST . IM . CUM . ILLO . SEPE- lire . urereve . se . fraude . esto . (Cic. de Leg. ii. 24). Se, it need hardly be observed, is an old particle equivalent in meaning to sine. They both spring from the same pronominal root, and are distinguished only by case- endings, which are often convergent in signification. Se — sed is an ablative form, which in later Latin appears only in composition {se-motus, se-gregatus, se-dulus, &c. Sine ac- cords in form with the Sanscrit instrumental, and was used as a separate preposition to the latest period of the lan- guage. The same is the case with the Greek k& and Kara,', the former being used only in composition in later Greek (as Kairerov, Pind. 0. viii. 38), while the latter retains to the end its regular prepositional functions. Fr. 10 (x. 14). Id. ibid. : " Rogum bustumve novum vetat (lex xn. Tab.) propius lx. pedes adici sedeis alienas, invito domino." Fr. 11 (x. 15). Id. ibid.: " Quod autem forum, id est vestibulum sepulchri, bustumve . usucapi . vetat (lex xn. Tab.) tuetur jus sepulchrorum." Comp. Festus, s. v. Forum, p. 84. § 19.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 169 Tab. XI. Fr. 1 (xi. 2). Liv. iv. c. 4 : " Hoc ipsum, ne connubium § 17. patribus cum plebe esset, non Decemviri tulerunt ? " Cf. Tab * XI " Dion. Hal. x. c. 60, xi. c. 28. Tab. XII. Fr. 1 (xii. 1). Gaius, Inst. iv. § 28 : " Lege autem in- § 18. troducta est pignoris capio, velut lege xn. Tab. adversus eum, qui hostiam emisset, nee pretium redderet ; item ad- versus eum, qui mercedem non redderet pro eo jumento, quod quis ideo locasset, ut inde pecuniam acceptam in da- pem, id est in sacrificium, inpenderet." Fr. 2 (xii. 4) : " In lege antiqua, si servus sciente do- mino furtum fecit, vel aliam noxiam commisit, servi nomine . actio est noxalis, nee dominus suo nomine tenetur. si . SERVUS . FURTUM . FAXIT, . NOXIAMVE . NOCUIT." (L. ii. § 1. d. de Noxal. Actionibus). Fr.3 (xii. 3): si . vindiciam . falsam . tulit, . stlitis . [ET . VIND1CIARUM . PRAEJTOR . ARBITROS . TRES . DATO, . EORUM . ARBITRIO . [POSSESSOR sive REUS] . FRUCTUS . DU- plione . damnum . decidito . (Festus, S. v. Vindicice, p. 376. I have introduced the corrections and additions of Miiller). Cf. Theodos. Cod. iv. 18, 1. Fr. 4 (xii. 2). L. 3. D. de Litigios.: " Rem, de qua controversia est, prohibemur in sacrum dedicare ; alioquin dupli pcenam patimur." Fr. 5 (xi. 1). Liv. vii. 17 : " In xii. Tabulis legem esse, ut, quodcunque postremum populus jussisset, id jus ratum- que esset." These remains of the xii. Tables, though referring to § 19. an early period of Roman history, are merely quotations, i ns e cri p t jon] ne and as such less satisfactory to the philological antiquary than monumental relics even of a later date. The oldest, 170 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. however, of these authentic documents is not earlier than the second Samnite war. It is a senatus-consultum, " which gives to the Tiburtines the assurance that the senate would receive as true and valid their justification in reply to the charges against their fidelity, and that it had given no credit, even before, to these charges" (Niebuhr, H. R . iii. p. 264, tr.). 1 The inscription was engraved on a bronze table, which was found at Tivoli in the sixteenth century, near the site of the Temple of Hercules. About a hundred years ago it was in the possession of the Barberini family, but is now lost ; at least, Niebuhr was unable to discover it, though he sought for it in all the Italian collections, into which the lost treasures of the house of Barberini were likely to have found their way. Niebuhr's transcript (from Grruter, p. 499), compared with Haubold's [Monumenta Le- galia, p. 81), is as follows. 1. L. Cornelius Cn. F. Praetor Senatum consuluit a. d. iii. Nonas Maias sub aeole Kastorus : 2. scribendo adfuerunt A. Manlius A. F. Sex. Ju- lius, Lucius Posiumius S. 2 F. 3. Quod Teiburtes verba fecerunt, — quibusque de rebus vos purgavistis, ea Senatus 4. animum advortit, ita utei aequom fuit : nosque ea ita audiveramus 5. ut vos deixsistis vobeis nontiata esse : ea nos ani- mum nostrum 6. non indoucebamus ita facta esse propter ea quod scibamus 1 Visconti supposed that this inscription was not older than the Marsian war; but there can be little doubt that Niebuhr's view is correct: see Be- schreibung der Stadt Rom, iii. pp. 125, 659. 2 Niebuhr prefers L. §20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 171 7. ea vos merito nostro facer e non potuisse : neque vos dignos esse, 8. quel ea facer etis, neque id vobeis neque rei popli- cae vostrae 9. oitile esse facere : et postquam vostra verba Se- natus audivit, 10. tanto magis animum nostrum indoucimus, ita utei ante 11. arbitrabamur de eieis rebus of vobeis peccatum non esse. 12. Quonque de eieis rebus Senatnei purgatei estis, credimus vosque 13. animum vostrum indoucere oportet, item vos po- pulo 14. Romano purgatos fore. With the exception of a few peculiarities of spelling, as afiox ab, quonque for cumque (comp. -cunque), deixsistis for dixistis, &c. there is nothing in the phraseology of this inscription which is unclassical or obscure. The expres- sions animum advert ere, " to observe/' animum inducer e, " to think," seem to belong to the conventional termino- logy of those days. After fecerunt in 1. 3 we ought per- haps to add d. e. r. i. c. i. e. " de ea re (patres) ita censu- erunt" (cf. Cic. ad Fam. viii. 8). The L. Cornelius, the son of Cnseus, who is mentioned § 20. as praetor in this inscription, is the same L. Cornelius f ^e^Sdpios. Scipio Barbatus, whose sarcophagus is one of the most interesting monuments at Rome. The inscription upon that monument expressly states that he had been praetor. All the extant epitaphs of the Scipios have been given by Bunsen (Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, iii. p. 616, sqcj.), 172 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. who does not, however, enter upon any criticism of the text. It will be as well to cite here the three oldest of them, which are composed in the Saturnian metre. (a) Epitaph on L. Cornelius Scipio, who was consul in a.u.c. 456. Cornelio' Cn. F. Scipio Cornelius Lucius \ Scipio Barbdtus Gnaivod pdtre progndtus \ fortis vir. sapiensque, Quoius forma virtu\tei parissumafuit. Consul censor Aidilis \ quifuit apiid vos, TaurdsicC Cisauna' \ Sdmnio' cepit, Subigit omne Loucana' | opsidesque abdoucit. 1 (b) Epitaph on the son of the above, who was asdile in a. u. c. 466 ; consul, 494. L. Cornelio' L. F. Scipio Aidiles . Cosol . Cesor . Hone oino' ploirume co\sentiunt R[omani\ Duhnoro' optumo \ fuise viro' Luciom Scipionem. \ Filios Barbdti Cbnsol, Censor, Aidiles | hie f net [apiid vos~]. Hec cepit Corsica \ 'Aleriaque urbe\ Dedet tempestatebus \ aide' mereto. 2 (c) Epitaph on the Flamen Dialis P. Scipio, son of the elder Africanus, and adoptive father of the younger. Quel dpice', insigne didlis \ fldminis gesistei, Mors pcrfecit tua ut essent \ omnia brevia, Honos fdma vir t usque \ gloria at que ingenium. 1 See Arnold, History of Rome, ii. p. 326. 2 Bunsen, 1.1. : " In return for the delivery of his fleet in a storm off Corsica he built the temple of which Ovid speaks {Fast. iv. 193) : Te quocme, Tempestas, meritam delubra fatemur, Quum pene est Corsis diruta classis aquis." The same passage is quoted by Funccius, de Origine et Pueritia L.L. p. 326. §20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 173 Quibus sei in longd licuiset \ tibe utier vita, Facile fact eis superdses \ glbridm majbrum. Qua re lubens te in gremiu, \ Scipio, recipit terra, Piibli, prbgndtum \ Publib, Corneli. 1 It will be observed, that in these interesting monuments we have both that anusvdrah, or dropping of the final m, which led to ecthlipsis (e.g. duonoro' for bonorum), and also the visarga, or evanescence of the nominative s (as in Cor- nelio for Cornelius). We may remark, too, that n seems not to have been pronounced before s : thus we have cosol, cesor, for consul, censor, according to the practice of writing cos. for consul (Diomed. p. 428, Putsch). The phraseology, however, does not differ in any important particulars from the Latin language with which we are familiar. The metre in which these inscriptions are composed is deserving of notice. That they are written in Saturnian verse has long been perceived ; Niebuhr, indeed, thinks that they " are nothing else than either complete nenias, or the beginnings of them" (H.R. i. p. 253). It is not, how- ever, so generally agreed how we ought to read and divide the verses. For instance, Niebuhr maintains that patre, in a, 2, is " beyond doubt an interpolation ;" to me it appears necessary to the verse. He thinks that there is no ec- thlipsis in apice\ c, 1 ; I cannot scan the line without it. These are only samples of the many differences of opinion which might arise upon these short inscriptions : it will therefore, perhaps, be desirable that a few general remarks should be made on the Saturnian metre itself, and that these remarks should be applied to the epitaphs before 1 Bunsen, 1. 1. : " Cicero bears testimony to the truth of these noble words in his Cato Maj. §11: Quam fuit imbecillus Africani filius, is qui te adop- tavit ? Quam tenui aut nulla potius valetudine ? Quod ni ita fuisset, altera ille exstitisset lumen civitatis ; ad paternam enim magnitudinem animi doc- trina uberior accesserat." 174 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. us, which are the oldest Latin specimens of the Saturnian lay.* That the Saturnian metre was either a native of Italy, or naturalised there at a very early period, has been suffi- ciently shewn by Mr. Macaulay {Lays of Ancient Rome, p. 23). It is, perhaps, not too much to say, that this metre, — which may be defined in its pure form as a brace of trochaic tripodiae, preceded by an anacrusis, — is the most natural and obvious of all rhythmical intonations. There is no language which is altogether without it; though, of course, it varies in elegance and harmony with the particular languages in which it is found, and with the degree of literary advancement possessed by the poets who have written in it. The Umbrians had this verse as well as the Latins ; at least there can be no doubt that the beginning of the vi. Eugubine Table is pervaded by a Sa- turnian rhythm, though the laws of quantity which the Latins borrowed from the Greeks are altogether neglected in it. The following may serve as a sample : "Este persklo aveis a\seriater enetu. Parfa kurndse dersva \ petqu peica merstu, Poei dngla aseriato est \ eso tremnu serse. These verses are, in fact, more regular than many of the Latin specimens. The only rule which can be laid down for the genuine Latin Saturnian is, that the ictus must occur three times in each member of the verse, 2 and that any thesis, except the last, may be omitted (see Muller, Suppl. Annot. ad Fest. p. 396) . The anacrusis, at the be- ginning of the line, is often necessary in languages which, 1 Livy's transcript of the inscription of T. Quinctius is confessedly imper- fect ; the historian says : " \nsferme incisa litteris fuit" (vi. 29). 2 To this necessity for a triple recurrence of the ictus in the genuine Italian metre I would refer the word tripudium = triplex pulsatio. Pudio meant " to strike with the foot," " to spurn" (comp. re-pudio). §20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 175 like the Latin and our own, have but a few words which begin with an ictus. "When the Greek metres became established among the Romans, it would seem that the conventional pronunciation of many words was changed to suit the exigencies of the new versification, and no line began with an anacrusis unless it had that commencement in the Greek model : but this seems not to have been the case in the genuine Roman verses, which begin with an. unemphatic thesis whenever the convenience of the writer demands such a prefix. "We have seen above (§ 2), that the first trochaic tripodia of the Saturnius cum anacrusi, and even an amphibrachys (—trochceus cum anacrusi 1 ), 1 In the common books on metres this would be called a single foot, i. e. an amphibrachys. It appears to me that many of the difficulties, which the student has felt in his first attempts to understand the rules of metre, have been occasioned by the practice of inventing names for the residuary forms of common rhythms. Thus, the last state of the logaoedic verse is called a choriambus ; and the student falls into inextricable confusion when he endeavours to explain to himself the concurrence of choriambi and dactyls in the commonest measures of Horace's odes. Some commentators would persuade us that we are to scan thus : Mcece\nas atavis \ edite reg\ibus ; and Sic te | diva potens \ Cypri. But how can we connect the rhythm of the choriambus with such a termination ? If we examine any of the Glyconics of Sophocles, who was considered a master in this species of verse, we shall observe that his choriambi appear in contact with dactyls and trochees, and not with iambi. Take, for instance, QLd. Col. 510, sqq. : Seipbv | [j.£V rh ira\\a.i || Keifievov | iJ\\St] Kanhv | S> \\ £e7v £ire\yelpety || '6\fj,oos 5' ZpoCfxcu Trv\6e £^"'> I opdbv &K\ov(r/jL aK\ov | 'ApxiA(5|xou fxe\\os \\ abv k^aipois \\ aXAa | vvv kKa\rafi6\\Xtiov Moi\ \\ Aid Te J rpoivi\KO(rrep6\Trav cre/x\v6v t' iTrt\i>ei/.<.ai \\ a,Kpa}\r-fipiov \ "AXiSos || Toi\o?cr8e fie\\eo-ffiv || rb | S^ 7T0T6 | AvSbs \ y\\pas Tli\\o\p \\ e\^dparo \ Kd\\\KiffTou | U^vov \ 'lTnro^a\fielas. || In general, it seems unreasonable to call a number of syllables in which the ictus occurs more than once by the name of " foot" (pes) ; for the foot, so called, is defined by the stamp of the foot which marks the ictus, and there- fore, as above suggested, the half- Saturnius would be called tri-pudium, because it consisted of three feet. For instance, if 'Apx^x ov M 6 '^- 05 na( * n0 ictus except on the first and fourth syllables of 'Apx^x ov we might scan it as two dactyls ; but if, as the analogy of - vaev 'OAu/xttiov would seem to indi- cate, it had an ictus on the last syllable of /j.4\os, we must scan the words as a dactyl + trochee + ictus. §20.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 177 tripodise. We have instances of both practices in the old Latin translation of an epigram, which was written, pro- bably by Leonidas of Tarentum, at the dedication of the spoils taken in the battles of Heraclea and Asculum (b.c. 280, 279), and which should be scanned as follows : Qui dntedhdc invicti | fuvere viri \ pater bptime Olympi |) Hbs ego in pugna vici \ \ Victusque sum ah isdem \ \ Niebuhr suggests (iii. note 841) that the first line is an attempt at an hexameter, and the last two an imitation of the shorter verse ; and this remark shews the discernment which is always so remarkable in this great scholar. The author of this translation, which was probably made soon af- ter the original, could not write in hexameter verse, but he represented the hexameter of the original by a lengthened form of the Saturnius, and indicated the two penthemimers of the pentameter by writing their meaning in two trun- cated Saturnians, taking care to indicate by the anacrusis that there was really a break in the rhythm of the original pentameter, although it might be called a single line ac- cording to the Greek system of metres. To return, however, to the epitaphs of the Scipios. The scansion of the lines which I have adopted is suffi- ciently indicated by the metrical marks placed over the words. It is only necessary to add a few explanatory ob- servations. With the exception of a. 3, b. 3, and c. 7, every line begins with an anacrusis, or unaccentuated thesis ; and it seems to be a matter of indifference whether this is one long or two short syllables. The vowel i is often pro- nounced like y before a vowel, as in Lucyus (a. 1), Lucyom (b. 3), dydlis (c. 1), hrevya (c. 2), inge'nyum (c. 3), utyer (c. 4), gremyu (c. 6), Scipyo (ibid.). And u is pronounced like w in c. 2. The rules of synalcepha and ecthlipsis are sometimes attended to (as in a. 6), and sometimes neglected N 178 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. (as in b. 5, c. 4). The quantity oi fuisse and virtf in b. 2, may be justified on general principles ; for fuisse is properly fuvisse, and viro is written veiro in Umbrian. But there is no consistency in the syllabic measurement of the words ; for we have fuet in b. 4. Facile, in c. 5, makes a thesis in consequence of that short pronunciation which is indicated by the old fovmfacul (Fest. p. 87, Miiller). As all the other verbs in epitaph a are in the perfect tense, it seems that subigit and abdoucit, in the last line, must be perfect also. Indoucimus is perhaps a perfect in the Tiburtine inscription (1. 10) : " postquam senatus audivit, tanto magis — indou- cimus" and subigit was probably pronounced subigit. The beginning of b. seems to have been the conventional phrase- ology in these monumental nenias. The sepulchre of A. Attilius Calatinus, which stood near those of the Scipios at the Porta Capena (Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 7, § 13), bore an inscription beginning in much the same way : Hone oino ploirume co\sentibnt gentes. li primariiim \ fuisse virum. (Comp. Cic. de Finibus, ii. 35, § 116; Cato M. 17, 61). The Columna Rostrata, as it is called, was found at the foot of the Capitol in the year 1565. Its partial destruc- tion by lightning is mentioned by Livy (xlii. 20) ; and it was still standing, probably in the existing copy, when Servius wrote {ad Virgil. Georg. iii. 29). It refers to the well-known exploits of C. Duilius, who was consul B.C. 260, a.u.c. 494. This inscription, with the supplements of Ciac- coni, and a commentary, was published by Funck, in his treatise de Orig. et Puer. L. L. p. 302, sqq. It is here given with the restorations of Grotefend (Orelli, no. 549). [C. Duilios, M. F. M. N. Consol advor- swn Poenos en Siceliad Sicest]ano\_s socios 22.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 179 Rom. obsidioned crave]d exemet leciones r[e- fecet dumque Poenei m~\aximosque macistratos l[ecionumque duceis ex n\ovem castreis exfo- ciunt Macel[am opidom opp]ucnandod cesset enque eodem mac[istratod bene r~\em navebos marid consol primos c[eset socios] clasesque na- vales primos ornavet pa[ravetque~\ cumque els navebos claseis Poenicas om\neis et ?nax~\su- mas copias Cartaciniensis praesente[d sumod\ Dictator ed ol\or\om in altod marid pucn\ad vicet] xxxque navi[s cepe]t cum socieis sep- tem[milibos quinresni\osque triresmosque na- veis [xiv. merset. tone aur\om captom numei © © © D C . . . \jpondod arceii\tom captom praeda numei cccIood \jpondod crave'] captom aes ccclooo ccclooo cccIdod ccclooo cccIddd cccIddd ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo ccclooo [is qu~\oque navaled praedad poplom [Rom. deitavet atque~\ Cartacini[ens~]is [ince~\iwos d[uxet triumpod cum xxx rostr\eis [clasis] Carta\ciniensis captai quorum erco S.P. Q.R. hanc colomnam eei P.]. Festus has preserved two interesting fragments of laws § 22. which are nearly contemporary with the Columna Rostrata. Papu-i^Laws The first of these is the Lex Silia de publicis ponderibus, which was passed in the year B.C. 244, a.u.c. 510. Festus s. v. Publica ponder a, p. 246 : " Publica pondera [ad legi- timam normam exacta fuisse] ex ea causa Junius 180 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. [collegi]t quod duo Silii P. et M. Trib. pleb. rogarint his verbis : Ex ponderibus publicis, quibus hac tern- pestate populus oetier solet, uti coaequetur (l) sedulum, {2) uti quadrantal vini octoginta pondo siet ; congius vini decern p. siet ; sex sextari congius siet vini ; duo de quinquaginta sextari quadrantal siet vini ; sextarius aequus aequo cum librario siet; {Z) sex dequimque {i) librari in modio sient. Si quis rnagistratus adversus hac d. m. pondera modiosque vasaque pablica modica, major a, minor ave faxit, jusseritve^ ] fieri, do- lumve adduit quo ea fiant, eum quis volet rnagistratus^ multare, dum minor e parti fa- milias taxat, (1) liceto ; sive quis im (8) sacrum judicare voluerit, liceto" The Latinity of this fragment requires a few remarks, (1) coaequetur. In the Pompeian Inscription (Orelli, no. 4348) we have : mensuras excequandas. (2) Sedulum. Sca- liger suggests se dolo m. i. e. sine dolo nialo. But sedulo or sedulum itself signifies " sine fraude indiligentiseve culpa" (Miiller ad I.), and the law refers to the care and honesty of those who were to test the weights and measures. For sedulus, see Doderl. Syn. u. Et. i. p. 118. (3) " Nihil in- telligo nisi librarius qui hie significatur sextarius frumenti erat." Miiller. (4) Sex dequimque = sex decimque, the qu being written instead of c. (5) The editions have jussit ve re, for which Miiller writes jussitve; Haubold {Monu- menta Legalia) proposes jusseritve, "propter sequens re," and I have adopted this reading on account of the word §22.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 181 faxit, which precedes. (6) Quis volet magistrates. Cf. Tab. Bantin. Osc. 12. Lat. 7. (7) Dum minor e parti familias taxat. Compare the Latin Bantine Inscription, 1. 10: [dum minoris] partus familias taxsat. Cato, apud Aul. Gell. vii. 3 : " Quae lex est tarn acerba quae dicat, si quis illud facere voluerit, mille nummi dimidium families multa esto ?" The abl. parti (which occurs in Lucretius) and the genitive partus (comp. Castorus in the Bantine Inscription, ejus, cujus, &c.) depend on multare and multam, which are implied in the sentence. For taxat, see Fest. p. 356. These passages shew the origin of the particle dumtaxat, which is used by the classical writers to signify " provided one esti- mates it," " estimating it accurately," " only," " at least," " so far as that goes," &C. 1 (8) Im=eum. Fest. p. 103. The Lex Papiria de Sacramento, which is to be re- ferred to the year b.c. 243, a.u.c. 511, is thus cited by Festus s. v. Sacramentum, p. 344 : " Sacramentum aes sig- nificat, quod pcenae nomine penditur, sive eo quis interro- gatur, sive contenditur. Id in aliis rebus quinquaginta assium est, in aliis rebus quingentorum inter eos, qui judicio inter se contenderent. Qua de re lege L. Papiri Tr. pi. sanctum est his verbis : Quicunque Praetor post hac f actus erit qui inter cives jus dicet, tres viros Capitales populum rogato, liique tres viri \capitales~\, quicunque [posthac fa~\cti erunt, sacramenta ex\igunto\ judicantoque, eodemquejure sunto, uti ex legibus plebeique scitis exigere, judi- careque, esseque oportet." 1 It is scarcely necessary to point out the absurdity of the derivation pro- posed by A. Grotefend (Ausf. Gramm. d. Lat. Spr. § 124) : " duntaxat aus dum taceo (cetera) sat (est hoc) !" 182 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. The Senatus Consultum de Bacchanalibus, which is re- ferred to by Livy (xxxix. 14), and which belongs to the year b.c. 186, a.u.c. 568, was found at Terra de Teriolo in Calabria, in 1640, and is now at Vienna, where I have carefully examined it. A facsimile of the inscription, with the commentary of Matthaeus iEgyptius, will be found in Drakenborch's Livy, vol. vii. p. 197, sqq. 1. [Q.~\ Marches L. F. S. Postumius L. F. Cos. Se- natum comoluerunt N. 1 Octob. apud aedem 2. Duelonai sc. 2 arf. s M. Claudi M. F. L. Valeri P. F. Q. Minim C. F. de Bacanalibus 3. Esent ita exdeicendnm censuere neiquis eorum Sacanal 4 habuise velet set ques 5 4. esent quei sibei deicerent necesus 6 ese Bacanal habere eeis utei ad pr. urbanum 5. Romam venirent deque eeis rebus ubei eorum v tr a? audita esent utei senatus 6. noster decerneret dum ne minus senatoribus c. adesent \_quom e\a res cosoleretur 7. Bacas 8 vir ne quis adiese 9 velet ceivis Romanus neve nominus Latm[i] neve socium 8. quisquam nisei pr. urbanum adiesent isque de senatuos sententiad dum ne 9. minus senatoribus c. adesent quom ea res coso- leretur iousisent censuere 10. sacerdos ne quis vir eset magister neque vir neque mulier quisquam eset 1 Nonis. 2 scribendo. 3 adfuerunt. 4 Bacchanal. 5 ques— quel See Klenze, Legis Servilice Fr. p. 12, not. 2; Fest p. 261. 6 necessum. " 1. verba. 8 i.e. Bacchas. 9 adiisse. §23.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 183 1 1 . neve pecuniam quisquam eorum comoinem habuise velet neve magistratum 12. neve pro magistratuo neque v'irum neque mulie- rem quiquam 1 fecise velet 13. neve post liac inter sed 2 conjourase neve comvo- vise neve conspondise 1 4. neve conpromesise velet neve quisquam fidem inter sed dedise velet 15. sacra in oquoltod 3 ne quisquam fecise velet neve in poplicod neve in 16. preivatod neve exstrad urbem sacra quisquam fecise velet nisei 17. pr. urbanum adieset isque de senatuos sententiad dum ne minus 18. senatoribus c. adesent quom ea res cosoleretur iousisent censuere 19. homines pious v. oinversei^ virei atque mulieres sacra ne quisquam 20. fecise velet neve interibei 5 virei pious cluobus mu- lieribus pious tribus 21. arfuise velent nisei de pr. urbani senatuosque sententiad utei suprad 22. scriptum est haice utei in coventionid 6 exdeicatis ne minus trinum 23. noundinum senatuosque sententiam utei scientes 24. sententia ita fuit sei ones' 1 esent quei arvorsum eadfuisent quam suprad 1 quisquam. * i.e. se, as in 1. 11. 3 occulto. 4 universi. 5 —interea. 6 contione. "' ques = quei. 184 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. 25. scriptum est eeis rem caputalem faciendum cen- suere atque utei 26. hoce in tabolam ahenam inceideretis ita senatus aiquom censuit 27. uteique earn figier joubeatis ubeifacilumed 1 gnos- cier potisit 2 atque 28. utei ea Bacanalia sei qua sunt exstrad quam sei quid ibei sacri est 29. ita utei suprad scriptum est in diebus x quibus vobeis tabelai 3 datai 30. erunt facialis utei dismota sient in agro Teic- § 24. The Roman law on the Bantine Table is probably not KK okler tnan the middle of the seventh century. The chief tine Table. reason for introducing it here, is its connexion in loca- lity, if not in import, with the most important fragment of the Oscan language (above, p. 86). Klenze divides it into four sections. His transcription and supplements are as follows (Rkein. Mm. for 1828, p. 28, sqq. ; Phil. Abhandl. p. 7, sqq.). Cap. 1 . On the degradation of offenders. 1 e . in popVico joudicio nesep 2 o . neive quis mag. testimonium poplice eid[em sinito den~]ontiari 3 dato neive is in poplico luuci prae- textam neive soleas habeto neive quis 1 facillime. 2 —potis-sit=possit. 3 —tabella. 4 in agro Teurano. Strabo, p. 254 c : virep Se twv Qovpiuv kcu y Tavpidvi) X&P& \tyofiiv7) 'ISpVTCU. § 24.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 185 4. [mag. prove, mag. prove quo imperio potestateve erit qu~\eiquomque comitia conciliumve liabebit eum sufragium ferre nei sinito. L. 2. See Q-uiuctil. v. 7, § 9 : " Duo sunt genera tes- tium, aut voluntariorum aut quibus in judiciis publicis lege L. 3. luuci, " by day." Plaut. Cas. iv. 2, 7: " Tandem ut veniamus luci." Cic. Phil. xii. 10, § 25 : " Quis audeat feci — illustrem aggredi?" Cap. 2. On the punishment of judges and senators who violate the law. 5. [seiquis joudex queiquomque ex hace lege'\ ple- beive scito f actus erit senatorve fecerit gesse- ritve quo ex hace lege 6. [minus Jiant quae fieri oportet quaeve fieri opor- tujerit oportebitve ?ion fecerit sciens d. m., seive advorsus liance legem fecerit. 7. [gesseritve sciens d. m. ei multa esto . . . eamque pequniani] quel volet magistratus ex- sigito sei postulabit quel petet pr. recupera- tores 8. [dato facit\oque eum sei ita pareat condumnari popul. facitoque joudi- cetur sei condemnatus 9. [fuerit tit pequnia redigatur] ad Q. urb[an.~] aut bona ejus poplice possideantur facito . seiquis mag. multam inrogare volet 10. \_apud populum clum minoris] partus familias taxsat liceto eiq. omnium rerum siremps lexs esto quasei sei is haace lege 186 THE OLD ROMAN [Ch. VI. 1 1 . [condemnatus fuerit] L. 10. dum minoris partus familias taxsat. See above, § 22, on the Lex Silia. Partus is the genitive case, like Castorus, cap. 3, 1. 15. Siremps is explained by Festus, p. 344: "Siremps ponitur pro eadem, vel, proinde ac ea, quasi similis res ipsa. Cato in dissuadendo legem . . . , relicta est : Et praeterea rogas, quemquam adversus ea si populus condempnaverit, uti siremps lex siet, quasi adver- sus leges fecisset." Cap. 3. On binding the judges and magistrates by an oath to observe the law. 12. [Cos. Pr. . . . qii]ei ?iunc est is in diebus v proxsumeis quibus queique eorum sciet h. I. popolum plebemve 13. [joussisse jouranto ] Die. cos. pr. mag. eq. cens. aid. tr. pi. q. uwir cap. mvir a. d. a.jou- dex ex h. I. plebive scito 14. [/actus queiquomque eorum p\ostliac f actus erit eis in diebus v proxsumeis quibus quisque eorum mag. inperiumve inierit, jouranto 15. [ in ae~\de Castorus palam luci in forum vorsus et eidem in diebus v apud Q. jouranto per Jovem deosque 16. [penateis sese quae ex h. I. oport]ebit facturum neque sese advorsum h. I. facturum scientem d. m. neque seese facturum neque inter cesurum 17. [ne ex h. I. Jiant quae oportet. Qu~\ei ex h. I. non jouraverit is magistratum inperiumve nei petito neive gerito neive habeto neive in senatu 18. [si adfuerit sentetitiam dicer e e\um quis sinito § 24.] OR LATIN LANGUAGE. 187 neive eum censor in senatum legito. Quel ex h. I. joudicaverit is f actio apud Q. urb. 19. \nomen ejus quei jouraverit sc]riptum siet. Quaestorque ea nomina accipito et eos quei ex h. I. apud sed jourarint f actio in taboleis 20. [popliceis scriptos habeat]. L. 13. i. e. Dictator, consul, praetor, magister equitum, censor, cedilis, tribunus plebei, qucestor, triumvir capitalis, triumvir agris dandis adsignandis. L. 15. palam luci in forum versus. See Cic. de Offic. iii. 24. Cap. 4. On the oath of the senators. 2 1 . {Senator es quei sententijam deixer\in\ t post hance legem rogatam eis in diebus x proxsumeis qui- bus quisque [eorum sciet h. l.~\ 22. \_populum plebemve joussisse j\ouranto apud quaestorem ad aerarium palam luci per Jovem de[osqii\e penate\is sese quae oportebit] 23. [facturum — — neque se'jse advorsum hance legem facturum esse neque seese ^facturum] 24. se hoice leegeiji L. 21. eis = ii. See above, p. 182. L. 22. ad cerarium. See Liv. xxix. 37. Per Jovem deosque penateis. Comp. Cic. Acad. iv. 20. CHAPTER VII. ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. § 1. Organic classification of the original Latin alphabet. § 2. The labials. § 3. The gutturals. § 4. The dentals. § 5. The vowels. § 6. The Greek letters used by the Romans. § 7. The numeral signs. The genuine Latin alphabet, — or that set of characters which expressed in writing the sounds of the Roman lan- guage before it had borrowed from the Greek a number of words, and the means of exhibiting them to the eye, — may be considered as consisting of nineteen letters ; that is, of the representatives of the original Cadmean syllaba- rium (which consisted of sixteen letters) ; — the secondary vowels, or vocalised consonants, I and u, and the secondary sibilant x=sh, being added as a necessary appendix. If we distribute these nineteen letters according to their natural or organic classification, we shall have the following arrangement : — CONSONANTS. Labials. Gutturals. Dentals. Medials . . . B G D Aspirates . . F H R Tenues . . . P Qv T Liquids . . . M L, N Sibilants. . . X, S 2.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 189 VOWELS. Vowels of Ar-^l ticulations .j Heaviest. A Lightest. E Medium. Vocalised ^j Consonants J Vocalised Labial. u Vocalised Guttural, or Dental. I It will be most convenient, as well as most methodical, to consider these letters according to this classification, which will be justified by the investigation itself. LABIALS. The labials consist of three mutes and the liquid m. The regular changes of the labial mutes, in the principal languages of the Indo-Germanic family, have been thus indicated by James Grimm, to whom we owe the disco- very of a most important law {Deutsche Gramm. i. p. 584), which may be stated thus in its application to all three orders of mutes : In Greek, In Gothic. In Old High Latin, Sanscrit. German. Medial corresponds to Tenuis and to Aspirate. Aspirate )> 33 Medial 33 Tenuis. Tenuis 33 „ Aspirate „ Medial. §2. The labials. This law, applied to the labials only, may be expressed in the following table : Latin, (Greek, Sanscrit) . B F P Gothic P B F Old High German . . . F P B (V) To take the instances given by Grimm himself, — the first column is confirmed, as far as the Latin language is concerned, by the following examples : cannabis {icavva- 190 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [Ch. VII. /3t?), Old Norse hanpr, Old High German hanaf ; turba {6opvj3if), Goth, thaurp, O. H. G. dor of ; stabulum, O. N. stbpull, O. H. G. staphol. To which may be added, labi, Anglo-Saxon slipan, O. H. G. sliuffan. These instances are confined to the occurrence of the labials in the middle of words ; for there are no German words beginning with p, and no H. G. words beginning with f. The second column is supported as follows: Initials — fagus (^765), O. N. beyki, O. H. D. puoclia; fero ((pipco), Goth, baira, O. H. G. piru ; fui {$v (=p'h) in the Greek synonyme : compare balcena, albus, ambo, nebula, tenebrce, umbilicus, &c, with (pd\atva, a\e\7], Svocpepal, dficfraXos, &c. The ancient Romans did not use b, as the Greeks did, to form a fulcrum between two liquids (comp. /jueaijaepla, fjLeo-rjfiftpla', fjbeki, [/a]/3a./tt in a number of words, such as fagus, fama, fero, fallo, fari, fascis, f rater, frigus, fucus, fugio, fui, fulgeo, fur (Muller, Etrusk. i. p. 20) ; but we must consider these words as an approach to a foreign articulation ; for in a great number of words, in which the f has subsequently been commuted for h, we can find no trace of connexion with the Greek (f> : such are fariolus, fasena, fedus,fircus, folus,fordeum, fostis, fostia,forctis, vefo, trafo (Muller, Etrusk. i. p. 44). It is generally laid down that f and v are both labio- dental aspirates, and that they differ only as the tenuis dif- fers from the medial ; and one philologer has distinctly asserted their identity, meaning perhaps that in Latin f = the- English v, and v = the English w. If, however, we analyse some of the phenomena of comparative philology in which the Latin f appears, and then refer to Quinc- tilian's description of the sound of this letter, we may be disposed to believe that in many cases the English v formed only a part of the sound. Quinctilian says (xii. 10, § 27, 29) that the Roman language suffered in comparison with the Greek from having only v and f, instead of the Greek v and <£, " quibus nullce apud eos (Grcecos) dulcius spirant. Nam et ilia, quce est sexta nostrarum, pcene non hum ana § 2.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 193 voce, vel omnino non voce potius inter discrimina dentium efflanda- est: quce etiam, cum vocalem proximo, accipit, quassa quodammodo : utique, quoties aliquant consonantem frangit, ut in hoc ipso frangit, multo fit horridior." Not to repeat here what has been stated at length elsewhere (N. Crat. p. 124), it will be sufficient to make the follow- ing observations : (a) the Latin f, though not = v, con- tained that letter, and was a cognate sound with it : x this is proved by a comparison of con-ferre, con-viva, &c. with com-bibere, im-primis, &c. (b) It appears from Quinctilian that in his time the Latin f contained, in addition to the labial v, some dental sibilant ; and the sibilant is known to have been the condition in which the guttural passed into the mere aspirate, (c) A comparison of the Greek Orjp with its Latin synonyme fera would produce great diffi- culty, if we could not suppose a coexistence of the sibilant with the labial in the latter ; such a concurrence we have in the Russian synonyme svera, Lettish svehrs, Old Prus- sian svirs. (d) The Sabine words mentioned above (such a,sfircus), the more modern representatives of which sub- stitute an aspirate for the f, prove that the f must have contained a guttural aspirate ; for no labial can pass into a guttural, though a compound of labial and guttural may be represented by the guttural only, (e) Those words in the Romance languages which present an aspirate for the f which their Latin synonymes retained to the last, — such as falco, "hawk;" foris, Fr. "hors;" facere, formosus, funtus, &c, Sp. " hacer," " hermoso," " humo," &c, — prove that, to the last, the Latin f contained some guttural element, in addition to the labial of which it was in part composed. It seems to me that f must have been sv, or, ultimately, 1 In the same way as f seems to represent (p in the instances cited above, v also appears as a substitute both for cp and tt. Compare valgus, vallus, veru, virgo, and vitricus, with must be referred to the Pelasgian element in the Latin language : the Tuscans, as we have seen, were by no means averse from this sound ; and the Romans were obliged to express it by the written representative of a very different articulation. Of the tenuis p it is not necessary to say much. If we compare the Latin forms with their Greek equivalents, we observe that p, or pp, is used as a substitute for the

a\ov, dKa\t](f)7], arpocpiov, vcpaata } fc6~\,ao? to T avyyivetav e^et trap avrols [the Romans], otye , vXFrj, dfia, e'^eaOaL, eirofiai, virvos, &c. Though in some cases even this aspirate has vanished : as in avat~, el, iWos, &c, compared with senex, si, sileo, Sec. It frequently hap- pens that in the more modern forms of the Roman lan- guage an original s has been superseded by the dental sibilant r. Thus Quinctilian tells us (i. 4, § 13) that Va- lesius, Fusius, arbos, labos, vapos, clamos, and lases (cf. Pest. s. v.), were the original forms of Valerius, Furius, arbor, labor, vapor, clamor, and lares ; and it is clear that honor, honestus, are only different forms of onus, onustus. It is § 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 205 rather surprising that the Jurist Pomponius {Digg. i. 2, 2, § 36) should have attributed to Appius Claudius Csecus (consul i. a.u.c. 447, b.c. 307 ; consul n. a.u.c. 458, B.C. 296) the invention of a letter which is the initial of the names Roma and Romulus. He can only mean that Appius was the first to introduce the practice of substituting r for s in proper names, a change which he might have made in his censorship. It appears, from what Cicero says, that L. Papirius Crassus, who was consul in a.u.c. 418, b.c. 336, was the first of his name who did not call himself Papisius {ad Famil. ix. 21) : " How came you to suppose," says Cicero, writing to L. Papirius Psetus, " that there never was a Papirius of patrician rank, when it is certain that they were patricii minorum gentium ? To begin with the first of these, I will instance L. Papirius Mugillanus, who, in the year of the city 312, was censor with L. Sempronius Atratinus, who had previously (a.u.c. 310) been his col- league in the consulship. But your family-name at that time was Papisius. After him there were thirteen of your ancestors who were curule magistrates before L. Papirius Crassus, the first of your family that disused the name Papisius. This Papirius in the year was chosen dictator in a.u.c. 415, with L. Papirius Cursor for his magister equitum, and four years afterwards he was elected consul with K. Duilius." We must conclude, therefore, that Ap- pius Claudius used his censorial authority to sanction a practice, which had already come into vogue, and which was intimately connected with the peculiarities of the Ro- man articulation. In fact, the Romans were to the last remarkable for the same tendency to rhotacism, which is characteristic of the Umbrian, Dorian, and Old Norse dialects. DENTALS. The Romans had five dentals or linguals : the mutes d § 4 and t, the liquids l and n, and the secondary letter r The dentals. 206 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [Ch. VII. which in most alphabets is considered a liquid, but in the Latin stands for an aspiration or assibilation of the medial d. Grimm's law, as applied to the dentals, stands thus : Latin, (Greek, Sanscrit) . D T Gothic T D Z, TH Old High German . . , Z T D The following examples will serve to establish the rule. 1st column. Initials: dingua, lingua, tuggo, zunga ; deus, O. N. tyr, O. H. G. ziu; dens, dentis, Goth, tunthus, O. H. G. zand; domare, tamjan, zenien ; dolus, O. N. tdl, zdla ; ducere, Goth, tiuhan, O. H. G. ziohan ; duo, tva, zuei ; dextra, taihsvo, zesawa. Middle sounds : sedes, se- der e, sitan, sizan; e-dere, itan, ezan ; videre, vitan, ivizan; odium, hatis, haz ; u-n-da, vato, wazar ; sudor, sveiti, sweiz ; pedes, fotjus, vuozi. 2d column. The Latin has no 6 ; and when the r stands for the D, there are generally other coexistent forms in which the medial is found. For the purpose of com- parison Grimm has selected some Latin words in which a Latin f stands by the side of the Greek 9. Initials : fores (dvpa), daur, tor ; fera {6r)p), O. N. dyr, O. H. G. tior. Middle sounds: audere, ausus (Oappelv), gadauran, turran; mathu, Tusc. (Gr. /JbiOv), Anglo-Sax. medo, O. H. G. metu. 3d column. Initials: tu, Gothic thu; O. H. G. du ; tener, Q. N. thunnr, O. H. G. dunni; tendere, Goth, than- jan, O. H. G. denen; tacere, tlialian, dagen; tolerare, thu- lan, dolen ; tectum, thak, dack. Middle sounds : f rater, brothar, pruoder ; rota, O. N. hradhr (" celer "), O. H. G. hrad (" rota"); a-l-ter (Umbr. Tusc. etre), anthar, andar ; iterum, vithra, widar. Of the commutations of the dentals with one another in the Latin language alone, the most constant is the inter- change of d with l or r. d becomes l in delicare (Fest. pp. 70, 73), impelimenia, levir, Melica (Fest. p. 124), ol- § 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 207 facit, for dedicare, impedimenta, Saijp, Medica, odefacit ; and is assimilated to l in such words as mala, ralla, scala, sella, from ma-n-do, rado, sca-n-do, sedeo : the converse change is observable in 'OSi/ercreu?, JToXuSey/c?;?, Sdicpvov (dacrima, Fest. p. 68), SayfrtXtfs, dingua (O. H. G. zunga), Capitodium, meditari, Jcadamitas, adauda, &c, the more genuine forms of which are preserved in the Ulysses (6\l- 709), Pol-lux (comp. Sevtces, Hesych. with lux), lacryma (liqueo), lapsilis (\d7rrc0), lingua (Xefyeiv), Capitolium, /ne- \erav, calamitas, alauda, &c. : Sew, on the contrary, is a more ancient form than ligare (see N. Crat. p. 189). This change takes place within the limits of the Greek language also : comp. SetSco with SeiXo?, 8a<; (SaSo?) with SaXos, &c, though in many of these cases there is the residue of an original assimilation, as in rcaXos, root icah-, cf. /ea£&>, &c. The change is also observable in the passage from Latin to the Romance languages : thus Digentia has become Licenza, and the people of Madrid call themselves Madrilenos. The other dentals, t and n, are also sometimes converted into l : as in Thetis, Thelis ,- Nympha, Lympha, &c. (see Varro, L. L. vii. § 87). In some cases there is a passage from 8 to A, in Greek, as in aSrjv, a\i<; (compare satis) ; and the Greek 6 in Oooprjj; is represented by an I in lorica. There is an interchange of n and r in cereus, ceneus ; in m,urus, munio ; in Scopov, donum ; Tikrjprjs (Etr. phleres), plenus, &c. The ablative or adverbial d has become n in lon- guinquus, prcpinquus, from longe[d~\, prope[d~\ ; compare antiquus, posticus, from antea, postea, amicus from amo (amao), &c. The change from d to r has been often pointed out, in such common instances as aur-is compared with aud-io, apor for apud, meridie for media die, ar-vocat for ad-vocat, &c. The verb arcesso, which is also written accerso, furnishes a double example of the change : the original form was ad- ced-so = accedere sino ; in arcesso the first d is changed 208 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [Ch. VII. into r, and the second assimilated to s : in accerso the first d is assimilated to c, and the second changed to r. N is principally remarkable in Latin from its use as a sort of anusvdrah (see N. Crat. p. 303). In this use it is inserted, generally before the second consonant of the root, as in tu-n-do, root tud-; ji-n-do, root fid-, &c. ; but sometimes after it, as in ster-n-o, root ster-, stra-; sper-n-o, root sper-, spre-; po-n-o, root pos-, See. Conversely, N becomes evanescent in certain cases, par- ticularly before s and v. Thus consul is written cosol (abbreviated into cos) ; and we find cesor, infas, vicies, vice- simus, for censor, infans, viciens, vicensumus. This omis- sion of N is regular in the Greek participles in -et?, and in other words, e.g. oSovs ; it seems also to have been the rule in Umbrian. The most important instance of the omission of n before v is furnished by the common word contio, de- rived from conventio through the form coventio, 1 which is found in old inscriptions. Similarly, convent becomes co- vent (" Covent -garden," &c), Confluentes is turned into Coblenz, and filnf into "five." In English the prefix con is shortened into co- before all consonants, in spite of the remonstrances of Bentley. With regard to the changes experienced by the dentals in the passage from Latin to the Romance dialects, the fol- lowing instances may suffice, d and t when preceded and followed by vowels are frequently dropt in the French forms of Latin words : (a) d : cauda (It. coda, Sp. cola), Fr. queue ; fides, Fr. foi ; media-nocte, Fr. mi-nuit ; nudus, Fr. nu; vadum, Fr. gue; videre, Fr. voir. 2 (b) t: ad-s'atis, Fr. as-sez (originally assetz); amatus, Fr. aime; Catalauni, Fr. Chalons ; pater, Fr. pere ; vita, Fr. vie. On the con- 1 Contio stands related to coventio as nuntius to novi-ven-tius -, comp. nov-i-tius. 2 The French sometimes drop the d before a guttural in words of German extraction, as in Huguenot for Eidgenossen. § 4.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 209 trary, d is sometimes inserted as a fulcrum between the liquids n and r, as in cendre, gendre, tendre, from ciner-is, gener, tener ; viendr-ai, tiendr-ai, for venir-ai (venire habeo), tener-ai (tenere habeo), &c. ; vendredi for Veneris die, See. This will remind the classical student of the similar inser- tion in the Greek av-S-pos, &c. ; and both the Greeks and the Romans apply the same principle to the labials also. The indistinctness with which the French pronounce n at the end of a word has given rise to some etymological, or rather orthographical, inconsistencies in that language. Not the least remarkable of these is the appearance of s instead of m or n in the first person of many verb-forms. If we compare suis with the Italian sono on the one hand, and the Spanish soy on the other, we may doubt whether the s in this and other French forms is the ultimate reso- lution of the nasal n, or an arbitrary orthographic append- age. The whole question is one which demands a formal examination. L, n, r, are frequently interchanged as the Latin passes into the Romance idiom, l passes into r 1 in apotre, epitre, titre, &c, from apostolus, epistola, titulus, &c. ; — n into l in alma, Barcelona, Bologna, Lehrixa, from anima, Barcino, Bononia, Nebrissa ; — n into r in diacre from diaconus. L is a representation of d in Giles from JEgidius, in ellera for edera, and in Versiglia for Vesidia. The Italians vocalise l into i when it follows certain consonants: compare clamare, claries, clavis, flos, Florentia, fluctus,flumen, obliquus, Placentia, planus, plenus, &c, with chiamare, chiaro, chiave,fiore, Fiorenze, Firenze,jiotto,fiume, bieco (Fr. biais, Engl. " bias"), Piacenza, piano, pieno, &c. 1 Ad-ulare seems to be an instance of the converse change from r to l : for this compound is from ad and ula = ovpd, and refers, like the Greek ffaiveiv (= aeieiv, " to shake or wag"), to the dog blandishing, fawning, and wagging his tail. The older etymologers connect it with ad-oro; but this is another word similarly formed from ad and os, and corresponding literally to the Greek irpos-Kwica. P 210 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [Ch. VII. The French vocalise the Latin l into u, which seems to have been in the first instance only an affection of the pre- vious vowel, into which the l was subsequently absorbed. Thus alter was first written aultre, and then autre. This affection of a preceding vowel by the liquid which follows is not uncommon in other languages. The Greeks in some of their dialects pronounced the vowel broad before or after p : comp. cj)pa furnishes another instance of the substitution of ?j for did: comp. the epithet Siairpvaios, Pind. N. iv. 51, where see the note. 2 Most ancient nations seem to have connected the regiones cceli with the regiones viarum. Thus in old English " the milky way" was called " Wat- ling-street," which was the name of one of the four great roads in this coun- try; see Grimm, Deutsche Myth. p. 330, 2d ed. § 6.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 221 called the cardo, as corresponding to the axis of the globe ; and that from east to west, which cut the cardo at right angles, would be called the decumanus, or " tenth line." For both these lines repeated themselves according to the number of separate allotments into which the land was divided, or the number of separate streets in the city or camp. 1 Now the Roman actus or fundus =[120 feet] 2 was the unit of subdivision ; two of these fundi made a jugerum =di-ager-um, and two jug era constituted the he- redium of a Roman patrician; consequently, 200 jugera made up the ager limitatus of a century of the old Roman populus (Fest. s. v. Centuriatus, p. 53). If this ager limi- tatus, then, were arranged as a square, we have, of course, for each side 20 X 120 feet. Supposing, then, a road be- tween each two of t\ie fundi, — which there must have been, as every two fundi made a di-ager-um, — the cardo which passed between the tenth and eleventh fundus would be properly called the decumanus, and it would consequently be the main road, and would be terminated by the main gate {porta decumana). The point at which the decuma- nus crossed the cardo was called groma or gruma; and here, in a city or camp, the two cross-roads seem to have spread themselves out into a kind of forum. There is as much probability in the supposition that the immortal name of Rome was derived from this ancient word, as 1 It would seem that the word sicilicus (from seco) was properly and originally applied to this apportionment of land. In the Bantine Table (1. 25) we have nep him prukipid mats zicolois x nesimois; which I have translated (above, p. 97), ne in hoc prcp.hibeat (i.e. prcebeaf) magis sicilicis x contiguis. According to Klenze (Abhandl. p. 50) x nesimois = decimis ; but I cannot understand why we should have an ordinal here. The root of ne-simus appears in nahe, near, next, &c. ; and I would understand it of so many adjoining allotments. The sicilicus was 600 square feet, i.e. -fa of the jugerum, or ^ of the actus. Consequently, the 30 contiguous sicilici men- tioned in 1. 17 would be f of the jugerum, or % of the actus ; and the 10 con- tiguous sicilici would, therefore, be ^ of the former and T \ of the latter. 222 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [Ch. VII. there is in any of the numerous etymologies suggested by Festus (p. 266). From this it appears, that among the Romans it was the same thing to speak of a territory as divided by roads, and to call it cultivated, occupied, or built upon; and the ' jugerum, or divided ager, implied both. To the same principle we may refer the import- ance attached by the ancients to straight ploughing; 1 for the furrow was the first element of the road ; and the urbs itself was only that space round which the plough had been formally and solemnly drawn. The Romans were very sparing in their use of the Greek letter k. It was occasionally employed to form the syllable ka, as in kaput, kalumnia, Karthago, evokatus, Parkarum; but in these instances it was considered quite superfluous; and Quinctilian thinks (i. 4, 9, and 7, 10) that its use ought to be restricted to those cases in which it serves as the conventional mark of an abbreviation, as in K. =Kceso, and K. or Kal. =Kalendce. The letter y was never used by the Romans except as the transcription of v in words derived either from or through the Greek; and it seems to have been a repre- sentative of those sounds which have been designated above by the characters u x and u 3 , both of which involve an ap- proximation to the sound of i. Hence, in the French alphabet it is not improperly called " the Greek i" (i grec). In many words, rather connected with the Greek than derived from it, the v is represented by I, as in cliens, in-clitus (k\vg>), clipeus (KpvTTTco), silva (yXFr]), &c. ; while in others the v has become e, as in socer {eKvpoi), remulco (pvfiov\/cia)), polenta {iraXwrrj), &c. The Roman u 2 some- 1 See Hesiod. Op. et D. 443 : '6s it epyov fxeXeTcov lde?a.v av\ait ihawoi, /u?jK6Tt iraTrraivctiv /j.e6' 6fj.r}\iKas. Luke ix. G2 ; and comp. the tropical use of delirare. The numeral signs. § 7.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 223 times represents the common v of the Greeks, as in lupus (\vkos), nunc (vvv), fui {vco), See. ; sometimes the Greek o, as in all nouns of the o-declension. NUMERALS. This examination of the Latin alphabet will not be § 7. complete without some remarks on the signs which were used by the Romans to denote the numeral adjectives. Priscian, in his usual school-boy way, has endeavoured to establish the connexion between the numeral signs as we have them, and the ordinary Roman capitals. Thus, quin- que, he tells us, is represented by V, because this is the fifth vowel ; quinquaglnta is L, because, etymologically, L and N may be interchanged, and N is Trevrtf/covTa in Greek ; quingenta is D, because this is the next letter to C! — and so forth (Priscian, ii. p. 388, ed. Krehl). Now there can be no doubt that the Roman numeral signs are derived from the Tuscans ; though in certain cases a Roman capital has been substituted for an Etrus- can character which does not correspond to it in value, and though in these instances the figures are either in- clined or reversed. The Etruscan characters are as fol- lows : — I, II, III, IIII, A, AI, All, AIII, IX, X, &c. I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10. XX, XXX, XXXX or XT, T, TX, &c. 20, 30, 40, 50, 60, ®, 8, £), ®, &c. 100, 1000, 5000, 10000. It is sufficiently obvious that the first ten of these characters are identical with the Roman figures, the A, &c. being reversed ; and as T is often written T, and as vL» X, frequently occur on Roman family coins, we may 224 ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. [Ch. VII. recognise in this character the original of the Roman L, and therefore identify the Etruscan and Roman ciphers from 1 to 99. The Roman C and the Etruscan © do not appear to be connected; but the Etruscan 8, or, as it is also written ®> is clearly the same as the Roman £> ©> and do, for which M was subsequently written ; and the same remark applies to the still higher numbers. If, then, the Roman ciphers were derived from the Tuscans, it is obvious that we must seek in the Tuscan language for an interpretation. Now it cannot be doubted that the Tuscan numeral signs are either letters of the al- phabet slightly changed, or combinations of such characters made according to fixed rules. Thus, A is the inverted V =u; T or T is an inverted \!/ =ch; and 8=/. Since, therefore, the position of these letters in the organic alpha- bet does not correspond to their value as numeral signs, we must conclude that they represent the initials of the nume- rals in the Etruscan, just as M afterwards denoted mille in the Latin language. "We do not know any Etruscan numeral, and therefore cannot pretend to any certainty on this subject ; but this is the most probable inference. The manner in which the elementary signs are combined to form the intermediate numerals is more easily and safely investi- gated. The character denoting unity is perhaps selected from its simplicity ; it is the natural and obvious score in every country. This character is combined with itself to form the next three digits, though four is sometimes ex- pressed as 5 — 1, according to the principle of subtraction so common among the Romans (comp. duodeviginti, &c). The same plan is adopted to form the numerals between 5 and 10. The number 10 is represented by a combina- tion of two V's — thus, X; and this figure enclosed in a circle indicates the multiplication of 10 by itself, or 100. The letter 8, or ©, being assumed as the representative of 1000, its half, or D, would indicate 500 ; and as multipli- § 7.] ANALYSIS OF THE LATIN ALPHABET. 225 cation by ten was indicated by a circle in the case of 100, on the same principle (^Jj) would be 10,000, and its half or J^) would represent 5000. These rules for the formation of one numeral from another are more obvious than the origin of the elementary numeral signs. But where certainty is not within our reach, we must be contented with a solution of those diffi- culties which may be submitted with safety to the search- ing analysis of philology. CHAPTER VIII. THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. § 1. Completeness of the Latin case-system. § 2. General scheme of the case -endings. § 3. Latin declensions. § 4. Hypothetical forms of the nominative and accusative plural. § 5. Existing forms — the genitive and dative. § 6. The accusative and ablative. § 7. The vocative and the neuter forms. § 8. Adverbs considered as cases of nouns. § 1. The system of cases, with which the Latin noun is fur- ofthe Latin SS nished, is far more complete than that of the Greek declen- case-system. s i n. The Greek noun has no ablative case ; its accusative has frequently lost its characteristic termination ; the geni- tive is confused by the mixture of an ablative meaning; and the locative is almost lost. The greater number and distinctness of the Latin cases is due to the greater anti- quity of the language, which had not yet begun to substi- tute prepositions for inflexions. As the language degene- rates into the so-called Romance idioms, we find that its cases are gradually lost, and their place taken by a number of prefixes, which add indeed to the syntactical distinctness of the language, but purchase this advantage by sacrificing the etymological development. In treating of the Latin cases, our attention is directed to three different aspects under which they may be consi- dered. We may regard them either according to a general scheme derived from all the declensions, or as modified by those varieties in the termination of the crude form which constitute differences of declension ; or we may take both of these together, and add to them those additional phe- nomena which are furnished b}^ the adverb. A supple- §3.] THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. 22 i mentary source of information respecting the cases may be derived from those nouns, whether substantive or adjective, which are obviously formed from the oblique cases of other nouns. Thus, we know that the original Greek genitive ended in -aco (Sanscr. sya) from the form of the possessive adjective Stj/jloctios (Bopp, Vergl. Gramm. p. 294, note), and the genitive jjlcq is presumed in the old possessive /ieo9 (see N. Crat. p. 164). Similarly, a case in -me, analogous to the Sanscrit instrumental, may be inferred both from the particle sine and from the derivative forms urbdnus (=ur- bainus), Sec, and officina (= qfficiina) , &c. If we confine ourselves to the forms of the noun, we § 2. get the following general scheme of the case-endings. o^the case-end- ings. Sing. Plur. Nom. S (sometimes absorbed, assimilated, \s~\es (variously modified) or dropt by visargah) Gen. is, jus, sis [f\um Dat. i or bi ( the b is preserved only in \b]tlS=is the pronouns) ACCUS. m Ms ( the singular m con- stantly absorbed) Abl. d[d~\ (the d is found only in old Latin) [b]us=is. By taking the different crude forms according to the § 3. usual classification, we shall at once see how this scheme is sions. modified and applied. CONSONANT-DECLENSION. Sing. Plur. Nom. lapi[d~\s lapid-ls^-es (= e*s) Gen. lapid-is lapide-rum 1 Dat. lapid-i-\bi~\ (=t) lapid-i-bus Accus. lapid-e-m lapid-e\m~\s (==Ss) Abl. lapid-e[d~\ lapid-i-bus 1 Chavisius, i. 40. 228 THE LATIN CASE-SYSTEM. [Ch. VIII. VOWEL-DECLENSIONS. Sing. Plur. Norn. familia-\s~\ familia-[ses~\ (= ai, es) Gen. familia-is (= as, ai, ce) familia-rum Dat. familia-[b]i (=ee) familia-bus (=is) 1 Accus. familia-m familia-\_m~\s (=ds) Abl. familia-\d~\ (=«) familia-bus E Sing. Plur. Nom. dies die-[se~]s Gen. die-i[s] die-rum Dat. die-\b~\i die-bus Accus. die-\pi\ die-\m\s Abl, die-\d~\ die-bus Sing. I Plur. Nom. avi-s avi-\_se\s {= (is) Gen. avi-is (= avyis, avis) avi-\r~\um Dat, avi-\b~\ i (: = avi) avi-bus Accus m;i-ra (= em) avi-\_m~\s (= es) Abl. owi-[d] avi-bus o Sing. Plur. Nom. avo-S avo-ses (==avi, as in gen. sing.) Gen. avo-is (or sus or syo, avo-rum = io, =i) 2 Dat. avo-[b]i (= d) avo-bus (= is) Accus. owo-m az?o-[»ra]s (=05) Abl. 9 is a trochee. The Sanscrit td-vat compared with reFas might justify the supposition that the original form was aFo8 ; while the analogy of XaFos, A,eF<0?, vdo J and simplification of the Latin tenses. They are still arranged and designated as they were in the beginning; § 3.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VE#fe. 247 and no one seems to have discerned the glaring errors inseparable from such a system. Even among the more enlightened, it is not yet agreed whether certain tenses are to be referred to the indicative or to the subjunctive mood, and forms of entirely different origin are placed together in the same category. An accurate examination of all the forms in the Latin language will convince us that there are only two ways in which a tense can be formed from the root of a Latin verb. One is, by the addition of s-; the other, by the addition of i-. We find the same process in the Greek verb ; but there it is regular and systematic, supplying us throughout with a complete series of primary and second- ary, or definite and indefinite tenses. 1 In Greek, we say that the addition of a- to the root forms the aorist and future, and the insertion of i- indicates the conjunctive or optative mood. Moreover, we have in the Greek verb an augment, or syllable prefixed for the purpose of marking past time as such, and traces at least of the systematic employment of reduplication to designate the continuance of an action. As the ancient epic poetry of the Greeks neglects the augment, we may understand how it fell into desuetude among the Romans. The reduplication too, 1 For the convenience of the reader, I will repeat here the distinctions which I have elsewhere quoted from J. L. Burnouf 's Methode pour etudier la Langue Grecque, p. 215, sqq. PRIMARY TENSES. The Present expresses simultaneity} (je lis The Future The Perfect simultaneity^ rje lis . . .. I with reference to \ . 7 . . posteriority ^ ^^ ^ he lirai anteriority J [j'ai lu. SECONDARY TENSES. The Imperfect expresses simultaneity ) rje lisais with reference ' to [ Jl> The Aorist . . posteriority |- ^^^me V e lus ' The Pluperfect . . . anteriority ) (j'avais lu 3 1 pendant que vous ecriviez. 2 apres que vous eutes fini d'ecrire. 3 avant que vous eussiez ecrit. 248 tAe theory of the latin verb. [Ch. IX. though common to all the old Italian languages, is of only partial application in the existing forms of the Latin verb. With regard to the value of the tenses in a- and l-, the same holds to a certain extent in Latin also; but while the principle is here susceptible of a double appli- cation, it is, on the other hand, interrupted by the opera- tion of a system of composite tenses which is peculiar to the Latin language. §4. The substan- tive verbs. Before I proceed to examine the tense-system of the Romans, as it appears in all the complications of an or- dinary verb, it will be as well to analyse, in the first instance, the substantive verb, which enters so largely into all temporal relations. The Latin language has two verbs signifying " to be :" one contains the root es-, the other the root/w-. The inflexions of es- are as follows : — INDICATIVE PRESENT. ctual form. Ancient form. Sanscrit 'sum esum 1 asmi es' essi asi es't esti asti 'sumus esumus . smas es'tis esitis sfa 'sunt esunt IMPERFECT. santi eram esam dsam eras esas dsis erat esat dsit eramus esamus . dsma eratis esatis dstd erant esant dsan. Varro, L.L. ix. 100, p. 231. §4.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 249 FUTURE or CONJUNCTIVE, Formed by the insertion of the guttural element -i. Actual forms Ancient form. Sanscrit. ero, 'sim, 'siSm . esydm . . sydm eris, 'sis, 'sies . . esyds . syds erit, 'sit, 'siet . . esydt . sydt erimus, 'simus, 'siemus . esydmus . sydma eritis, 'sitis, 'sietis . esydtis . . sydta erunt, 'sint, 'sient . esydnt . . syus. INDEFINITE or PAST TENSE, Formed from this last by the addition of -sa. Actual form. es-sem . es-ses . &c. Ancient form. es-sa-yarn es-sa-yas Sec. INFINITIVE, Or locative of a verbal in -sis, expressing the action of the verb. 1 esse. PARTICIPLE. Nom. 'sera[£].S (in ab-sens, prce-sens, &c.) originally ese?l[t~\i Gen. 'sentis &c. es, esto esto este, estote sunto IMPERATIVE. originally esentis &c. es, estod estod esite, esitote esunto. Throughout the Latin verb we may observe, as in the case of ero here, that the element i has vanished from the N. Crat. pp. 345, 492. 250 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [Ch. IX. first person of the future ; for ero does not really differ from esum, the present indicative. The explanation of this may be derived from the fact, that in English the first and other persons of the future belong to different forms : where an Englishman says, " I shall" of himself, he addresses an- other with " you will ;" and conversely, where he asserts of another that " he shall," he tells him, " I will." The third person plural erunt, if it is not a mutilation of era-font, era-hunt (above, p. 68), is only another way of writing erint; u s being substituted, as it so frequently is, for i 3 , to which the qualifying i had been ultimately re- duced. But besides the form of the future in i, we have in old Latin another expression of it in the inchoative form esco for es-sco {Legg. xn. Tab. apud Gell. xx. i. Tab. t. fr. 3. Lucret. i. 613. Festus, s. v. escit, p. 77; su- perescit, p. 302; nee, p. 162; obescet, p. 188; and Muller, Suppl. Annot. p. 386). The inflexions of the verb fu- are the following : — 1st tense. 2d tense (si inserted). 3d tense (-i inserted). fu\y~\i . . fu\y]e-syam (fueram) . . fuyam (fuam) fu[v\i-s-ti fu\y]e-syas (fueras) . . fuyas (fuas) fu[v~\it &c. &c. &c. fu\y~\imus fu\y~\i-s-tis fu\y~\e-r-unt 4th tense (both -sa and -i). 5th tense (sa-sa-i). fu\v\e-syam (forem and fuerim) . fii\v\i-sa-sa-im (fuissem) &c. &c. &c. &c. Participles, foetus an&futurus. Inchoative,/^- foi-cundus =fui-scundus ; comp. ira-cundus from ira-scor, ju-cundus for juvi-scundus from juvo, vere-cundus for veri- scundus from veri-scor, Sec. The conjugations of these two verbs furnish us with § 5.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 251 specimens of verbs inflected through all their tenses with- out the aid of any foreign adjunct. But this is not the case with the great mass of verbs which constitute the staple of the Latin language. Although the flexion-forms in s- and i- appear in all these verbs, there is no one of them which is not indebted more or less to fu- for its active tenses ; and all verbs form some tenses of their passive voice by calling in the aid of es-. According to the ordinary classification of Latin verbs, there are three conjugations of vowel-verbs, in a, e, and i, and one conjugation of consonant-verbs, to which the verbs in uo belong. Now, as a general rule, we find that all vowel- verbs are secondary to nouns — in other words, they are derived from the crude forms of nouns. But many nouns are demonstrably secondary to consonant-verbs (be- low, § 14). Therefore we might infer, as a general rule, that the consonant-verb belonged to a class of forms older or more original than the vowel-verbs. This view is sup- ported by a comparison of the tenses of the two sets of verbs: for while we find that s- often effects a primary variation in the consonant-verb, we observe that this inser- tion never takes place in the vowel-verb except in compo- site forms. The only tense in the consonant-verb which can be considered as a composite form is the imperfect ; but the future does not correspond to this, as is the case in the vowel-verbs. Verbs in io partially approximate to the consonant-verbs in this respect. The next chapter will shew that the most remarkable § 5. feature in the pathology of the Latin language is the pre- m ^ be^egard- valent tendency to abbreviation by which it is character- ed as parathetic . . compounds. ised. Among many instances of this, we may especially advert to the practice of prefixing the crude form of one verb to some complete inflexion of another. Every one knows the meaning of such compounds as vide-licet (==vi- 252 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [Ch. IX. dere licet), sci-licet {==■ scire licet), pate-facio (=patere facio), ven-eo (=venum eo, comp. venum-do on the analogy of per-eo, per-do), &c. There is a distinct class of verbs in -so, which are undoubtedly compounds of the same kind, as will appear from an examination of a few instances. The verb si-n-o has for its perfect sivi ; and it is obvious that the n in the present is only a fulcrum of the same nature as that in po-n-o, root pos-; irl-vto, root iti-, &c. Now the verbs in -so, to which I refer, such as arcesso, capesso, lacesso, qucero, &c, all form their perfect in -sivi. We might therefore suppose, a priori, that the termination was nothing but the verb sino. But this is rendered almost certain by the meaning of arcesso or accerso, which is simply accedere sino. 1 Similarly, capesso = caper e sino, facesso = facere sino, lacesso = lacere sino, &c. The infinitive of in-quam (above, p. 83) does not exist; but there can be little doubt that it is involved in quce-ro or quce-so, which means " I cause to speak," i. e. " I inquire." § 6. Most of the tenses of the Latin vowel- verb seem to be vowel- verbs 6 composite forms of the same kind with those to which I which are com- have just referred ; and the complete verbal inflexion, to binations of the . J f same kind. which the crude form of the particular verb is prefixed, is no other than a tense of the verb of existence fu-, Lithuan. bu-, Sanscrit bhu- (see Bopp, Vergl. Gram, vierte Abtheil. pp. iv. and 804). This verb, as distinguished from es-, expresses " beginning of being," or " coming into being," like the Greek ylyvofiai. It is therefore well calculated to perform the functions of an auxiliary in the relation of time. 1 I am not aware that any other scholar has suggested this explanation. Midler (ad Fest. p. 320) thinks that arcesso is the inchoative of arceo — accieo : but, in the first place, the reading in Festus is by no means certain (Huschke's arce dantur being, I think, an almost necessary correction) ; and, secondly, this would leave accerso unexplained. § 6.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 253 The vowel-verb has a present tense which preserves throughout the vowel of the crude form. From this is derived, with the addition of the element i, the present subjunctive, as it is called; and from that, by the inser- tion of s-, the imperfect of the same mood. Thus we have amem= ama-im, amarem = amasem = ama-sa-im ; monedm =mone-yani, monerem=monesem = mo?iesyam, &c. That i was the characteristic of the secondary or dependent mood is clear from the old forms du-im (dem), temper-im, ed-im, verber-im, car-im, Sec, which, however, are abbreviations from du-yam, ed-yam, &c. Comp. sim with the older form siem, and SiSoifii, Sec with SiSoltjv, &c. The i is absorbed or included in moneam, legam, Sec ; just as we have nav-dlis for navi-alis, fin-alis for fini-alis, Sec (Benary, Romische Lautlehre, p. 95.) These are the only tenses which are formed by pronominal or organic additions to the root of the verb. Every other tense of the vowel-verb is a com- pound of the crude form of the verb and some tense of fu- or bhu-. The futures of the vowel-verbs end in -bo, -bis, -bit, Sec, with which we may compare fio, jis, jit, &c. The imperfect, which must be considered as an indefinite tense corresponding to the future, ends in -ebam, -ebas, -ebat, Sec, where the initial must be regarded as an augment ; for as reg'-ebat is the imperfect of the consonant-verb reg'o, not regebat, and as audi-ebat is the imperfect of aud-io, though audi-bit was the old future, it is clear that the suffix of the imperfect had something which did not belong to the crude form, but to the termination itself; it must there- fore have been an augment, or the prefix which marks past time (see Benary, I. c. p. 29). The perfect of the vowel-verbs is terminated by -vi or -ui. If we had any doubt as to the origin of this suffix, it would be removed by the analogy of pot-ai for pot-fui= potis-fui. Accordingly, ama-vi (=ama-ui), mon-ui, audi-vi 251 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [Ch. IX. (=audi-ui), are simply ama-fui = amare-fui, mo?i-fui = monere-fui, and audi-fui = audire-fui. Similarly, with regard to the tenses derived from the perfect, we find that the terminations repeat all the deri- vatives of fui : thus, ama-uero — ama-fuero ; ama-uisses = ama-fuisses, &c. § 7. The consonant-verb, on the other hand, forms all its tion of the tenses tenses > except the imperfect, 1 by a regular deduction from in the conso- its own root. Thus we have reqo fold fut. req-so], 1 aor. nant-verb. _ . reg-si; conjunct, pres. or precative, regam=regyam, regas =regyas, or, in a softer form, reges=rege-is, &c. ; conj. imperf. or optat. regerem = regesyam; 2 aor. reg-se-ro = reg- se-sim; conjunc. 3 tens. regsissem=reg-si-se-syam. If we might draw an inference from the forms facsit, See, which we find in old Latin, and from fefahust, Sec, which appear in Oscan, we should conclude that the Italian consonant- verb originally possessed a complete establishment of defi- nite and indefinite tenses, formed from the root by pro- nominal or organic addition, or by prefixing augments and reduplications after the manner of the genuine Greek and Sanscrit verbs. For example's sake, we may suppose the following scheme of tenses : root pag, pres. pa-n-go-m, impf. e-pangam, fut. pan-g-sim, 1 aor. e-pangsim, perf. pe-pigi-m, pl.-perf. pe-pige-sam, conj. pangyam, opt. pangesyam, 2 fut. pepige-sim or pangse-sim, past tense (derived from this) pe- pigise-syam or pang-si-se-syam. § 8. In the passive voice, those tenses which in the active of the passive 69 ^ e P en d upon fui and its derivatives are expressed by the passive participle and the tenses of e-sum. The other tenses construct the passive by the addition of the letter 1 The loss of the imperfect, and the substitution of e compound tense, is accounted for by the practice of omitting the augment. Without this prefix the regular imperfect does not differ from the present. voice. § 9.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 255 r=s to the person-endings of the active forms, with the exceptions mentioned before. The second person plural of the passive is of such rare occurrence, that we cannot draw any decided conclusions respecting it ; but if such a form as audi-ebamini occurred, it would certainly occasion some difficulty; for one could scarcely understand how the e, which seems to be the augment of the auxiliary suffix, could appear in this apparently participial form. I am not, however, aware that we have any instances of the kind ; and ama-bamini is just as good a participle as ama- bundus ; compare ama-bi-lis, Sec. Nor need we find any stumbling-block in the appendage of passive endings to this neuter auxiliary verb. For the construction of neuter verbs with a passive affix is common enough in Latin (e. g. peccatur, ventum est, &c.) ; and the passive infinitive itself furnishes us with an indubitable instance of a similar inflexion. We might suppose that the Latin future was occasionally formed periphrastically with eo as an auxiliary, like the Greek ya \eyow, Fr.fal- lois dire, " I was going to say." If so, amatum eo, amatum ire, would be the active futures of the indicative and infi- nitive, to which the passive forms amatum eor, amatum iri, would correspond. The latter of these actually occurs, and, indeed, is the only known form of the passive infini- tive future. THE MOODS. Properly speaking, there are only three main distinc- § 9. tions of mood in th» forms of the Latin and Greek verb, J^tklns— theh- namely, the indicative, the imperative, and the infinitive, syntax. The Greek grammars practically assign five distinct moods to the regular verb, namely, the indicative, imperative, con- junctive, optative, and infinitive. But it has been already proved (N. Crat. p. 475, sqq.), that, considered in their relation to one another and to the other moods, the Greek 256 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [Ch. IX. conjunctive and optative must be regarded as differing in tense only. The Latin grammarians are contented with four moods, namely, the indicative, subjunctive, impera- tive, and infinitive ; and according to this arrangement, the present subjunctive Latin answers to the Greek conjunc- tive, while the imperfect subjunctive Latin finds its equi- valent in the optative of the Greek verb : for instance, scribo, ut discas corresponds to ypdcfxo, iva fiav6dvrj<;, and scripsi, ut disceres to eypayjra, iua fiavddvois. If, however, we extend the syntactical comparison a little further, we shall perhaps be induced to conclude that there is not always the same modal distinction between the Latin in- dicative and subjunctive which we find in the opposition of the Greek indicative to the conjunctive -f- optative. Thus, to take one or two instances, among many which might be adduced, one of the first lessons which the Greek student has to learn is, to distinguish accurately between the four cases of protasis and apodosis, and, among these, more especially between the third, in which two optatives are used, and the fourth, in which two past tenses of the indicative are employed. 1 Now the Latin syntax makes 1 This is, indeed, a very simple and obvious matter ; but it may be conve- nient to some readers, if I subjoin a tabular comparison of the Greek and Latin usages in this respect. The classification is borrowed from Buttmann's Mittlere Grammatik, § 139 (p. 394, Lachmann's edition, 1833). 1. Possibility without the expression of uncertainty : elf ri %x ei > Si'Swtn (86s) — si quid habet, dat (da). 2. Uncertainty with the prospect of decision : idv ti %%a>ixev, Swao/xev — si quid habeamus, dabimus. 3. Uncertainty without any such subordinate idea : el tl e%o(j, 8i8o'i7]s 'av=si quid habeas, des. 4. Impossibility, or when we wish to indicate that the thing is not so : (a) ei tl e?x ev > eSiSov &v = si quid haberet, daret. (b) et ti e eSa/cez' 'dv = si quid habuisset, dedisset. The distinction between cases (3) and (4) is also observed in the expression § 9.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 257 no such distinction between the third and fourth cases, only taking care in the fourth case to use past tenses, and in the third case, where the hypothesis is possible, to em- ploy present tenses of the subjunctive mood. Thus, e. g. in the third case : si hoc nunc vociferari velim, me dies, vox, latera dejiciant; where we should have in Greek, el tovto ev tw Trapavriica yeyaveiv iOeXoi/xc, rjpbkpa^ av fMot /cal vf}<; teal crOivovs ivSerjaeiev. In the fourth case : (a) si scirem, dicerem = el ^7ri(rrdfirjv } e\eyov av. (b) si voluissem plura, non negasses=el ir\eovcov eiredv^'qcTa, ovk av rjpvrjcrw. And this confusion becomes greater still, when, by a rheto- rical figure, the impossible is supposed possible ; as in Ter. Andr. ii. 1, 10: tu si hie sis, aliter sentias. For in this instance the only difference between the two cases, which is one of tense, is overlooked. In the apodosis of case 4, b, the Romans sometimes used the plusquam-perfectum of the indicative, as in Seneca, de Ira, i. 11 : perierat imperium, si Fabius tantum ausus esset, quantum ira suadebat; and Horace, ii. Carm. 17, 27 : me truncus illapsus cerebro sus- tulerat, nisi Faunus ictum dextra levasset. Sometimes the perfect was used in this apodosis, as in Juvenal, x. 1 23 : Antoni gladios potuit contemnere, si sic omnia dixisset. Again, particles of time, like donee, require the subjunc- tive when future time is spoken of; as in Hor. i. Fpist. 20, 10: carus eris Romce, donee te deserat cetas. But this becomes a past tense of the indicative when past time is referred to ; as in Hor. i. Fpist. 10, 36: cervus equum — pellebat — donee \equus~\ imploravit opes hominis frce- numque recepit. The confusion between the Latin in- dicative and subjunctive is also shewn by the use of the subjunctive present as a future indicative (a phenomenon equally remarkable in Greek, N. Crat. p. 480), and con- of a wish : thus, utinam salvus sis ! pronounces no opinion respecting the health of the party addressed ; but utinam salvus esses ! implies that he is no longer in good health. 258 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [Ch. IX. versely by the employment of the periphrastic future (which is, after all, the same kind of form as the ordinary compo- site form of the future indicative) as an equivalent for a tense of the subjunctive mood. Thus Cicero uses dicam and dicere instituo in the same construction ; Phil. i. 1 : " antequam de republica dicam ea, quae dicenda hoc tempore arbitror, exponam breviter consilium profectionis mea3." Pro Murena, 1 : " antequam pro L. Murena dicere instituo, pro me ipso pauca dicam." And we have always the indi- cative in apodosis to the subjunctive when the future in -rus is used : e. g. Liv. xxxviii. 47 : " si tribuni prohibe- rent, testes citaturus fui" (for " citarem") ; and Cic. Verr. iii. 52 : " illi ipsi aratores, qui remanserant, relicturi omnes agros erant" (for " reliquissent"), " nisi ad eos Metellus Roma literas misisset." The Romans also used the futurum exactum, which is generally accounted a tense of the sub- junctive, exactly as the Greeks used their perfect indica- tive with /cal Br] in suppositions. On the whole, it must be confessed that the Latin subjunctive, meaning by that term the set of tenses which are formed by the insertion of -i-, differs modally from the indicative only in this, that it is uniformly employed in dependent clauses where the idiom of the language repudi- ates the indicative ; and it is not a little remarkable, that in almost all these cases — in all, except when final particles are used, or when an indirect question follows a past tense — the indicative is expressly required in Greek syntax. The title subjunctive, therefore, does but partially charac- terise the Latin tenses in -i- ; and their right to a separate modal classification is scarcely less doubtful than that of the Greek optative as distinguished from the conjunctive. The differences between the indicative, imperative, and infinitive equally exist between the two latter and the sub- junctive. The indicative and subjunctive alone possess a complete apparatus of person-endings ; the imperative § 10.] THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. 259 being sometimes merely the crude form of the verb, and the infinitive being strictly impersonal. He who would investigate accurately the forms of the § 10. Latin language must always regard the infinitive as stand- finitive and par- ing in intimate connexion with the participles. There are, tlcl P le -~ h° w ° c r ' connected in in fact, three distinct forms of the Latin infinitive : (a) the derivation and residuum of an abstraction verbale in -sis, which remains uninflected ; (b) a similar verbal in -tus, of which two cases are employed ; (c) the participial word in -ndus, which is used both as three cases of the infinitive governing the object of the verb, and also as an adjective in concord with the object. There are also three forms of the participle : (a) one in -ns = nts, sometimes lengthened into -ndus ; (f3) another in -tus ; and a third (7) in -rus. The participle in -ns is always active ; its by-form in -ndus is properly active, though it often seems to be passive. The participle in -tus is always passive, except when derived from a deponent verb, in which case it corresponds in meaning to the Greek aorist middle. The participle in -rus, or rather in -u-rus, is always active and future. Now it is impossible to take an instructive view of these forms without considering them together. The participle in -rus (7) is a derivative from the verbal in -tus (b) ; and it would be difficult to avoid identifying the participle in -ndus and the corresponding gerundial infinitive. In the following remarks, therefore, I shall presume, what has been proved elsewhere, the original identity of the infini- tive and the participle. That the verbal (a), which acts as the ordinary infinitive inre=se, is derived from the crude form of the verb by the addition of a pronominal ending si- or sy-, is clear, no less from the analogy of the iEolic Greek forms in -t?, where the t is transposed (comp. N. Crat. pp. 492 and 496), than from the original form of the passive, which is -rier = 260 THE THEORY OF THE LATIN VERB. [Ch. IX. -syer, and not merely -rer. This infinitive, therefore, is the indeclinable state of a derivative precisely similar to the Greek nouns in -at? (irpd^a, pfj-ais, &c), which ex- press the action of the verb. This Greek ending in -o-f? appears to have been the same in effect as another ending in -tv<;, which, however, is of less frequent occurrence {iirr)- Tu?, i8r}-Ti> j j Roman and place we must be contented with a few brief remarks ; for Romance it would be an idle attempt to discuss as a secondary matter the details of a subject which admits of such ample illustration, and which has already been treated at great length, though with various degrees of success, by Diez, Raynouard, Schlegel, Ampere, Fuchs, and Lewis. The tendency of the spoken Latin language to clip and mutilate itself began at an early period to militate against the regularity of the grammatical forms. With regard to the verbs, it has been shewn above that the organic inflex- ions had been in a great measure superseded by secondary or compound tenses before the commencement of the clas- sical age ; and that the person-endings are obliterated, or deformed by inconsistencies, in the oldest specimens of the written language. In regard to the verbs, then, the change from the Roman to the Romance is merely a fur- ther development of that which was already in operation. The Roman case-system was in itself more complete than the conjugation of the verb ; and therefore we may expect to find greater changes in the French noun as compared with the Latin. In general it may be remarked, that when the tendency to abbreviation has commenced its action on the flexional forms of a language, certain devices are at once adopted for the purpose of preventing any syn- tactical obscurity. Indeed, the logical or syntactical deve- lopment of a language is generally benefited by the change ; and where the etymological organisation becomes imper- ii 290 CONSTITUTION AND PATHOLOGY [Ch. X. feet, the literary capabilities of the particular idiom are extended and confirmed. There is good reason for believing, that in the spoken language of the ancient Italians the difference between the subjective and objective cases of the noun was at an early period neglected or overlooked (see Lepsius, ad Inscript. p. 120). At any rate, it is clear that this was the first step towards the breaking up of the Roman case-system. The accusative case was substituted for the nominative, and all the subordinate relations were expressed by pre- fixing prepositions to this new crude form of the noun. We observe a tendency of the same kind in vulgar Eng- lish ; and perhaps this passage from the subject to the object may be explained on general principles, without any reference to the want of grammatical education on the part of those in whom it is most observable. Con- nected with this employment of prepositions to give de- fmiteness to the crude forms of nouns, is the use of the old Roman demonstratives Me and ipse to mark a definite object, as contrasted with unus and aliquis-unus, which denote indifference. This is, of course, identical with the use of the definitive article in the Greek and other lan- guages ; and the Romance languages owe much of their acknowledged perspicuity to this adaptation. It is true that the artifice is not applied with the logical subtilty by which the employment of the Greek article is distin- guished ; but any deficiency in this respect is amply com- pensated by the strictly logical order of the sentences in which the words are arranged. It is not necessary in this place to say much on the subject of the Romance verb. Where the tenses have preserved the forms of the Latin verb, we observe a sys- tematic abbreviation. Labials are absorbed, according to the practice so remarkable in Latin ; final syllables are dropt, and the accent is thrown forward. Generally, how- § 11,] OF THE LATIN LANGUAGE. 291 ever, the number of compound or auxiliary tenses is very much increased. In addition to the verbs sum andfui, we find that habeo and sto are regularly pressed into the ser- vice. Verbs in their first formation construct their perfect and future tenses with the aid of habeo ; for the past parti- ciple with habeo makes up the former (as fai aime = ego habeo amatum), and the regular future consists of a com- bination of the same verb with the infinitive (as faimer-ai = ego habeo amare). On these and similar forms see New Cratylus, p. 538, and compare Latham's English Gram- mar, § 352, sqq. » In the preceding pages I have endeavoured to write the § 11. history of the Latin language, and to characterise its pecu- y^ueofThe La- liarities, from the earliest period of its existence down to tin lan g ua g e - the present time, when it is represented by a number of daughters, all resembling their mother more or less, and all possessing in some degree her beauties and defects. Of these, it can hardly be doubted that the French is the most authentic as well as the most important representative of the family. The Latin and French languages stand related to one another, not only in the connexion of affinity, but still more so in the important position which they have occupied as political and literary organs of communication. They have both striven to become the common language of civilised and educated men; and they have had singular recommendations for the office which they partially as- sumed. For power of condensation, for lucid perspicuity, and for the practical exposition of common matters, there are few idioms which can compete with the Latin or the French. In many particulars they fall far behind the Greek and the German ; in many more they are surpassed by the English ; and it seems now to be determined that neither Caesar nor Napoleon was destined to reverse the decree of Providence, that man, though the one reasoning %\)% THE LATIN LANGUAGE. [Ch. X. and speaking creature, should, in different parts of the world, express his thoughts in different languages. If there is one idiom which seems both worthy and likely to include within it the articulate utterances of all the world, it is our own, — for we, too, " are sprung of earth's first blood," and the sun never sets upon our Saxondom. Still we ought not to neglect or discourage the study of the old Roman language : though it will never again be- come the spoken language of Europe, there is no reason why it should not resume its place as the organ of literary communication, — why, with its powers of conciseness and abbreviation, and with its appropriation of all the conven- tional terms of science and art, it should not still flow from the pens of those who have truths and facts to communi- cate, and who are not careful to invest or disguise them in the embellishments of some modern and fashionable style. This at least is certain, that the Latin language has struck its roots so deeply and so permanently in our own lan- guage, that we cannot extirpate it, even if we would ; for we must know Latin, if we would thoroughly understand our own mother-tongue ; and those who are least learned, and most disposed to undervalue classical attainments, are most of all liable to further what others would call the corruption of our language, by the introduction of new terms formed after a Latin model. INDICES. ETHNICAL NAMES, AND NAMES OF PLACES. JEqui, 4. Agathyrsi, 27. Aleioty, 25. Alba, 4. Apulus, 4. "Apioi, 28. Asia, 29. Auruncus, Avawv, 4. Cascus, 4. Etruscus, 11. Frank, 284. Herminones, 285. Iguvium, 48. Ingsevones, 285. "Iwv, Javan, 24, 29. Larissa, 12. Latinus, 5, 44. Lithuanian, 44. Maidoi, 27. Massagetae, 29. Opicus, Oscus, 3. ndpOos, 27. UeXaayos, 24. ne'Aoif/, 25. Quirites, 43. Rasena, 16. Rhoxolani, 30. Roma, 43. Romanus, 235. Sabinus, 6. Sacse, 29. Sauromatae, 29, 46. Saxon, 29. Sclavonian, 45, 285. Scolotae, 41. 2,Ki6ai, 27, 29. Tapaaeva, 16. 1 Terracina, 13, 16. Thracians, 27. Thyrea, Thyraeon, 12. Tvpprjvos, 11. Tuscus, ll. 2 Umbri, 7. Volscus, 4. SCYTHIAN WORDS. aba, 39. •Dan-ubius, 33. Hypa-caris, 34. Apia, 36. Dnieper, 34. Hypan-is, 34. araxa, 39. Dniester, 33. Is-ter, 32. Araxes, 35. dun, 33. masadas, 37. arima, 38. Eri-danus, 35. Octa-masadas, 37 Arimaspi, 38, Exam-pseus, 40. Oito-surus, 37. Arthnpasa, 37. Ger-rus, 34. Oior-pata, 38. Borysthenes, 34. Grou-casus, 39. Panticapes, 34. brix-aba, 39. halinda, 39. Papseus, 36. 1 Comp. Tursni, Vermiglioli, Iscr. Per. i. p. .' 2 Comp. Abekeu, Mittelitalien, p. 127. 294 INDICES. pata, 37, 38. phru, 39. phry-xa, 39. Porata, 33. Rha, 35. Rho-danus, 35. Sparga-pises, Sparga- pithes, 38. spu, 38. Tahiti, 36. Tami-masadas, 37. Tana-is, 34. Temerinda, 37. Tyres, 33. xa, 39. III. UMBRIAN WORDS. The Alphabetical List in pp. 68, 69, and abrons, 60. ahaltru, 70. anzeriates, 57. ape, 54. arsie, 55. arsmo, 66. arepes, 62. arveitu, 52. arves, 62. arvia, 60. buf, 59. dersecus, 66. dupursus, 68. enetu, 57. enumek, 63. erar, erer, 65. erus, 54. este, 57. etre, 68. feitu, 60. ferine, 60. festira, 51. fos, 65. fri, 66. frite, 65. frosetom, 55. furenr, 52. futu, fututo, 54. habe, &c., 55. heris, 60. heritu, 61, 67. kapire, 52. karetu, 54. Krapuvius, 59. kupifiatu, 54. kurnase, 63. kutef, 54, 62. mers, 65. nep, 67. nome, 54. okris, 54, 61. orer, 66. paker, 65. parfa, 63. peica, peiqu, 63. pepe, 70. pernaies, 57. persei, 66. persklum, 57. pesetom, 55. peturpursus, 68. pihatu, 51. pir, 67. poplu, 54. portatu, 65. pre, 58. prumum, 68, prusesetu, 50. pufe, 54, 58. pune, pus, pusnaies, 54, 57. the following, punus, 70. purtinsus, 54. pusei, puze, 54, 56. pustru, 54. sevum, 62. skrehto, skreihtor, 55. stahito, 51. steplatu, 63. subator, 66. subokau, suboko, 65. sue-pis, 65. tases, 62. tertie, 68. tera, 51, 65. tesenakes, 59. tesva, 51, 64. titis, 71. tota, 54, 62. tover, 55. treplanes, 58. tuplak, tupler, tuves, 68. vatuva, 60. vehiies, 58. veres, 58. vitlup, 53. ulo, 65. uru, 65. OSCAN WORDS. 295 The Alphabetical List in pp. 74-86, and the following. 96. 89. aeteis, 93. aisken, 96. aktud, 94. akum, 97. alio, 96. amirikatud amnud, 91. ampert, 93. angit, anget anter, 89. atrud, 96. araget, aragetud Ausil, 84. Bansse, 95. Bantins, 95. brateis, 91. Degetasius, 89. deivaid, deivast, dikust, 93. egmazum, 97. eituam, eituas, i eizazunk, 97. embratur, 8. estud, 92, 96. esuf, 95. esak, 91. etanto, 92. famelo, 96. fefakust, 92. flusare, 59. fortis, 92. fuid, fust, 97. Herekleis, 272. herest, 93. hipid, 91. him, 97. iok, ionk, 90. izik, 96. kadeis, 91. karaeis, 90. kastro, 93. kebnust, 96. kensam, kensaum, 95. kensazet, 96. kenstom, 96. kenstur, 95. keus, 95. kom, 94, komenei, 90. komono, 90. kontrud, 92. kvaisstur, 52. ligis, ligud, 96. likitud, 89. maimas, 90. mais, 90. mallum, malud, 90. manimasepum, 97. meddisud (pru-), 96. medikatud, 96. mesene, 59. minstreis, 93. molta, 89. moltaum, 92. neip, nep, 97. nesimois, 97. op, 94, 96. pa, 96. pam, 94. pertemust, 90. perum, 90. petiropert, 94. piei, 91. pis, 83, 90. pod, 91, 92. poizad, 95. pomtis, 94. pon, 95. post-esak, 91. prsefukus, 96. prsesentid, 96. preivatud, 94. pru, 94. pruhipid, 91. prumedikatud, 96. pruter, 94. puf, 95. Q[usestor], 89. sakaraklum, 272. senateis, 90. set, 97. siom, 90. sipus, 94. skriftas, 97. suae, 90. tadait, 92. tanginud, 90. toutiko, 92, 96. valsemom, 92. vinkter, 96. urust, 94. ust, 95. uzet, 95. zikolom, 94. 296 v. ETRUSCAN WORDS. The Alphabetical Lists in pp. 113-125, 132, 133, Ancaria, 111. Apulu, Aplu, 109, Aril, 124. Aritimis, 39, 129. Aruns, 71. Ausil, 108. ceca, 129. Ceres, 111. clifinchfe, 122. clen, 130. Elchsntre, 102. epana, 127. Epure, 109, 128. erai, 127. etera, 129. ethe, 127. Feronia, 108. fuius, 128. helefu, 127, 135. Janus, 106. Juno, 107. Jupetrul, 128. Kalairu, 128. kethuma, 127. Kupra, 77, 107. Lar, 112. lauchme, 71. lisiai, 127. Mantus, 110. maram, 127. Mars, 108. mathu, 127, 206. Matuta, 109. Menerfa, 108. Merqurius, 112. mi, 127. nastav, 127. Nethuns, 109, 127. ni, 127. Nortia, 111. phleres, 129. Phupluns, 136. and the following. Porsena, 16. Rasne, 16. Saturnus, 108. Secstinal, 103. Sethlans, 108. sie, 127. Soranus, 109. Sothina, 109. Summanus, 106. Tanaquil, 103, 134. Thalna, 107. Thana, 134. Thipurenai, 127. Tina, 105. turce, 129. Turms, 112. Vedius, 107. Vertumnus, 108. Usil, 84. Utuze, 103. VI. aypios, 219. a&V, 207. ale-ri, ald6s, 37. aipe'co, 61. aTo-a, 37, 113. a'twv, 114. aAis, 207. a/xelvtov, 120. &/Mireipa, 144. &va£, 204. 'Airia, 36. &pyos, 12. "A P 7js, 195. "Aprefxts, 39, 129. a(Tv 118. SixMpepai, 191. Bwpov, 207. e(evfj.a, 219. ?5jos, 239. 'Ifiepa, 219. «aAp, 124. 2oa>5tVa, 109. (TTu^eAds, 194. (TXeVAios, 204. tc£Ais, 107. rep/xls, 112. tis, 105. t?<|>os, 36. rpaxus, 13. rvpavvos, 12. Tupcris, 11. uircos, 204. 0 o - ^ v o N -#V° V< OO^ V* "% ;V->Vr*;V . * & -% - V*" ^ ,v •%. ° L (/; 0' V 4?" * A '^, ' •< * * 'I : "^ ^ =v ^ Xi ,0 o ° " o 0' ^ ^ ^ V^ , *°\< *%>* e5»" V ^ '^ >:^ ,0o 0> , -$+. £>' : & V^' -0- v* i <£• A C M *+, ^ ■ fV' .. 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