Cla5s Book__Z_^ SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 55 ETH¥OBOTA¥Y OF THE TEWA mDIA^S BY WILFRED WILLIAM ROBBINS JOHN PEABODY HARRINGTON AND BARBARA FREIRE-MARKECO iG^^^^y^^ WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT TRINTING OFFICE 1916 Wcnojraph De Of D* JAN 2 1917 ^^ <3 X o "^ ^ LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL The School of American Archeology, Santa Fe, N. Mex., Novemher 1, 1912. Dear Sir: I herewith transmit the manuscript and illustrations of a paper entitled "Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians/' by Wilfred W. Robbins, John P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco. I am authorized by the managing committee of the School of Anerican Archaeology to* offer this work for publication by the Bureau of American Ethnology as a part of the results of the cooperative work of our respective institutions during 1910 and 1911. / I am, very truly, yours, ^ Edgar L. Hewett, Director. Mr. F. W. Hodge, Etlinologist-in- Charge, Bureau of American Ethnology, Washington, D. 0. Ill LETTER OE SUBMITTAL Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Novemher 8, 1912. Sir: I have the honor to submit a paper on the ''Ethnobotany of the Tewa Indians," by Wilfred W. Robbins, John P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco, which forms a part of the results of the ethnological and archeological research in the upper Rio Grande Val- ley of New Mexico, undertaken jointly by the Bureau of American Ethnology and the School of American Archaeology in 1910 and 1911. It is recommended that the paper be published as a bulletin of this bureau. Very respectfully, F. W. Hodge, / Ethnologist-in-Charge. Honorable Charles D. Walcott, Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. CONTENTS Page Phonetic key ^^ Introduction - 1 Scope of ethnobotany 1 Etlinobotanical field work 2 Collection and preparation of botanical specimens 4 Previous etlinobotanical studies 5 Tewa concepts of plant life 7 Functions of plant parts 7 Classification of plants 8 Discrimination 9 Plant names of the Tewa 10 Character of plant names 10 Non-compounded Tewa plant names 10 Unetymologizable plant names of native origin 10 Plant names of Spanish origin that have no common equivalents of Tewa origin 11 Parts and properties of plants 12 Flowers, their parts and functions - - 12 Inflorescence 14 Seeds and fruits, their parts and functions 15 Leaves, their parts and functions 19 Leaves in general 19 Size and shape of leaves 19 Compound leaves 20 Surface of leaves ' 20 Margin of leaves 21 Tendril 21 Stalk, trunk, stump, stem, branch, twig, joint 21 Root 23 Leaf -sheath 23 Wood, pith 23 Fiber - - - 24 Juice - 24 Gum 24 Bark 24 Hair, spine, thorn 25 Growth of plants - 26 Habits of growth - 26 Dense growth, forest, grove 27 Condition of plants 28 Worms, gall-balls 28 Chemically changed vegetal matter 28 vu VIII CONTENTS Color of plants. 30 Light, darkness, color, painting, lines, spots 30 . Color adjectives 31 Color-adjective compounds 32 Color-adjective modifiers 33 Other qualities of plants 34 Size 34 Taste 35 Odor 36 Feeling 36 Wetness and dryness 37 Annotated list of plants 38 I. Indigenous wild plants 38 Trees 38 Shrubs 44 , Herbs 53 Cacti 62 Vines- 63 Gourds 63 Grasses and grasslike plants 63 Fungi 66 Ferns 67 Mosses and lichens 68 Scouring rushes 68 Wild plants from outside the Tewa country 68 Wild plants not satisfactorily identified 69 II. Cultivated plants 76 Indigenous plants 76 The Tewa economy 76 Plants cultivated by the Tewa before the Spanish conquest 78 Introduced food plants 107 Introduced food plants cultivated by the Tewa , 107 Introduced food plants not generally cultivated by the Tewa 112 Introduced forage plant 113 Introduced fruits 113 Introduced fruits commonly cultivated by the Tewa 114 Introduced fruits not generally cultivated by the Tewa 115 Nuts 116 Indigenous nuts 116 Imported nuts 117 Foreign plants known only as commercial products 117 Bibliography. Index of botanical names 121 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Plate 1. a. View near Santa Fe, New Mexico, showing the general appearance of country dominated by a growth of pinon pine and cedar 1 6. Canyon of El Rito de los Frijoles, showing streamside deciduous forest 1 2. a. Aspen grove at the edge of grassland area in the Valle Grande ... 39 h. Rock pine forest of mesa top 39 3. a. An eastern slope at the crest of the Jemez Mountains 48 6. Valle Grande, showing where grassland gives way to spruce and aspen on the slopes 48 4. a. Canyon of El Rito de los Frijoles, showing streamside forest and numerous rabbit-brush shrubs (Chrysothamnus bigelovii) in the foreground on talus slope 56 h. Plumed arroyo slirub (Fallugia paradoxa) in arroyo in Canyon of El Ritode los Frijoles 56 5. a. Four-o'clock (Quamoclidion multiflorum) 64 h. Datura meteloides, a large and conspicuous plant of stream ter- races and talus slopes 64 6. a. Ball cactus (Mamillaria sp.) 75 h. Prickly pear (Opuntia camanchica) 75 f\^ 7. a. Saltbush (Atriplex canescens), a shrub several feet high in the canyons on talus slopes and stream terraces 83 h. Wild squash (Cucurbita foetidissima), a trailing form in canyons.. 83 8. a. Chandelier cactus; Cane cactus; "Candelabra;" "Entraiia" (Opuntia arborescens) 92 h. Rabbit-brush (Chrysothamnus bigelovii) 92 9. Archaeological map of Jemez Plateau (Forest Service map) 118 Figure 1. Fruit of box-elder.-. 15 2. Santa Clara bow 39 3. Mountain mahogany 46 4. Rocky Mountain bee plant 58 5. Grama grass 65 6. Corn plant 80 7. Gourd rattles 101 IX PHONETIC KEY 1. Orinasal vowels, pronounced with mouth and nose passages open: a (Eng. father, but orinasal), a (Frencli pas, but ormasal), (moderately close o, orinasal), u (Eng. ride, but orinasal), « (Eng. man, but orinasal), e (moderately close e, orinasal), i (Eng. routine, but orinasal). 2. Oral vowels, pronounced with mouth passage open and nose passage closed by the velum: a (Eng. father), o (moderately close o), h (Eng. riile), e (moderately close e), i (Eng. rout-ine). Very short vowels following the glottid (') are written superior. Thus, Va'^, wild rose. A slight aspiration is heard after a vowel fol- lowed by qiDj Ic, lew, ¥, s, f, t, f, ts, tf, p, p\ Thus, ioHu, kernel of a nut, written iotu in this memoir. 3. Laryngeal consonants: li (Eng. ^^ouse), ' (glottid or glottal elusive, produced by closing and suddenly opening the glottis). 4. Velar consonants: w (Eng. water), qw (Span, juez; Ger. a,c?i labialized), Jc (unaspirated, Span, carro), lew (unaspirated, Span, cual), Ic (glottalized), ¥ (aspirated, Eng. coofcA^ouse), g (levis, Span, abo^ado), g (preplosively nasal, Eng. finder), y (nasal, Eng. singer), yw (nasal labialized, Eng. Ltungworthj ; variant of Tewa w). In absolute auslaut and before Ji and ',^ y is somewhat palatal. Before palatal consonants y is assimilated to n or n, before frontal consona.nts to ?i, before labial consonants to w. 5. Palatal consonants: j (Ger. /a), n (Span. ma?lana). In the Hano dialect a tf or palatal t occurs. 6. Frontal consonants: s (Eng. sin), / (Eng. sliip; f is the capital of /), i (unaspirated. Span, te), i (glottalized), f (aspirated, Eng. sweai7i,ouse), ts (consonant diphthong, Ger. sehn, but not followed by an aspiration), tf (consonant diphthong, Eng. chew, but not fol- lowed by an aspiration), fs (glottalized), fj' (glottalized), d (levis d, more r-like than in Span. aboga^Zo), d (preplosively nasal, Eng. cinder), n (nasal, Eng. now). The sound of Z occurs in Rio Grande Tewa only in words of foreign origin and in the Sanlldefonso word polamimi, butterfly; but it is common in Hano Tewa. 7. Labial consonants: p (unaspirated, Span, padre), p (glottalized), p' (aspirated, Eng. scalpAouse), i (levis. Span, a&ogado), b (pre- plosively nasal, Eng. lam&ent), m (nasal, Eng. wan). XII PHONETIC KEY A grave accent over a vowel indicates falling tone and weak stress. Thus, Sabe, Athapascan, approximately rhymes with and has accent of Span. sabe. Where practicable for distinguishing two words, vowel length is indicated by the macron. Thus 'ofcw, hill, but 'oTiu, turtle. Phonetic Spelling of Non-Tewa Words Vowels: a (French pas), y. (unrounded u), a (French patte), a (French patte, but orinasal). The acute accent over a vowel indi- cates loud stress. Surdness is indicated by a circle beneath a vowel. Consonants: ' (aspiration), g, d, I (as in Eng.), I (surd Z), f (bilabial /) . Laryn- geals Velars Pala^als Frontal s Labials CO Orinasal a 4 Q ^ u i 1^ Oral a e u i O 6 Semivowels Fricatives Fricatives labialized Clusives Clusives labialized Clusives glottalized Clusives aspirated Affricatives Affricatives glottalized Clusives levis Clusives preplosively nasal Nasals Nasals labialized h ; w qw \ r u 2 V yw n t i f is if fs {J- J, d n P P h h m BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 55 PLATE 1 A. VIEW NEAR SANTA FE, N, MEX., SHOWING THE GENERAL APPEARANCE OF COUNTRY DOMINATED BY A GROWTH OF PINON PINE AND CEDAR. £. CANYON OF EL RITO DE LOS FRIJOLES, SHOWING STREAWISIDE DECIDUOUS FOREST; BETWEEN THIS AND THE STEEP MESA SIDE ON A NARROW STREAM TERRACE IS SEEN A GROWTH OF TALL ROCK PINE. ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS By Wilfred W. Kobbins, John P. Harrington, and Barbara Freire-Marreco ^ INTEODUCTION Scope of Ethnobotany ETHNOBOTANY is virtually a new field of research, a field which, if investigated thoroughly and systematically, will yield results of great value to the ethnologist and incidentally also to the botanist. Etluiobotany is a science, consequently scientific methods of study and mvestigation must be adopted and adhered to as strictly as in any of the older divisions of scientific work. It is a comparatively easy matter for one to collect plants, to procure their names from the Indians, then to send the plants to a botanist for determination, and ultimately to formulate a list of plants and their accompanying Indian names, with some notes regardmg their medicmal and other uses. Ethnobotanical mvestigation deserves to be taken more seriously: it should yield more information than this; it should strike deeper into the thoughts and life of the people studied. If we are to learn more of primitive peoples, we must attempt to gain from them their con- ceptions not of a part but of the entire environment. Ethnobotany is a special line of ethnologic investigation, the results of which must receive consideration in our ultimate analysis. Ethnobotanical research is concerned with several important ques- tions: (a) What are primitive ideas and conceptions of plant life? (b) What are the effects of a given plant environment on the lives, customs, religion, thoughts, and everyday practical affairs of the 1 The earlier, larger, and more systematic part of this memoir is the work of the two authors first named on the title-page, Mr. Wilfred W. Robbios and Mr. John P. Harrington. Their methods of Investigation and collaboration are explained in the Introduction. When the memoir, in its original scope and form, was in type, it was thought advisable to enlarge it by including notes on some of the economic, industrial, and medicinal uses of the plants, made by the third author. Miss Barbara Freire-Marreco, in the course of work supported by the Research Fellowship fund of Somer-sille College, Oxford, England, and by the late Miss Mary Ewart's trustees, as well as many additional plant-names. It was thought well also to add, for the sake of comparison, information gained from the Tewa colony settled since the end of the seventeenth century among the Hopi at Hano, Arizona, although the winter season had made it difficult to learn much of the plant environment. Mr. Harrington is not responsible for the form of the Tewa words recorded at Hano, nor Mr. Robbins for the tentative identifications of the plants obtained or described there; Mr. Harrington and Mr. Robbins are alone responsible for the views expressed in pages 1 to 75; and Miss Freire-Marreco for those contained in pages 76 to 118. 1 2 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 people studied ? (c) What use do they make of the plants about them for food, for medicine, for material culture, for ceremonial purposes ? (d) What is the extent of their knowledge of the parts, functions, and activities of plants ? (e) Into what categories are plant names and words that deal with plants grouped in the language of the people studied, and what can be learned concerning the working of the f olk- mmd by the study of these names ? Ethnobotany will become a more important subject when its study has progressed to a point where results can be studied comparatively. The ethnobotany of one tribe should be compared with similar studies of other tribes. And in such comparative work there arises the neces- sity for a standard in the quality of and in the manner of conducting the several investigations. Conceptions of plant life differ among different peoples : a particular plant here does not react in the same way upon one people as it does upon another ; it has a different name and probably a different usage; while different ideas are held con- cernmg it. Furthermore, we encounter different vegetal environ- ments as we pass from tribe to tribe. Attempt should ultimately be made to investigate the causes and extent of these variations. Ethnobotanical Field Work The method of conducting ethnobotanical researches is of consider- able importance, and the value of results obtamed may be judged in great measure by the methods pursued in obtainmg them. A prime necessity is a good native informant ; indeed it is better to have several mformants, preferably older men or women. The reasons for select- ing the older persons as informants are obvious : they haye greater knowledge concernmg aboriginal things than have younger persons ; they are less inclined to regard the work lightly and to attempt to give wrong and misleading answers ; they are steadier, and above all they are able to give, as a result of their maturer years and gTeater experience, more trustworthy mformation. The writers found a distinct advan- tage m taking with them into the field several old Indians : time was saved; questions were answered more readily; furthermore, they frequently discussed the point in question among themselves, thus arriving at conclusions and brmging out facts that one individual could not. It is also true that several Indians together usually feel less restraint in answering freely such questions as are asked than would one in the presence of one or more questioners. As a means of checking the accuracy of information obtamed it is also well to work with different individuals or groups of individuals separately, and to compare the results. Questions asked should not suggest the answers. Questioning should be systematic, yet so conducted as not to weary or offend the informants. It is well to intersperse the questioning with jokes and light conversation. The Indian language should be used as FREmE-MfRRECO^'^™^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 3 largely as possible masking the questions and in recording the informa- tion. The reasons for this are that the Indian words are largely not susceptible of exact translation, and the use of a foreign language is apt to modify and render un-Indian the conceptions of the informants. In the present work the writers took with them into the field three old Indians, one of whom could speak fairly good English. The services of this individual were of considerable value; it is very desirable that the services of such an mformant be enlisted if possible. Although not absolutely essential, it is probably true that the best etlmobotanical work can be done by the close cooperation of a botanist with an etlmologist and linguist experienced m the methods of recording Indian languages, the scientific recordmg of which is by no means an easy task. With their informants the two should go into the field together. It is essenti-al that investigation be done in the field with growmg plant life; showing fragments of plants picked up here and there, or even herbarium specimens, to the informants is far less satisfactory. The botanist will relieve his co-worker of collectmg and preserving the plant material; the latter can thus better concentrate his efi^orts on obtaining the ethnologic information. Furthermore, it is natural that questions of botanical interest will occur to the botanist that would not occur to the Imguist. Once in the field, the Indians are shown growing plants and are questioned fully about each, the smaller as well as the larger and more conspicuous forms. The nature of the questions will depend somewhat on the plant. In the present work the questions were framed so as to elicit the following facts about each plant: Indian name; etymology of name; uses of various parts, and methods of preparing them for use; names of the parts of plants, even the most inconspicuous; descriptive terms applied to this or that shape of leaf, kmd of bark, stem, etc., and the extension of these terms in describmg non-botanical phenomena; native ideas of the relation of the use of the different structures to the plant itseK; and the lore connected with the plant. It is needless to say that field notes should be made complete in the field; it is unsafe to depend on one's memory and attempt to record certain information after reaching camp. It is well not to hasten from plant to plant: the informants should be given abun- dant time to think over and discuss points among themselves. It is often of advantage to photograph some of the more striking and important plants, showing their habitat and general appear- ance. Drawings of plants may be used to supplement photographs. In addition, native representations of plants can often be obtained, notably in the form of designs of pottery, basketry, from petro- glyphs, etc. An attempt should be made to identify these, as they are important in indicating the Indian conception of various plants. 4 BUKEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 Collection and Preparation of Botanical Specimens In any case, even if the plant be well known, specimens should bei collected. These, prepared in the manner to be discussed, make valuable specunens for the ethnological museum. In view of the fact that many individuals doing ethnobotanical work may not be familiar with the proper methods of pressing and handling plants, the following suggestions are made rather explicit and detailed. The necessity for this is suggested by the experience of the writers, who have known such collections to consist of a few dried, shriveled, and undeterminable fragments of plants. A portable plant-press is recommended for use in collecting. The collector will supply himself with sheets of thin, cheap paper (news- papers will serve the purpose), cut to the size of the press; these are used to separate the specimens as collected. The specimens should be large, including, if possible, underground parts, flowers, and fruit. As collected the specimens are temporarily placed between the sheets of paper in the plant-press. Special driers made for pressing plants are highly desirable; these are of soft, felt-hke material and are very durable; two hundred will be sufficient for collections of ordinary size. The material collected should either be numbered (the num- bers referring to data in the field book) or the related data should be included with each specimen. In addition to the information obtained from the Indians, each plant should bear the following data: locality collected, date collected, name of collector. The specimens brought from the field are immediately put into driers ; if not pressed while fresh the plants will lose their color and will mold. Each plant is placed between two sheets of paper and two or more driers. The stack of plants, papers, and driers is weighted down with a heavy stone, and all is kept in a dry place. Driers should be changed at least once every 24 hours; the wet driers are placed in a sunny place to dry; plants should dry within four or five days. Whenever possible, information about plants should be obtained from the Indian from the growing plant, as he is thus accustomed to see and know it or to gather it for use. It is sometimes important that the plant be examined by the informant in its natural environ- ment, since it has been learned by experience that plants removed from the places in which they grew tend to confuse the informant and are identified by him only with considerable difficulty and uncer- tainty. Probably the best way to exhibit ethnobotanical specimens in the museum is in such mounts as the ''Riker specimen mounts," by which the material may be displayed in an attractive, instructive, and permanent form. These mounts, made in various sizes, are provided with glass covers; the specimens are arranged on a back- ™^?iS^/.f±1^^'«^*^™'^'l ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 6 ground of raw cotton and held in place by pressure of the glass front. They are particularly useful in that they admit of grouping, under a glass cover in one frame, specimens that are to be associated in the mind of the observer. In each mount should be placed the plant specimen, with portions of products, if any, made from it, and all other material of ethnological interest. This method of exhib- iting ethnobotanical specimens is recommended as being the most attractive and instructive, at the same time eliminating the danger of destruction of the exhibited material. Another method of exhibiting ethnobotanical specimens is to moimt them on heavy paper; such paper is specially prepared for the purpose. Each specimen is fastened to a sheet of the mounting paper by narrow strips of gummed paper; gummed Chinese linen paper may be obtained in sheets or in strips cut in varying lengths and widths, A label bearing the data desired is then pasted at one corner of the sheet, when the specimen is ready for exhibition. The content of the label is a matter of some consequence. It should include the scientific name of the plant, the common name, the Indian name with etymology, the locality and the date collected, the name of the collector, and brief mention of special points of interest connected with it. The ethnologist who is collecting his own material should take pains to collect large specimens with all the parts present if possible in order that the botanist to whom they are sent may readily identify them. The writers have known instances in which plants submitted for classification could not be identified because of insufficient mate- rial, or because, if named, the designations were followed by question marks. Although primarily an ethnological subject, ethnobotany does not exclude the necessity for accuracy as regards the botanical part of the work. Previous Ethnobotanical Studies Ethnobotany has received attention from a number of ethnologists, and valuable data. have been accumulated. It is desirable that this material be assembled, so that the present state of ethnobot- any may be better ascertained; and furthermore, that problems and methods of research may be outlined and work in this field be con- ducted systematically and with a definite purpose in view. Harshberger^ in a paper published in 1890 discussed the purposes of ethnobotany and pointed out the importance of the subject in general. He made the interesting suggestion that ethnobotanical gardens, in which should be grown only aboriginal plants, be estab- lished in connection with museums. Havard ^ has written two 1 Harshberger, J. W., Purposes of Ethno-botany, Botan. Gazette, xxi, pp. 146-54, 1S96. 2 Havard, V., The Food Plants of the North American Indians, Bull. Torrey Botan. Club, xxii, no. 3, pp. 93-123, 1895. Drink Plants of the North American Indians, ibid., xxm, no. 2, pp. 33-46, 1896. 67961°— Bull. 55—16 2 6 BUKEAU OF AMEEICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [boll. 55 articles giving valuable accounts of the most important food and drink plants of the North American Indians. Barrows^ has discussed the ethnobotany of the Coahuilla Indians of southern California, including much information on the general ethnology of the tribe. Chamberhn^ gives lists of the plant names of the Ute and the Gosiute Indians, including in many instances etymology and uses to which the plants wer,e put. Plants known to have been utilized by the Luisenos of southern Cahfornia are listed by Sparkman,^ with their Luiseno, botanical, and English names. Attention is drawn also to the papers by Powers,^ Coville,'^ Fewkes,® Hough,^ Matthews,* Stevenson," and others. 1 Barrows, David Prescott, The Ethno-botany of tlie Coahuilla Indians of Southern California, pp. 1-82, Cliicago, 1900. 2 Chamherlin, Ralph V., Some Plant Names of the Ute Indians, Amcr. Anthr., n. s., xi, no. 1, 1909. Eth- nobotany of the Gosiute Indiana, Memoirs Amer. Anthr. As!ioc.,n,-pi. 5, pp. 331^05, 1911. 3 Sparkman, Philip Stedman, The Cultui-e of the Luiseno Indians, Unio. Calif. Pub.,Amer. Archeol. and Eihn., vm,TpTp. 1S7-234, 1908. 4 Powers, Stephen, Aboriginal Botany, Proc'. Calif. Acad. Sci., v, pp. 373-379, 1873-75. 6 Coville, P. v., Plants Used by the Klamath Indians of Oregon, Contr. U. S. Nat. Herb., v, pp. 87-108, 1897. 6 Fewkes, J. Walter, A Contribution to Ethnobotany, Amer. Anthr., ix, no. 1, pp. 14-21, 1896. "> Hough, Walter, The Ilopi m Relation to their Plant Environment, ibid., x, no. 2, pp. 33-44, 1S97. 8 Matthews, Washington, Navajo Names for Plants, Amer. Nat., xx, pp. 767-77, 1886. . 9 Stevenson, Matilda Coxe, Ethnobotany of the Zuiii Indians, Thirtieth Ann. Bep., Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 31-102, 1915. TEWA CONCEPTS OF PLANT LIFE Functions of Plant Parts We speak of the functions of certain plant parts ; for example, we say the leaf makes food for the plant, the bark has a protective function, the colored petals of a flower attract insects. What are the Indians' ideas of the functions of the parts of plants ? It seems that the majority of their ideas arise directly from their observation of life phenomena; they do not arise as the result of thought and deliberation; there' is little evidence of philosophizing or of inquiry into the reasons for the existence of things and conditions. They say that the leaves make the plant grow ; when the leaves fall off the plant stops growing. The tree in the winter condition is not con- sidered to be dead ; they say it does not grow then because it has no leaves; the tree stays just the way it is in the fall until leaves come again. This idea arises purely from their observation of seasonal vegetative events; they have not thought out nor wondered how and why it is that the leaves cause resumption of growth. The leaves fall from the tree because they get ripe like fruit. If you ask them why a cottonwood sheds its leaves and a pine tree does not, they have no answer. They observe the fact, but so far as could be ascertained they have not thought about the reason therefor. We find no folklore connected with the great majority of phenomena relating to plant life. The roots of a tree are the parts upon which the plant sits. The word for root, yu, is the same as that for haunches, buttocks; base, bottom, or foot of inanimate objects. They have not observed that roots take up water, but they say the ''roots have to get wet or the plant dies." The bark is considered to be a protection to the tree; the word for bark, also for skin, is Yowa; the bark is the skin of the tree. Spines, thorns, prickles are not thought to have any protective function. The Tewa appear to have a very vague idea of sex in plants. To corn pollen, which is used so much by them in their religious ceremonies and which is produced by the plant in such great abundance, was ascribed no use; the informants had not ob- served that it falls on the corn silk and that its presence there is necessary for the development of the ear of corn. It is merely some- thing finely divided and yellow, and holy when used in certain ways. A Tewa once made the statement, however, that one can not get a field of purely white corn because the wind always mixes the colors (see p. 84), but his idea was perhaps vague. The little plant is thought 7 8 CUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 to be within the seed; the informant said "the plant is in the seed, but you can not see it." They say that when you put the seed into the ground and pour water on it, and it ''gets a good shock," it grows up. "Bees go to the flowers to get honey; after a while they get their young from [by the help of] the flower." Classification of Plants Although the Tewa distinguish plants from animals and again from minerals, and also recognize more or less consciously such classes as trees, shrubs, smaU flowering plants, vines, grasses, fungi, mosses, etc., much as Europeans do, the classificatory words in the Tewa language are very few as compared with a language such as English. There is not even a word meaning 'plant' unless it be fe, which signifies primarily a 'stifl, long object,' and is variously applied to stick, pole, stake, stalk, trunk, tunber, log, stave, staff, plank, board, lumber, wood, plant. Yet the morphology of the language shows how consistently plants are recognized as not being animals or min- erals. All nouns denoting plants and most nouns denoting parts of plants have vegetal gender,^ a fact shown by a peculiar form of adjectives and verbs construed with such nouns. Thus p'e |>i'i??, 'red stick' (p'e, stick; f%, red), has vegetal gender: sing, ^'e 'pi'iy^ dual pe pi'iv, 3+ plu. pe pPi'%- tse piH'\ 'red dog' {tse, dog; pi, red), has animal gender: sing, tse pPi^^ dual tse pPiy, 3+ plu. tse pi'iy; hi ppr\ 'red stone' [Jcu, stone; pi, red), has mineral gender: sing, hi pri^\ dual hi pPiVi 3+ plu. ^u pi^i^^. ''Akoy, 'field', 'open country', propounded to the names of plants in some cases distinguishes the wild from the cultivated variety; thus: ^akqmi, 'wild onion' {'akqy, 'field'; si, 'onion'). Plants are distin guished also as mountain plants, valley plants, good plants, bad plants, etc. Edible wild plants are sometimes grouped as tsdywseH^\ ' green things' {tsayws^ blue, green). There is no general word meaning 'tree' unless it be p^e, 'stiff long object,' 'stick,' 'lumber,' 'plant,' referred to above. English Hree' or Spanish ar&oZis sometimes rendered by te, Populus wislizeni, yws^y, Pinus brachyptera, or some other name of a large 'tree' species ; cf . le, ' fruit tree,' below. There is no word meaning ' shrub' or ' bush' unless it be this same word ye. The diminutive postpound 'e maybe added to a tree name to show that the plant is dwarfed or young. Thus: h%L, Juniperus monosperma, hy^^e, dwarfed or young plant, bush, shrub of Juniperus monosperma. 1 Piy, 'mountain,' and some other nouns which do not denote plants or parts of plants also have this gender. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON FREIRB-MAREECO ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 9 Be, meaning originally ' roundish fruit,' as that of the chokecherry or wild rose, has become applied to all kinds of introduced fruits and also to the plants which bear them. Thus he means fruit tree, as apple, peach, plum, or orange tree. Fruit tree may also be called h&p'^e {he, roundish fruit, fruit, fruit tree; p^e stick, plant). To, meaning originally pinon nut, i, e. nut of the id, 'pinon tree,' has become extended in application to all kinds of nuts except coco- nuts. Nut tree might be called iop'e {to, pinon nut, nut; p^e, stick, plant), but there would rarely be occasion to use so general and inclu sive a term. P'e'ns^M, 'rubbish,' 'litter,' 'lint,* 'weed,' 'herbaceous plant,' is very common, its application not being restricted to useless plants. It is the nearest equivalent of Spanish yevba. Cf . French chenille which originally meant only 'rubbish' and now usually means 'caterpillar'. Pdb\, 'flower,' like the English word 'flower,' in the case of smaller plants of which the flowers are a conspicuous part often loosely de- notes the entire plant. Several of the Tewa specific plant names con- tain -poWb with the meaning ' flower plant'. There is no word meaning 'vegetable' in the sense of German Gemuse. ^ApsR, ' vine ', exactly covers the meanings of the English ' vine '. Ta 'grass,' 'hay'. Te is said to signify almost any kind of fungus. K'owa, 'tegument', 'skin', is applied to any skinlike vegetal growth, as many kinds of moss and lichen. Discrimination Small differences in plants are observed by the Tewa. It is remark- able how closely distinctions are made by them. For instance, they have a name for every one of the coniferous trees of the region; in these cases differences are not conspicuous. The ordinary individual among the whites does not distinguish the various coniferous trees, but, as a rule, calls them all pines. It is clear that the majority of white people are less observant and in many cases know far less about plant life than does the Indian, who is forced to acquire knowledge in this field by reason of his more direct dependence on plants. PLANT NAMES OF THE TEWA Character of Plant Names A majority of the Tewa names of plants are descriptive, having reference to some striking characteristic of the plant, to its use, its habitat, etc. The same is true to a great extent of common English names of plants; for instance, ground ivy, monkey flower, pine drops, crane's bill, monkshood, jack-in-the-pulpit, etc. Just as among Eng- lish common names of plants we find some the reason for the original application of which is not understood, so we find similar cases among the Indians. Why do we call a certain tree dogwood? And why do the Tewa call a certain plant 'coyote plant'? As a result of the de- scriptive character of plant names by far the larger proportion of them are compound. Following is a list of such names. NON-OOMPOLINDED TeWA PlANT NaMES It will be seen from the following list that the plants which have non-compounded and distinctive names are the most common, con- spicuous, and widely used ones of the region. The etymology of these words is unknown to the Tewa,, the words being merely phonetic symbols employed to designate the various plants. There are com- paratively few of these unetymologizable names. Many other plant names are formed by compounding them. Unetymologizable Plant Names of Native Origin ^Abe, chokecherry -P'V', large rabbit-brush ^A7oa, cattail Qwse^ mountain mahogany ^Awi, Galium, bedstraw QwQ, guaco Hy,, one-seeded juniper Sa, tobacco Jay, willow Sagobe^ potato-like plant Jo, chandelier cactus Sse, Opuntia Kojaje, Span, yerba de vibora SeJ&sey, cotton Kuise, oak Si, onion Kij,y, skunk-bush Su, amaranth K'a'"', rose Ta, grass I^'uy, corn Te, valley cottonwood N4n^, aspen Te, fungus IJws^y, rock pine (pL 1) Tu, bean ' Oda, globe mallow. To, Rocky Mountain sage Po, squash, pumpkin To, piiaon pine (pi. 1) Po, Phragmifes, "carrizo" Tse, Douglas spruce Pyjhj,, four-o'clock Tfy,y, alder P'a, Yucca baccata, Span. Wsejoha, ragweed "datil" 10 ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 11 robbins, harrington, 1 Vreire-mareeco ,J It appears that about thirty Spanish plant names of etymology un- known to the Tewa and for which there are no common Tewa equiva- lents have been taken into the everyday language, and are used pre- cisely as are the thirty-six native plant names listed above. In addi- tion to these there are many other Spanish designations of plants with which the Tewa are familiar. Plant Names of Spanish Origin that Have no Common Equiv- alents OF Tew^a Origin ^Almendda^ almendra, almond 'Alp'alpa, alfalfa ''Ani'\ anil, sunflower ''Apiii, apio, celery Aspcuagu, esparrago, aspar- agus Banana^ banana, banana Beny,n4l, melon, melon Bedii, berro, cress 'Igii, higo, fig Kakawate, cacahuate, peanut Kana^ cana, cane Kape^ cafe, coffee Koko^ coco, coconut Kole^ col, cabbage Let flight lechuga, lettuce Liinqy^ limon, lemon MaTba, malva, mallow 3£o'e, said of many plants, but Icy^y,, 'corn stalk.' Again, the opposite is frequently true. Thus Tewa Tea is applied to leaves, petals of flowers, and needles of coniferous trees. Another interesting feature is the extension of application of a word originally used to denote one conception onl}^, to include related conceptions. Thus the Tewa called the piiion tree to, while to is used for the pinon nut, the seed of the piiion tree, and original etymologi- cal connection between to and to seems certain after an examination of cognate words in other Tanoan languages. The Tewa of the present day, however, apply to also to the seeds of some other conif- erous trees, thus: yw^nio, 'seed of the rock pine ' (^m'^t;, rock pine; to^ pinon nut, nut), and even to any kind of introduced nut, peanuts, the kind of introduced nuts with which the Tewa are most familiar, being regularly called to. It is commonly supposed that the voca'bularies of Indian languages are meager and that to translate scientific works into them would be almost impossible. Quite the opposite is true, at least as regards Tewa, the vocabulary of which is rich and capable of expressing abstract thought. Indeed, it would be possible to translate a treatise on botany into Tewa, although the translation would be somewhat clumsy. Flowers, their Parts and Functions Pc&l, 'flower', 'flowering plant.' This word applies to any flowers. The name of the species is often prepounded, thus: VoU^-poVi., ' wild rose flower' {¥a^°', wild rose; ^;»oM, flower). Po'bl is evidently cognate with the second syllable of Isleta Qiapap, 'flower,' etc. The winged fruit of teje^ii.^ 'box-elder' (see fig. 1), is also called jc>6>M. The relation of the wing to the seed is similar to that of the petals to the seed of a flower. The true flower of the box-elder is also called pott. PoVb is very commonly used meaning 'flowering plant,' as English 'flower.' (Compare Tennyson's "Flower in the crannied wall.") 12 EOBBiNS, HARRINGTON, -| ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 13 FEBIRE-MAEEECO J Pdbl is not, however, applied to inflorescence, as of corn, 3mcca, etc., although the entire inflorescence is sometimes called in English the flower of the plant. See below under the heading Inflorescence. Figurative uses of pdbl are pretty. Young men use the expression naVhpdt\ 'my sweetheart,' literally 'my flower.' FoWh is found in many compounded personal names of women, in which it appears as both a prepounded and a postpounded element. The other adjoined member of such names is frequently omitted in conversation, the woman or girl being called merely PoVi, 'flower.' A white cumulus cloud is called 'okhiwh poUfsse'i'\ 'white flower cloud' {'oFmva, cloud; poU, flower; fs^, white). Eagle down is called tsepoU, ' eagle flower' {tse, eagle; pohl, flower). FoUka, 'petal,' literally 'flower leaf {poU, flower; ka, leaf); cf. Ger- in?in BlumenUatt. Xa alone is also used, meaning 'petal.' Petals are called ' flower leaves' in many languages because of their Icaf- like appearance. Many of the descriptive terms applied to leaves (see below) might also be applied to petals. Pdblt^V, 'stamen,' literally 'flower tube' {poVi, flower; tey, tube, stalk bearing inflorescence). If the stamens resemble corn-silk they may be called sse,\ see below. Pistil is usually also called poViHy^ not being distinguished from the stamens. If the differ- ence between stamens and pistil is noticeable in that the latter lacks an anther, the pistil may be cdX\Qd.poW^m lewejyViy^ 'tube without a knob on the end' {j}dbl, flower; t^y^ tube; lewe^ knob, small roundish thing; pi, negative); see poWit^mbewe^ e, below. The functional difference between stamen and pistil was not un- derstood by the Tewa informants. The diminutive t^y^e may well be substituted for tey. PoVit^mbewe'e, 'anther,' 'stigma,' literally 'flower- tube knob' {pdb% flower; t^y, tube; lewe, small roundish thing; 'd;, diminutive). The functional difference between anther and stigma was not known to the informants. 8^ (Hano Tewa, s^Z^), ' corn-silk ', ' stamens and pistil resembling corn- silk'. The silk of corn consists of the styles which are attached to the grains (seeds) of corn (see fig. 6). Instead of s^ one also hears ss^poM, literally 'corn-silk flower' (s^, corn-silk; ^wM, flower), and sxfy,y {sx, corn-silk; fiiy, to fly?), both having exactly the same meaning and usage as sse. IQtu, 'pollen', literally 'inflorescence kernel' {kay, inflorescence; tu, kernel, distinguished by some speakers at least from tu, flesh, meat, by its tone). Imtu is applied to the pollen of any kind of flower or inflorescence, the etymology being merely dormant in the minds of the speakers. The fructifying action of pollen was not known to any of the informants. One may hear also kdtu fsej^iy, 'yellow pollen' (katu, pollen; fse, yellow). 14 BUREAtJ OF AMEPJCAN ETHNOLOGY ' [bull. 55 PdbWxy, 'pollen', literally 'flower meal' {pdbl^ flower; ¥^y^ meal, flour). This term appears to be less used than Mtu. As in the case of ha^tu one also hears pdbl¥s^y fsejiHy, 'yellow pollen, {pdbWsey, pollen; tse^ j^ellow). PoWay^ 'flower cover', 'calyx', 'sepals' [pdbl,, flower; Yiy, cov- ering). PoWbjpu^ 'flower stem' {p6b% flower; pu^ base, buttocks, root. stem). Cf . Jcapu, leaf stem, hepu, fruit stem, etc. ; see below. A flower bud is called ''op'tL or 2)otVop\i. ' Op\L is used of any bud or young sprout, whether of flower, leaf, or stem. Of a flower bud which has not yet burst or opened the Tewa say: napoWqmmy., 'the flower is enveloped or covered' {na^ it; ^wM, flower; 'a^, to envelop or cover; my, to be), or winapdbipatnpi, 'the flower has not yet burst' {wl^ negative; na^ it; pdbl^ flower; pQy^ to burst; pi, negative), or nq,pdb\- wamy,, 'the flower is an egg,"* 'the flower is in the bud' {nd, it; poM, flower; ^va, egg; mii, to be). See also wa, under Fruits, below. When the flower bud has opened, one may say: nqpoUpqy, ' the flower has burst' {net, it; pohl, flower; ^jx]??, to burst). The Tewa inform- ants volunteered the information that the pollen falls or is shed: nqkqtufqnn^, 'the pollen falls or is shed' {na, it; kqtu, pollen; fqnnse^ to fall or be shed), or ^iqhltujetnu^ 'the pollen falls' (wg, it; M.tii^ pollen; jemu, to fall). When the petals start to wither, one may sa}^: nqpoilsinde'e, 'the flower is withering ' (na, it; pdbl, flower; siy, to wither; de'e, progressive). When the petals are with- ered and already dry, one may say: 7iqpoPi{ka)ta, 'the flower is dry or the flower petals are dry' (M, it, they; pdbl, flower; ^a,,leaf, petal; ia^ to be dry). Of dropping petals, one may say: 7iqpobl/>'afqmise, 'the petals ai-e falling or being shed' {?id, it, they; poWika, petal; fqnnx, to fall, to be shed), or nqpoWmjemu, 'the petals are falling' (na, it, t\\Q.j; 2)db'ika., ^Qtol; jemu^ to fall). After the petals are shed, one might sa}" of the flower: nqpdbUfu^ 'the flower is dead' {nq^ it; pdbl, flower; tf^i, to be dead). Infi.orescence Kqy^ 'inflorescence,' 'tassel.' Kqy refers to any group of flowers on a stem. Thus: IcuyJcqy, 'tassel of corn' {k'yy, corn; My, inflores- cence) (see fig. 6); takqy, 'inflorescence of grass' (1[,a, grass; Icqy, inflorescence) (see fig. 5); wsejolmMy, 'inflorescence of common ragweed' {iv^joTca, common ragweed; My, inflorescence). In case the flowers are not scattered along the stalk but have their bases surrounded by a common involucre, one would hardly apply Mly, but would describe such a group as: Hwega nqpoVimu, 'the flowers are together' (^iwega, together in one place; ncl, they; pdbl, flower; my,, to be), or nqpdblqwisa, 'the flowers are tied together' {nq, they; pdbl, flower; qioi, to tie; sa, to lie, to be, said of 3+). ROBBINS, HARRINGTON FREIRE-MAREECO ■] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS Tey^ 'tube,' 'stamen,' 'pistil,' 'stalk hearing- inflorescence'. Tej] \^ said of hollow cylindrical objects. Thus: F'\irj{M)tejj^ 'stalk of corn tassel' {Fuy^ corn plant; M., inflorescence; tejj, tube, stalk bearing inflorescence); jjai]M)terj^ 'stalk bearing- inflorescence of 'Yucca baccata' (//«, Yucca baccata; Z-g, inflorescence; t^y^ tube, stalk bearing inflorescence). Kqla^ ' cluster' (Hano). Thus: te Icqla^ 'clustered catkins of the cotton- wood tree. ' The same term would be applied to a cluster of grapes. Tjaka^ 'bunch' (Hano). Thus: tinjotjaJaa^ bunch of white fir foliage. Seeds and Fruits, their Parts and Functions Pe, 'seed,' 'fruit,' 'crojo.' This is the adjective pe, 'ripe,' 'mature,' used as a noun; for adjectival use of pe see below. Pe is applied to any seed or fruit produced by any plant, also to crops in the sense of seeds or fruits col- lectively. Rarely it refers to ' crops,' meaning matured whole plants or any part or parts of matured plants. Thus: tdtape, ' seed, fruit, or berry of wheat,' 'wheat crop,' not includ- ing or excluding stalks, leaves, or roots (MM, wheat; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Pe may be used instead of idy, to, k'e, It a, he, pe^e, ¥'ode, and the names of introduced nuts and fruits; see below. Pe tends espe- cially to supplant Fa and j>^Q^- Thus: hupe, 'berry of one-seeded juniper,' instead of Impede (%, one-seeded juniper; pe, seed, fruit, crop); Ivwsepe, 'acorn,' instead of JcwseFa {Jaox, oak tree; pe, seed, fruit, crop). In the case of fruits to which none of the other words applies very well, P(S is regularly applied. Thus: ^aiepe, 'fruit of the chokecherry' {^abe, chokecherry; fje, seed, fruit, crop); s^pe, 'prickly-pear or Opuntia' (sx, Opuntia; pe, seed, fruit, crop). Pe is used as a second member of compounds, such as p'epe, Fape, hepe, etc. ; see below. See also pe, ' immature kernel of corn either on the cob or cut off the cob,' listed below, which may be the same word. P'epe, 'seed,' 'fruit,' 'crop' (^;»'e, stick, plant; pe, seed, fruit, crop). This is an equivalent of the non-compounded pe. Tqy, 'seed.' This word is applied to any seed. It may be, but usually is not, applied instead of to or ¥a; see below. Intro- duced nuts may be called t, pinon nut, nut; tu, kernel). Tu, 'kernel,' has a level tone; tu, 'flesh,' has a circumflex tone. K^s^rj, 'meal,' 'flour,' 'ground-up seeds.' IVowa, 'skin,' 'tegument,' 'shell,' 'husk,' 'bark.' Thus: to¥otva, 'nut shell' {to, piiion nut, nut; h'owa^ skin, shell); Jco^iek^owli, 'husk of ear of corn' {k'o>ie, ear of corn; ¥owa, skin, husk). K^ajpu, 'handle' of anything, 'stem of an ear of corn.' With refer- ence to plants the term appears to be used only of the stem of an ear of corn, being equivalent to T&oiv, heart; ka, leaf). Ka Tca'iy, 'thick leaf (ka, leaf; lea, thick). Ka hapi'iy, 'thin leaf {ka, leaf; ka, thick; /n, negative). COMPOUND LEAVES Ka wijeka''iy, 'bifoliolate leaf {ka, leaf; wije, two; ka, leaf). Kajpojekd^iy, ' trif oliolate leaf ijca, leaf; poje, three; ka, leaf). Kajonuka^iy, ' quadrif oliolate leaf {ka, leaf; jo7iu, four; ka, leaf). If a single leaf has a deeply serrated edge it is not considered to be a multif oliolate leaf, but is called y^« ss^ywViy, 'zigzag-edged leaf {ka, leaf; sseywl, zigzagged). SURFACE OF LEAVES Ka 'qn^^iv-) 'smooth leaf,' 'glabrous leaf {ka, leaf; 'g??^, smooth). Ka ^oisa'iy, 'shiny, smooth leaf,' 'glaucous leaf {ka, leaf; ^otsa, shiny). Ka Tco^iy, 'rough leaf {ka, leaf; ho, rough). Ka iuk'u''iy, ' ridged leaf {ka, leaf; tuk'y,, backbone, vertebral column). Pfa hege'iy, 'grooved leaf {ka, leaf; hege, arroyito, gulch, groove). Ka "'okwci'iy, 'veined leaf {ka, leaf; ''okwa, vein, artery). Kajpd'iy, 'hairy leaf,' 'pubescent leaf,' 'puberulent leaf,' 'woolly leaf {ka, leaf; -po, hairy). Ka p'okosq^Qn^Viy, 'coarse-haired leaf,' 'hispid leaf {ka, leaf ; ^'o, hair; Icosq^qndt, coarse). Ka^oku'iy, 'downy leaf,' 'fluffy leaf {ka, leaf; ^oku, downy, down, fluffy, fluff). Kajy,n^Viy, 'prickly leaf {ka, leaf; j'\iy, to pierce). Ka yws^'^iy, 'thorny leaf {ka, leaf; 2?'^8e, thorny). Katsibe'iy, 'sticky leaf {ka, leaf; hibe, sticky). FEEfRB-MfREE'co^™'*'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 21 These adjectives have also predicative forms of course. Thus: nQp'omu, 'it is hairy' (wft, it; p'o^ hairy; mw, to be); n^tsiteio, 'it is sticky' {nq,, it; tsibe, sticky; to, to make). MARGIN OF LEAVES £h kiyge, 'edge of a leaf {ka, leaf; Jdyge, edge). Ka kiy[/&'dn8e,^iy, 'smooth-edged leaf {ka, leaf; hiyge^ edge; 'gw^, smooth). KaJciygesxywViy, 'zigzag-edged leaf {ka, leaf; hiyge, edge; sseywl, zigzagged). Ka kiyc/eywa'iy, 'tooth-edged leaf,' 'dentate leaf (la, leaf; liyf/e, edge; ywa, toothed). Kakiygesibe'iy, 'torn-edged leaf {ka, leaf; hiyge, edge; site, torn crosswise to the grain or liber). Tendril ''Aqwi, 'tendril.' The etymology of this word is uncertain. The syllable qwi clearly means fiber; see below. ^A may be the verb meaning 'to grow' or may be the same as the first syllable of ''ajfs^, ' vine' ; or, it is connected perhaps with Hano Te wa \iwo, 'tendril,' 'to spread' (said of plant). A slender tendril is called ^aqwi segViy, 'slender tendril' i^aqwi, tendril; segi, slender). A curled tendril is called \iqwibe^^, 'tendril curl' i^aqwi, tendril; 5d'^, small roundish thing). Tendrils are said to be mayyioagii, 'like hands' {may, hand; yvmgl, like). Stalk, Trunk, Stump, Stem, Branch, Twig, Joint PV^, 'stick,' 'stalk,' 'pole,' 'trunk,' 'log,' 'wood,' 'plant.' P'e refers to almost any long stifl' object. It is the only Tewa word meaning 'plant' in general, but is rarely used with this meaning. The staff of authority of the Pueblo governors is called p'e, or sometimes tujope, 'governor's stick' {tujo, governor; p'e, stick). Forjy'd meaning 'wood' see page 23. ' TJduto, 'walking stick.' Walking sticks were made of various kinds of wood and were used mostly by old or crippled people. Per- haps this word hardly belongs here. Cf. ^UJLwp^e, below. ^Udup'e, 'prayer stick.' Cf. 'uduto, above. Puge, 'lower part,' 'base or trunk of a tree' {pu, base, buttocks; ge, locative) . When the trunk of a tree is referred to, one usually names the kind of tree, posiipoviudmg puge. Thus: tejpuge, 'lower part or trunk of a cottonwood tree' {te, Populus wislizeni; page, lower part, trunk). 67961°— Bull. 55—16 3 22 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 Jl'iiu, 'cornstalk.' This word refers only to the stalk of the corn plant. JT'u'ii in some irregular way may be connected etymo- logically with ^'^, 'corn plant.' 7c^, 'tube,' 'hollow stalk.' T^y refers to such a stalk as that of the yucca. Thus: jpat^y^ 'inflorescence stalk of Yucca baccata' (^'«, Yucca baccata; tejj^ tube, hollow stalk). See under Inflor- escence, page 15. Pube^ 'stump.' This word refers to the stump of any tree or plant. Its etymology is not understood by the Indians. The first sjd- lable appears to be pu^ 'base,' 'buttocks.' Pw, 'base,' 'stem.' This is the word which means also 'buttocks' and 'root.' It is applied to the stem of a flower, leaf, or fruit as Germans might apply /Sz^^d/. Thus: ^c»Mj9i^, 'flower stem' (jyo^^?-, flower; j?w, base, stem). ICapu^ 'stem of an ear of corn.' This word means also 'handle' (of anything). Applied to plants it seems to be used only of the stem of Tco^& ta'iy {p^e^ stick, wood; ta^ dry). 80, 'firewood.' This usually consists of dead, fallen, or drifted wood, picked up or torn off; but the same word is applied to trees felled for firewood. See p'e. A Tewa of Santa Clara told the following story: Long ago people had no fire and were trying to find it — who knows how they cooked? Perhaps they ate berries. They made four holes in a row in a slab of ywser) and then they twirled a stick in the holes and out of one of the holes came fire. A few billets of firewood, carried by means of a cord on a man's shoulder and thrown down beside a woman's door, is considered an IF. W. Hodge, Pueblo Indian Clans, Amer. Anthr., ix, p. 350, Oct., 1896. 24 BUREAU OF AMBRICAIsr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 appropriate present. When a woman is about to be confined, her husband's father often brings her firewood. ^ Pojpe^ 'driftwood.' This is gathered and used as firewood. Consid- erable quantities of driftwood are to be found along the Rio Grande. TfeM, 'pith,' 'core' of fruit. Seepage 18. This word is the adjective t2^Vb ' soft,' used as a noun. It refers to the soft, light, spongy tissue found in the stems of some plants. Thus: ¥ii^y,tEeb\ 'pith of the cornstalk' [k'li^y,, cornstalk; t^M, pith). Fiber Qivl^ 'fiber.' Thus: p'aqwi, 'yucca fiber' (j/a, Yucca baccata; q'^i, fiber). We possibly have this word also in \((2ioi, 'tendril,' and qwihe, 'shreddy bark.' See page 21. P4^4, 'string.' This word usually applies to fiber already made into string, but might be said of any kind of fiber. Juice Po, 'water,' 'juice.' This word covers all the meanings of English 'water,' 'juice.' Thus: ¥'ii''y,po^ 'juice of a cornstalk' {I'^u'ii, cornstalk; po, water); tepo, 'sap of a valley cottonwood tree' {te, Populus wislizeni; po, water, juice). ^Apo, 'sweet juice,' 'syrup' ('a, sweetness; po, water). Melasa, 'sweet juice,' 'syrup' (< Spsinish. inelaza). Gum Kwse, 'gum.' The gum of various plants was chewed. Gum was also much used for sticking things together. Thus: r/wseyJcwx, 'gum or pitch of the rock pine' {ytvsey, rock pine; kwc§, gum). Chewing-gum is called merely kws^. Bark K'owa, 'tegument,' 'skin,' 'bark.' This is the commonest and most inclusive word meaning 'bark.' Thus: telcowh, 'valley cotton- wood bark' {te, Populus wislizeni; Jcowa, tegument, bark). The general name for 'moss' is TcuJcowa, 'rock skin' i]cu, rock; liowa, tegument, bark). ijn the seventeenth century women went to fetch firewood; see Benavides, 31emorial (pp. 32,70): " Nacion Taos . . . una vieja hechizera, la qual, & titulo de ir por lena al campo, saco 4 otras quatro mugeres buenas Cristianas." At Santa Clara, after peace had been made with the Apaches de Navaj6 in September, 1629, " Salian hasta las viejas por lena per aquella parte." The acquisition of donkeys, and subsequently of horses and wagons, with iron tools, by the men, has removed wood-getting from the women's sphere of labor. Occasionally an old widov,r^ or a woman whose husband is an invalid, may be seen chopping wood or gathering fallen branches. ^2??J^^/.?/tfJ'o-?*^™^'1 ETHNOBOTAlSrY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 25 FRBIRE-MAEEECO J ' 0¥oiva, 'bark' ('r/°, 'the tobacco bursts open or unfolds' {sa, tobacco; nd, it; pa, to burst; po''^, to become). Of leaves (or flowers) opening and spreading wide the Tewa say ^iMTcawoM'i, ^ibipdblwaM ' the 3+ leaves open themselves/ ' the 3+ flow- ers open themselves' {dibi, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person 3+ plural; lia, leaf; pdbl, flower; waM, to spread open). Thus, in a war-song sung at Hano: ''iwedqy ""alijowa txms§ pegqn di'bilcalawadi^ ' thence the sunflowers, bursting open on every side, spread wide their leaves' (^iweMy, Hano dialectic emphatic form of ^iwedi, thence; '«/^}'(9'W«, Hano name for 'sunflower' ? species; tsema^, in all directions; pegqy, bursting; 4i'bi, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person 3+ plural; Icala, Hano dialectic form of lea, leaf; waM, to spread open). The same expression is used figuratively of clouds, thus: ^ok\iwa tsems^. ^ibipdbl wadi, 'the clouds in all directions open their flowers' Co¥uwa, clouds; ts^ms^, in every direction; ^^fe^, prefixed reflexive pronoun third person 3+ plural; jpoVi, flower; wadi, to spread open). Habits of Growth l^wiy, 'to stand.' Thus: ndywiij, 'it stands' {nq,, it; ytviy, to stand). ^Aywiy, 'to grow in a standing position' ('«, to grow; ywiy, to stand). Thus: nq,''aywi7j, 'it grows in a standing position' (nd, it; 'a, to grow; ywiy, to stand). Ko, 'to lie.' Thus: nd%o, 'it lies' {n^, it; Tco, to lie). '^A'ko, 'to grow in a lying position' ('a, to grow; Tio, to lie). Thus: na'aTco, 'it grows in a lying position' {rm, it; 'a, to grow; Ico, to lie). 26 rREfEE-MfEl{Tco*^™^'] ETHFOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 27 Mc^y^ 'to go.' Thus: nq,7n8^y, 'it sends out growth' {nd, it; msey^ to go). "Ams^y, 'to grow sending out growth' ('«, to grow; m^ij^ to go). Thus: nQ''amse7j, 'it grows sending out growth' {nd, it; 'a, to grow; m8^7j, to go). eA''*, 'to go about.' Thus: ndji'^, 'it grows all about' {nd, it; jp\ to go about). ^Aji''^, 'to grow spreading about' ('cr, to grow; jr\ to go about). JP^idl^ 'interlaced.' Thus: nqp'idlmy,', 'it is interlaced' (nq, it; p^idl, interlaced; my,, to be). This is said of vines which grow through other plants. Dense Growth, Forest, Grove Ka, 'thick', 'dense', 'dense growth', 'forest'. This word is used as an adjective and as a noun. Thus: iolcci'iy, 'a sagebrush plant of dense growth' (to, sagebrush plant; lea, thick, dense); toha 'sagebrush thicket,' 'place where the sagebrush is thick' {to, sagebrush ; ka, dense growth, forest). Ka is used alone meaning forest, just as the Mexicans use nionte and hosque. With names of geographical features postjoined, 'ka may be translated 'wooded' or 'where there is much vegetal growth.' Thus: tolca''a'komi, 'a plain or valley where the sagebrush grows thick' (to, sage- brush; lea, thick, thick growth; ''akonu, plain, valley); haluge, ' a low place where there is much vegetal growth' {lea, thick, thick growth; hug.e, low roundish place). ^od^, hUl, ' thing roundish like a ball, 'pile,' 'clung.' BoJ^ is said of large, liil of small size. Thus: teboA, 'grove of cotton- wood trees' {te, Populus wislizeni; ho-ii, grove). Often ha, 'thick' is prejoined to hoA. Thus: liciboA, 'a clump or grove of thick vegetal growth' Qca, thick, thick growth; hoA,, clump, grove). CONDITION OF PLANTS Wbwa, 'to be alive.' Thus: nawowa^ 'it is alive' (na, it; wowa^ to be alive). TJu^ 'to be dead.' Thus: natfu, 'it is dead' {71Q., it; tfu^ dead). Ke (Hano Tewa, Tcale)^ 'to be strong,' 'to thrive.' Thus: nq^he, 'it is strong/ 'it thrives' (M, it; Ice^ to be strong, to thrive). The expression opposite in meaning would be winq^JcejA, 'it is weak' {wi, negative; na^ it; ke, to be strong; ^i, negative). He, 'to be sick.' Thus: nahe^ 'it is sick' (wg, it; he, to be sick). The expression opposite in meaning would be windjJieiyi, 'it is well' {wi, negative; na, it; he, to be sick; fi, negative). Worms, Gall-balls P'Ubs^, 'worm.' This applies to all kinds of worms. Thus: F'\imj>ut)se,, 'corn worm' {h'uy, corn; pu'bse^ worm). Puh^nsey, ' cobweb-like nest of worms as seen in apple trees ' (piSs^, worm; nsey, nest). These are carefully destroyed. l\ibs§be, 'gall-ball,' literally 'worm-ball' {puise, worm; he, small thing roundish like a ball). Be is used alone in the same sense. Thus in Hano Tewa: p'y>)7iele, 'rabbit-brush ball' {p^li, rabbit- brush; mele, Hano dialectic form of he, ball). ' Obdbo, ' red swelling on willow leaf.' This word can not be analyzed. It is also the Tewa name of Dorotea Pino of San Ildefojiso. Of a worm-eaten plant one may say: napiibxTcoonu, 'it is worm- eaten' (wg, it; puis^, worm; ho, eaten; mu, to be). Chemically Changed Vegetal Matter P'du, 'charcoal.' At Santa Clara charcoal is taken in hot water as a remedy for cough and sore throat; the hot water is poured on and the mixture stirred and allowed to settle. The water is then drunk. For laryngitis piiion charcoal topa\i {to, piiion nut; p'a'u, charcoal) is wrapped in a wet cloth, which is then tied about the throat as a compress. Charcoal in water is taken for biliousness. Kup'a'u, 'coal,' literally 'stone charcoal' {leu, stone; p'd'u, charcoal). Kupa'ukwse, 'bitumen,' literall}^ 'stone charcoal gum' {Jcu, stone; p'a'u, charcoal; hose., gum). A Santa Clara informant, when he happened to see some coal tar at Santa Fe, gave the name as polcsenu, but this name is usually applied to mica. 28 FREfRE-M™co*'™'''.] ETHNOBOTANY OP THE TEWA INDIANS 29 i\%, 'ashes.' Ashes are stirred into the dough for making huwa (waferbread, Spanish guallabe) and huwa IcoAia (corn tortillas), in order to turn it blue. At Hano the ashes of a wild plant, ''ta'js^y (Atriplex canescens) are preferred, but at the end of the winter, when the supply runs short, the ashes of sheep's dung are substituted. Ashes of corncobs are boiled with white corn in order to make it swell. Fray Juan de Escalona in his private report from San Gabriel (Chamita), 1st October, 1601, refers probably to a similar practice; he says that the Indians, having been robbed of their corn, are eating wild seeds mixed with charcoal.^ At Santa Clara warm ashes are rubbed on to relieve pain in the shins, attributed to cold. Nij,po^ 'ash water' {ny,^ ashes; po, water) is given to children as a medicine. At Santa Clara and at San Ildefonso, when children have measles ashes are dusted over the eruption with a cloth to sooth the irritation. Hence the malady is called nyJc-ewe {nil, ashes; kewe, ). At the time of the Spanish advent ashes were mixed with adobe for building material. Torquemada's informant mentions the use of ashes in signaling: "They [the Pueblo Indians] know of their enemies' approach from far off, and in order that the neighboring pueblos may come to their aid, the women go up to the top of their houses and throw ashes into the air, and behind this make a smothered fire so that by giving a thicker smoke it may be better seen b}^ the other pueblos whose help they desire, and the women, striking their hands on their open mouths, raise a great cry which sounds loud and far off . . ." Castano de Sosa, in 1590, described the throwing of ashes, perhaps in token of defiance: "The lieutenant went back to the pueblo to parley with them again, and they would not; on the contrary an Indian woman came out on a balcony of the said houses, which are as much as four or five stories high, and threw a small amount of ashes at him, and at this they set up a great clamor, and he withdrew. " ^ 1 Torqueraada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. v, p. 672. 2X)oc. de Indias, xv, p. 229. COLOR OF PLANTS Light, Darkness, Color, Painting, Lines, Spots Ki, 'to be light.' Thus: nakina^ 'it is light' {iia, it; A;e', to be light; nq,^ present). This verb seems to refer only to daylight. T^e (Hano Tewa, tele)^ 'to shine.' Thus: nafenq, 'it shines' (?ig, it; fe^ to shine; no,, present). This verb is used of the sun: nqfanfe, 'the sun shines' {nq, he; t'ay^ sun; le, to shine). Ko, 'a light.' This noun is used of the light of a candle, lamp, lan- tern, fire, firefly, glowworm, etc. Of the light shining one may say: nqlcofe^ 'the light shines' {nq, it; ho^ a light; fe, to shine); or nqkoke, 'the light is bright' (wa, it; ho^ a light; lie, to be strong). PcCcui ov parage, 'sunny place,' 'sunny side of a pueblo' {pa^a^'i akin to Jemez pe, 'sun'; d\, ge^ locative). Jy^liy, 'to be dark.' Thus: ndFy,7inq,, 'it is dark' {?id, it; k^iiy, to be dark; nq, present). Jl'uy is used as an adjective in the form k'uywl {7£ii, to be dark). Thus: p'oFuywVi^^ 'dark hole' (j?^o, hole; h'liywl, dark). ^OFsey, 'shade,' 'shadow.' lisennuge or ks^ni^jge, 'shady place,' 'shady side of a pueblo' {h^y^ cf. ''o¥s^y, above; nuge, Hyge, at the side). ^ Ofsa, 'glittering.' Thus: hu ^ofsaH^\ 'glittering stone' {kic, stone; ^ofsa, glittering). ^ OVsapi, 'dull,' 'glossy' {^ofsa, glittering; j??!, negative). The usage of this term with the meaning 'glossy' is curious. Thus: 'l Se¥s§ pdbl hws^ly p)oVh p'iWq fylygi. 1 Corn flower, squash flower, cotton flower, kw^lu flower, red-gray (and) many-colored. The fur of a rabbit is described as t'ulu'i. FUEniB-MfElfECO*^™^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 33 Color-adjective Modifiers Jo^ augmentative postpound, 'very,' 'intensel3^' Thus: ^ijo, very- red (pi, red; jo^ augmentative); napijomii, 'it is very red' {na, it; pi, red; jo, augmentative; 7ny,, to be); pdbl pijo^iy, 'intensely red flower' (poti, flower; pi, red; ^'o augmentative). Jo can not be post joined to any color adjective the attributive form of which ends in ^^l. Thus it can not be added to Fy,, fy,, 4, ho. r%jo is the name of the "Black Mesa" north of San Ildefonso pueblo, but has no other meaning, Kodi^i, 'very.' This precedes the color adjective as a separate word. Thus: IcoMdi ndpimu, 'it is very red' (Jcodi^i^ very; QiQ, it; pi, red; iny,, to be); poti IcoMdi pPiy, 'very red flower' {pobl, flower; Ico-ii^i, very; pi, red). Hs^wa^i, 'very.' This precedes the color adjective as a separate word. Thus: h^wagj^ nclpimy,, 'it is very red' {/is^wag.1, very; n4, it; pi, red; my,, to be); poil hs^wagj, pi'iy, 'very red flower' {pdb\, flower; hs^wada,, very; pi, red). Pkvqy, 'very,' 'too.' This precedes the color adjective as a separate word. Thus: piwqy nclpimy, 'it is very red' {piwqy, very; na, it; pi, red; my, to be); poVi piwqy pi'iy, 'very red flower' ■{poVi, flower; piwqy, very; pi, red). Hano Tewa, 'mo, 'very.' Thus: Hmo nqtsaytosemy, 'it is very blue or green' ('wyic, augmentative; na, it; ^6g 2?^^, blue, green; wi^, tobe); Hmo nafamy, 'it is highly decorated,' 'it is variegated' i^imo, aug- mentative; nQ, it; fa, variegated; 7rLy, to be). He, 'somewhat,' 'slightly,' 'a little.' This precedes the color adjec- tive as a separate word. Thus: he ndpimy, 'it is somewhat red' (he, somewhat; ng,, it; pi, red; my, to be); poll he pPiy, 'somewhat red flower' (j)otl, flower; he, somewhat; pi, red). OTHER QUALITIES OF PLANTS Size S070, 'large.' Thus: ndso'jomy,, 'it is large' {nd, it; so''jo, large; my,, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: so'^jo, an., min. sing.; so'-y, sq'^-niy, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu. ; sQ^^n^i''^, veg., min. 3+ plu. Sehs^nun, 'large.' Thus: nq,hehs^numu, 'it is large' (?zg, it; heh^nn, large; my, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: hehs^- nuH'"^, an., min. sing.; Jie'eJise'^^ii'r), veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; Jiehs^^^di^'^, veg., min. 3+ plu. He, 'large.' Thus: n^hemy,, 'it is large' {na, it; he, large; my, to be). The attributive forms are irregular: he^i''^, an., min. sing.; he^eniy, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; hde^i)^, veg., min. 3+ plu. Jo, augmentative postpound. This is used very irregularly only with certain adjectives and nouns. It seems to be the last s}" liable of an., min. sing, so^jo, 'large.' T fs^, 'small.' Thus: nq.tf^rny, 'it is small' [nq., it; tfse, small; viy, to be). This word is used only in the singular: ■tfs^H''^, an., min., sing.; tfs^ij), veg. sing. The dual and 3+ plu. forms are supplied by hinx, tajedi, etc. ; see below. Hin^, 'small.' Thus: mihin^my, 'it is small' (mi, it; 7im^, small; my, to he). The attributive forms are irregular. Thus: hins^T\ an., min. sing.; ht'liiiy, veg. sing., an., veg., min. dual, an. 3+ plu.; h'Pind'i'^, veg., min. 3+ plu, Taje^i, 'small.' Thus: nq,tajeMmy, 'it is small' {nd, it; taje(?, head; sendo, old man) wears a hat of juniper bark as a headdress.^ iM. C. Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, Tivcnty-third Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 297: "Hot tea of toasted juniper twigs and berries steeped in boiling water is drunk by a woman in labor to prevent constipation." See also this author's Ethnobotany of the Zuiii Indians, Thirtieth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 55. 2The Yavapai at McDowell, Ariz., who now use the leaves and twigs of the creosote bush {t Larrea glutinosa) to steam, lying-in women four days after childbirth, and also drink a decoction of the leaves as a remedy for internal chill, say that they used juniper (tjoka) for these purposes as long as they lived in the mountains. 3 The impersonator of kwikwiljaka, " one of the older Hopi kachinas now seldom seen," wears a similar mat of jumper bark. See tihu of this kachina in Field Museum, Chicago (McCormick Coll., 65757). FE™-MrEEE™™^' ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 41 Ilupdbl^ 'Janiperus monosperma flower' (A^c, Juniperus mono- sperma; pfJb\ flower). Huwo {hy,, Juniperus monosperma; wo (?)). Juniperus scopulorum. New Mexican Spanish cedro. The wood of this tree is red. Ps^io, 'deer piiion' (ps^, mule deer; to, piiion tree). Picea engehnaii7ii. Engehnann Spruce. This tree is found at the higher elevations where deer are more plentiful. It is said that deer are fond of staying among these trees. l^ws^y (cognate with Jemez kwgj. Pin us brachyptera). Pinus hrachyptera. Rock Pine, Western Yellow Pine. New Mexican Spanish pinavete. (See pi. 2, h.) At Hano two yioseyhala {yw^., rock pine; kala, leaf), 'rock-pine leaves,' is attached to each of the prayer-feathers, ^ig^g, which are pre- pared during the fantai ceremonies in December. Branches of rock pine for this purpose are fetched by a runner. To (cf. to, pinon nut). Pinus edulis, Pinon Pine, Nut Pine. New Mexican Spanish pinon. Pinon pine is the commonest tree on the lower mesas. It is much used as firewood. The nuts, generally roasted for eating, were formerly an important food. After corn harvest, about October 15, many of the Santa Clara people go to the mountains for several daj^s to gather pinon nuts. They are also bought from Mexican peddlers ^ and eaten raw on festive occasions.^ The Navaho bring them for sale to Hano, as they do to Jemez and the Keresan pueblos, and the Indian storekeepers also sell them. At Hano the resin of the piiion, tokwse, (kwse, gum, balsam), is used for mending cracked water-jars, also for excluding the air from cuts and sores. The resin of pinon or of another conifer is sometimes smeared over earthenware canteens to make them watertight. Com- pare this with the resin-coated basket canteens of southern Arizona. At Santa Clara to is said to be the oldest tree, and its nuts the oldest food of the people. It was the result of going up on the western mesa and eating the fallen pinon nuts that the people "first knew north and west and south and east." Ka'ans^, 'smooth leaf {Jia, leaf; ^ans^, smoothness). Pinus fiexilis. White Pine. iBenavides {Memorial, 1630, pp. 47-48) says that pifion nuts from New Mexico were traded to Mexico: " Los arboles de piiiones que son de diferente especie de los de Espaiia, porque songrandes, y tiernos de partir, y los Arboles, y pinas chicas, y es tanta la cantidad, que parece inacawablo, y de tanta estima, que vale la fanega en Mexico & veinte y tres, y veinte y cuatro pesos, y los que lo bueluen 4 vender ganan en ellos." 2 Cf. Hough, Amer. AntJir., x, p. 40, Washington, 1897. 42 BUREAU OF AMEEICAlsr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 Te'nse, {te, Populus wislizeni; ns^, as in 'g^^, salt, and Ktinse, tur- quoise). Populus acuminata. Rydberg's Cottonwood. Populus angustifolia. Narrow-leaf Cottonwood, Mountain Cot- tonwood. Nq,na. Populus tremuloides. Aspen. (See pis. 2, a,2>.) At San Ildefonso the leaves of this tree are boiled and the decoc- tion is drunk for urinary trouble.^ Hodge ^ gives Ndna-tdda as a "tree (birch?)" clan at Nambe. Te. Populus wislizeni. Valley Cottonwood. This is the common cottonwood along the Rio Grande. The Tewa are more familiar with it than with any other large broad-leaved tree, and they use it more than any other. ^ The wood is used for making many artifacts, notably the tetq/nibe, 'cottonwood drum' {te., Populus wislizeni; t(lmbe.) Hano Tewa, tQfmmele^ drum). English 'tree' is often translated tern case no particular species is referred to. Cottonwood buds are called teTce^ 'cottonwood kernels' {te, Populus wislizeni; h'e, kernel, grain, as kernel or grain of corn). The white fluff of cottonwood buds is called tedd'rfo'ku^ 'cotton- wood fluff' {te, Populus wislizeni; dar/^ unexplained; 'o^?/, downy, down, state of being downy). Hodge^ gives as Cottonwood clans at various pueblos: San Juan, Santa Clara, and San Ildefonso, Te-tdoa; Cochiti, Ptrahani-hanuch. At Hano the Cottonwood clan, Te'e-towa., is classed with the Sacred- dancer clan, Katsinatowa^ and the Macaw clan, Talitowa. Tse (Hano Tewa, tsele). Pseudotsuga onucronata. Douglas Spruce. New Mexican Span- ish ^^^ViO real, 'royal pine.' Branches of this tree, which grows in the mountains and deep can- yons, are used by the Tewa in almost all their dances. For example, at Santa Clara, February 9, 1911, the male performers in the pogqnfa.ie wore loose collars of spruce branches covering their shoulders and breasts, and carried spruce branches in their left hands. In the Bas- ket dance, tunfade (closely corresponding with the humiskaisina of Oraibi), held at Santa Clara, October 21, 1912, the male performers wore spruce branches hanging from their necks and waist-belts, while small twigs of spruce formed part of the headdress called po%>o%\ 1 U. S. Dispensatory: Bark of certain species is possessed of tonic properties and has been used in intermittent fevers with advantage. MTOer. Anthr., ix, p. 352, 1896. 2 For the use of cottonwood in prayer-sticks see footnote, p. 49. 4 0p. cit, p. 351. FRmRB-MfEEE™™^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 43 'squash blossom.' The female performers carried sprigs of spruce in their right hands, concealing their wooden rasps, yiDxmp'e. On the afternoon of the day preceding the dance the five capitanes went to the forest, cut eight young spruce trees, and brought them, unob- served, to the village; and after midnight these were planted in the plazas, two at each dancing place. These were referred to in the %oug- ])hYa,se,jagiwQ' ondiisq,7)wse^i nana {jagmo^on^i, archaic form of sag.i- wo^on^i, beautiful; fsdywseH, greenness, green thing; 7ia, it; na, to be present). Spruce branches worn or carried by dancers at Santa Clara are always thrown into the Santa Clara River when the dance is over. Certain clouds are ritually called 'spruce clouds', fse'oFuwa, and their personifications are called 'spruce-cloud boys', fse'ok^mva''e-^7iuy, and 'spruce-cloud girls', tee' (9fc'w?z;«'«''^7l'2/7;. At Hano the Douglas spruce, fsele, is used in almost all the winter dances; the dancers wear spruce twigs made up with yucca fiber into compact neck-wreaths {called. Hinbifselekefo, 'their spruce neckwear,' or figuratively katsina Hmhiywa'a, 'kachinas' necklaces'), and also' carry branches in their left hands, called merely HmbiFsele, 'their spruce.' As no Douglas spruce grows near Hano, it is procured from the mountains some miles southeast or east of First Mesa. A horse- man leaving Hano at daybreak to fetch it returns after nightfall. Occasionally the Navaho bring it to Hano and barter it for corn and meal; thus, before the Little Icawofo in March, 1913, the Corn clan bought a quantity of spruce branches for the use of all the members of the estufa/ munate' ^, which this clan controls. As a rule, however, when spruce is needed for a dance, a fast runner is sent to the hills to fetch it. Returning after dark, he carries it to the estufa, where feathers, j?e?(3, are put on it; then he is asked to choose one branch, which is carried to the spring early next morning. During the night one or more large branches are planted in the plaza where the dance is to take place, and in the morning the children are astonished to see trees growing there. Spruce branches used in the dances are thrown from the edge of the mesa when the dance is over, or dropped in some appropriate place among the rocks, for instance behind the Fajete^ 'fetish house,' at Tohafsana, 'the Gap.' Occasionally juniper twigs and branches {hnkala; see p. 40) are substituted for spruce. ^ The New Mexican Tewa say that mankind first climbed into this world by means of a tree of this species, at Sipo/fe in the far north. The Tewa of Hano say that when the chiefs wished to make a way for 1 Estufa, the name given by the Spanish explorers to the sunken dance-houses or club-houses of the Pueblo Indians and the name current at the present time in New Mexico: Hopi k'lda; Tewa te'e, and po'^te'e, the latter probably meaning 'old-time house,' etc. 2Cf. W. Matthews, The Mountain Chant, Fifth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 464. The Navaho ritual requires spruce saplings (Pseudotsuga Douglasii), but as the spruce does not grow plentifully at a height of less than 8,000 feet, pinon saplings are sometimes substituted. 44 BUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 their people to the upper world, they planted first a t^njo^ White Fir, and next a tsele ; when both of these failed to pierce the roof of the underworld, they planted a jpo^ reed, and by this the people climbed out. This version coincides with the Oraibi and Shipaulovi stories.* The New Mexican Tewa say that the sq'wse,, pine-squirrel, eats the leaves of the tse. Hodge ^ gives Tse-tdoa as a tree clan at San Udefonso. Tenud,^VO Jcwc^, 'winter oak' (fenxui^ winter; hws^, oak). Quercus undulata. Evergreen Oak. This is a small evergreen species abundant on the mesa sides. Quercus utahensis. Utah Oak. This is the common oak along the streams. The acorns were used for food.^ The wood was used for making digging-sticks and many other things, including bows and war-clubs. Iron is called Jcwsekityf^ a word co- nected with Icwsehi, ' Mexican.' The first syllable of these two words sounds exactly like Jcws^, 'oak'. At Hano oak is used for making rabbit- sticks, embroidery-stretch- ers, and other utensils. Hodge* gives as Oak clans at various pueblos: Santa Clara, ; Pecos, GyuuP-sh; Laguna, Mdpai-lidno^^ ; Acoma, IIajpanyi-lidno Spanish). Artemisia (? sp.). New Mexican Spanish altamisa. One use of this plant is reported under Itojaje^ page 56. SdboYuwajpe^ 'mist plant' {sdboYiiwa^ mist; pe^ plant). San Udefonso, ^''^ fss^Hy, 'white rabbit-brush' (p'li, Chrysotham- nus bigelovii; te^, white). Artemisia filifolia. Silver Sage. This is a favorite remedy with the New Mexican Tewa and at Hano. Bundles of the plant are dried for winter use. It is chewed and swallowed with water, or drunk in a hot decoction, as a remedy foi indigestion, flatulence, biliousness, etc. A bundle of the plants steeped in boiling water and wrapped in a cloth is applied to the stomach as a hot compress. 1 Of. H. R. Voth, Traditions of the Hopi, pp. 10, 16. '^■A'm.er. Anthr., ix, p. 352, 1896. sBenavides mentions acorns among the food products of the Santa Fe district. <0p. cit.,p. 351. BOBBINS HARRINGTON, -| ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 45 FREIBE-MAREECO J Artemisia filifolia, sdbo¥ uawajo' e^ is sometimes confused with Arte- misia canadensis. P'y, fs'seHy^ 'white rabbit-brush.' Artemisia JilifoUa. See sdbo¥uwap'e, above. To. Artemisia tridentata. Rocky Mountain Sage, Sagebrush. New Mexican Spanish chamiso hediondo, "stinking greasewood," estafia.ta, estajiate. The dry bushes are used for fuel where no. firewood is available, as for example, on the journey from San Juan to Taos. All the New Mexican sages are used at Santa Clara in the treatment of indigestion, and this species, the most pungent of all, is considered a very effectual remedy though disagreeably strong. It is certainly useful in dispelling flatulence. It is also said to be a good remedy for a constant feeble cough with ineffectual expectoration. In both cases the leaves are chewed and swallowed. Qws^. Called also^'e ]ie''i7) {ife^ stick, wood; he^ hard). Cercocarpus montanus. Mountain Mahogany. New Mexican Spanish j^aZo duro, "hard wood." (See fig. 3.) PuqwsRdlp'e^ 'rabbit-sticks' {pu^ rabbit, cotton-tail rabbit; qws^Aj, strike; p'e., stick) are made of the wood of this plant. The leaves of old plants, or entire young plants, are mixed with salt, and powdered by pounding. The mixture stirred in cold water is drunk as a laxative. Chrysothamnus higelomi. Rabbit-brush. (See pis. 4, a, 8, h.) The Tewa of Hano give this name to Bigelovia higelovii or B. graveo- lens.^ Like the Hopi, they use it largely for making wind-breaks and other shelters for melon plants and young peach trees, and in dam- ming washes and small arroyos. The March-April moon is called p^ykapo^ 'rabbit-brush shelter moon,' because wind-breaks and dams are then renewed. A mat or bundle oip'u, along with a rabbit-skin blanket, is used to close the hatchway of the estufa when warmth or privacy is desired. P'y,mele^ ' rabbit-brush balls,' the white galls which appear on Chrysotliamnus higelovii or C. graveolens, are strung as beads and hung round babies' necks to stop their dribbling. The flowers, p'lipdbi, are boiled to make a yellow dj^e for woolen yarn.^ 1 The Hopi call Bigelovia graveolens hanoshivapi, because the Tewa of the pueblo of Hano carry great bundles of it for firewood. (See Hough, Amcr. Anthr., vol. x, no. 2, 1897, p. 39.) 2 The Navaho boil Bigelovia graveolens for yellow dye. (See Matthews, Third Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn., p. 377.) 46 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 Salcupe, 'tobacco pipe plant' {sa, tobacco; leu, stone; p"e, stick, plant. Edwinia americana. Wax Flower. Ephedra antisypMUtica. Joint Fir. Fig. S.^Mountain mahogany. The leaves and stems are boiled in water and the decoction is taken as a remedy for diarrhea. Sometimes the leaves and stems are chewed for the same purpose.^ Poni'i (of obscure etymology; < New Mexican Spanish ^om7.^). Fallugia paradoxa, Apache Plume. New Mexican Spapish ponil (' e, 'painted root plant' {pu, base, root; hC"-^ painting, painted; p'e, stick, plant)., Castilleja linarisefolia. Painted Cup, Indian Paint-brush. The red flower is prominent in decorative art at Hano; it is painted on pottery, painted and carved in wood, and imitated in colored yarn on a wooden framework. * P^'\i, ^dwi'itj, 'brown rabbit-brush' (p'u, Chr3'^sothamnus bige- lovii; 'g, brown). Chrysopsis hirsutissirrta. Golden Aster. Ta''°'nseij, Hano Tewa Ha^jsey (ta>, unexplained; nxy, apparently fisey, nest). Atriplex canescens. Salt Bush. (See pi. 7, a.) At Hano the ashes are stirred into the dough for rnowa (see p. 29) in order to turn it from purplish-gray, the natural color of meal ground from " blue" kernels, to greenish-blue. ? . Oicuta occidentalis. Water Hemlock. ''Ojop'ei^ojo^ unexplained; ^j>''e, stick, stalk; pobl, flower). Geranium atropurpureum. Geranium, Cranesbill. l^iod^jpSns^\ 'thorn weed' {j)ws^^ thorn; j^'e'?!^^*, weed). Geum strictuw,. Avens. Pdblwijeki, 'swaying flower' {pdbl^ flower; wijekl^ to sway, intransitive). Gilia greeneana. Red Gilia. Pdblywvtj^ 'standing flower' {pdb% flower; ywiy^ to stand). Gilia longiflora. White Gilia. New Mexican Spanish Una. A second informant criticized this name as being merely descriptive and not proper to this particular plant (probably because he did not know the name). The dried flowers and leaves of Gilia longiflora^ ground and mixed with water, make a soapy lather, which is good for sores on any part of the body or for headache. 1 The Zuni use the roots of Datura stramonium as a narcotic and anesthetic, and the blossoms and roots ground to a powder as an external application for wounds and bruises. (See M. C. Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, Twenty-third Ann. Eep. Bur. Amer. Mhn., p. 385; also Ethnobotany of the Zuni In- dians, TMrticth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., passim.) Some of the Yuman tribes use the leaves as a narcotic. Doctor Hough says {Amer. Anthr., x, p. 38) that the use of Datura meteloides as a narcotic "is extremely rare and is much decried by the Hopi." Miss G. Robinson, formerly field matron at Second Mesa, informs the writers that a Hopi doctor at Siehomovi administered doses of Datura to two children who were brought to him from Shongopovi. One of the patients, a child of three months, afterward suffered from a succession of convulsive fits, with loss of muscular control, and did not fully recover, or acquire the power of speech; the other, a girl about three years of age, lost muscular control and died about a month later. 56 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHI^OLOGY [bull. 55 Kojaji. Hano Tewa, hojaje (< Span.?). Gutierrezia longifolia. New Mexican Spanish yerha de vihora and coyaye. This plant grows freely in the sand about the Tewa villages. It is eaten by live stock. At Santa Clara the midwife gives a mixture of hojaji, ''antarnisa (see p. 44), an'd sa^ native tobacco, to the patient in the form of snuff. The patient is also fumigated by placing Jcojaji on hot coals on a ptiki (base used in making pottery), over which she stands, wrapped in a blanket. The same remedy is used for painful menstruation. At San Ildef onso a newborn child is fumigated in the same way. At Hano kojaje^ as well as a smaller plant resembling it, called Tcojaje Hhitije, 'younger brother of kojaje' (fresh or, in winter, dried), is boiled in water and the decoction given for gastric disturbances. In a case of gastric influenza with violent vomiting and bleeding from the stomach, three half -pint doses a day were given. A fresh decoction was made daily and the treatment was continued for five or six days. Fresh green kojaje, chopped fine, is rubbed on the skin around the ear to relieve earache. Sprigs of kojaje are tied on many kinds of prayer-sticks by the Tewa of Hano as well as by the Hopi. It is almost the only flowering plant available for the December ceremonies. Po'^d'c, water; '«, perhaps 'a, clothing). Cf. Hano Tewa, nay^a, 'earth clothing' (nay, earth; '«, clothing), a name for lichen (see p. 68). Halerpestes cymhalaria. Crowfoot. Snares for catching bluebirds are made from this plant. Ilelianthus annuus. Sunflower. New Mexican Spanish anil. The fire-stick, j/ap'e, for lighting cigarettes is sometimes a dried sunflower stalk. A scalp song at Hano describes sunflowers as watered by the tears shed by Navaho girls. iPyy'heje. E-ymenoxys jlorihunda. Colorado Rubber Plant. The skin of the roots is pounded until it becomes gummy. The material is then chewed as Americans chew chewing-gum. Pimpe, ' mountain stalk' {fiy, mountain; pe^ stick, stalk, plant). Hypopitys latisquama. Pinesap. Wg.ohep'e'ns^il, 'sour weed' Cog.ohe^ sour, sourness; p'e^ns^il, weed). - lonoxalis violacea. Violet Wood-sorrel. ''Agojop'^e., 'star plant' {^agojo, star; p'e, plant). fKallstroeviia hrachystylis. New Mexican Spanish contrayerba.^ 1 The contrayerha used by the Spaniards in Peru as an antidote for noison, and introduced into England in 1581 under the name of drakesroot, is an entirely different plant. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGV BULLETIN 55 PLATE 4 A. CANYON OF EL RITO DE LOS FRIJOLES, SHOWING STREAMSIDE FOREST AND NUMEROUS RABBIT-BRUSH SHRUBS (CHRYSOTHAMNUS BIGELOVII) IN THE FOREGROUND ON TALUS SLOPE. B. PLUMED ARROYO SHRUB (FALLUGIA PARADOXA) IN ARROYO IN CANYON OF EL RITO DE LOS FRIJOLES. PRMRE-MfRlfreo*^™^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 57 At San Ildef onso the chewed leaves are put on a sore or swelling, and at Santa Clara the roots are used as a remedy for diarrhea. Pyrjywihi^ 'mountain slope' (p^*??, mountain; 7?^«^/^^, steep slope). Why the plant should be called thus could not be explained. Laciniaria punctata. Blazing Star. The roots were eaten as food. Lajpjpula florihunda. Stickseed. P^^ns^Vb ^QwViy, 'brown weed' (p^e'ns^tl, weed; '^, brown). I/upi/nus achbncus. Lupine. Tosqmhe. Martynia sp. The open seed-vessels, wound aoout with woolen yarn, are some- times used at Santa Clara and at Hano in making artificial flowers for dancers' headdresses.^ P^'e'ns^Wb tsiteHy, 'sticky weed' {p'e^ns^'bl, weed; tside, sticky, usually said of glutinous substances). ? Puks^ (Santa Clara). Nuttallia inultiflora. This plant is rough, covered with minute hairs, and clings to cloth- ing tenaciously. A young boy, before he is put on a horse for the first time, is stripped of his clothing and this rough plant rubbed briskly on the bare skin of his legs. His clothing is put on and he is placed on the back of the horse. The Tewa ihaintain that this treat- ment enables the boy to adhere to the horse. The Franciscan Fathers apply "tenacious" to the sticky quality of MentzeUa {Nuttallia).'^ Sy,tsigi^iy (sy,, to smell, intransitive; fsigi^hj, unexplained). Monarda 'rnentTid&folia. Horsemint. According to E. Cata of San Juan the English-speaking Americans call this plant Pennyroyal. At San Ildefonso parts of the plant are cooked with meat to flavor the latter. The dried plant is ground fine and the powder is rubbed over the head as a cure for headache or all over the body as a cure for fever. At Santa Clara sittsigv'iy is a very popular remedy. As a treatment for sore throat, a decoction of the dried leaves is taken internally, and, at the same time, a small quantity of the dried and ground leaves is enclosed in a narrow strip of deerskin or calico and worn by the patient around his neck. As syisigV^y is regarded as one of the 1 The Zuni use these seed-vessels in the same way. 2 The Franciscan Fathers, An Ethnologic Dictionary of the NavahoLanguage, St. Michaels, Arizona, p. 194, 1910. 58 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 "cold" medicines, it is used in the treatment of fever: the leaves are chopped or finely ground, and the powder, slightly moistened, is rubbed on the patient's head, face, and limbs and inside his mouth, and also given him in water to drink. Sufsigi'hj is said to be a remedy for sore eyes, but the method of application has not been ascertained. At Hano this plant is cooked and eaten. ' sticky podded weed ' (p'^e'n^il, weed; ywse, thorny, thorn; tsiie, sticky). Oreocarya multicaulis. Qioiii'pe^ ' in a row plant' {qwiii, line, row;^'^, stick, stalk, plant). Pentalostemum oligophyl- lum^ P. candidus, Prairie Clover. At San Ildefonso, the sweet roots of the plant are eaten raw. At Santa Clara it is applied to an Atrijplex., species not deter- mined. Women and children chew the plant as a delicacy. Iyohepo%\ 'humming- bird flower ' {Fohe, hummingbird; j)oi\ flower). Pentstemon torreyi. Beard-tongue. Used at Santa Clara as a dressing for sores. QvM. Peritoma serrulatum. Rocky Mountain Bee Plant, Guaco. New Mexican Spanish guaco. (See fig. 4.) This is a very important plant with the Tewa, inasmuch as black paint for pottery decoration is made from it. Large quantities of young plants are collected, usually in July. The plants are boiled well in water; the woody parts are then removed and the decoction is again allowed to boil until it becomes thick and attains a black color. Fig. 4. — Rocky Mountain bee plant. '^^'^^'^^vf/J^TJ^r!,^'^'™^'! ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA UsTDIANS 59 FHEIRB-JMAREECO J This thick fluid is poured on a board to dry and soon becomes hard- ened. It may be kept in hard cakes for an indefinite period. When needed these are soaked in hot water until of the consistency needed for paint. Guaco is also used as a food. The hardened cakes are soaked in hot water, and then fried in grease. The finely ground plants are mixed with water and the liquid is drunk as a remedy for stomach disorders; or sometimes fresh plants wrapped in a cloth are applied to the abdomen. Hano Tewa Kws^'y, or Jiw^lii. Hopi, iiifni. Peritoii I a serrulatum^ . This plant is of sufficient economic importance to be named in songs with the three chief cultivated plants, corn, pumpkin, and cotton. It is gathered in spring, and, after long boiling to rid it of the alkaline taste, is eaten with fakewe (cornmeal porridge), a small quantity of salt being added at the time of eating.^ ■ Okup'e'ns^Vi^ 'turtle weed' {^oku, i\\Yt\Q.\ pe'nseM^ weed). Cf. '' OTcup^e, page 53. PhaceUa corrugata. A fern species. Tsigo'ofe {tsigo^ forehead; ^ofe, unexplained), probably referring to the custom of cracking the pod on one's forehead. Physalis neomexicana. Ground Tomato, Ground Cherr}^ New Mexican Spanish tomate, tomate del campo. The fruit is covered with a bladdery envelope which the boys crack with a popping sound by pressing it quickly on the forehead. The l)erries are eaten. Tomatoes also are called by this Tewa name, as well as by the Spanish name tomate (>'e';1^5z-, weed). Leptasea austromontana. Pinn8^''im p'e'ns^H, 'mountain weed' {pi)j, mountain; ^;^, loca- tive; p'e'ns^it, weed). Senecio macdougalii. Hano Tewa '^w^,. Hopi asa. SopMa sp.^ Tansy Mustard. The plant is used to make black paint for decorating pottery.^ Bundles of the plant, moistened, are steamed in a can in a pit oven; "some people boil it, but steaming thus is the best way, so that it will melt sxnooih..^'' A quantity of liquid is then squeezed out, and the mass which remains is molded into a cake and, wrapped in corn husk, is stored for winter use. It is an article of trade between women. For use, a small piece is broken off, dipped in water, and rubbed down on a stone pallette with a hard mineral paint called )cup\ri (^w, stone; ^'C2?, blackness). ''Awse, is cooked and eaten in spring. The Hano people translate the name of the Asa clan of Sichomovi as ''Aws^towa. ' (^^a (unexplained). Sphseralcea lohata. Globe Mallow. » Fewkes, ATuer. Anthr., ix, p. 15,1896. 2 See Fewkes, ibid.; Hough, lbid.,x, p. 40, 1897. " The method of preparation seems doubtful or variable. Hough says that the seeds are ground in a mortar, forming an oily liquid which serves as a medium for the iron paint. Fewkes says that an infusion of the flowers is mixed with iron- pigment, the juice of the asa being presumed to cause the pigment to adhere. The Tewa of New Mexico (see above) and the Zuni (Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, p. 375) use the liquid obtained by boiling Peritoma serrulatum. The Hano method is given here. FfilSlf^'l^™™'^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 61 Finely powdered roots are applied to wounds caused by snake bites and to sores in which considerable pus appears. The pus is said to be drawn out by the action of this remedy.^ The skin from the roots is pounded into powder; water is added to make a paint, which is used on the face preparatory for the dance. K'ofawo^ 'medicine for broken arms' {Jco^ arm; t'a^ to break, wo^ medicine). Pofawo^ 'medicine for broken legs' ( po^ leg; fa, to break; wo, medicine). Taraxacum taraxacum. Common Dandelion. New Mexican Spanish consuelda. The young plants are eaten as greens. The leaves ground fine are used in dressing fractures. At San Ilde- fonso the ground leaves, reduced with water to a paste, are spread over the fracture, and fresh leaves of the same plant bound over it with rags. At Santa Clara a cloth spread with leaves on which ground consuelda leaves are sprinkled is tied over the fracture. Consuelda leaves ground and mixed with dough are applied to a bad bruise. Tq^n syi'irj, 'seed which smells' {Iqij, seed; sy,, to smell, smelling). Thalicti'um fendleri. Meadow Rue. Tep^e, 'tea plant' {te '<^-> stick, stalk, plant). Described as a kind of rush. P(9, posu, Phragmites phragmites. Reed, cane. New Mexican Spanish carrizo. It is said that this plant' formerly grew plentif ull}^ along the Rio Grande near the Tewa villages. Now none can be found there. It grows, however, along Jemez creek near Jemez pueblo. The plant was used for making arrows, game-sticks for the Canute game, and many other purposes. FUNGI Te; '0??<7'?*( The plant was called snake-grass by a white man living in the neighborhood. Tfy,ted^7). ? . New Mexican Spanish canatillo. A decoction made from this is a good medicine for babies when they catch cold. It is also a remedy for diarrhea. WILD PLANTS FROM OUTSIDE THE TEWA COUNTRY P'etsejiy, ' yellow plant ' (pe, stick, plant; fse, yellow). Madura aurantiaca. Osage Orange or Bois d'arc. This is a shrub said to grow in Texas and the valley of the Arkan- sas River, especially in a place called Garcia. The limbs are straight and thorny and the color of the wood is yellow. The wood of this shrub was considered better for making bows than any which grew in the Tewa country.^ It was brought from the east by the Tewa, or obtained from the Comanche or other Eastern tribes. Tsep'e, 'eagle plant' {tse, eagle; p'e, stick, plant). Prosopis glandulosa. Mesquite sp. (not screw mesquite). New Mexican Spanish mezquite. 1 Many of the Pima hunting bows are made of Osage Orange wood, a material that is now obtain- able from the whites along the Salt River. (See Russell, The Pima, Twenty-sixth Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 95.) UOBBINS, HARRINGTO FEEIRE-MARRECO ^''j ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 69 Very few Tewa are acquainted with this plant; it does not grow in the Tewa country. Many individuals were questioned about it. At last a Tewa who had been in the southern part of New Mexico so de- scribed it that it was recognized as the mesquite. The fruit is called isep'emii, 'eagle plant pods' {tse, eagle; p'e, stick, plant; 7nii, pod). This informant said that the screw mesquite {Prosopis pubesce^is) pods used to be obtained from the Mescalero Apache. These were twisted into the ear as a cure for ''ojep'ohe^ 'ear-ache' ('ty'^, ear; ^'o, hole; he^ sick, sickness). Cf. Ta'ne^ page 73. Kq'^'nto^ 'buffalo nut' {kq'^y^ buffalo; to, nut). ? . Walnut. New Mexican Spanish nogal. Wild walnuts used to be gathered by the Tewa when they hunted buffalo in the Arkansas River valley. Walnuts are still called koy~nto, but more often merely to, ' nuts.' TafiH^'^, 'red kernels' {tu, kernel; pi, red). A large red seed, resembling one of the seeds of a rose; the plant is 2 or 3 feet high and has leaves like those of a rose. The tree ( ?) is said to be plentiful on the Comanche, Kiowa, and Osage reservations. The Comanche sometimes bring the seeds when they visit the New Mexi- can pueblos, and Pueblo Indians visiting the Comanche country carry the seeds back with them.^ They are valued as a medicine for women at their periods; a piece of a seed is broken into small fragments and swallowed with water. P'ekwa^a, 'vegetable beads' {p'e, stick, plant; Jcwci'a, beads). A merely descriptive name. ? . Large brown seeds from a bush four feet high which grows in the mountains near Rio Yerde, Arizona.^ A man at Santa Clara professed to recognize these seeds as "good when you have wind [i. e., wander- ing neuralgic pains] in the head, making your head ache and making you crazy." They should be rubbed into a greasy paste and smeared on the head. PLANTS NOT SATISFACTORILY IDENTIFIED Qws^pu, {qws§, unexplained; pu, root). ? . ? Alder. Cf . qwE§, page 45, and the use of tf^iij, alder, pages 38-39. 1 The Mohave Apache obtain this seed from the neig-hborhood of Tucson; it grows also in northern Mexico. Apparently they use these seeds only as beads. The White Mountain Apache use them as medicine. A specimen of this seed may be seen in the Field Museum, Chicago (Owen coll., No. 84647). 2 The Mohave Apache collect these seeds. The White Mountain Apache use them as medicine. A specimen of this seed may be seen in the Field Museum, Chicago (Owen Coll., No. 84550). 67961°— Bull. 55—16 6 70 BUKEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 A woody stem used for coloring deerskin, called by the Yavapai Hkwala^ was identified by a man at Santa Clara as a remedy, applied externally, for spots on the face and arms, for throat-ache, or any other pain. ? . Yagnera amplexlcaulis. False Solomon's Seal. The ripe berries were eaten. ''Asa^p^a (^asa, unexplained; 2^'ci-, large and flat). ? . A small plant that grows in the hills behind San Ildefonso. Kop'e^ ' planting plant' {ko^ to plant; jy'e', plant). ? . An informant at Santa Clara gave this name, probabh^ in error, to a dried specimen of Villanov'a dissecta. Kojje is mentioned as a plant which is buried with corn at planting- time to promote the growth of the latter. Kq'^nqje, 'buffalo plant' (kq'^y^ buffalo; p'e^ plant). ? . K'^mpe^ ' cob plant' {Jcuy^ corn-cob; 'p'^i plant). ? , K\ijo2?'e, 'wolf plant' {k'ujo^ timber wolf; ^^'f^, stick, plant). ? New Mexican Spanish yef'ia de lobo. The Santa Clara people obtain this plant in the mountains southwest of the Kito de los Frijoles Canyon; they use it in treating a swollen bruise. Kutemhl (ktj,, skunk-bush; t^)j, tube; bi, unexplained). ? . This plant is found on the hills east of San Juan Pueblo, The leaves are chewed to allay thirst. The leaves are steeped and the decoction is drunk as a remedy for urinal troubles. Jo>ioi) ej)oVi {jodo, ; p.e^ stick, plant; j?6>ftl, flower). ? . This plant is described as growing in the mountains, attaining a height of two feet, and bearing large red and white flowers. The plant is dried and ground to a tine powder; this is applied dry to the surface of a wound which has been first moistened. Mal^a ( < Spanish). Mallow sp. ^ New Mexican Spanish malva. At Santa Clara this plant is used as a remedy for headache. The plant gi'ound is made into a paste with the addition of water and a FSE-MrRKEl:^o'^™^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 71 small quantity of sugar. The paste is applied over each temporal arter}^ and on the forehead between the eyebrows. Mansuptb {mqnsu p' e'ns^'bl, 'snake weed' {pseny,^ snake; jpe!ns^\'^ weed). \ . The leaves of two shrubs are smoked with native tobacco to make it milder, especially in religious ceremonies. Pimp''uns^''s§, 'mountain purslane' {pirj^ mountain; 2>uns^''se,^ Por- tulaca oleracea). ? . This shrub grows in the mountains near Cochiti, and the Santa Clara people procure it from that pueblo. Cf. Qws^p'e^ below. • Qw^p^e {qws^ ? ; ^'e, stick, plant). ? . The leaves resemble those of p'im pun8^''s^ (see above) but are smaller. This shrub grows on the hills to the west of Santa Clara Pueblo. Pifipdbi^ 'red little ball flower' (|»^■, red; fi^ small and roundish like a ball; pdbl^ flower). FREfEE-MrRlfECO*^™'^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 73 A plant which grows in the mountains. It resembles the firepoker of our gardens. Pogq'^ytil {pogq'^y, ; ta, kernel). ? . - . A San Ildefonso informant stated that this plant grows low on the ground in the hills. The seed-pods are six inches long; these are gathered when ripe and are eaten after being roasted in hot ashes. An informant at Santa Clara gave this, probably in error, as the name of the Mesquite, which he professed to have seen on the Mexican border. From the seeds, called ^cgo'?w^^^ {pQQQ^^Vi 5 i^h kernel), and from which the plant evidently gets its name, flour was made. Pogwse {po, water; qwse, ? Cercocarpus parvifolius). Said to be a kind of herb which Tewa boys use as a perfume. Poiap'e, 'dry water plant' (po^ water; ia, dry; j^>'(g, stick, stalk, plant). This is a kind of weed that grows by the water. Pot^y, 'water tube' {po, water; tey^ tube). ? Villanova dissecta. Ss^gpbe {ss^go, unexplained; be, roundish fruit, ball). ? Solanum jamesii. Potato. It is said that ssegobe was originally applied to a white-flowered plant, native to this region, which bears small edible tubers similar to potatoes. These tubers likewise are called ss^gohe and are still eaten by the Tewa. No specimen of the plant could be obtained. ^ See papa and mhnp'^u, which are also applied to 'potato.' Swollen glands are called ssegobe. Ss^ylco. % ' Described as a kind of hard- wooded shrub. 8epatqwi. ? . This name was obtained at Santa Clara. Sepatqwi is said to be a kind of water alga. This plant is placed on the forehead to stop nosebleed. fa'ne. Said to be the correct name of one of the species of plant wrongly called py, tsdyws^Hy in this paper. This information was volunteered 1 Of. Hopi tumna ("a small nodule' ' ) , potato ( Solanum jamesii ). It is boiled and eaten with a tale of greasy taste called tilmln' tcuka, ' potato clay.' (See Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., ix, 1895, p. 19.) 74 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 by one of the old informants who had been "thinking it over" for several weeks. The plant is said to resemble tsepe (p. 68). Tiwo, 'swelling medicine' {ti, swollen, a swelling; ww, magic, medicine). This plant is found on the hills east of San Juan Pueblo. The root of the plant pounded is applied to swollen parts. Tsify,. A kind of shrub. Tsse.topii^'^Qi {tsx^ white; top'u^'^gif). ? . A weed which resembles the dusty-miller of our gardens. Ifc is said to look as if it had been rolled in gj^psum or dust. It grows in the mountains and in the lowlands. TupiHy, 'red kernel' {tti^ kernel; pi, red). 'i . See page 69. Tusa, ' flesh tobacco ' {tu, flesh ; sa^ tobacco). 'i . This is described as a kind of wild tobacco. Tyjo {til, unexplained; jo, apparently ^'o augmentative). 'i . A plant which grows in the mountains. ''Unipop'e, 'blood plant' Ciimpo, blood, < ^uy, blood; po, water^ liquid; p'e, stick, stalk, plant). A kind of plant found growing under pine trees in the mountains. It has red flowers and red juice, whence its name. Specimens were obtained from the mesa south of Frijoles Canyon, ^ but these have not yet been identified. I^wiku (unexplained). ? ; . New Mexican Spanish lechero. WopiH''^, 'red medicine' (^oo, magic, medicine; pi, red). % . This is described as a plant bearing red flowers; it is boiled and the decoction is drunk for purifying the blood. The plant grows in the mountains. 1 See Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Ann. Sep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 410. BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 55 PLATE 6 A. BALL CACTUS (MAMILLARIA SP.). B. PRICKLY PEAR (OPUNTIA CAMANCHICA). FRS-MfRlfE'co'''^™'''] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 75 Kepe^ Hano Tewa (ke, apparently Tce^ bear; pe., ben;}'). ? . Red berries gathered and eaten in summer. PakoisejP^, Hano Tewa (/j»«1^6', said to bean old word; tse^ yellow). Hopi, toHtsTua. A plant with yellow flowers somewhat resembling Gutierrezia. This plant was formerly cooked with meat, or, dipped in salt water, was eaten with new corn. SojOinelep' e (Hano Tewa ) , ' urinal-pot plant' {s.ojo^ urine ; in.ele^ pot; p'e, plant). % . A plant bearing large roundish seed-vessels. Taje'cl, Hano Tewa (Jaje^ unexplained; '«, sweetness). f Atri'plex sp. Orache. At Hano the young leaves and stalks are eaten, boiled, in spring, Sip^ulxCi (Hano Tewa), 'stomach swelling' (^s*, belly; •p'ldu, swell). This is a second Hano name. ? . Talay, Hano Tewa (said to mean 'spread wide'). Any plant having leaves spread wide on the sand would be so called. The Hano people never eat this plant for fear their stomachs would swell. Tamy, (Hano Tewa), 'grass bag' (ta, grass, my,, bag). ? . A grass used to cover the hatchway of the estufa (kiva) when warmth or privacy is needed. Titiinpe^ Hano Tewa (unexplained). % . Described as a flowering plant. Towass^ls^^ Hano Tewa (? tovxt, people, Indian; sselsg,^ stew, boil). ? . A plant which is eaten, boiled. Tsihu, Hano Tewa (unexplained). Rabbit-sticks, musical rasps, stirring-sticks for cooking, shade- sticks, lease-rods, and heddles for weaving are made of this hard, knotty wood. 76 BUREAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bdlu 55 II. Cultivated Plants INDIGENOUS PLANTS The Tewa Economy At the time of the Spanish discovery the Tewa were cultivating, it would seem, maize, beans, pumpkins and other gourds, cotton, and tobacco. The Spaniards added to the native resources by introducing wheat,^ oats, barley, chile, onions, other kinds of beans, peas, water- melons, muskmelons, peaches, apricots, and apples. The English- speaking Americans have introduced no food plant of importance. No doubt the Spaniards' importations into New Mexico were not accepted without a struggle, but at the present day most of these plants constitute an indispensable factor of native life: they are xe- garded as "Indian food" which may be eaten in tho estufa, and they are named in the ritual formulas and prayers. Thus, a Tewa at San Ildefonso described the people as praying in the estufa "for all the things they want to have — corn, wheat, melons, watermelons, onions, chiles, apples, peaches, all things they have to eat — and clothes, shoes; and a long life, to live to be old men. " The comparatively recent introduction of "store food" by the Amer- icans — machine-milled flour, sugar, bacon, lard, canned goods — tends to invest all home-grown foods with a kind of autochthonous prestige. Even in Arizona, the refuge of those Pueblo peoples who detested the Spanish rule and influence, melons and watermelons, chiles, and onions won their way. But the ritual songs at Hano name no foreign plants, only corn, beans, pumpkins, and cotton, sometimes coupled with the name of hwadu {Peritoma serrulatum), an important wild food plant. ^ These cultivated plants were supplemented by a very wide knowl- edge and use of edible wild plants. But nowadays, although wild berries and nuts are still gathered in autumn and green weeds are eagerly sought and eaten in the spring, there is a very general and increasing neglect of all but the most common and best-liked. For- merly it was a matter of necessity that the housewife should know them and store them; for although in normal years they were merely a pleasant addition to the diet, yet drought, flood, fire, or a hostile raid might destroy the crops at any time, thus making the wild prod- ucts an indispensable resource,^ At times when old people ate only once in three dsLjs in order to leave food for the children, no eatable 1 The wheat grown at Moenkapi, a Hopi farming village, is of more modern introduction. 2 Of. W. Matthews, The Mountain Chant: a Navajo Ceremony {5th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 448 and plate xvn). A dry painting represents the four principal plants: The corn plant, painted white, assigned lo the god (Yay) of the east; the bean plant, blue, to the god of the south; the pump- kin vine, yellow, to the god of the west; the tobacco plant, black, to the god of the north. sCf. Hough, Avier. Anthr., x, p. 37,1897. The Hopi call Acanthochiton wriglitii " ancient Hopi food " and say that it has often warded off famine, springing up as it does before the corn is filled out. ROBBiNS, HARRINGTON,-] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 77 FREIRE-MARHECO J substance was likelj^ to be overlooked.^ But the coming of the rail- way has changed all this; and a shortage of crops, general or individ- ual, is now supplied, not from the savings of former years or by the substitution of wild plants, but by earning American money to buy American provisions.^ The people gain immensely in protection against want; but, at least in the present transition period, they decline in thrift. Idleness and resourcelessness are as disastrous as-ever, but they are not so obviously irreparable. The nearer a pueblo lies to a railroad and stores, the more do families tend to live from hand to mouth, raising and storing less corn than will carry them through the year, selling corn extrava- gantly for luxuries, and meeting every emergency by recourse to store flour. The Tewa pueblos, which are all near the railroad and open to American influence, are particularly affected; while the people of Santo Domingo, near the railroad indeed but fenced in by their conservatism, are still rich in native food and thrifty in the use of it; "they sell but they do not buy."^ Still it must be said that some Tewa women make an intelligent use of modern resources, feed- ing their families on store flour (paid for by the husband's and chil- dren's earnings) in the early winter while it is comparatively cheap, and reserving their own wheat and maize for the time when prices rise.* Valuing their time cheaply, they will travel miles to buy at the smallest advantage.^ Most families make debts in the late summer and pa}^ them after harvest. 1 Several times of scarcity occurred from 1840 to 1860. "Our grandfather told us how poor the peo- ple used to be. When they had a good piece of rawhide, such as would be used now for shoe soles, they used to roast it, grind it, and make it into bread. He remembered one day when they went to a fiesta at Santa Cruz. There had been a piece of bread in the house at suppertime, but they saved it for grandmother because she was nursing my father (1852), so she ate it for breakfast and the rest went fasting to Santa Cruz. The family whom they visited had no food either, so they came home hungry as they went, and on the road they found a little corn dropped from a wagon and took it home, ground it, and ate it." (Information communicated by a Tewa informant.) The Tewa etiquette of eating bread at meals recalls times of extreme economy— each person breaks from the pile of tortillas no more than he can eat at once, and returns any remnant to the common stock. Only sick people (and women soon after childbirth) take a whole tortilla at a time. The Yavapai etiquette, founded on camp life, is exactly the contrary. 2 Mr. A. F. Bandelier was told by a Cochiti Indian in 1882 that "formerly the people saved many wild plants in autumn in order to have food in spring when the crops gave out." "Now," Mr. Bandelier says, "they have become less provident, or more indifferent to such means of subsistence." (Information communicated by Mr. Bandelier.) s The Hano people and the Hopi are less affected than are the Tewa in general by modern condi- tions, but even among the former thrift is declining. Many women sell maize for sugar and coffee, and run short before March; those who make pottery can exchange it for store flour to an indefinite extent. Here again commercial facilities and thriftlessness are obviously related; the "nonpro- gressive" village of Hotavila, where there are no traders, raises and stores more food per household than Oraibi, and very much more than Hano, Walpi, or Sichomovi. ■1 A man at Santa Clara said, on February first, that his wife had nine almudas of maize besides her own wheat flour. ' ' We are buying flour now and only giving corn to the horses, and then the maize will last us [three adults, four children] until I get my new wheat in August, and so we shall not be hungry." sit must be added that the present scarcity of meat and hides makes money a necessity in New Mexico, and corn must be sold, or wages'must be earned. 78 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAlSr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 Along with this decline in thrift the diet of the " progressive" Tewa pueblos tends to become very monotonous. The standard of variety has been lowered. Once the people's own idea of a good diet embraced cultivated plants in addition to wild plants in season in considerable variety, drawing on the greatest possible number of different food plants, since the available quantity of any single plant was limited. Now the people draw on the unlimited but unvaried supplies of the American store, or on what they can afford to buy of them — white flour, coffee, and sugar. To buy what the store offers is less trouble than to hunt for plants in the open; further, an ideal of women's work and behavior is growing up which rather discourages the old activi- ties. The women are not to help to provide food (except by earning money), but to keep a clean house, cook, and serve hot meals. The standard of variety in cooking has also declined, as may be seen by comparing the number of ways in which corn is cooked at Santa Clara with those at Hano. Like all Indian arts, cookery is suffering from a half-conscious discouragement in which perfection is no longer aimed at, because of the overwhelming superiority of American civil- ization. Many progressive families deliberately aim at the monoto- nous diet of the whites with whom they come in contact, but attain onlv a poor imitation of it.. PLANTS CULTIVATED BY THE TEWA BEFORE THE SPANISH CONQUEST K'y,, Hano Tewa IcyZijby. Zea mays. Maize, Corn. Spanish maiz (New Mexican Spanish pronunciation, mdis). For the names of the various parts of the corn plant see figure 6. Varieties of Corn Zea mays has a strong tendency to variation in the coat-color of the seed, and the Pueblo Indians have long possessed and distinguished several varieties based on this character.^ Castano de Sosa^ noted in 1590-91 that the New Mexican pueblos had maize and beans of several colors — "el maiz hera de muchas colores, e lo propio es el frisol." Since a number of such color- varieties in maize were found in widel}^ separated parts of North America at the time of the European dis- covery,^ it is most probable that some of them at least had become 1 Nordenskiold, Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde, p. 93 (and pi. xlv, description): "Ears of maize found in the ruins . . . belong to several varieties, and are yellow (yellowish gray) and (dark) reddish-brown. I never found an ear similar In color to the blue corn of the Mokis." 2 Doc. Ined. de Inclias, XV, 238. 3 See the following: Thomas Hariot, A Brief and True Reportof Virginia (quoted by Thomas, Mound Explorations, 12th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. JEthn., p. 616): "Pagatowr, a kind of grain so called by the inhabitants; the same in the West Indies is called Mayze, Englishmen call it Guiny-wheat or Turkey; FRlfSrEETc6 ^^°^' ] ETHNOBOTANY OP THE TEWA INDIANS 79 fixed in or near the area of original domestication/ before it came into the hands of the Indians of New Mexico and Arizona. On the other hand, it is not impossible that the development of color- varieties has been carried farther in the Pueblo area than else- where. Certain conditions have furthered this process, even among an uncivilized people: (1) The fact that the coat-color of the seeds lends itself easily to observation and selection. (2) The local custom of planting, not in large continuous fields, but in small isolated patches of ground chosen for their soil and natural drainage. In such situations favorite strains of corn would be easily kept apart; for probably a half-mile interval of broken ground would protect them, as a rule, from mixture by means of wind-borne pollen. This is the method still followed by the Hopi and the Tewa of Hano, who have no artificial irrigation except in the rare terrace gardens below springs. Clans and individuals have their separate fields. Thus, at Walpi the Snake clan and their connections plant in a wide sandy wash, in Tewa called a potfuMnOba {po, water; tfu^ enter; nqia, field), southwest of the mesa. The Cloud clan plants southeast of the mesa; some of the Fox clan plant ten miles away, near Keam's Can- yon; the Tewa have a group of fields far up the wash to the north- east. These are the clan fields, and they are of considerable size; but individuals make their "first planting," Hmhipa'^de'ko, in early spring on tiny isolated flood plains made by damming the water in sheltered gullies. At Mishongnovi some of the Hopi make their "first planting" in very small walled fields of sand lodged on the rocky hillside. In the scattered farming settlements, or "clan houses " (if we rightly suppose that such existed before the aggrega- wheat . . . The grain is about the bigness of our ordinary English peas and not much different in form and shape; but of divers colors, some white, some red, some yellow and some blue." Beverley, History of Virginia (2d ed., 1722, vol. n, 125-127): " There are four sorts of Indian corn; two of which are early ripe, and two, late ripe; all growing in the same manner. . . . The late ripe corn is diversify' ed by the shape of the grain only, without respect to the accidental differences in colour, some being blue, some red, some yellow, some white, and some streak'd. That therefore which make the distinction is the plumpness or shrivelling of the grain; the one looks as smooth and as full as the early ripe com, and this they call flint-corn; the other has a larger grain, and looks shrivell'd with a dent on the back of the grain, as if it had never come to perfection; and this they call she-corn." John Gerard, The Herball or General Historic of Plants (London, 1597; 2d edition, 1633, chap. 61): " Of Turkie Corne. The kindes. Of Turkic cornes there be divers sorts, notwithstanding of one stock or kindred, consisting of sundry coloured grains, wherein the difference is easy to be discerned . . . The graine is of sundry colours, sometimes red, and sometimes white, and yellow, as my selve have seene In myne owne garden, where it hath come to ripeness." He figures "frumentum indicum Meitm, Yellow Turkey Wheat," apparently with long dented grains, "frwnenhmi indicum rubrum, Red Turkey Wheat," with small dented grains, and "frumentum indicum cmndeum, Blew Turkey Wheat," with full smooth grains. 1 Cf. Cyrus Thomas, in Handbook of American Indians (article Maize): "It is now generally sup- posed to have been derived from native grasses — the Euchloena mexicana of a. Mexico and E. luxurians of Guatemala, the latter approximating most nearly the cultivated corn." 80 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 tion of clans into villages), even the clan fields must have been small and so would have encouraged the isolation of strains.^ (S) Another condition favorable to the restriction of the number of varieties of corn was the ancient prejudice against taking seed from other communities. Fig. 6.— A"«, Com plant. a, Luv, inflorescence, tassel; b, Mlej), inflorescence stalk; c, roxelowh, husk of ear; d, VoiWapu, stem of ear; e, Vu'uVowh, leaf-sheath; f, pu'e, rootlets; g, Iqtu, poUen; h, s^, sUk; i, lioxi, ear; j, kuv, cob; k, h'e, grains; 1, fca, leaf; m, fc'a'M, cornstalk; n, k'u'upug^, base of cornstalk; o, pu, root. In New Mexico methods have been changed by the establishment of villages near permanent streams and the consequent development 1 We understand the nomenclature of Pueblo clans so slightly that it would be rash to assume that clans called Early Corn, White Corn, and the like had specialized strains of corn when they joined their pueblos. FRffifESifR'^^ifJo^™^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 81 of irrigation. But the Tewa of Santa Clara have a strong tradition of an earlier state of things: In old times, when the people lived on the hills, they had no ditches; the com grew with water purely from the heavens. When it was very dry, the women watered it from their jars.^ Then the people began to plant in the arroyos where the water ran, and so, little by little, as best they could, they thought of irrigating. The Pueblo Indians have myths which profess to account for the variously colored strains of corn. A Zuni myth^ ascribes the origin of the seven kinds (yellow, blue, red, white, streaked, black, all-colored) to the selection by their ancestors of large and beautifully colored grass seeds, ceremonially planted with feathered wands of the desired colors, and fertilized by the ritual union of the youth Yapotuluha with the Seven Corn-maidens. The following myth, obtained from a Tewa of Santa Clara, was obtained from Miss C. D. True: Long ago the people lived principally on meat; forest fires destroyed the game and the people were starving. They went up to Puje ^ and danced for many weeks before the caciques could obtain a dream. At last the caciques dreamed; in accord- ance with their dreams they made a small hole, placed in it pebbles of six colors corresponding to the world-regions, and covered the opening with a stone. The people danced again for several weeks; then the caciques looked into the hole and saw six corn-plants sprouting in it. From this first planting came the six colored varieties of corn. The Tewa of New Mexico distinguish seven principal varieties of corn, named in the following order: 1. K'^y, tsQyws^Hy, ' blue corn' {k'y,, corn; tsdrjws^, blue), associated with the North, personified by K'uts(lnu^a''°'nu^ ' Blue Corn Maiden. 2. R'yj tsejiHy, 'yellow corn' {h'li^ corn; tse, yellow), associated with the West, personified by ICyfsejPa'°-nii, 'Yellow Corn Maiden.' 3. ICy, pi^iy, 'red corn' {k'y,, corn; pi, red), associated with the South, personified by iryp''inu^a''°'nii^ 'Red Corn Maiden.' 4. ICyjtss^''ir), 'white corn' {Jcu^ corn; tsse,, white), associated with the East, personified by Kylss^nu^a'^fiu, 'White Corn Maiden.' 5. iryi tss^ygeiy^ 'many -colored corn' {7/y,, corn; tss^yge^ many colored), associated with the Above, personified by K'^ytss^yqeip^) 'a'^fl'^, 'Many-colored Corn Maiden.' 6. K'^y, pejiiiy, 'black corn' (]i:'u, corn; pmj, black), associated with the Below, personified by Wyp''^n^i''^'^(jC"'ny^ 'Black Corn Maiden.' 7. Kyp'inini, 'dwarf corn,' personified by Ky,p'inini''a)°'nyj, 'Dwarf Corn Maiden.' It will be noticed that the first six of these varieties are associated with the cardinal colors and the world-regions, and it seems probable that the iCf. M. C. Stevenson, The Zuni Indians, p. 353. Zufii women carry water in jars to their vegetable gardens. zCushing, Zuni Creation Myths, Thirteenth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., pp. 392-398. 3 See Harrington, The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians, Twenty-ninth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 236. 82 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 six-fold classification made by the Tewa has been influenced by the fact that they possessed maize of six colors; or rather, five, since "many- colored maize" is simply maize in which grains of several colors grow on the same cob. In addition to the six cardinal colors, intermediate colors are recognized; see Color-adjective Compounds, p. 32. The seventh variety, j/inini^ or V'\j,2?'inini (k'lj,, maize; pHnini, midget, dwarf, ' small, weazened person' appears to be from Spanish ^^^;?^e6>, New Mexican pronunciation pinineo, pigmy), is a kind of corn with small ears and small yellowish- white grains. The Tewa state, how- ever, that they have had this variety of corn from immemorial times. The name has sometimes been translated ' ' sweet corn " by the Ameri- cans and mats dulce by the Mexicans. The introduced sweet corn, however, is distinguished as : K'y, ^li'iy, 'sweet corn' {¥y,, maize; 'g, sweet). Sweet Corn. New Mexican Spanish mais dulce. Hodge gives Ku'^aii-tdoa as a Sweet Corn clan at San Ildefonso. At the present time (1912) the largest proportion of the corn raised at Santa Clara is "blue" and "white". "Blue" corn, Vy, tsq.ywseHjj, is almost black in coat-color, but, when ground, it produces a blue-pur- ple meal. "Black " corn, ¥tj, ij^niy^ has a dusty, gray -black surface. Indian yellow corn, Yii, tsejiHy, is not raised at Santa Clara, but there is a fine strain of it at Tesuque. One or two men at Santa Clara raise American yellow corn. A dark-red variety mottled with black was introduced four years ago from Jemez. The Tewa of Hano distinguish the following strains, naming them in the same order as do the Hopi: K'yZiin fse'i, yellow corn — North. K'lillLn tsqywse?% blue corn — West, K'yl'^m pi'i, red corn — South. K^ulybn fss^H, white corn — East. • K''1hlunip\^n% black corn — ? Below. K'yXiinta^m^ge'i, mixed-colored corn — ? Above. PHniniF yXy,^ dwarf corn. Mel^y^ a dwarf corn cultivated by the ancestors; archaic name, jele. Intermediate colors are also named, as — K^yly,rj'd)% gray corn. K^yZy,m pltsseMH, pink corn. K^ylum pip^n% dark-red corn. Treatment op Corn Corn is planted by the Rio Grande Tewa in April. As with all other seeds, it should be sown under a waxing moon, so as to grow with the moon; under a waning moon the seeds cease growing. Not BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY BULLETIN 55 PLATE 7 A. SALTBUSH (ATRIPLEX CANESCENS), A SHRUB SEVERAL FEET HIGH IN THE CANYONS ON TALUS SLOPES AND STREAM TERRACES. B. WILD SQUASH (CUCURBITA FCETIDISSIMA), A TRAILING FORM IN CANYONS. ROBBINS. HARRINGTON FREIRE-MARRBCO ] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 83 everyone knows the right times for sowing; some men know the time for one crop and some for another. Sometimes women help to plant by dropping seeds after the men. The corn is gathered in late September or early October, after the watermelons have been taken. The gobernador proclaims the day on which people are to begin to take their corn, and at the more con- servative pueblos, for instance at Nambe, no one dares to take it before the time. At Santa Clara the people do not plant a field for the cacique, nor have they done so within the last 50 years. They used to plant a fi.eld in common for the support of the church. • Occasionally women help to gather "their corn," but most of the work is done by the men, who pick the ears by hand and place them in sacking aprons, leaving the stalks to be cut down with a scythe. They bring the ears to the pueblo in a wagon the sides of which have been inclosed with cottonwood saplings and cornstalks, and pile them in the plaza before their houses, for husking. The pueblo of San Ildefonso is swept before the corn is brought home, "because corn is just the same as people and must have the plaza clean, so that the corn will be glad when we bring it in." Men, women, and children spend several days husking the corn, going to help relations when the work for their own household is done. The in en and boys chop the stalks with axes; within living memory sharp stones were used for the purpose. A large pile of husks is soon formed against which the women sit; the master of the house presides and takes special charge of the best ears. An ear on which no grain has developed is called ta haHy, 'lazy grass' {tec, grass; ha, lazy), and the same jesting reproach is used to a lazy woman who will not grind. When such an ear is found in the course of husking, a man or boy will strike a woman with it, crying, ta ha'iyf, reproaching her as a poor housewife. If both parties are young, this assault leads to much romping and struggling; the girl protests that, lazy or not lazy, nothing would induce her to marry that boy; he chases her and rolls her playfully in the corn husks, while the elders laugh indulgently. The little girls carry large ears of corn in their shawls, calling them their children. The whole tone of the work is gay and enthusiastic. The better ears are selected for seed at the time of husking, each person laying aside such as appear to come up to the standard, which naturally varies from year to year according to the general quality of the crop. These ears, called Fowafu, are not entirely stripped, but two or three strips of husk, Jcowa^ are left attached to them. The master of the house reminds the helpers to save the good ears by say- ing hiyJcovmju''q, (biy^ ye, three or more — them; k'owaju, choice ears; 'g, do). He may tell them also to save clean husks for smoking and 84 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 other uses, MyF owapa {Mv^ ye, three or more — them; k'owa, husk, skin; pa, make). The k'owaju are handed over to the master at the end of the day, and the ordinary ears are tossed up on the roof or on a platform built of cotton wood poles and branches, or are laid on a bed of logs — in any place that is dry and well drained. When the husking is finished the master clears away the husks, rak- ing them over to find piles of k'owaju unwittingly covered up in the heap, and next day he makes the U'lj^ojy^ide {Jc^, corn; ^op^iie, braid), fastening the Icowajii in a long braid by means of the strips of husk attached to them. Most men sort the ¥owaju according to color, making one braid (Spanish ristra) of blue ears, another of white, and so on. It is recognized that a crop of corn will always be more or less mixed in color; that, if one sows all blue corn, "some white is sure to mix in it from another field." But most men, by continuing to select the whole blue and whole white ears each year for seed, keep up approximately a white strain and a blue strain. The ristras when finished are set up to dry, resting on the points of the ears, and afterward are hung over the parapet of the roof. Certain ears are saved for seed with the husk on; these are called l£0'ie,ov]c'^0'ieJco'wa7)wog.ebo'°{TcO'ieyQ2iVoi corn; lcowa^&kin\ ywog.ebo^°, withal). It is said that these are not husked until the spring, when the kernels are sown before any or the other seed. Some husked ears of white corn set apart in the houses have spruce twigs tied on them. Dwarf corn, parched and made into ristras, is hung on the parapet to dry. All this is man's work. Miss C. D. True informed the writer that the seed corn is the sub- ject of a winter ceremony ^ in which all the heads of houses take part, and that after this ceremony it may not be touched except by the head of the house. ^ Seed corn should be kept over until the second year; that is, corn gathered in 1912 should be sown in 1914. If sown the very next year, it is supposed to germinate less quickly. An informant at San Ildefonso gave the same rule: The old women are like that; they know from very old times, and they keep the corn for seed; some they sow the next year, but some they keep for the year after. ^ Then, if no corn should grow this year there v/ould still be some to sow the year 1 Possibly identical with the Winter Solstice Ceremony at Hano. See Fewkes, Amer. Anthr., n. s., I, no. 2, pp. 251-276. 2 The statement is made, but on doubtful authority, that the Keres of Santo Domingo represent in their August dance the coming of messengers from destitute pueblos to beg seed-com from Santo Domingo. 3 Pray Juan de Escalonn, writing in October, 1601, from San Gabriel in the Tewa country, says that "the captain-general and his ofi&cers have sacked the villages, robbing them of their corn of which they had six years' store, so that now they are eating wild seeds mixed with charcoal." (Quoted by Torquemada, Monarchia Indiana, lib. v.) FSlMrKE^E™™^'] ETHNOBOTANY OP THE TEWA INDIANS 85 after. 1 They do the same with melon and watermelon seeds. They want to keep the corn of the pueblo. We could buy other seed, and perhaj^s better, from white people; or we could get seed from other pueblos; but the old men do not want that. They want to keep the very corn of the pueblo, because the cotn is the same as the people. At Santa Clara, however, seed corn is often imported; one man showed a strain of red corn from Jemez and proposed to get white corn from a friend at Taos, "because it is very cold there, and their corn ought to ripen early here." Other men said that corn from a distant place generally grew larger and better. While they lay stress on color, size of ears, and quick growth and ripening, they seem to neglect depth of planting. But for sowing they prefer the large grains from the lower part of the ear. A few men raise American yellow maize.^ The introduction of new food plants, e. g., cabbage, is often discouraged by the women, who refuse to cook or eat them. The Hano people showed themselves highly averse to exchanging seed of their own for that of a New Mexican pueblo, suspecting the ' ' intention " of the senders. It is said that at Tesuque, where "the customs" are admittedly very strict, people are allowed to plant only the traditional crops — corn, wheat, melons, watermelons, pumpkins, beans, and chile; anyone who attempted to sow new crops or American seeds would be punished. The same feeling must have been at work in 1680, when the revolted Indians burnt wheat, sheep, pigs, and fowls — all Spanish importations — along with books and images and vestments. The Santa Clara people consider it a proof of their own modern liberalism that they allow any kind of seed to be sown. The ordinary corn, when it has been husked, comes into the charge of the mistress of the house, who sorts it according to quality — some for grinding at home, some for sale, some for feed for the horses. A widower may be seen doing this work for himself. A small quantity of the new corn is shelled off the cob at once and dried on cloths in the sun, to make atole next day. When the corn has dried in the open air it is taken into the house, sometimes being pitched into a storeroom through a chimney hole, and finally the master and mistress of the house stack it in a neat pile, sorted accord- ing to color or quality. As soon as people have husked their own household corn they go to help their relations. Widows and orphans and needy persons in general help at as many huskings as possible, receiving a present of corn at each. "Mexicans" are sometimes hired to help, and men go to other pueblos to help relations who are short of help. lAt the Keres pueblo of Cochiti a field is cultivated by all the people for the benefit of the cacique. He is expected to keep the corn from, this field as a reserve over the next year, in case the people's corn should fail or be destroyed. 2 The Hopi are said to be willing and anxious to use American seeds. 67961°— Bull. 55—16 7 86 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 The pueblo is finally swept of the litter of husks late in October, generally in preparation for a dance. Property in Corn Standing crops are the property of men, usually the heads of house- holds. Boys often have fields assigned to them by their fathers or bequeathed by their mothers' relations, which they plant and call their own, although they put the corn into the family stock. Crops once housed belong to the mistress of the house, who has to store and care for them, so as to feed the family during the year. She uses, gives, and sells the corn at her discretion, making a daily allowance for her husband's horses and, at his request, for those of guests. A man always speaks of the stored corn and other food as "my wife's" and does not dispose of it without her leave. Sometimes he speaks of it as hers while it is still in the fields. The seed corn belongs to the man. Hay and corn-shocks, which are stacked on platforms over the cor- rals, fenced with boughs and tall cornstalks, belong to the man. Grinding Corn The Pueblo method of grinding maize on the metates, 'o, has often been described.^ In the .Tewa villages of New Mexico the younger women do not learn to grind, and few new houses are furnished with metates; when the occupants need corn meal they grind at an older house, or put a small quantity through the coffee mill. This means the practical abandonment of maize as human food in favot of wheat. Older women contrast their own hands, in which certain muscles are largely developed, while the finger-nails are worn down obliquely by rubbing on the metate, with the slight hands of the girls. In the youth of the former — perhaps thirty years ago — women used to rise before dawn to grind. When the men were going to the plains to trade with the Comanche, the women used to grind whole loads of meal for them to carry. Several women would grind together at night; they ground the corn successively on four metates ranging from rough to smooth. On the first they broke up the corn, and reduced it to fine flour on the fourth, toasting it after each grinding. Meanwhile the men sang the grinding song (a tune without words, still known), or beat a drum, and the women kept time to the music with slow regu- lar strokes. There is a story that in ancient times women did not have to grind; they merely laid themano and the corn on the metate and it ground itself. At Hano grinding is still the daily occupation of women. Where there are several women in a house, the unmarried girls are set to grind, while the married women fetch water. Girls grind for their 1 Cf , Mindeleff, Eighth Ann. Rep. Bur. Mhn., p. 211; Gushing, ZuSi Bread-Stuff, BOBBIN S, HAREINGTO> FREIRB-MAUKECO ^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 87 father's sisters, and make parties to do the same work in one anoth- er's houses; married women grind occasionally for their mothers-in- law. Girls sing while they grind, and smear their faces with meal before and after grinding; and this is playfully recommended as a way of learning the task. They also powder their faces with meal when they are in full dress. KiTUAL Use op Corn- meal The ritual use of ¥'\ih''E§r) or Fs^mbowa by the New Mexican Tewa is necessarily attended with so much reserve and secrecy that it will be more convenient to describe here some of the practices of the Tewa of Hano. White corn-meal is primarily the women's offering, as feathers are the offering of the men, but to a less degree each is used by the other sex. The action of offering corn meal is called ^ok^yly^ylcili^ ' I [scat- ter] corn grains' {do^ I-it; Ji^yl^T)^ corn; ^''«7/, grain), or, rarely, do Jc^my, {do, I-it; Vs^my,, unexplained). In this manner women pray to the sun at sunrise, asking for long life, dtbijowowa'o''^ {dibi, they themselves; jowoioa, pray for life; c'", do), especially when giving, names to infants or adults. By throwing meal on the Majete'^^ 'fetish house' or 'shrine,' and saying their wish aloud, they ask favors of the Jcachina. They take corn-meal, Hylyyliili, in their hands when they go to dig clay for pottery. A song represents a woman praying with corn-meal for the success of her husband, who has gone to trade in the New Mexican pueblos: "At daybreak " taking UyluyhHli with her, going out on the roof, sprinkling it eastward (she says). Buffalo, hides he shall find for me, costly things he shall find for me. So she says, she sprinkles it in all directions." When a rabbit is given to a woman she lays it on the floor and drops meal on it " to feed it." When the impersonators of the Tcachina visit a house, the women welcome them by throwing corn-meal to each in turn. Similarly, when the Icachina visit an estufa, the te'etunjo, 'estufa chief,' makes a cir- cuit of them before they begin their performance, throwing a pinch of meal to each from the bag, HMVylylcilimyi^ibi, his; Ic'iily,, corn; Ic'iU^ grain; my,, bag), which hangs from his neck, and on some occasions the senior woman of the clan which controls the estufa is stationed behind the ladder with meal in her hand ready to throw as the visiting Icachina pass. At public dances in the plaza several old men pass along the line of dancers, throwing meal to each and uttering requests 88 BUEEAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 on behalf of the village ; the clowns Qcosakojala) also wear meal-bags and occasionally sprinkle from them.^ When the people have planted for a chief and he exhibits his Tc yly^y'' a^ ' dressed corn ' (]cyIy,y,covn\ '«, clothing, dressed), all the people throw corn-meal and pray to it. Two kinds of ritual '' road," p'oloy^ are made with corn-meal. One is a line drawn along the path by which visitors are ritually invited to enter — Hii'ibiyolq'r) 'qyJco, ' their road lies for them ' {jpoloy^ road; 'qt;, it for them; l^o^ to lie) — whereas a path is ritually closed by a line of meal drawn across it — nq^tsala^ ' it is cut ' {nq., it; tsa^ to cut ; la^ modal). The other kind of road is a line of meal with a feathered cotton string lying on it (or a feathered cotton string carried in a man's hand with a pinch of meal), by which absent persons, game animals, etc., are invited to travel to the village. At the naming of a child or adult ( ? female onl}^), the face, breast, and hands are powdered with corn meal, and the walls of the room should be "painted" with meal in four places; the impersonator of the sun, tans^nno^ " paints " certain houses with meal when he makes his rounds in February. Cooking op Coen Products The following preparations of corn, among others, are eaten by the Tewa of Hano: Mowa (Rio Grande Tewa, huwa), wafer bread (New Mexican Spanish guallahe), the pilci of the Hopi.^ It is a staple article of food, being eaten at the ordinary household meals, and supplied to shepherds and travelers as their provision (hsegi); at dances and ceremonies the per- formers are refreshed with vnowa brought to them by their female relations; immense piles of 7nowa are given as return presents {wo^a, pay) from one household to another. In most households mowa is made once a week or once a fortnight and stored in a box, from which it is dealt out by the mother or eldest daughter as it is needed. Parties of women meet to make mowa in one another's houses. iTorquemada's informant from San Gabriel (1601) writes: "At daybreak the women go with meal and feathers to certain toscas stones, which they have set up, and throw them a little of the meal which they are carrying and some of those little feathers, with the intent that they should keep them [the women] safe that day so that they may not fall from the ladders, and also that they should give them dresses {manias)." Benavides says (1630) that the Pueblo Indians before going out to fight offered " meal and other things" to the scalps of enemies whom they had slain; that they offered meal to the heads of deer, hares, rabbits, and other dead animals before hunting, and to the river before fishing. Women who desired lovers offered meal to stones or sticks which they set up for the purpose on hillocks at a distance from the pueblo. 2 The Zuni recipes for wafer bread ("he'we"), tortillas ("he'yahoniwe", dumplings, light bread ("he'palokia "^l^uwak'o), doughnuts ("mu'tsikowe"), hominy ( = "chu'tsik\vanawe"), roasted sweetcorn (mi'lo'we), popped corn ("ta'kunawe"), are given by Mrs. Stevenson. (See The Zuni Indians, pp. 361-367, and Ethnobotany of the Zuiii Indians, passim.) FREmE-MrRmfco '^™^' ] ETHNOBOTAlSrY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 89 Mowa is made on a rectangular slab of fine-grained stone, about 3 feet square, laboriously hewn and polished, called Tnowaku {mowa, bread; hu, stone), which rests on stones at the ends or at the four corners. This slab stands under a wide open chimney in a special room, moioa- Icii'tbe {inowa,\>rQ2idi; leu, stone, ''ibe, place); it is heated by a fire built beneath it. A soft liquid dough or batter is prepared in a mixing bowl, and when the stone has been thoroughl}'^ heated and wiped with a greasy rag, a small quantity of the batter is spread over the surface by a quick, sweeping motion of the hand, leaving a thin, even layer. In a few seconds this layer of dough is so far cooked that it can be peeled off entire by one of its corners; it is laid aside on a wicker work tray, and a second layer is spread on the stone. While this is cooking, the first sheet of mowa is laid over it again to benefit by the heat; then the first and second sheets are removed, a third layer is spread, and the second sheet is laid above the third for extra cooking; and so on. When a bowlful of the batter has been used, there is a pause in the work; the semitransparent sheets are folded in four, and sometimes the four-fold sheets are rolled into cylinders. In either shape they may be eaten fresh or stored for future use; they keep good for a fortnight or more. Stale mowa may be broken up fine and toasted, dipped into cold water, or mixed with boiling water into a porridge. Mowa is generally made of " blue" corn-meal, with the addition of ashes stirred into the dough, turning it to a rich greenish blue. The ashes of ta'^'js^y (Atriplex canescens), gathered for the purpose in summer, are preferred; but late in the winter, if the stock of ia''°'jsey is exhausted, ashes of sheep's dung are used. "Blue" corn-meal with- out ashes makes purple-gray Qnowa; white mowa is made of white corn-meal; red and yellow mowa, used by certain Jcachina, is made by mixing vegetal dyes in the dough. ^ The ordinary Qnowa consists of fine meal with the addition of ashes and a little salt; ^ass^H'tn nnowa ('g, unexplained; sse., bitter) is made with the addition of a larger quantity of salt; %Jc,sem Tnowa Cq, sweetness; h^y, pour from the mouth) was formerly made of dough sweetened by mixing with it chewed meal or stale mowa broken up fine and chewed, but it is now sweetened with sugar. ''AtiWi Cq, unexplained; tiWi, dots or specks) are made by drop- ping small quantities of batter at intervals on the hot stone, much as white people make pancakes. Mowanusege {mowa, bread ; nusege jnay describe size or shape of the cakes) consists of corn just beginning to ripen, ground on a single metate in the field shelter. The dough is formed into flat oblong cakes, about the size of the palm of the hand, which are rolled and iThe Hopi prepare a red dye for 'ka.c'tima, -pike from the seeds of Amaranthus palmeri Watson, which they cultivate in terrace gardens around the springs. They coloTpike also with the ashes of Parryella filifolia, and of. Atriplex canescens. (Hough, Amer. Anthr., vol. x, no. 2, 1897, pp. 39, 40.1 90 BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 baked in the oven of a modern stove (kwse.lcu// a) ; formerly these were baked on small stones over a bed of hot coals. Mowcdolco {mowa^ bread; to^ unexplained; Yo^ bake, roast, broil) is made of blue corn-meal mixed with sugar and ashes of iajs^y, stirred with a stick in boiling- water. As it cools, the mass is mixed thoroughly with the hands. A handful of the dough is put into a corn-husk, 'the edges of which are wrapped over the dough and the ends turned down, and the whole is baked in an oven. To make the oven, four stones are set up to enclose a rectangular space, in which a fire is built; the hot embers are reduced to fine fragments which are spread in an even layer, and on which thin stone slabs are laid. On these are placed the corn-husk packets, weighted down with smaller stones. At the present time the oven of an ordinary cooking stove is often used. Tsinimotvatsig.i {tslm\ chile; moiva^ hrea,d', tsigi, pinch) may be made as follows: Shape into flat cakes dough composed of rather coarse white corn-meal and water. On each cake lay a piece of meat and sprinkle over it powdered chile. Tie up the cakes in corn-husk and drop them into boiling water. This article of diet more nearly resembles the New Mexican tamale than does the following: Tamali (< Span, tamale)^ rolls of corn-meal dough boiled. Melessel^^ 'dumplings' {mele, ball; ss^ls^^ cook, boil, stew). Over blue corn-meal mixed with a small quantity of ashes boiling water is poured; the mixture is then stirred and kneaded into dough. This is rolled into little balls between the palms of the hands, which are dropped into boiling water to cook. ''Aks^mmele ('«, sweetness; kxy^ pour from the mouth; niele^ ball) are dumplings made of corn-meal mixed with ashes, sweetened, for- merly with chewed meal, now with sugar, and boiled, The balls are larger than melesse,lse, being about 2i inches in diameter. These dumplings are used as a supper dish. Mapiss^ls^ {wapi, squeeze; ss^lse, cook, boil, stew). Coarse blue corn-meal mixed with a small quantity of ashes is made into dough. Small pieces of this dough pressed between the fingers and palm of the closed hand are dropped into boiling water. When cooked these are eaten with fried chile, tsinitsile {tsini^ chile; tsile^ cook, parch, or fry). Three kinds of corn gruel are classed together: ^qJcmy^ Ful'iimputsi, and Mjx. "'AUsey (V/, unexplained; Jcsey, meal) is made by sifting coarse blue corn-meal (without ashes) with the hands into boiling water and stirring with a stick i^aUa^mjp'e). Until the introduction of coffee and tea, this gruel was the usual morning drink. Kijs^ (archaic name, meaning now unknown), a gruel of rather coarse corn- meal mixed with ashes and salt, sifted into boiling water and stirred with the YiVxmp'e, is seldom eaten now. K'yl'wmptttsi {Fiilii, corn; SRE-MrRE^fJo*^™'^'] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 91 putsi^ unexplained) was made by sifting coarse meal of p'inini corn into boiling water. fakewe is cooked like ^Vsey, but with less water, making a stiff, rather dry, crumbling porridge, which can be handled in lumps. It is eaten in the morning and at other times instead of 'oJciyfji, or mowa, especially with pot liquor from boiled meat. Shepherds make an im- itation of fakewe by sifting and stirring crumbled mowa into boiling water. Mowalioke {motoa^ bread; ¥o bake, roast, broil; he^ put down) is eaten at sunrise on festive occasions, as the final feast of a wedding, the naming of a child, or when thQ,lcachina come. The impersonators of the Icachina can not go to their houses for breakfast, and so their female relatives carry mowalioke and mowa to them. Two handfuls of wheat are put into a small basket or dish, sprinkled with water, covered with a cloth, and allowed to stand three or four days, until sprouted. White corn, after being soaked for a few minutes to loosen the outer skin, is ground on the first (coarse) metate; after the meal is well sifted it is ground fine. The sprouted wheat, ground, is mixed with the corn dough. The mixture, thoroughly stirred, is put into a vessel (formerly an earthenware pot, now a tin can lined with corn- husk or corn-leaves), which is covered with corn- husks, and baked at ] night in the mowalcote, 'oven' {inowa^ bread; l-'o, to bake; te^ house). / This is a rectangular pit, 18 to 24 inches deep, cut in the rock outside the house and lined with slabs of stone. In this pit a fire is made; when it is hot, the embers are reduced to fragments and the vessel is set among them; the opening is closed with a slab of stone, sealed with clay, and a fire built on top. Next morning the vessel is taken out and the niowaTcoJce is stirred with a stick. Mowasey {mowa, bread; s^y, horn). Dough is made of blue corn- meal, with ashes and sugar; portions of the dough wrapped in corn- leaves are dropped into boiling water. When green corn-leaves, mowasiyFowa {Fowa, skin, husk) are saved for wrappers, they are coiled into wheel-shaped bundles and tied with yucca strips. When wanted, a bundle is soaked in warm water to soften it before being untied. Mowatsigi and mowatsigPe {tsigi, pinch, constrict; 'e, diminutive). Dough is made of blue corn-meal with the addition of sugar and ashes of tajs^y; small portions of the dough, wrapped in pieces of corn-husk and tied tightly in two places with shreds of yucca, are dropped into boiling water. When men and boys go to gather snow for the women of their fathers' clans, the women make moioatsigi'e to pay them; they go to meet the men returning from the work and tie the little packets to their forelocks. Some IcaoJiina bring mowa- tsigi' e to the childreuo 92 BUREAU OF AMEEICAIST ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 P'^uywse,^ parched corn. The corn should be parched on hot sand in a meal-drying pot, ^seianiele {¥s^, corn-meal; to, dry; mele^ pot), over the fire, so that the kernels burst into "pop-corn"; but now the corn is often roasted in an American oven. As it is eaten it is sea- soned by moistening with a piece of corn-cob dipped into salt water contained in a dish set near by for the purpose. Ks^nts'i^ir) {h'^sey, corn-meal; tsi, ? parch, cook), parched corn-meal, Spanish phiole^ comprises several varieties. The commonest is meal oijpinini corn very finely ground which has been roasted at the time of harvest, the meal being dried over the fire after each grinding, on the coarse, medium, and fine-grained metates. K^xntst^iy with movM is the conventional food of travelers; it can be mixed with cold water and drunk without further preparation, and it is very nourishing. Some of the Tiachina, when they visit the houses, require the unmar- ried girls to grind h's^ntsi'iif) for them.^ ' Ohiygi (New Mexican Tewa, huwakcua,' New Mexican Spanish, tortilla) is a round flat cake of unleavened bread of corn-meal or wheat flour, baked on the hearth or on a small hot stone. Okiy(/i is the general word for bread. "'Vnimoioakala {^liy, blood; mowa^ bread; Itala^ thick) are cakes of corn-meal mixed with fresh ox blood, baked in the oven. Putasc^lse, {puta, unexplained; ss^lse, cook, stew, boil) are round flat cakes, about five inches in diameter and one inch in thickness, with a hole in the middle, made of blue corn-meal or of pHnini corn-meal. K^pow^oiu (M, fat; fo^ water, liquid; wsenn, drip) were formerly made of white corn-meal and water and were fried in mutton grease. Now they are generally made of commercial wheat flour, with the addition of baking powder and salt. After being well kneaded the dough is made up with the fingers into very thin disks about nine inches in diameter, with one or two slits or holes in each. These are fried one by one in deep fat, — mutton grease, lard, or pig's fat rend- dered down, — being carefully turned. They become golden-brown and puff up crisply, like very light doughnuts. Adpowsenu are eaten on festive occasions; being quickly made, they are esteemed a delicacy proper for entertaining guests. JPs^di, hominy. White corn is put into warm water with ashes of corn-cobs, and boiled, more water being added if necessarj^ until it swells up to three times its original bulk. After the ashes are thor- oughly washed out the corn is boiled again, with mutton. At the pueblo of Santa Clara the preparation of maize foods has certainly declined in late years — partly on account of the growing 1 The pinole of the Pima is made by grinding corn not merely roasted but popped. (Pfefferkorn, Beschreibung der Landschaft Sonera, 1705, quoted by Russell in Twenty-sixth Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethn., p. 67.) Dough made of Ic'ssntsi'ivis called taw^'^. Some of the fcacMwo give figurines of animals made of this dough to the children. ROBBINS, HARRINGTON; tREIRB-MARRECO '] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 93 popularity of wheat flour, native and commercial, and the disinclina- tion of the women to grind maize on the metates; also in common with the general economic deterioration which accompanies the use of money and the proximity of American stores. Only a few prepara- tions have been noted in common use, but it is probable that others survive in connection with various ceremonies. Btaoa ^ or iuwajawe {jawe^ to tear off a layer) (paper-bread, wafer-bread, New Mexican Spanish guallabe, YLo^i pihl, Zuni hewe) is made by methods similar to those described under mowa, page 89, but the blue color is given by add- ing lime. Perhaps half a dozen houses in the pueblo have rooms for making huwa, and the hewn stones, huwalcti, which are obtained in trade from the pueblo of Jemez.^ Buwa is not in everyday use: it is made for festivals and ceremonies, and the women who can make it are respected for the accomplishment. Buwakada^ (buwa^ bread; Ica-ia, thick) — Spanish tortilla de m.aiz — is a flat, round, unleavened cake of blue corn-meal, baked on a hot stone over the Are. It is fully as thin as the wheat tortilla, and is called "thick" to distinguish it from huwa^ 'water-bread.' The Tewa say that their ancestors used the fat of deer to lighten their bread. Maize bread can be made of meal and water only, with- out grease, but, thus made, it is hard and heavyc ''Ag8^^ corn-meal gruel, Spanish «toZe, usually made of "blue" corn- meal, is still in fairly regular use, and is the prescribed diet for the sick, either alone or served with ss^po^ liquor from boiled meat {sse stew; po^ water, liquid), or with dried beef. £akewe is stiff porridge made of "blue" or red corn-meal. ^Ags^ and fakewe are the conventional breakfast foods. Dumplings were formerly made by dropping balls of corn-meal dough into boiling water. The old men liked to sit by the pot so as to be ready to pick out with a splinter of wood the dumplings as fast as they were cooked, and eat them hot. White corn is boiled with mutton or beef; the stew is called posoli ( < Span, jposole). Hominy does not seem to be in use, but Escalona 1 ]§uwa (Hano Tewa mowa) is a general term for breadstuff made of maize, but specially for wafer- bread, guallabe. In fact, at Santa Clara as at Hano, unless the ]^uu'a is further specified as ^wvakaua, ^tiwak'o, etc., it may be taken for granted that guallabe is meant. At San Ildefonso ^uiva seems to be applied more generally; thus, an informant from San Ildefonso translated "our daily bread" by nl'im^i ^uwa t'amwoxoagi'i'i, whereas at Santa Clara it would probably be translated nq'ivi^ipat)a (?o^y^7^^tJa 'thanks, I con- gratulate myself that you bring me a doughnut' {ja, to bring); or Jcu' ndawo^ ihha dimma^gi, 'thanks, I congratulate myself that you gave it me' {div^ you it to me). Emptying the dish, she wipes it and gives it to the bearer; or, more ceremoniously, washes dish and cloth before returning them next day. At festivals, women and girls carry bread, cakes, boiled maet, chile con came, and coffee to the estufa, as refreshment for the dancers: they set them in rows on the floor and immediately retire, while the officials in charge thank them loudly. They also carry boiled meat and bread to the house of the winter or summer cacique as the case may be. During the Fa''"'to, a winter dance at night in the estufa at San Ilde- fonso, the women bring to the dancers corn-meal, bread, and some- times a Fii'u FodeHy, a whole corn-stalk with ears, husk, and leaves, which they save for the purpose. On the Day of the Kings (January 6), when the dancers perform before the houses of the newly- appointed ofiicials of the pueblo, the officials' wives bestow boiled meat, bread, and boiled pumpkin. On All Souls' Day (November 2) corn, wheat, beans, peas, watermelons, apples, boiled pumpkins, bread, cakes, and pies are brought to the churchyard by women and presented to the Catholic priest "for the dead." More conservative, and therefore more ceremonious, is a gift of corn-meal piled in an Apache basket; it is a suitable offering for a religious functionary or for a religious society which is in session. At some dances women and girls bring baskets full of meal and set them down before their favorite dancers, who are supposed to give a present of game in return. This is done, for instance, at the Turtle Dance, ^oM/ade {^oku, turtle; fade, to dance), at San Juan; and another men's dance at Santa Clara has fallen altogether into disuse "because the men are afraid to dance; there are some women capable of giving a man nine baskets of meal, and now that rabbits are so scarce, he would be ruined in buying meat to pay them! " At Hano, as in the Hopi villages, the systematic giving and repay- ment of food is constant and increasingly lavish: dlMwo'a, they pay each other,' (^^§^, they each other; wo'a, to pay). Boiled mutton with hominy, boiled peaches, boiled pumpkin, but above all vast quantities of mowa (wafer-bread) pass from household to household, each series of "payments" being closed by the gift of a few ears 96 BUEEAU OF AMEEICAISr ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 of corn. Women take moiiia^ Jcapoiosenu, and boiled peaches to the dancers at their rehearsals, to the meetings of societies, to men of their husbands' clan who are weaving- for them, to men who hunt rabbits, gather wood, or do them any service. Various Uses Corn-husks', stalks, and leaves are winter forage for stock. Cigar- ettes are made of corn -husk (see sa, p. 103). Feathers and flowers are bound to prayer-sticks with corn-husk ' ' tape " and corn-silk. ^ The framework and mounts for feathers in many ceremonial ornaments are made of tightly twisted corn-husk. The Icosa wear tufts of corn-leaf or corn-husk on the peaks of their caps. At Hano the Ya'^wotokachina wear artificial flowers of painted corn- husk on their heads. Corn-cobs, hiir]^ are everywhere used as fire- lighters and as fuel in emergencies. At Hano a corn-cob tied to the estufa ladder and swinging in the smoke which rises from the hatch- way means that one of the men who attend that estufa has not yet brought his contribution of firewood for the ceremony in progress; the idea suggested is that by his negligence his comrades are reduced to burning cobs for fuel. Corn-cobs make convenient handles and holders; for instance, at Santa Clara, turkey feathers in corn-cob holders are carried by the two women dancers in the fOQonfade. At Hano feathered darts, 'k'y.m.eliy (k'u, wing; j?ieliy, ? balls), are made of cobs, and cobs are used to make also a resilient stuffing for Ic'ulumqwe^e, ' corn kick-balls ' {¥iily,y, corn; qwe'be, kick along the ground). Miss C. D. True kindly gave the following information about birth customs at Santa Clara: At the birth of a child the mother's best friend [the tsakwijo, ' cut old-woman'] severs the umbilical cord with a smoldering corncob. Four days after birth the 'corn-name' is given. The mother's best friend comes to the house before dawn, bringing corn-meal and water in a vessel with two compartments, one for the meal and one for the water. The mother is led to the door with the infant, and the meal is sprinkled in the air as the sun rises. The father then takes four of his best ears of corn and sets them about the mother's bed. She returns, or should return to bed, for four days more. The following phrases given by a woman from San Ildefonso refer to the same custom: 'ii7i jonufamudi ^ikwv'ojowo'wapije^ the 'fourth day she took that woman out to ask for long life'; (^uy, it with reference to it; jonu, four; t'amu^ day; M temporal; '^, the; Icivi^ woman in prime; 'o, she; jowoiva^ to throw meal asking for long life ie^ 'spoon,' 'ladle,' made of gourd or other substance. Gourd plant which bears gourds that are used as spoons or ladles. Sections of gourds used as spoons are very common. Fig. 7.— Gourd rattles. Rattles for dancing are made of gourds, grown for the purpose. ^ Half sections of gourds are used as ladles and dippers, TceJ^e, especially iTwo kinds of rattle are regularly made in the New Mexican pueblos: fhQp&oyvnje proper, a flat- sided gourd; and the 'qtso^e po'oyivije (first three syllables unetymologizable), made of rawhide stretched and sewed over a clay core which is afterward broken and removed. In both cases the rattle is transfixed by a wooden handle which passes through it from end to end and is kept in place by a transverse peg, and contains a quantity of very small stones. At Hano rattles of two kinds are made. One is a roundish gourd, fitted with a wooden handle which is pegged into the mouth of the gourd and does not transfix it. The other, called k'aivot'o- po'oT/wije because it is made at the k'aivofo festival in February, is evidently derived from a rawhide type; it is a flat-sided gourd transfixed by a wooden handle and painted in imitation of sewing along the edges, where the seams of a rawhide rattle would be. 2 Formerly the Yavapai bought gourd rattles from the Hopi. 67961°— Bull. 55—16 8 102 BUEEAU OF AMEKICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 for filling the water-jars and for drinking water from them, and for ladling broth, s^po, and gruel, '4g^ from the cooking-pots. To some extent they have been superseded by earthenware ladles, (Hano nqpolce^e; napo, mud; Ice^ie, section of gourd) and commercial spoons. 8ome small earthenware vases are made in the form of gourds. Vari- ously shaped sections of gourd, Ice^e (Hano he^e or hai'^ hai^ lcebip'iwemi, ''imo^ Hkwsento, 'men, set it down; you will smoke, it will rain very much' {s^nnxy^ men; "biy, ye 3H it; ¥e, to set down; 'c>5^*, ye 3 — yourselves; piwe^ smoke; mi^ future postfix; Hmo^ very much; '**, 3d pers. sing, reflexive; hwsc,^ rain; lo^ future postfix) . When men pass the pipe to each other on ritual occasions, they ex- change kinship terms. Thus, a man fills and lights the pipe and hands it to another, saying, nabit(Ua, 'my father' (na, I; fe^, possessive; tcua^ father); and he replies naM^e, 'my child' (/i^, I; M, possessive; '(?, child). The Tobacco clan, Satowa, is one of the three leading clans at Hano- the other two being the Bear clan, Ketowa^ and the Corn clan, K'uliin^ Iowa. The chiefs, ti^njowa, of these clans are alsi3 chiefs of the whole village. In ceremonies which concern the village the satowatuiijoy brings tobacco, while the Bear clan and Corn clan chiefs bring medi- cine and corn-meal. When a party of kachina visit the ty.njont^^., 'chiefs' estufa,' the satowatiinjoy smokes on them. The smoking of towasa is connected with the 'thought' or 'inten- tion' (pindy, ^ankjawo) of a t'linjon. The late chief of the Hopi Corn clan at Moenkapi, who was also the village chief, Jcik7ny,y'wi., was a woman; she smoked much, hence, unlike other women, she was credited wWh^indy by the Hano men. The older men smoke towasa for pleasure or from motives of econ- omy, while the younger men smoke commercial tobacco in cigarettes to excess, both in the estufa and at home. A certain religious impor- 1 Owing to the season only dried and broken specimens could be obtained. ' ' The Hopi gather two species of tobacco, Nicotiana trigonophylla Duval and N. attenuata Torr. ' ' They also fetch wild tobacco from the Little Colorado. (Hough, The Hopi and their Plant Environment, Amer. Anther:, x, 1897, p. 38.) 106 BUREAU OP AMEEICAN ETHNOLOGY [bull. 55 tance attaches even to the smoking of commercial tobacco, and for this reason the members of the neighboring Christian settlement refuse it — "we do not pray that way now." Authorized messengers sent from one Tewa pueblo to another are provided with tobacco, which they offer to the persons who receive them. The Tewa of Hano accept such gifts of tobacco only after the most careful scrutiny of the messenger's .credentials and "intention"; he must first smoke his own tobacco, then submit to a strict examina- tion; and lastly, if his answers give satisfaction, his tobacco is accepted and smoked. To decline the tobacco of an envoy, after questioning him, implies doubt or rejection of his credentials, or entire disapproval of the object of his visit; to take his tobacco with the left hand shows an intention to refuse his request or proposal. On the last occasion, it is said, when tobacco was sent from the New Mexican Tewa to Hano it was transmitted by way of Zuni, and an epidemic of smallpox is said to have followed. Indian tobacco introduced by a person who is not an authorized messenger from another pueblo is viewed with the gravest suspicion. At Santa Clara, on the contrary, there is no such feeling, and both officials and private persons accept " Hopi '^ tobacco with pleasure. Medicinal Uses of Tobacco At San Ildefonso tobacco leaves are placed on, or in, a tooth to cure toothache. At Santa Clara tobacco is taken as snuff to cure a discharge from the nose. To cure a cough, tobacco, oil, and soot are placed in the hollows of the patient's neck, and a cross of tobacco is made on the chest. Tobacco mixed with hojaje (Gutierrezia longifolia) and \lnta- m.isa (? Artemisia species) is given as snuff to women in labor. Tobacco Clans Hodge^ gives as Tobacco clans at various pueblos : Nambe, 8d-td6a; Hano, Sa-towa/ Sia, Jldmi-hano/ San Felipe, Hdami-hdno ; Zuni, A-'na-lcwe. The Tobacco clan, Satowa^ of Hano (see above), is classed with the Hopi Tobacco and Rabbit clans, and therefore disposes of such per- sonal names as — sa tsej% 'j^ellow tobacco.' F. 6'«;c», 'large tobacco.' M. S(z'*^'», 'tobacco rolled up.' M. natu, Navaho name for tobacco. M. ^u\ibas^y, Havasupai name for tobacco +«€??, 'man.' iVL tiinjoy''a''^jli, 'chief girl.' F. senna, ^ old man.'' M. pasenno, 'rough old man.' M. 1 Amer. Anthr., ix, p. 352, 1896. i ROBBI^S, HARRINGTON PREIRE-MAREECO '] ETHNOBOTANY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 107 J?(9&^WZe, 'flower alone.' M. p^otsay, 'new hair.' F. 'o^w,'' fluff.' F. 'ohcBx, 'white fluff.' F. '/}'^, 'smoke.' F satele, ' fond of tobacco. ' M. pukwijo, ' rabbit old lady. ' F. kwqy, 'jackrabbit.' F. '^;V^'g??, 'black ears.' M. ty,ly,, 'mixed-colored.' F. See also sapi^ijj (p. 47), tusa (p. 74), ^ojope (p. 54), and pimp' unse''^ (p. 72). INTRODUCED FOOD-PLANTS Introduced Food-plants Cultivated by the Tewa ^ Tata (perhaps a corruption of tanta, seed grass io). Celery. New Mexican Spanish apio. I^wape, ''egg fruit' {ywa, egg; pe, fruit; imitating English egg- plant?). Eggplant. New Mexican Spanish Ijerengena. ROBBINSj HARRINGTON, FREIRE-MAREECO '] ETHlSrOBOTAJSTY OF THE TEWA INDIANS 113 Letfugjci (e); and in the west apricots {albaricoque, s^qivqm^e (?)); and iff the south ^e tsejip (?) and behind them plums {ciruelas, pi^e^), for which reason they are red; and in the east peaches (duraznos, Je p'o'fi)(?) . . . When the waters subsided, these trees dropped their fruits into the mud as seed for the world." rEEmlMfElfE''c'o'''™'''] ETHNOBOTANY OP THE TEWA INDIANS 115 men used to take one or two donkey-loads of apples and trade them to the Apache. Sclvqwambe^ 'St. John apple' (sa?;a, cracked, chapped; pe, fruit). Strawberry. Raspberr}^ Loganberry. Gooseberry. Blackberry. I^'e^niy, 'black,' is often added to pupape when it means 'black- berry.' Mo