/ / -> ■■■?■' DEFENCE BRIGADIER GENERAL HULL= DEFENCE BRIGADIER GENERAL W. HULL. Delivered before the General Cotut Mailial, of which Major General \ Dearboiu v.a. i-^-ia<.«*, ^t Aihanv, Mai'ch, 1814. 1 WITH AN ADDRESS TO THE CITIZENS OP THE UNITED STATES. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. Copied from the original Manuscript, and published by his authorif; To which are prefixed. THE CHARGES AGAINST BRIGADIER GENERAL HULL, AS SPECIFIED BY THE GOVERNMENT. BOSTON : PUBLISHED BY WELLS AND Court-Street. 1814, L3S-: H DISTRICT OP MASSACTrtUSETTS, TO WIT : Disti-ict Clerks Office, BE it i-ememberetl, that on the ninth day of June, anno domini eiglteen htm*, tilled and foUKeen, and in the thirtj-eighth year of the independence of the Uni* ted States of America, William WeUs and Robert Lilly "*" *^- c„;4T>ism«'t, feavs <3opo«t«i ill inis orace the title of a hook, the right whereof theF claim as Proprietors, in the words following, to wit : Defence of Brigadier General WillLom Hull. Delivered before tie general Court-Martial, of which Maj. Gen. Deaiboni was President, at Albany, March, one thousand eight hundretl and fourteen. With an Addiess to the Citi2pns of the United States. Written by himself. Copied from the original manuscript, and published by his auUiority. To which ai-e prefixed, the Charges agaiist Gene ral Hull, as specified by the Govermnent. ' In confonnity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, intitled " An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by secm-ing the copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Propi-ietors of such Copies, during the times therein XQcntioned ;" and also to an ^nt intitled, " An Act supplementary to an Act, intitled, an Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of :Maps, Chaits and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies dm-ing the times therein mentioned ; and extending the Benefits thereof to the Aits of Sesisning, Engi-avingand Etching Historical, and other Prints." WILLI A JI S. SHAW, Xof MmscKMeett;:. ADDRESS TO THE CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, l Fellow-Citizens, ^ In submitting my defence to your consideration, i and in making my appeal to your judgment, I have only to ask you to examine with candourj and decide with impartiality. I am sensible the] fate of one man is of little consequence, compared! to the fate of a nation. If the sacrifice of me, however innocent, could \ make atonement for the sins of others, redeem;; our misfortunes, and restore the national charac-j ter, it might be justified by precedents in otherl countries;, and perhaps, as a patriot, I ought to he\ satisfied. It is unfortunate for the administration, j and for the other generals who have conducted! our armies, that it cannot have the effect. In coun- tries, where the people are hardly permitted to ■ iv ADDRESS OF think, and their only prerogative is obedience, in- nocence is no shield ; and because there can be no inquiry, the most elevated merit is often brought to the scaffold for the most meritorious conduct. But in a country where justice is the basis of its government, where the people are enlightened by science, and understand both their rights and du- ties, such outrages on justice cannot with impu- nity be committed. Under a government thus constituted, when public misfortunes occur, those to whom the ad- ministration is intrusted are in the first instance responsible. They well know the pubhc ven- geance will fall on them, unless they avert it, and too often have no other means of justification, but in the condemnation of others. The power they possess, and the patronage they can give, afford great facilities in effecting the object. It is how- ever our happy lot, that, when this power and pa- tronage are unjustly exercised, a remedy ei^ists ; and that remedy is an appeal to your justiceL ;To that justice I now appeal, in the confident efspec- tation, that you will be satisfied of the purity and rectitude of my conduct, that you will r -verse the unjust sentence which has been pronounced against me, and restore me to that honourable standing in society, which had been acquired by the services of nearly half a century. GENERAL HULL, v 1 regret that it is not in my power, in this communication, to present to jou all the testimo- ny and documents, on which my defence is grounded, and which had any relation to the trial. The proceedings of the Court Martial are depo- sited in the office of the Secretary of the De- partment of War, and by law I am entitled to a copy of them. As soon as they are obtained, they will be published in a separate number. I believe we are all conscious of the crimes of which we are guilty. When I might have shel- tered myself in the enemy's territory, as a priso- ner of war, I ask you to account for my return to my own country on any other principle, than a consciousness of my innocence, and that I had faithfully done my duty? What other principle could have induced me to have requested an in- vestigation of my conduct? When a Court Mar- tial was ordered to assemble at Philadelphia for my trial, why did I promptly repair there, with- out any restraint, and without even having been divested of my sword ? After the trial was post- poned by the government, without any request on my part ; and having before that time received notice of my exchange from the government, why did I remain more than a year in the country, without any restraint or confinement ? vi ADDRESS OP When the new court was ordered for my trial at Albany, and I was furnished with the volume of capital charges, exhibited against me by the government, why did I voluntarily appear before the Court, and submit to my trial, when it was in my power so easily to have avoided it ? Why, after the trial, did I return alone and unattended to my residence in Massachusetts, and there wait the sentence of the Court Martial ? — I do presume your answer must be, that this conduct only could have resulted from a consciousness of innocenc e, and a full conviction that I had done my duty^ I now ask you to consider the conduct of the go- vernment, in relation to me. Did they believe the black catalogue of charges they exhibited against me was true ? If they did, could the administration have been justified in leaving me at perfect liber- ty, for more than a year after I had been furnish- ed with a copy of these charges ? Did the mem- bers of the Court Martial, who pronounced the- sentence, in their consciences believe I was guilty, and deserved punishment? If they did, how can their conduct in directing me, the day after the sentence was concluded, to return to my home in Massachusetts, without any kind of restraint, and without requiring any kind of secu« rity for my appearance to receive the execution of the sentence? This direction was given the GENERAL HULL. vii \ day after the sentence was passed. Can it be < presumed there was a concert between the Presi- ' dent and the Court, and he had directed the Court \ to adopt this measure previous to the sentence ? ] Is it possible it was understood between the Pre- i sident and the Court, previous to the conclusion ■] of the trial, what the sentence should be, and that j it should be remitted by him ? And if both the '] President and the Court had believed in their ] consciences, I had been guilty of the crimes with i which I was charged, could it be reconciled to ] their duty to leave me in a situation, where I could ; so easily avoid the punishment which was to have \ been inflicted ? \ :i I have stated these facts, and made these ob- ^ servations, to convince you, that my whole con- 1 duct has manifested, I myself was conscious | of no crime, and it was not the intention either j of the President, or the Court Martial, that I ] should receive the punishment which had been/ \ ordered. j I now ask you, my fellow-citizens, to decide \ for yourselves what have been the motives of the \ administration in this business ? With respect to j two thirds of the members of the Court Martial, i they have ordered a sentence, which in their con- j sciences they believed ought not to be executed, j viii ADDRESS OF The Court Martial, in justification of their con- duct, in recommending me to the mercy of the President, can appeal to no precedent, not even the proceedings in the trial of admiral Byng. Af- ter the Court had found him guilty of a particular charge, there was nothing left to their discretion. The articles of war provided, that the punishment should be death. In my case the articles of war provided death, or such other punishment as the Court Martial should think proper to order. Why then did not the Court order such a punishment as they believed ought to have been inflicted ? From these facts and observations, I do think the motives of the administration must be appa- rent. And indeed, I presume it will not be in your power to reconcile the conduct of the President of the United Statce, and the conduct of the Court Martial, without believing there was a concert and understanding how this business was to be conducted. With respect to the lenity of the Court, I in- formed them I did not ask it ; and I requested no other mercy from them, than the mercy of a decision ; that they would decide on my case, and keep me no longer in suspense. In regard to the pardon of the President, I had no opportunity of requesting it, because it was GENERAL HULL. ix granted, before I had any knawledge of the sen- tence. Ingratitude, I hope, is no part of my cha= racter. But I do submit to your consideration, whether I ought to feel grateful to him, when the National Intelligencer, a paper published at his door, and under his auspices, in giving an account of the trial and announcing the sentence, states, that' the punishment is more protracted and terri- ble, in consequence of a remission of the sentence. If his object was to aggravate and increase the punishment, it cannot be called an act of mercy, Tlier^^ are two very important facts, relating to my sit'iation, as commander of the north-west- ern army, not noticed m my defence. One, the armistice agreed to by general Dearborn, from which my army was expressly excluded. The other, the President's message to Congress, the first session after the capitulation. With regard to the first, the following are the facts. This was an arrangement of Sir George Prevost, for the sole purpose of employing all \M forces against the army I commanded. Havin^fcceived information that the orders in council had been repealed, on the second day of August, eighteen hundred and twelve, he despatched colonel Baynes, his adju- tant general, to the head-quarters of general Dear- born, at Greenbush, near Albany, with an autho- ritv to conclude an armistice — on the uinth of X ADDRESS OF August it was concluded between him and general Dearborn, and my army was excluded. Immediately after the departure of colonel Baynes on his mission, major general Sheafe of the British army was ordered to lake Erie, witR a large part of the British force from Montreal, to be placed under the command of general Brock. From the nature of the transaction, it is certain, that general Brock was made acquainted with these circumstances, and informed that he might, with the most perfect safety to his posts at Kingston, York, forts George and Erie, march his whole force against my army, which had in- vaded the province of which he was governour and commander in chief. Calculating the dis- tances, and the celerity with which the British commanders convey important information, there was full time for the purpose. Of this important arrangement, in which the army I commanded had so much interest, I Jiever received any informa- tion from general D^rborn. That general Brock took his whole forcPto Maiden, from fort George and its vicinity, excepting a few men to take care of the cannon and stores, is certain ; and that ge- neral Sheafe arrived from Montreal with the rein- forcements, immediately after general Brock's departure from Fort George, is likewise a fact well inown. That at this time, on the ninth of GENERAL HULL. M \ August, a cessation of hostilities had been cor.- i rJiided. which extended from fort Erie, on the j ^ast part of lake Erie, to Quebec. In my next i number, I shall produce documents to prove the \ facts I have here stated. They are, however, \ all so public, and so well known, that I am fully j authorized in stating them without the documents, j That on the day ^f the capitulation, the sixteenth \ of August, general Brock well knew that a cessa- i lion of hostilities below had taken place, is certain, because on that day he gave me information of it, j and that the orders in council had been repealed, \ and observed, he hoped it would be the founda- \ (ion of a peace. It is likewise well known, this ^ measure was disapproved by the President, and ; principally on account of the effect it would have ] on my army. When general Dearborn v* as or- ; f war with Grea^ Britain. I well knew at thai ) iiv ADDRESS OF tirae, ihey had a strong naval force on the lake, perfectly manned and prepared in everj respect for ofFensive or defensive war. The United States had not a single vessel or gun boat on those waters. All they had was an old unarmed trans- port vessel, repairing on the stocks, and which was Kot launched until near a month after the decora- tion of v.'ar. There were but two modes of taking possession of the lake ; one, by taking or destroying the en- emy's naval force ; the other,"by taking posses- sion of all their posts and harbours, both on the main land and islands, an extent of coast more ihrni three hundred miles. I am confident no one will believe it was possible for me, either to have ^aken or destroyed the British fieel then on the lake, w'lih the' means I possessed. The force^ under my commaiad,. was totally inadequate to have effected it in the other way, especially after (he full of Michilimackinac, and all the northern nations of savages were in hostility against me. Although I still entertain the same opinion I gave to the government, before the declaration of war, that a navy on lake Erie was essentially necessary ; yet) I now believe, had an adequate force been sent to the Michigan territory, and sufficient forces had been ordered to have taken possession of forts George and Erie at the same time^ a5<| GENERAL HULL. :&y\ \ these armies had co-operated, th« whole of that 1 part of the province of Upper Canada, which I borders on lake Erie, might have been in our pos- 1 session 'in the campaign of eighteen hmidred and ^ twelve, with all the enemy's harbours on the bor- j ders of the lake, by which means the #aval force j would have been destroyed, or must have sur^ I rendered at the approach of winter. I 1 This idea I suggested to the Secretary of War, | in my memoir of the sixth of March, eighteen ] hundred and twelve, provided the object w^as the reduction of the Canadas, and it was the intention i of the government, contrary to every opinion I ^ had given, not to build a navy on lake Erie. I :| suggested it as the only possible mode, and at the ] same time pointed out all the difficulties which I would attend it. On the sixth of March, at the l time when this memoir was presented, I had no j command in the army, and had uniformly declin- \ ed to accept a military appointment, although I I had been strongly solicited. Being then the gc" \ vernour of the Michigan territory, it was my duty 1 to induce the government to provide means for \ its safety. j I About the eleventh of April, after I had been ; appointed to the command of the north-western j army, unsolicited, and even undesired on my i i xvi ADDRESS OF part ; I (hen presented to the President, througli ihe medium of the Department of War, another commiinicalion, in which I represented in the sjirongest and most explicit terms, the necessitj of our having a naval force superiour to the ene- my on th^lakes ; and that without it, and unless the army I was to command was strengthened by additions to its numbers, and unless it were followed by detachments to keep open the com- munication, and insure its supplies from Ohio; and unless it was supported by co-operations on other quarters,^ my army could not be able to maintain itself at Detroit, much less carry on ofFen^ sive operations in the enemy's country. After these communications, and under the cir- cumstances in which I v/as placed, I ask you, my fellow-citizens, whether I had any reason to be- lieve it to be the expectation of the government^ that I should ha-ve obtained the command of the lakes? But in this I was mistaken. It really ap- pears, that it w^as, because the President says, in the Message I have quoted, " Our expectation of " gaining the command of the lakes by the inva- *' sion of Canada from Detroit having been disap- *' pointed, measures were instantly taken to pro- " vide on them a naval force, superiour to that of *' the enemy." "J GENERAL HULL. xvii The other object was, " to maintain co-operat- " ing relations with such forces, as might be most "conveniently employed against other parts.'* I opened a road of two hundred miles through a savage wilderness, invaded the enemy's coun- try, remained a month in the possession of it, waiting for co-operating relations, until I was in- formed I should receive none ; and uiilil general I Dearborn, instead of co-operations, agreed to a cessation of hostilities, which afforded the enemy an opportunity of concentrating his whole force against my little army. By the documents of the government, it thus appears, that these were the objects of my expedi- tion ; and because I disappointed the expectations of the administration in not obtaining the com- mand of the lakes, with the few Ohio militia I com- manded, and did not maintain co-operating rela- tions Vv^ith other forces, when there were none to co-operate with me, I have been condemned. I do expect, my fellow-citizens, when you be^ Gome acquainted with the true history of my case, you will reverse the unjust sentence which has been pronounced against me. I am now perfect- ly supported by a consciousness of having done my duty in the most faithful manner, and my only xvlii ADDRESS OP GEN. HULL> desire is, to convince you and posterity of the purity of my motives, and the correctness of my conduct. Under this support I am tranquil and happy. Had I pursued any other course, I should want the consciousness which I now feel, and in sincerity I can adopt the language of Pope, " One stlf approring hour whole years outweighs - *' Of stupid starers and of loud huzzas ; "" And more true joy Mai-cellus exiled feels, " Than Caesar with 3 senate at his heels." William Hull. Newton, (Mass.) June 1st. 1S14. CHARGES. At a general Court Maitial (ordered by the President of the United States) tea- Tened at Albany, in the State of New- York, on the third day of January one thousand eight hundred and fourteen, and continued by adjoui-nments to the twenty-fiftli day of l^Iarch following, brigadier gcnerrd William Hull, of the army of the United States, -was tried on the following charges and speeifica- t'lons, viz : CHARGE I, Treason against the United States, between the ninth of A\n'i\ and the seventeenth of August, eight- een hundred and twelve. First specification. In this : That on the first day of July, in the year eighteen hundred and twelve, before that time and ever since, an open and public war was, and is yet carried on and prosecuted by and between the United States of America and their ter- ritories, and the united kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof: and that Wil- liam Hull, a brigadier general in the army of the said United States, a citizen of the said United States, owing allegiance to the said United States, and late commander of the north-western army of the said United States, well knowing the premises, and trai- torously and unlawfully designing and contriving to send and convey intelligence to the said enemies of the said United States, touching a declaration of war by the said United States, against the said uaited kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the de- pendencies thereof; and, also, touching the expedition on which the said nortji-western army under hi« com- XX CHARGES AGAINST mand as aforesaid was employed ; and, also, touching the numbers, state and condition of the said north-west- ern army; in prosecution of the said traitorous and un- lawful design, on the said first day of July, in the year aforesaid, at the rapids of the river Miami of the lake, in the territory of Michigan, the said William KuU (then and there being a brigadier general in the army of the United States, and being then and there com- mander of the said north-western army as aforesaid,) did traitorously hire or cause to be hired an unarmed vessel, with the pretended purpose of transporting therein certain sick soldiers, and the principal part of the hospital stores belonging to the said north-western army, from the said rapids of the river Miami of the lake to Detroit, in the said territory of Michigan, but in truth, traitorously contriving and intending that the said unarmed vessel, together with all persons, papers, and things put on board thereof, should be captured by the enemies of the said United States, on the passage of the said unarmed vessel from the said r?-picisof the ilver of the Miami of the lake to Delri;lS: aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid : and that the said William Hull, in further prosecution of his said traitorous and unlawful design and contri- vance, (being then and there a brigadier general in the army of the United States as aforesaid, and being then and there commander of the said north-w estern army as aforesaid,) did then and there traitorously put, or traitorously cause to be put on board of the said unarmed vessel, a trunk containing (among other things) the official correspondence of the Secretary of the Department of War and the said brigadier general William Hull, as well touching the expedition on which the said north-western army under his com- mand as aforesaid, w as then employed, as touching a declaration of war by the said United States against the said united kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, and also, certain otfi* Oial muster-rolls, reports, an€ advantageously attacked and taken by the said north-western army of the said United States, under the command of the said briga- dier general V/illiam Hull as aforesaid, yet the said William Hull, (a brigadier general in the army of tlie United States, a citizen of the said United States, owing allegiance to the said United States, and com- mander of the said north-western army of the said United States as aforesaid,) well knowing the premi- ses, on the eighth day of August, in the year one iJiousand eight hundred and twelve, at Sand-wich GENERAL HULL. xxiii aibresaid, in the British province of Upper Canada aforesaid, did then and there traitorously and unlaw- fully conspire and combine with certain enemies of the said United States, (whose names are unknown) to quit and abandon to the enemies of the said United States, the said military post established by the said north-western army of the said United States, at or near Sandwich aforesaid, in the British province of Upper Canada aforesaid, and to prevent the said British fort called Maiden, otherwise called Amherst- burgh, from being attacked and reduced, or an attempt being made to reduce the same, by the said north- western army of the said United States, under the command of the said brigadier general William Hull as aforesaid ; and that the said William Hull, (then and there being a brigadier general in the army of the said United States, then and there being commander of the said north-western army of the said United States, and then and there being a citizen of the said United States, owing allegiance to the said United States) in prosecution of the said traitorous conspiracy and combination, did then and there traitorously quit and abandon, and did then and there traitorously cause to be quitted and abandoned, the said military post established by the said north-western army of the said United states as aforesaid, at oi* near Sandwich as aforesaid, in the British province of Upper Canada aforesaid, and did then and there traitorously neglect and omit to make the proper preparations for attack- ing and reducing, or attempting to reduce the said British fort called Maiden, otherwise called Amherst- burgh, but on the contrary, did then and there traitor- ously prevent the same from being attacked and re- duced, and an attempt being made to reduce the same by the said north-w^estern army of the said United States, then apd there under his command as afore- said- : and, in further prosecution of the said traitorous conspiracy and combination, did then and there trai- torously march, withdraw and remove, and traitorously c xxiv CHARGES AGAINST order to be marched, withdrawn and removed, ilie maia i3ody of the said north-western B.rmy of the said United States, from the said miiitary post established hj the said north-western army of the said United States, at or near Sandwich aforesaid, to a place out of the said British province of Upper Canada, to wit; to Detroit aforesaid, in tlie territory of Blichigari aforesaid; whereby the said William Hull, on the said eighth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, at Sandwich aforesaid, in the saiti British province of Upper Ca- nada, (being tlien and there a brigadier general in the army of the said United States, and being then and tliere commander of the said nortli-v>'estern army of tb.e said United States, and being then and there a citizen of the said United States, owing allegiance to the said United States,) did then and there trai- torously conspire, combine, and hold correspondence with the enemies of the said United States, and did tlien and there traitorously and shamefully quit and abaridau, and traitorously and shamefully cause to be quitted and abandoned the said military |>ost, so as aforesaid et^tablished by the said north-western army of the said United States, at or near Sandwich afore- said, in the British province of Upper Canada afore- said, and did then and there traitorously neglect and omit to mr.ke the proper preparations for attacking and reducing, or attempting to reduce the said fort called Blalden, otherwise called Amherstburgh, in the said British province of Upper Canada, but did tlien and there traitorously prevent the said British fort palled Maiden, otherwise called Amherstburgh, in the said British province of Upper Canada, from being attacked and reduced, or an attempt being made to reduce the same by the said north-western army of tlie United States, under his command as aforesaid, and by the means aforesaid, did then and there trai- torously adhere to the enemies of the said United vStates, giving them aid and comfort. GENERAL HULL. xx> Third specification. And also, in this : — That afterwards and during the said war, so as aforesaid carried on and prosecuted, by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, to wit : on the sixteenth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hun- dred and twelve aforesaid, at Detroit, in the Michi- gan territory aforesaid, the said William Hull was then and there a citizen of said United States, owing allegiance to the said United States, and was then and there a brigadier general in the army of the said United States, and was then and there commander of the north-western army of the said United States, and was then and there commander of a certain fort, called Fort Detroit, and belonging to the said United States, erected at or near the town of Detroit, upon a bank of the river Detroit, in the said territory of Mi- chigan ; the works ivhereof, and the guns and gun- carriages belonging thereto, then were, and long be- fore had been decayed, dilapidated, and out of repair. And that the said brigadier general William Hull, then and there did traitorously conspire and combine with certain enemies of the said United States, (whose names are unknown,) then and there traitor- ously and shamefully to surrender and abandon to the enemies of the said United States, the said fort, called Fort Detroit, belonging to the said United States as aforesaid, and then and there under the command of the said brigadier general William Hull as aforesaid, with all the troo})s, regulars as •^^ell as militia, then and there under the command of the said brigadier general Hull as aforesaid, and all the public stores and arms, and all public documents, including every thing else of a public nature, appertaining to the said fort, called Fort Detroit, and to the said north-west- ern army of the said United States, under the com- mand of the said brigadier general William Hull as sforesaid. And that in prosecution of the said trai- xxvi CHARGES AGAINST torous conspiracy and combination, the said brigadier general William Hull did then and there wilfully and traitorously neglect and omit to repair and strengthen the works of the said fort, called Fort Detroit, then and there under his command as aforesaid, and to put the same (together with the said guns and gun-car- liages belonging thereto) into a proper state and condition for resistance and defence against the ap- proaches, attacks, and assaults of the enemies of the said United States. And did then and there wilfully and traitorously neglect and omit to fortify the places and passes at and near to the said fort, called Fort Detroit, by and through which the troops of the ene- mies of the said United States might then and there reasonaiiiy be expected to eipproach, and did approach the said fort, called Fort Detroit, for the purpose of attacking and subduing the same. And diet then and there traitorously neglect and omit to oppose, resist, repel and defeat, and to attempt to repel and defeat the troops of the enemies of the said United States, in their hostile preparations, and approach to and towards the said fort, called Fort Detroit, for the purpose of attacking and subduing the same^ And ilmt in further })rosecution and completion of the said traitorous conspiracy and combination, the said briga- dier general William Hull did then and there traitor- ously and shamefully abandon and surrender the said fort, called Fort Detroit, then and there under his command as aforesaid, (which it was his duty then and there to maintain and defend,) together with all the troops, regulars as well as militia, then and there in the said fort, called Fort Detroit, then and there belonging to the said United States as aforesaid, and then and there under his command as aforesaid, and all the public stores and arms, and i)ublic documents, including every thing else of a public nature, in and appertaining to the said fort, called Fort Detroit, and to the said north-western army of the said United States, then and there under his command as afore^ GENERAL HULL, xxvii said, unto the enemies, of (lie said Unitcu States, to wit :— to the British forces tlien and there under the command of major general Brock ; wiiereby the said William Hull, on the said sixteenth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, at Detroit aforesaid, in the territor^^ of Mi- chigan aforesaid, (being then and there a citizen of the said United States, owing allegiance to the said United States, and being then and there a brigadier general in the army of the said United States, and being then and there commander of the said north- western army of the said United States, and being then and there commander of the said fort, called Fort Detroit, belonging to the said United States as afore- said,) did then and there traitorously and shamefully abandon and surrender the said fort, called Fort De- troit, to the enemies of the said United States, to wit: • — to the said British troops under the command of major general Brock as aforesaid; and did then and there by the means aforesaid, traitorously adhere to the enemies of the said United States, giving them aid and comfort. CHARGE ir. Cowardice at and in the neighbourhood of Detroit, between the first day of July and the seventeenth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve. First specification. In this : — That during the said war so as aforesaid carried on and prosecuted by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, the said brigadier genera] William Hull, commanding the north-western armj^ of the said United States as aforesaid, having entered the said British province of Upper Canada, in prosecution of the said war on be- half of the said United States, and being there in pos- xxviii CHARGES AGAINST session of the town of Sandwich and the adjacent country, in the name and on behalf of the said United States, and having declared and avowed the object and intention of attacking and subduing the British fort called Maiden, otherwise called Amherstburgh, in the said British province of Upper Canada, and, ge- nerally, of maintaining and enlarging his position and possession in the said British province of Upper Canada, on the eighth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve, at Sandwich, aforesaid, in the British province of Upper Canada aforesaid, did then and there misbehave himself before the enemy, and shamefully manifest an undue fear and apprehension of danger by a course of conduct and conversation evincing personal alarm, agitation of mind, and privation of judgment, by abandoning the said object and design of attacking the said Bri- tish fort called Maiden, otherwise called Amherst- burgh, by quitting the position and possession taken at the town of Sandwich and in the adjacent country, in the British province of Upper Canada as aforesaid, and by retreating abruptly from and out of the said British province of Upper Canada to Detroit, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid, without anj^ cause for so doingy arising from the superiour numbers, state and condition of the British forces which were then and there op- posed to the said army of the said United States, wider the command of the said brigadier general Wil- liam Hull, and without any other just and sufficient cause whatsoever; whereby the officers and soldiers of said north-western army of the said United States, then and there under the command of the said briga- dier general William Hull, were induced to lose and did lose all confidence in the personal courage and the military capacity of their said commantler; the inhabitants of the said British province of Upper Canada were taught to distrust the power and profes- sions of the invading general ; a shade was cast upon the reputation of the American arms j and the service GENERAL HULL. ^ix of the said United States, in the prosecution of the said war, suffered great detriment and disadvantage. Second specification. And, also, in this :■ — That during the said war so as atbresaid carried on and prosecuted by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and the said united king- dom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependen- cies thereof, to wit : on the fifteenth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, the enemy having raised certain batteries on the banks of the said river Detroit, in the said British province of Upper Canada, opposite the said fort Detroit, and certain American posts and batteries established and erected near the said fort Detroit, in tlie said territory of Michigan, and a cannonade being commenced from the said batteries of the enemy against and upon the said fort of Detroit and the said American posts and batteries established and erected near thereto, in the said territory of Michigan, the said brigadier general William Hull, on the said fif- teenth day of August, in the year one thousand eight Jiundred and twelve aforesaid, at Detroit aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan aforefeaid, (being then and there commander of the said fort Detroit, and of the said American posts and batteries established and erected near thereto, in the said territory of Michigan, and being then and there commander of the said north-western army of the said United States,) did then and there during the continuance of the cannon- ade aforesaid, shamefully misbehave himself before the enemy, and manifest great fear and apprehension of personal danger by a course of conduct and con- versation evincing personal alarm, agitation of mind, and privation of judgment, and particularly by various timid and cowardly actions and expressions then and there used and uttered in the presence of the officers and soldiers then and there belonging to the said north-western army of the said United States, and then and there under his command as aforesaid, as well in sxx CHARGES AGAINST the public street of the town of Detroit, as in places adjacent to the said fort of Detroit, and the said American posts and batteries established and erect- ed near thereto, in the said territory of Michigan; whereby a fatal encouragement was atforded for the hostile enterprises of the enemy, a pernicious example (calculated to intimidate and to disorganize) was given to the American troops, and the service of the United States in the j)rosecution of the said war, was exposed to hazard, shame, and disappointment. Third specification. And, also, in this : — That during the said war, carried on, and prosecuted by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great Bri- tain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, to wit : on the sixteenth day of August, in the year one thou- sand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, the British forces under the command of mtyor general Brock hav- ing crossed the said river Detroit, having landed at a place called Spring Wells, otherwise called Spring Hill, in the said territory of Michigan; and having thence marched towards the said fort of Detroit, with the design to attack the same, the said brigadier ge- neral Hull, on the said sixteenth day of August, one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, at De- troit aforesaid, in the said territory of Michigan, (be- ing then and there commander of the said fort of Detroit, and being then and there commander of the «aid north-western army of the said United States) did then and there, during all the time of the enemy's crossing ihe said river Detroit as aforesaid, landing at the said Spring Wells, otherwise called Spring Hill as aforesaid, and marching towards the said fort Detroit as aforesaid, with the design to attack the same as aforesaid, shamefully misbehave himself be- fore the enemy, and manifest great fear and appre- hension of personal danger, by various timid and cov/ardly actions and expressions then and there used and utterred in the presence of the officers acd sol- GENERAL HULL. xxxi diers belonging to the said north-western army of the said United States, then and there under his com- mand as aforesaid; by avoiding all personal danger from making an attempt to prevent the enemy's cross- ing the said river to Detroit and landing at the said Spring Wells, otherwise called Spring Hill ; avoiding all personal danger from reconnoitering and encoun- tering the enemy in battle on the said march of the enemy towards the said fort of Detroit; by hastily sending flags of truce to the enemy with overtures for a capitulation ; by anxiously withdrawing his person from the ximerican troops in the open field to a place of comparative safety, within the walls of the said fort Detroit; by an irresolute fluctuation of orders, sometimes inconsistent with each other, and some- times incoherent in themselves; by forbidding the American artillery to fire on the army on the said march of the enemy towards the said fort Detroit; by calling the American troops from the field, and crowd- ing them in the said fort Detroit, Avhile the enemy was on the said march towards the said fort Detroit; by a precipitate declaration to the enemy, that he surrendered the said fort Detroit, and the said north- western army of the said United States, before termis of capitulation were signed or considered, or even suggested; and generally by a course of conduct and conversation evincing personal fear, agitation of mind, and privation of judgment; whereby the said fort of Detroit, and thesaidnorth-westernarmy of the United States, then and there under the command of the said brigadier general William Hull, were then and there rendered an easy and certain conquest to the approach- ing enemy ; the officers and soldiers of a gallant army (compelled by the obligations of military law to obey the orders of their commander) were exposed to un- merited mortification and reproach ; and the service of the said United States, in the prosecution of the said war, suffered great detriment and discredit^ sxxii CHARGES AGAINST Fourth specification. And, also, in this : — Thai iluriiig the said war so as aforesaid carried on and pro- secuted by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and tlie said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the depen- dencies thereof, to wit : on the sixteenth day of Au- gust, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, at Detroit aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid, the said fort Detroit being then and there well garrisoned and supjilied with cannon, ammunition, and provisions; the said norlh-\\estern army of the saiiade thereon by the enemy. Second specification. And, also, in this :— That during the said war so as aforesaid carried on and prosecuted by and between the said United States of America, and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, to wit ; on or about the first day of July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, at the rapids of the river Miami, in the territory of Michigan, the said brigadier gene- ral William Hull, then and there commanding the said north-western army of the said United States, on the march thereof from Dayton, in the state of Ohio, to Detroit aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid, then and there having sufficient cause to know or to believe, that war was then existing between the said United States and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, was guilty of neglect of duty and of unofficerlike conduct, by then and there hiring or causing to be hired an unarmed vessel, and putting or causing to be put on board thereof, to be transported by water-passage from the said rapids of the river Miami of the lake, to Detroit aforesaid, (the said brigadier general William Hull having suf- ficient cause to know or to believe the imminent danger of capture by the enemy to which the said unarmed vessel on the passage aforesaid, would be exposed) certain sick soldiers, and a great part of the hospital stores belonging to the said army, to- gether with a trunk, containing (among other things) the papers hereinafter mentioned, which it was the duty of the said brigadier general William Hull most carefully to keep and preserve from the knov^ledge and view of the enemy, that is to say : tlie official correspondence of the Secretary of the Department of War and the said brigadier general William Hull, as well touching the expedition on which the said north- D xxxTi CHARGES AGAINST western army under his command as aforesaid, wa? then employed, as touching a declaration of war by the said United States of America agciinst the said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof; and, also, certain other official muster rolls, reports, and returns of the num- bers, state, and condition of the said army under his command as aforesaid. And the said unarmed ves- sel on the passage aforesaid, from the said rapids of the river Miami of the lake towards Detroit afore- said, afterwards to wit : on or about the second day of July in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, was captured by the enemy, having on board thereof, at the time of such capture, the said sick soldiers, the said hospital stores, and the said trunk, containing the said olficial correspon- dence, and, also, the said muster rolls, reports, and returns of the numbers, state, and condition of the said arm}^ ; whereby the said sick soldiers were made prisoners of war ; the said hospital stores were lost to the United States ; and the said otlicial correspon- dence, and the said muster rolls, reports, and returns of the numbers, state, and condition of the said army came to the possession, knowledge, and use of the f^nemies of the United States, to the great injury of the said United States. Third specification. And, also, in this ; — That during the said war so as aforesaid carried on and prosecuted by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the de- pendencies thereof, the said brigadier general Wil- liam Hull, having arrived with the said north-western army of the said United States under his command as aforesaid, at Detroit, in the territory of Michigan, OTi the seventh day of July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, and having the possession and command of said fort of Detroit, from that time, constantly, until the abandonment and sur- GENERAL HULL. xxxvii render thereof to the British forces under the command of major general Brockj on the sixteenth day of Au- gust, in the year one thousand eight hunured and twelve aforesaid, and finding upon his said arrival at Detroit aforesaid, that the works of the said fort De- troit were greatly damaged and dilapidated, and that the guns and gun-carriages belonging to said fort of Detroit were also damaged and out of repair; and, moreover, well knowing the importance of the said fort Detroit to the service of the said United States in the operation of the said war, and that the same (together with the said guns and gun-carriages) should be put and kept in proper order and repair, was guilty of neglect of duty by neglecting and omitting, dur- ing all the time of his possession and command as - aforesaid, in proper and sufiicient manner to repair and strengthen, or cause to be repaired and strength- ened, the works of the said fort Detroit, by neglect- ing and omitting, in a proper and sufficient manner, and in due time for the service of the said United States, to repair or cause to be repaired, the said guns and gun-carriages, and generally by neglecting and omitting to put, or cause to be put the said fort of De- troit in a proper state and condition for resistance and defence in the event of an invasion and attack hj the enem}^; whereby the said fort Detroit was left an easy conquest to the enemy ; the said guns and gun- carriages, being afterwards required for the service of the said United States, in the British province of Upper Canada, were still found unfit for transporta- tion and use ; great time was consumed in preparing and fitting them for the said service ; and tlie opera- tions of the war were fatally obstructed and sus- pended. Fourth specification. And, also, in this :— That during the said war so as aforesaid carried osi and prosecuted by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and tiie said united 'kmzilom of Great Britain and Ireland, and tJie de- xxxviii CHARGES AGAINST pendencies thereof, the said brigadier general Wil- liam Hull, declaring and avowing an intention antl design, with the said north-western army of the said United States under his command as aforesaid, to in- 1 ade and enter the British province of Upper Canada, to invest and attack the British fort called Maiden, otherwise called Aniherstburgh, in the said British province, and to maintain and enlarge his position and possessions in the said British province, and well knowing that expedition, resolution, and energy were indispensible to the prosecution and accomplishment of such intention and design, and having arrived at Detroit aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan afore- said, on the seventh day of Julv, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, and having invaded the said British province of Upper Canada, on the twelfth day of July, in the year aforesaid, and therein taken possession of the town of Sandwich aforesaid, and having with the main body of his said army evacuated the said British pro- vince of Upper Canada on the eighth day of August, hi the year aforesaid, was guilty of neglect of duty and unofficerlike conduct, by not seasonably repair- ing, titling, and transporting, or causing to be repaired, litted and transported, the guns and gun-carriages which were necessary to the operation of the war in the said British province of Upper Canada, by an useless and injurious waste of time and opportunity at Sandwich aforesaid, in the said British province of Upper Canada, without making an attempt to re- duce the said British fort called MaHen, otherwise called Amherstburgh, by an unnecessary consumption of time, in projects to conciliate the British inhabi- tants of the said British province of Upper Canada, and the neighbouring Indians, without resorting to a more effectual display of a military power, capacity, and disposition to maintain the acquisitions of con- quest, and to perform the promises of protection; by postponing in the first instance, and by abandoning GENERAL HULL. xxxiis in the next, an investment and attack upon the said British fort called Maiden, otherwise calietl Ainherst- bur^h, and by finally evacuating the said British pro- vince of Upper Canada, without having provided effectually, in any respect, for the safety of the inha- bitants thereof who had accepted the said brigadier general William Hull's invitation to join the Ameri- can standard, and without having, in any degree, ac- complished the said intention and design of the said brigadier general William Hull, so as aforesaid de- clared and avowed upon the ijivasion of the said Brit*' ish province as aforesaid ; Avhereby an opportunity was afforded to the enemy to bring into suspicion and contempt the power and the conduct of the Ameri- can commander; to collect and combine the British forces ; to seduce, intimidate, and engage the In- dians ; to awe into submission the wavering inhabi- tants of the said British province of Upper Canada; to reinforce the said British fort called Maiden, other- wise called Amherstburgh ; and to jjrepare for invest- ing and attacking the said fort of Detroit, in the said territory of Michigan; while on the other hand, the said army of the said United States, under the com- mand of the said brigadier general Vf iliiam Hull, as aforesaid, diminishing in effective numbers in con- sequence of sickness and other casualties ; the otScers and soldiers naturally became dissatisfted and dis- gusted with a scene of such inactivity, irresolu- tion, and procrastination ; the hope of support and ^o-operation, as well from the Indians as from the British inhabitants of the said British province of Upper Canada, was destroyed, and the general ardour of the troops, in the prosecution of the war, insensi- bly abated. Fifth specification. And, also, in this : — That tluring the continuance of the said v/ar, carried on and prosecuted as aforesaid, by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and the said united kingdom oC Great Britain and Ireland*, d2 xl CHARGES AGAINST and the dependencies thereof, the said brigadier general William Hull, with the said north-western army of the said United States under his command as aforesaid, arrived at Detroit aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid, to wit ; on the seventh day of July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and isvelve aforesaid; that with the said army under his command as aforesaid, he entered and invaded the said British province of Upper Canada, to wit : on ihe twelfth day of July, in the year aforesaid; that with the main body of the said army under his com- mand as aforesaid, he evacuated the said British pro- vince of Upper Canada on the eighth day of August, in the year aforesaid, thence returning to Detroit aforesaid, in the s?* 1 territory of Blichigan, and that he abandoned, surrendered, and gave up the said fort Detroit, with all the troops, regulars as well as militia, rnder his command as aforesaid, to the British forces under the command of major general Brock, to wit : on the sixteenth day of August, in the year aforesaid. And that during all the movements aforesaid, and during all the time aforesaid, to wit ; from the said seventh day of July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, to and including the said sixteenth day of August, in tlie year aforesaid, it was of high importance to the security and supply of the said fort Detroit, and the said army of the said United States, under the command of the said briga- dier general William Hull as aforesaid, that a free ,nnd open communication should be had and preserv- ed between the said fort of Detroit and the said army of the said United States, under the command of the said brigadier general William Hull as aforesaid, and a certain American settlement and military pest made and established at the river Raisin, in the said territory of Michigan; and that the said brigadier general William Hull, well knowing the premises, but unmindful of the trust reposed in him, was guilty of neglect of duty and unofficerlike conduct, by suf- GENERAL HULL. xli feriiig the enemy to interrupt and cut off the said com- munication between the said fort of Detroit and the said army of the said United States under his com- mand as aforesaid, and the said American settlement and military post made and established at the river Raisin aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan afore- said, to wit ; on the first day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve afore:3aid, or on some other day of the said month of August, or on some day of the preceding month of July, in the year aforesaid ; also, by afterwards, to wit : on the fourth day of August, in the year aforesaid, detaching major Thomas B. Van Korn of colonel James Find- lay's regiment of Ohio volunteers, with an inadequate force, (the said brigadier general William Hull having sufficient cause for knowing or believing the same to be inadequate) to attempt again to open the said com- munication between the said fort Detroit, and the said army of the said United States, under the command of the said brigadier general Wiiiiam Hull as afore- said, and the said American settlement and military post on said river Raisin, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid ; also, by afterwards, to wit : on the eiglith day of August, in the year aforesaid, detaching lieute- nant colonel James Miller, of the fifth regiment of United States infantry, with the number or about the number of five hundred men to attempt again to open the said communication between the said fort of De- troit and the said army of the said United States, under the command of the said brigadier general William Hull, and the said American settlement and military post at the said river Raisin, in the territorj^ of Mi- chigan aforesaid, and neglecting to furnish and forward, or cause to be furnished and forwarded, the said last mentioned detachment at or near Brownstown, in the aaid territory of Michigan, on its m.arch aforesaid, upon tlte service aforesaid, an adequate supj)ij of pro- visions, (the said brigadier general William Hull hav- ing sufficient cause to know or to believe that the slii CHARGES AGAINST said last mentioned detachment was at or near Browns* town aforesaid, on its march aforesaid, upon the ser" vice aforesaid, in want of provisions, and that they could not prosecute and accomplisli the said service unless an adequate supply of provisions was furnished and forv, arded to them at or near Brownstown afore- said ;) and, also, by afterwards, to wit : on the four- teenth day of August, in the year aforesaid, detaching colonel Duncan Mac Arthur, colonel of a regiment of Ohio volunteers, and colonel Lewis Cass, colonel of another regiment of Ohio volunteers, with the num- ber or about the number of four hundred men, as well to attempt again to open the said communica- tion between the said fort Detroit and the said army of the said United States, under the command of the said brigadier general V/illiam Hull as afore- said, and the said American settlement and mili- tary post at the river Raisin aforesaid, in the terri- tory of Micliigan aforesaid, as to escort certain pro- visions from the said American settlement and mi- litary post to Detroit aforesaid, without issuing, fur- nishing, and forwarding, or causing to be issued, furnish- ed and forv* arded to the said last mentioned detach- ment an adequate supply of provisions for the service on which they were employed as aforesaid, (the said brigadier general William Hull having sufficient cause to know or to believe that (he said last mentioned de- tachment was in want of a further supply of provi- sions upon the service aforesaid, and that they could not prosecute and accomplish the said service unless such further sup))ly was issued, furnished, and for- y/arded to them ;) Avhereby the said detachment, un- der the said major Thomas B. Van Horn, being en- countered by the enemy with a superiour force, was defeated and returned to Detroit aforesaid, without ac- conij^lishing the service on which they w^ere employ- ed as aforesaid; the said detachment under the said lieutenant colonel James Miller, having achieved a signal victory over the enemy during the march on GENERAL HULL. xliii tlie service aforesaid, at or near Brownstown afore- said, were nevertheless compelled, from the want of an adequate supply of provisions, to abandon the ser- vice on which they were employed as aforesaid, and to return to Detroit aforesaid; the said detachment under the said colonel Duncan Mac Arthur and the said colonel Lewis Cass, from want of an adequate supply of provisions were unable to prosecute and ac- complish the service on which they were employed as aforesaid, and were returning to Detroit afore- said, at the time of the abandonment and surren- der of the said fort Detroit and the said army of the United States to the British forces under the command of major general Brock as aforesaid : and finally, the said communication between the said fort Detroit and the said army of the United States, under the command of the said brigadier general Wil- liam Hull, and the said American settlement and mi- litary post at the said river Raisin, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid, by reasons of the said neglects and omissions of the said brigadier general William Hull as aforesaid, was, and remained interrupted and totally cut off by the enemy, to wit : from the said first day of August, in the year aforesaid, or from some other day in the said month of August, or in the pre- ceding month of July, in the year aforesaid, to and including the said sixteenth day of August, in the year aforesaid. Sixth specification. And, also, in this i — That jluring the continuance of the said w ar, so as aforesaid carried on and prosecuted by and between the said United States of America and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the dependencies thereof, the said brigadier ge- neral William Hull, with the said north-western army of the said United States, under his command as afore- said, having invaded and entered the said British pro- vince of Upper Canada as aforesaid, and having de- clared and aYO^yed an intention and design of invests xliv CHARGES AGAINST ing and attacking the said British fort called Mai- den, otherwise called Amherstburgh, in the said British province of Upper Canada, and a detach- ment of the said army under his command as afore- said, led by the said colonel Lewis Cass, and the said lieutenant colonel James Miller, having attack- ed and repulsed the enemy, and seized upon a cer- tain bridge over the river, called the river Aux Ca- nard, on tlie rout from Sandwich, in the said Bri- tish province of Upper Canada, to the said British fort called Maiden, otherwise called Amherstburgh, and an opportunity having thereby been otfered for an immediate investment and attack upon the said British fort called Maiden, otherwise called Am- herstburgh; yet the said brigadier general William Hull, well knowing the premises, and unmindful of the trust reposed in him, to w it : on or about the eighteenth day of July, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, at Sandwich aforesaid, in the British province of Upper Canada aforesaid, was guilty of neglect of duty and un- otHcerlike conduct, by neglecting and omitting to advance with the said army under his command as aforesaid, to maintain or attempt to maintain the possession of the said bridge over the said river, call- ed the river Aux Canard, and by neglecting and omitting to proceed to the immediate investment and attack of the said British fort called Maiden, otherwise called Amherstburgh, in the said British pro- vince of Upper Canatla, whereby the advantage of acquiring and keeping possession of the said bridge over the said river called the river Aux Canard, as aforesaid, w as improvidently lost, and the prospect of a successful investment and attack upon the said Bri- tish fort called Maiden, otherwise called Amherst- burgh, speedily vanished. Seve.vtii specification. And, also, in this :— That during the isontinuance of the said war, so a.^ aforesaid curried oa asd prosecuted by and between GENERAL HULL. slv t lie said United States of America and their territories, and the said united kingdom of Great Britain and Ire- land, and the dependencies thereof, the said brigadier general William Hull, with the said north-western ar- my of the said United States under his command as aforesaid, having evacuated the said British province of Upper Canada, returning thence to Detroit afore- said, in the territor}^ of Slichigan aforesaid, the ene- my having afterwards taken possession of the bank of the said river Detroit, opposite to Detroit aforesaid- and thereon erected batteries wherewith to attack and annoy as well the said fort of Detroit, and the Ameri- can posts and batteries erected and estc.blished near thereto, as the town of Detroit in the said territory of Michigan ; the enemy having also manifested an in- tention and design to invade and enter the said terri- tory of Michigan, and to invest and attack the said fort Detroit; and the enemy having also afterwards, in pursuance of such intention and design, landed at a place called Spring Wells, otherwise called Spring Hill, in the neighbourhood of the said fort Detroit, in tlie territory of Michigan aforesaid ; yet the said brigadier general William Hull, well knowing the premises, and unmindful of the trust reposed in him, to w it : from the eleventh day of August, to and in- cluding the sixteenth day of August, in the year one thousand eight hundred and twelve aforesaid, was guilty of neglect of duty and unofficerlike conduct, by neglecting and omitting to prevent, and to attempt to prevent the enemy from erecting the said batteries on the bank of the said river Detroit, opposite to the said fort of Detroit, aforesaid : by neglecting and omitting to fortify the landing place at the said Spring Wells, otherwise called Sprhig Hill, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid ; and by neglecting and omit- ting to a^inoy and attack the enemy on and after his landing at Spring Wells, otherwise called Spring Hill aforesaid, in the territory of Michigan aforesaid; whereby the enemy was enabled securely to ereet ^Ivi CHARGES AGAINST GEN. HULL. the said batteries on fche bank of the said river Detroit as aforesaid, for attacking and annoying as well the 3aid fort of Detroit, and the American posts and batteries erected and established near thereto, as the «aid town of Detroit, to invade the said territory of Michigan without opposition or loss, and to approach the said fort Detroit with the air and confidence of 51 triumph. A. J. DALLAS, Jutl^e Advocatr. DEFENCE BRIGADIER GENERAL HULL. ifr. President, And Gentlemen of the Com-t-JIai-tial, i. HAVE too long, and too severely felt the effects oT public pr^udice, excited by unfounded reports and groundless clamours, not to rejoice, that the time has arrived, when I may speak in my own vindication, before an impartial and honourable tribunal. The charges, upon which you are now to decide, have been propagated through the union, with a seal and industry^ to which my age, my character, and my former services, have been in vain opposed. My reputation and feelings have been the sport of every one, who either from malicious, selfisli, or poli- tical motives, chose to traduce me. The time has been, when no one would have dared to couple disho- nour with my name ; when my heart has exulted to find myself mentioned among those who deserved well of tlieir country. But since my efforts to serve 2 DEFENCE OF her, have been unsuccessful, how have 1 been tortured ■with cruel and unfounded accusations l—Even con- scious innocence has not always given me fortitude • to bear with this injustice, unmoved.— Knowing the integrity of my own motives, and how zealously I have sought to discharge my duty to the public, my heart has often swollen with indignation, when I have seen the indefatigable pains that have been taken, by repetitions of the foulest calumnies, to excite, and keep alive, prejudices against me. Your own knowledge. Gentlemen, of what has been passing in the world, will convince you, that this is not declamation ; but I shall shew you, in the course of my defence, that men, from whose profession and whose rank it was not to be expected, have been parties in this injustice. At length, hov/ever, the time I have so anxiously desired has arrived, when my conduct must be tested by evidence, instead of the misrepresentations of my enemies. And I do eel a confidence, that when YOU have pronounced upon that evidence, I may ap- peal to your judgment to refute the clamours which have been niised against me. I cannot but think, Mr. President, that the charges against me are exhibited in a form, hitherto unprece- dented in proceedings of this nature. It was not to be expected, that in a court where the accused, whatever may be his infirmities or incapacity to at- tend to his own defence, is not permitted to have '• the benefit of counsel, the charges would be envelop- GENERAL HULL. 3 ed ill such a profusion of words, that it is difiicult for one, iiot accustomed to the technical forms of pleadings in the civil courts, to understand them, and be so complicated by repetitions, that it is still more diffi- cult to reduce them to s.ny order or analysis. It is extremely important, however, that the Court should ascertain, and ahvays bear in mind, precisely of what I am accused. The course of proceeding, which has been adopted by the Court, renders this the more necessarj^ as testimony has been given, which certainly cannot be applied to any of the spe- cifications. The Court have thought proper to ad- mit it, with an intimation, that any further objection, ^vhich I might offer to its propriety or relevancy, when I arrived at this stage of my defence, would be con- sidered. — In submission to this decision of the Court, I have omitted to make objections on this ground in several instances. I shall not attempt to offer an argument to the Court, to prove the injustice of making one charge against a person, and trying and convicting him on an- other. I did however understand from what passed, when I first submitted to the Court an objection of this nature, that an opinion was entertained by some of the members, that though the testimony might not apply to any specification, yet if the fact intended to be proved would come under either of the general charge^ the testimony would be proper. If this were so, then there would be no use in the specifications. Indeed 4 DEFENCE OF they would be worse than useless, for they would only mislead the accused, and induce him to prepare against one accusation, when he might be tried on another. The impropriety of admitting any thing un- der the general charge, for which there is not a spe- cification, I think will appear manifest. Let us sup- pose, that a general charge is made of unofficer-like conduct, and the only specification, insulting a supe- riour. Suppose that under this general charge and specification, testimony should be offered of absence without leave. This would also be unofllicer-like con- duct, and therefore would come under the general charge. But would it not be the height of injustice to try the accused for absenting himself; a crime of which the charges gave him no notice. I trust the Court will see the validity of the objection I am con- sidering, and that they will be careful to give no weight to any part of the testimony, which does not apply to some one of the specifications. I do not think it necessary to occupy the time of the Court with a recapitulation of the charges, nor shall I exhaust your patience by attempting, in my defence, to follow the volume on your table, through all its reiterations. It will be found, for the most part, to be a repetition of the same facts, displayed in the jargon of special pleading, with an incongruous dis- semination of such opprobrious epithets, as fancy might furnish to heighten the imputation of guilt. I shall endeavour to arrange and consider the accusa- tions in such order as will enable me to bring my de- GENERAL HULL. 5 fence into some compass, and to be the better mider- stood; — I shall particularly notice the charges, which the Judge Advocate, in his opening, mentioned as those which he expected would be substantiated, and I shall not omit to make my defence against every accusation, which there has been the least testimony to support. The cardinal accusations, if I may be permitted so to express myself, are founded upon an alleged delay at Sandwich, the retreat from Canada, and the sur- render at Detroit. If I can satisfy the Court thai these acts were in themselves necessary, or justiftablen it will then remain for me to ansv/er suCh of the ac» cusations as relate to the manner in which these acts were done, and to answer also some charges not im- mediately connected with these transactions. This course will enibrace the whole of my defence. Of this latter description, is the first specification, under the charge of treason, which relates to the vessel sent from the Miami, I shall therefore give this a separate consideration ; and as it stands first and highest in the black catalogue of the crimes which are imputed to me, and is repeated m other specifications, 1 shall, in the first instance, ask the attention of the Court to this subject. I have already protested against the authority of; this Court to decide upon this charge, because trea- son is a crime of which a court martial has no cog- nisance. Their power is confined to such military n% e DEFENCE OF crimes as are specified in the articles of war. And their jurisdiction is so limited, not only by the consti- tution, but by the very articles themselves. 1 have thought it my duty, in the most solemn manner, to make and insist on this protest, for the sake of repelling a dangerous example, and not as it respects myself, or the case now under y©ur consideration ; for my only desire is to acquit myself of the criminal acts and mo- tives which have been so wantonly imputed to me. If I cannot succeed in this, I am indifferent as to the names by which the crimes may be called, and if I do not acquit myself of the other charges, which are the most wounding to the feelings of a soldier, I am equally indifferent to the punishment that may be in- flicted. I have no desire to preserve a life, that shall be stigmatized by a conviction of this Court on the charges of cowardice. The first specification, under the charge of treason, relates to sending the vessel, on the first of July, from the Miami, with hospital stores, sick, baggage, and army documents. As to sending the vessel with what she had on board, except the last article, it is not dis- puted; but that for the reasons, which according to the testimony of general Mac Arthur, I assigned for it at the time, it would not have been an improper measure had not war been declared. The whole criminality then, in this respect, rests on the truth of the allegation, that I despatched the vessel, knowing of the war; and with a design to give traitorous in- telligence to the enemy. GENERAL HULL. 7 It is very certain that I had no direct intelligence of the war on the first of July, when the vessel was despatched. I had on the twenty-sixth of June re- ceived a letter from the Secretary at War, dated on the day war was declared, the eighteenth of June; and I afterwards received another letter from him of the same date, announcing to me the declaration of war. It seems to have been intimated tliat the letter of the eighteenth of June, which I received on the twenty-sixth, was the letter announcing the war. But I think the testimony of general Mac Arthur settles that point. He acknowledges that I shewed him the letter which I received on the twenty-sixth of June at the time I received it. And also the letter -^yhich I received on the second of July, at the time that letter came to my hands. But if the testimony of general Mac Arthur, and other witnesses, left any doubt on this subject, it must be removed by a reference to a letter from me to the Secretary at War, which has been read by the Judge Advocate, dated at Fort Find- lay on the twenty-sixth June, which acknowledges the receipt of the letter from him of the eighteenth of June, which I had then received. In which I say, "m the event of a war,^' it will be necessary to pur- sue certain measures. I think this is evidence, not only that the letter, which I had received on the twen- ty-sixth of June, was not the letter which announced the war, but that the letter which I did receive, gave me no expectations that war was declared when I wrote. 8 DEFENCE OF It may be said, however, in the language of soni^ of the specifications, that though I had no certain iip- formation of the declaration of war when I despatch- ed the vessel, I had " sufficient cause to know or be> " lieve that war then existed." As I have said the first letter from the Secretary at War dated on the eighteenth of June, gave me no cause to know or believe the fact, all that is in that letter which could by any possibility be supposed to have relation to such an event, are these few words, " circumstances have recently oc- " curred, which render it necessary you should pursue "your march to Detroit with all possible expedition." This was but a reiteration of my former orders. In the letter from the Secretary at War of the ninth of April, I am directed " to repair with as little delay as *• possible to Detroit." How then was I to infer, from this letter, that war had been declared ? I did never suppose, that if war was declared, I should receive a peremptory order from Washington, to march my whole army, in all events, to Detroit; thereby leav- ing the enemy at Maiden, eighteen miles in my rear, directly on my line of communication, with all the facilities which he had, by reason of his command of the waters, to cut off my supplies. Such an order ap- peared to me so inconsistent with my military expe- rience, that I did not suppose it could have been found- ed on a declaration of war, or even on a prospect of immediate hostilities. I did suppose, that, in the evGnt of a war, a discretion would have been left me, to conduct my troops in such a manner, as I might judge from circumstances would be most condiicive to their GENERAL HULL. S seciirity, and most likely to effect the destruction of the enemy; and that I should have been left at liberty to post my army in what I might think the most ad- vantageous situation. I did suppose, that when it was seen that war would be immediate and inevitable, I should have been informed of measures taken to re- inforce me, and to keep open the road, which it was known I was obliged to make for near two hundred miles through the wilderness, and on which my army must depend for its supplies. I did suppose, that I should have been informed of co-operations intended for my support, and of means provided for my com- municating with those who might direct those co-ope- rations. And I did suppose, that I should have been informed of measures taken to obtain the command of the waters. All my intercourse, as well previous- ly as subsequently to my appointment, as I shall here- after prove, with the executive officers of the govern- ment, gave me reason to expect, that all these mea- sures would be pursued in the event of a war. How then was I to understand, from this simple intimation, that circumstances had occurred which required that I should pursue my march to Detroit with expedi- tion, that war was actually declared or immediately expected? Besides, it naturally occurred to me, that if the circumstances alluded to by the Secretary were a declaration of war, or such as would immediately lead to it, I should be told so explicitly. I could con- ceive no reason for making his communication to me in ambiguous terms. But it may be said, that general Mac Arthur has proved, by the testimony which he has given, relative 10 DEFENCE OP to conversations he had with me \vhen I received the letter from the Secretary at War, on the twenty-sixtli June, and when I despatched the vessel on the tirst of July, that I had "sufKcient cause to know or '' believe that war then existed." General Mac Arthur's testimony on this subject is as follows : " On the evening of the twenty-sixth of " June, an express arrived from Chillicothe, bearing a " letter for me, another for general Hull. I w ent " with the bearer to general Hull, who opened his let- *' ter and handed it to me. It was from the Secretary " at War, dated June eighteen, eighteen hundred and " twelve. It stated, that circumstances had occurred " that made it necessary that the General should pro- " ceed to Detroit, take measures for defence, and wait '* for further orders. I also received a letter from a " friend, quoting a postscript to a letter from general *' Worthington, a senator in congress, which postscript " said, ' before this reaches you, war will be declared.' " I stated to the General, that colonel Dunlap, the " bearer of the express, had told me, that before that " time war was declared. The General then asked *' me what I thought of the Secretary's letter. I said *' I thought it notice of a declaration of war. The " General said it seemed very much like it. The " General and I had a great deal of conversation on " the information we had, from time to time, received, *' and we appeared to agree that war was certainly " ileclared.'* GENERAL HULL. 11 General Mac Arthur further testifies, " that on the '' morning of the day on which we left the encamp- " ment near the Miami, the General sent for me to " his tent, and stated that he thought of sending the " baggage by water from that place. I said I thought " it hazardous, that possibly the British might have " information of war, and might take the vessel. " The General replied, he could not imagine " there was any danger, the wind was fair and the ves- " sel would pass in a short time ; adding that he could " not take upon himself the responsibility of carrying '' on the teams any further. I think there was a ver- " bal or written order to embark the baggage. I stat- " ed to the General that I did not like to send on my *• baggage, but if it was a general order it must be *' complied with. We proceeded on towards Detroit, '" and on the first or second evening after, the com- *" mandants of corps were called to the tent of general " Hull, and were informed, that a letter had been re- " ceived from the Secretary at War, announcing the " declaration of war.»* The witness further stated in some part of his examination, that notwithstanding the order, he sent nothing by the vessel but his mess boxes. I must beg leave first to remark to the Court, that this testimony of general Mac Arthur affords strong evidence of the fallibility of his memory. For he states, that the letter from the Secretary of War, which I shewed to him at Fort Fiodlay on the twenty-sixth 12 DEFENCE OP of June, ordered me to " proceed to Detroit, take mea- sures for defence, and wait for further orders." An order to prepare for defence would have been a much more significant intimation of a declaration of war than any thing the letter contained. A copy of the letter fur- nished by the War Department is before the Court, and will prove how far general Mac Arthur may be mis- taken. The expressions which he gives, as having been contained in the letter which he saw on the tv/enty-sixth of June, are contained in the letter an- nouncing the war, which was shewn to him on the second of July. It cannot be pretended, that he might have seen this last mentioned letter on the twenty- sixth of June, because if that had been so, there could not have been, after the explicit information contain- ed in that letter, any such debate, as he states there was between us on the twenty-sixth of June, as to the possibility of war having been declared. I do not mean to charge general Blac Arthur with a wilful mis- representation. I have no doubt but that the zeal, which he has manifested for my conviction, has led him into this mistake. As this is the highest charge against me, he probably has felt the most anxiety that it should be substantiated ; and his mind has adopted as the impressions of his memory, what are only the results of his wishes. I mark this inaccur:^cy of ge- neral Mac Arthur the more particularly, to shew, that inasmuch as he was so materiall}^ mistaken, with re- spect to the contents of the letter which he states he had in his hand, and deliberately perused, and hag confounded what passed at one time with what occur- GENERAL HULL. 13 red at another, he may very possi])ly be as far mis- taken in relation to the conversations he has related. I do aver, that, in respect to the conversation which he relates as having passetl between us on the twenty- sixth of June, he is mistaken ; or rather, he represents it in a manner calculated to make impressions alto- gether different from what in truth it ought to do. After he had informed me of the letter he had received, quoting the postscript from general Worthington, and after he had communicated to me what had been said by colonel Dunlap, the bearer of the letters, I might have said, it seemed like war, or matle use of some expression of that sort. But I deny that I ever said that the Secretary's Letter seemed like war ; on the con- trary, that letter induced me to suppose, notwithstand- ing the postscript from general Worthington and the information of colonel Dunlap, that war could not have been declared. I beg the Court to remark, that neither the post- script, nor the information of colonel Dunlap did state, or could have stated, that war was declared ; but merely gave their opinions, that war would be declared by the time the letters were received, without stating any grounds for their opinions. Considering however the information of general Worthington as coming from a source entitled to great respect and consideration, it induced me to think it possible, that war might have been declared. But when I found day after day passing without intelligence from the Government, 3 14 DEFENCE OP when I found that on the first of July, five daj^s had elapsed since the arrival of colonel Dunlap, and when I felt confident that not a moment would be lost in despatching a messenger to me, whenever war was declared, I was satisfied that the information, which had been communicated to me through general Mac Artliur, had no other foundation than those ru- mours and expectations, which had been so long afloat throughout the country. — One circumstance was a strong inducement to believe, that the relations of peace with Great Britain had not been interrupted. When I left Washington, the Secretary of War had told me, it was not expected that war would be de- clared before the fourth of July. This is a fact, though the Secretary at War has answered to the ninth interrogatory addressed to him, that " he had not such ''a recollection of the conversation between us re- " specting the probable time of the declaration of war, "as to enable him to answer satisfactorily on that " subject." But as I had not on the first of July, when I des- patched the vessel, received mj'self any information of the declaration of war, I was to presume, that the enemy could not have been apprised of that event. It appeared to me an inadmissible imputation on the administration, to suppose it possible, that they would suffer information of intended hostilities to be convey- ed to the enemy, before it could reach their own Ge- neral—Yet it was fourteen days after war was de- clared before I had any information of it : though it appears, that a letter from the Secretary at War, GENERAL HULL. 15 written on the eighteenth of June, had reached me at Fort Findlay in seven days, and an attention to the dates of the correspondence between me and the War I>epartment will shew, that the commmiication be- tween the City of Washington and the army, even when it was in Canada, might be made in eight or ten days. In the Secretary's letter to me of the first of August, which has been read, he acknowledges the l-eceipt of mine of the nineteenth of July by captain Curtis, who left my head quarters at Sandwich on the twentieth of July. I never heard that any duplicate of the letter of the eighteenth of June was written to me, or that the letter was delayedby any accident; nordo I know that any letter was Written to me by the ad- ministration, after war was declared, except the one of the eighteenth of June, till the ttventy-fourth of the same month, when six days had elapsed. A letter written at Washington on the eighteenth of June might have reached me by express in five days. But the letter which was to give me the first information of the war, if it left Washington on the eighteenth or nineteenth of June, could not have travelled at a greater rate than thirty miles a day. I think, after this statement, the Court will not say, that it was treasonable in me to conclude, that it was impossible the administration should have left me ig- norant of the war, when it might be known to the enemy. I beg to direct the attention of the Court to the testimony of general Cass upon this point. He had 16 DEFENCE OP a perfect knowledge of all the circumstances, with which general Mac Arthur and myself were accjuaint- ed. He had seen the letter of the eighteenth of June from the Secretary at War, which I received on the twenty-sixth. He knew what information general Mac Arthur had received from his correspondent and from colonel Dunlap. He testifies, that v/hen the vessel was despatched from the Miami, he had no rea- son to believe that, at that, tjme, IJtnew of the war. He had no conversation with me, which could induce such a belief. He sent his own baggage and servant by the vessel which, on his cross examination, he says Tie c^i 'a-inly should not have done, if he had had any thought that war then existed^ But it appears, that, immediately after the receipt of the letter announcing to me the declaration of war, I used every possible exertion to recal the vessel. I refer the Court on this point to the testimony of cap- tain Fuller. This conduct is entirely inconsistent with the criminal intentions which are imputed to me in respect to this transaction. It remains for me to notice that part of this charge, which slates, that I put on board the army documents and papers, whereby the enemy were made acquaint- ed with the force of the army, the designs of the government, and with the declaration of war. I do not hesitate to acknowledge, that it was im- proper to trust the documents which were put on GENERAL HULL. 17 board that vessel to such a conveyance, or even for me to part with them in any way, whether in peace or war. But I trust it has satisfactorily appeared to the Court, from the testimony of captain Hull, that this was owing to an accident, which might have hap- pened to the most careful commander. I had ordered my baggage to be put on board the vessel, not sup- posing it possible that the trunk, containing my pa- pers, could have been considered by my aids-de-camp included in that order, and it was not till after the vesr sel had departed, that with equal surprise and regret I learnt that my aids-de-camp had, with my baggage, shipped a trunk which contained nothing but papers. There is one allegation in this charge, that I feel my- self authorized to repel with some indignation, because I think it could only have been made with a view to exculpate others from misconduct at my expense, by an attempt to make it be believed, that the enemy de- rived a knowledge of the war from the capture of this vessel- If this were so. how is it to be accounted for, that the enemy should have assailed her in a hostile manner before she v/as captured ? The Court will recollect, that lieutenant Goodding states, that when the vessel was off Bois Banch Island, the enemy's armed brig- Hunter bore down upon her, and that she was pursued by a batteau from Maiden, filled with armed men. But the suggestion, that the enemy derived their knowledge of the declaration of war from the papers found on board the vessel, is re- pelled by the fact, that this vessel had no documents on board which couid possibly give them that information. 18 DEFENCE OF SJie could not have had, for 1 had no such documents in my possession at the time she sailed from the Rapids of the Miami. It is also a fact, M'hich is now notorious; that the enemy had received information of the passing of the act declaring war, several days before I had any communication from Washington on the subject. It is as ungenerous as it is unjust, to charge the enemy's prior knowledge of the declaration of war to any act of mine. 1 have now closed my defence on this first specifi- cation under the charge of treason. And although I persist in my olyection to this Court's taking cognizance of that crime, yet I have given the charge a full exami- nation, because the same facts are specified under the charge of unofficer-like conduct. And I shall rely upon what I have now said for my vindication against the specification which relates to this subject under that charge. To sustain this charge of treason there are two other gpecincations, one relating to the sup])osed delay in at- tacking Maiden and the retreat from Sandwich : the other to the surrender of Detroit. But as there is a repetition of thes^ specifications under the two other charges, I shall not now notice them further than to observe, that these specifications, under the charge of trecson, allege, that the delay, the retreat, and the sur- render, were all in pursuance of a traitorous combina- tion and conspiracy between me and certain enemies of the United States, whose names are unknown. If the Court had cognizance of this crime of treason, I GENERAL HULL. 19 could not be convicted, unless the traitorous combina- tion and conspiracy were proved. I might ask, where is the evidence of any combination or conspiracy be- tween me and the enemy ? But I forbear with indigna- tion the examination of such a question — And now, when the Court has before it all the testimony that the utmost efforts of my prosecutors have been able to bring against me, I ask them to judge from what malignant source the information which could have suggested this charge must have been drawn. Some of the wit- nesses who have testified against me, must have fur- nished the materials, from which the gentleman em- ployed by the government to frame the charges must have drawn them. They must then have made sug- gestions to him, which they dare not attempt to sup- port by their own oaths, or by one particle of proof; and which could have resulted only from the bitterness of their own hearts towards me. Pursuant to the arrangement of my defence, which I have before suggested, I shall next consider the spe- cifications, which charge me with crimes, or miscon- duct, in delaying to attack Maiden; in withdrawing the army from Canada ; and in making the final surrender. There are, as I have said, accusations, which are not immediately connected with these transactions, and these I shall notice in the course of my defence. But if I should satisfy this Court, that these cardinal accusations are unsupported, that the measures to which they refer were fit and proper, and such as cir- 20 DEFENCE OF ciimstances required ; or if it should now appear, that a different course in respect to either of these meas- ures ought to have been adopted, yet if I should sa- tisfy the members of this Court, that in my conduct upon these occasions, I have been actuated by the purest motives, and a sense of duty, I trust I shall not be judged criminal. I shall not pretend, that I may not have erred, but error and crime are not con- vertible terms. When I accepted a commission from the govern- ment, I pledged to them my utmost zeal and ability, in discharge of the duties of the office they conferred upon me ; and I trust that pledge will not be consid- ered as forfeited, though it should appear to this Court, that on some occasions my judgment may have misdirected me. The profession of a soldier would not be longer honourable, if neither the purest intentions, nor the most zealous exertions could shield him from criminal imputations on the errors of his judgment. My defence, Mr. President, on these points, as well as all others, will be a relation of facts and cir- cumstances, and an exposition of the considerations and motives which have governed my conduct. You cannot, Gentlemen, form a just decision upon my case, nor judge of the considerations which have influenced my conduct, unless you understand what were my views, and the views and expectations of the GENERAL HULL, 21 ex'^ciitive officers of the government of the United States, in respect to the north-western army, its rela- tions, and objects, when I accepted my commission in April, eighteen hundred and twelve. I feel some embarrassment, in presenting to you this part of my case. I am well aware, that it may be said, that I am attempting to exculpate myself by censuring others. I well know too, that the political feelings of many persons are so sensible and warm, that the slightest imputation of misconduct against the administration will excite their prejudice, and that such prejudices are the more likely to be roused, when the charge is made by one, who is prosecuted by the administration. But, Gentlemen, I shall say nothing pf the officers of the government, which is not supported by irrefragable testimony. I shall only pre- sent for your consideration facts, which are proved by documents before you, and shall make no observations upon them, which are not obviously and absolutely necessary for my defence. Much less shall I attempt to charge the administration with any wilful miscon- duct. I believe every member of it to have bepn ac- tuated by the purest motives, and the most ardent zeal in preparations for and prosecution of an inevitable war. A wai\ in which I should never have enlisted, had I not believed it both just and nee : ry. And while my country is engaged in such . >ntest, let my former services to her, let my form- character shield me from the suspicion, that I wj^ idd voluntarily say one word, that shall lessen the confidence of my 22 DEFENCE OP countrymen in those, under whose auspices our bat- tles must be fought, and by whose wisdom and strength our misfortunes are to be redeemed, and our honour is to be saved. But in my own vindication, and in defence of that honour, which the government have now put at stan I am obliged to say, that the army I commanded \ . not that co-operation and support, which, when I : cepted my commission, the government gave me r son to expect, and without the prospect of whicl . should never, v/ith the force that was placed un* ♦ my command, have thought of carrying on offensi ; operations against Upper Canada; nor even he ■>■ placed my army, unless in obedience to orders, in i | situation, in which it was, after its arrival on the ^ , tei-s of lake Erie. a When I accepted the command of the north-wt ern army, I did not suppose, that, in the event o war with Great Britain, the force of that army wo . be adequate to conquer Upper Canada; nor did I lieve, that the administration had such an opini But on the contrary, I did understand, and such will appear was the understanding of the executi officers of the government, that in the event of a w the operations of my army would be strengthei and secured by a competent naval force on laa.. Erie, and by the direction of other forces against the enemy's territory. Had these expectations been realized, instead of having lingered out so many months as a prosecuted GENERAL HULL. 23 criminal ; instead of now standing before you as an accused, I might still have shared my country's con- fidence. The foul charges, to which I am now to answer, would not have thus blasted the laurels of my youth ; ?^'^even in the wilds of Canada, and amidst these ^tened locks, they might have retained their pris- e verdure. i proceed, Gentlemen, to turn your attention to the , ;uments, by a reference to which I mean to shew, ,at were my views and expectations, and what I I a right to suppose were the views and expecta- , js of the administration, on the subject which we . now considering. The first paper read by the Judge Advocate w^as a norial addressed by me, in eighteen hundred and e, to the then Secretary at War. Vom this memorial the following is an extract : — ■ My residence at Detroit, for four years, has given e some knowledge of our northern and western ontier, and I take the liberty of communicating to Du such facts as have fallen under my observation, le opinion I have' formed, and the measures, which *"-^3pear to me the most expedient under the existing " state of things." After a variety of suggestions, and among others, that though war should not take place, it would be 24 DEFENCE OP necessary to have a larger force in Upper Canada than was then there. The memorial is as follows : — " I would likewise suggest, for consideration, the ex- '* pediency of building some armed vessels on lake *' Erie, for the purpose of preserving the communica- " tion. Consider, you have three military posts to the " north and west of these waters, and no other com- " munication with them." It is true, this memorial was written in time of peace, but the suggestion, as to the naval force, could only be with reference to its use in war. I do not know for what purpose this memorial was read by the Judge x\dvocate, unless it were to shew, of what importance I thought our possession of De- troit. Sir, my opinion on that subject has ever been, and is yet the same, as expressed in that memorial. I thought the administration had the same sentiments, and therefore I was the more firmly persuaded, that they would have taken every possible means to sup- port the army, which was sent for its protection. At the moment I was surrendering that fortress, a conviction of its great importance increased the poignant regret, which I felt for the necessity of the measure. On the sixth March, eighteen hundred and twelve, ■which was about a month before I was appointed to a command in the army, I addressed another me- morial to the administration, which is so important GENERAL HULL. 25 to shew my views, with respect to the force to be di- rected against Upper Canada in the event of a Avar, that 1 beg leave to read the whole of it. It is in the following words : €OPY.) ^^ Washington, March 6, 1812. *' SIR, "The prompt manner in which you have adopted measures for the protection of Detroit, and the other settlements in the territory of Michigan, inspires me with confidence, that such ulteriour arrangements will speedily be made, as the peculiar situation of that section of the United States may require. " How far the measures already adopted will give security to that part of the country, in the event of war with Great-Britain, is a subject worthy of con- sideration. " Officers of a company have been appointed, with orders to recruit in the territory. " The Secretary, acting as Governour, has been au- thorized to make a detachment of four companies of militia, and call them into actual service. " The commanding officer of Fort Detroit has been directed to erect batteries on the banks of the river Detroit, for the protection of the town. 4 26 DEFENCE OF " These, as incipient measures, I very much approve, and was particularly pleased with the decisive man* ner they were adopted. It must be apparent, how- ever, they add no physical strength to that section of the country ; the force already there is only better organized and prepared to be called into action. The comparing of this force with the force which may be opposed to us, will evince the necessity of additional means of defence, if the country is worth preserving- "In the fort of Detroit, I understand by the last re- turns, there are less than one hundred regulars. The population of the territory is less than five thousand, and this population of the territory principally of Ca- nadian character. Connected with the post of De- troit, and three hundred miles north, is the island of iMichilimackinac, where is a fort garrisoned by a company of regulars. Near the south bend of lake Michigan, on the westerly side, is Fort Dearborn, likewise garrisoned by a company of regulars. " This is all the force on which we can at present calculate, for the safety of our frontier, and for the protection of the Indians, which the United States are bound by treaties to afford. " No support can be derived from the Indian nations, even in the event of war, because our officers are in- structed to advise them to remain neuter, and not to accept their services if they should be offered. GENERAL HULL. 27 *' I will now consider the British force opposed to this part of the United States. A fort at Amherst* burgh, at the mouth of the Detroit river, garrisoned by about one hundred British troops. Another fort on the island of St. Joseph's^ at the mouth of the river St. Mary's, garrisoned by about fifty British troops. Two armed ships on lake Erie, which command the waters, and would prevent all communication from the States through that channel. A population of at leas! fifty thousand in that part of Upper Canada, which is connected with the Detroit river and lake Erie, and could easily be brought to operate against our settle- ments. " About four thousand men, principally Canadians, employed in the Indian trade and under British in- fluence ; and lastly may be reckoned all the Indians in Upper Canada, and a large proportion of the pow- erful nations residing in the territory of the United States, who now hold a constant and friendly inter^ course with the British agents, and are liberally fed and clothed by the bounty of the British government. " It appears, from this statement, that the British force which can be brought to operate against us in the territory, is more than ten to one, w ithout includ- ing the Indians. "It requires no ditScult reasoning to determine what must be the consequence. That part of the United States must fall into the hands of ^e British govern- 28 DEFENCE OF ment, with all the inhabitants, the forts at Chicago., Michilimackinac and Detroit, and all the public stores, with the public and private vessels on the lake. This will give our enemies the entire command of all the country north and north-west of the Miami of lake Erie; and the settlements on the western part of the state of Ohio will be subject to the depreda- tions of the powerful northern nations of savages. There is nothing in my opinion (in the event of war) can prevent this state of things, but an adequate force on the Detroit river, opposite to the settlements in Upper Canada. " It may be asked, how is this force to be placed there, and how is it to be supported ? If, Sir, we can- not command the ocean, Ave can command the inland lakes of our country. I have always been of the opinion that we ought to have built as many armed vessels on the lakes as would have commanded them. We liave more interest in them than tlie British na- tion, and can build vessels with more convenience. If however there is no intention of the kind, that communication must be abandoned until we take possession of the Canadas. • The army which marches into the country must open roads through the wilderness, and the supplies of provisions, and whatever else may be necessary,, must pass by land through the state of Ohio. " If the conquest of the Canadas is the object of the Government, they will there have an army in a GENERAL HULL. 2& proper situation to coinmence operations, and at the same time protect the defenceless inhabitants, and controul the Indians within our territory. The answer pro])ably may be, it is more expedient to leave the Michigan territory to its fate and direct the force to Montreal. This will prevent all communication by the St. Lawrence with Upper Canada, and it must of course surrender. In this expectation I think it probable there would be a disappointment, if a force is not sent sufficient to oppose the British force, which may be collected at Amherstburgh and its vicinity. Detroit, Michilimackinac, and Chicago must fall. The inhabitants must once more change their alle- giance, and the Indians become the exclusive friends and allies of the king, their great father, " In the garrisons at these places they will find large quantities of arms and military stores of every kind. Upper Canada and our country, of which they v/ill be in the possession, will famish them with provisions. How then will Upper Canada be conquered, ]3y pos- sessing Montreal ? They will be in the quiet posses- sion of their country, and a part of ours, and how are they to be approached ? You cannot approach them by water, because they command the lakes. In ap- proaching by land, you must pass through a wilder- ness, filled with savages, under British controul, and devoted to British interest. — The consequences of such an attempt may probably be best learned from the history of the campaign in that very country, conducted by generals Harmer, St. Clair, and Wayne. 30 3DEFENCE OF In Upper Canada they have a governour, who is a major-general in their army, and who commands the regular troops, the militia, and the Indians. The whole force of the country is therefore combined under Ills command, and may be directed to a single point without any collision. " From the preceding statement of facts and obseF- vations it must be apparent, that Fort Detroit and the settlements in its neigh]30urhood, and likewise Michilimackinac and Chicago, under present circum- stances, are in the power of the British, and that their possession of them would be extremely calamitous to the United States. " In the event of peace with England, I am of the opinion, that the northern frontier ought to be bett^ protected than it is at present. In the event of waK, and the object being the reduction of the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, I think it must be evi- dent, that the establishment of an army at Detroit, sufficient to defend that part of the country, controul the Indians, and commence operations on the weakest points of defence of the enemy, would be an incipient measure, indispensably necessary. With respect to the other points of attack, I shall make no observa- tions, as I probably shall have no agency in them. "In considering this subject, I have endeavoured to divest myself of all local feelings, and have grounded my observations and opinions on public considerations GENERAL HULL. 81 alone. Two things appear to me to be certain, one is, that in the event of war, the enemy will attempt to take possession of that country, with a view to obtain the assistance of the Indians residing in our territory; and the other, that under its present circumstances of defence it will be in their power to do it. A part of your army, now recruiting, may be as well support- ed and disciplined at Detroit as at any other place. A force adequate to the defence of that vulnerable point, would preverda^war with the savages, and pro- bably induce the enemy to abandon the province of Upper Canada without opposition. The naval force on the lakes would, in that event, fall into our pos- session, and we should obtain the command of the waters, without the espense of building such a force. " The British cannot hold Upper Canada without the assistance of the Indians, and that assistance they cannot obtain if we have an adequate force in the situation I have pointed out. " There is another consideration very important. It will do more to prevent a general Indian War with the Indians, as far west and beyond the Mississipi, than any other measure. The Indians cannot conduct a war without the assistance of a civilized nation. The British establishment at Amherstburgh is the great emporium, from which even the most distant Indians receive their supplies. A force, at the point I men- tioned, would prevent all communication of the Indians with that post. Indeed, Sir, in every point of view 32 DEFENCE OF in V, hich the subject can be consitlered, it appears to me of the first importance to adopt the measure. " I am vpry respectfully, "Your most obedient servant, "William Hull." To this document is annexed a copy of a letter from me to the Secretary at War, and the two docu- ments are certified as authentic documents in the fol- lowing words : *^ " Copy of the original on file in the War-office. " D. Parker, Chief Clerk." Can it be supposed, after this exposition of my views of what w ould be the enemy's force and situa- tion, that I could ever have taken the command of about four hundred regular troops, and sixteen hun- dred militia, to effect, by means of such a force, with- out any assistance or co-operation, the conquest of a province, a part only of which I had represented as containing fifty thousand inhabitants? That I could have contemplated an attack on an enemy, having at its disposal, a body of regular troops, the controul over countless savages, and the great advantage of the command of the lakes and waters ? This memorial was received and approved by the Government. This in itself is proof of their adoption of its sentiments, and that it was their opinion, as well as mine, that in the event of a war, snch an army as was put under my command could do nothing offensive, unless y^e GENERAL HULL. 33 had a naval force on the upper lakes; and without a co-operation on other parts of the enemy's territory, which should distract his attention, and prevent his bringing the greatest weight of his power on a single point. A few days after I was appointed to the command of the north western army, I presented another me- morial to the President, through tlic War Depart- nient, in which I was explicit, as to what might be expected from such a force, as I was to lead; as to the necessity of reinforcements; of our com- manding the lakes ; and of a co-operation in other quarters. My draft of this memorial I have lost, in the way which I shall hereafter explain. The ex- istence of the original, and its general purport, is proved by Mr. Eustis, who, in his answ er to the sixth and seventh interrogatories, addressed to him, says, " I have a perfect recollection of your having present- '' ed the memQri|il referred to in the interrogatory. I " recollect," he adds, " your attendance, by appoint- " ment, at the War Office. The memorial, or that part " of it which related to the naval defence of lake Erie, " was referred, or communicated, to the Secretary of "the Navy, who was present. The brig Adams, ' which had been employed as a transport, under di- " reotion of the War Department, became the subject *' of conversation. Whether she was (being tjien on " the stocks repairing) actually transferred to the Navy " Department, I do not distinctly recollect. If that " was the case, the evidence is on record," 34 DEFENCE OP Yet this memorial, or a copy of it, I have never been able to obtain. I have applied for it to the Se- cretary at War. He referred me to the Secretary of the Navy; the Secretary of the Navy to Mr. Dallas; to him I applied, and he referred me to the present Judge Advocate, who knows nothing of it. And finally, when my trial commenced in this city, I addressed a letter to the President of the United States, requesting him, to interpose his autho- rity to procure me a document, which I considered so important in my defence. It was, Sir, too much for me to have expected an answer from the President himself, though the time f has been, when such an answer would not have been considered as conferring too great an honour. The President referred my letter to the gentlemen at the head of the War and Navy Dep^ir^ments. They also would not condescend to answer my letter, but handed it over to their clerks. The elevation of these gentlemen seems to have rendered them giddy. I ask, would it not have comported Avith the importance of the occasion, the decorum due to an old man, and a veteran soldier, not yet convicted of any crime, for the Secretaries themselves to have addressed me ? But in answer to my letter, I received a letter from the ChiefClerkinthe War Office, dated twelfth of Fe- )3mary, onelhousand eight hundred and fourteen; with GENERAL HULL. • 35 a certificate from the chief clerk in the Navy Depart- ment. The letter from the War Office is in the fol- lowing words : " War Office, February 12th, 1814. '' SIR, Your letter of the first instant, addressed to the Pre« sident of the United States, has been referred to me. In answer to which, I have the honour to state, that all your communications to the War Department, after you were appointed brigadier general in the army, have bten transmitted to P. S. Parker, esquire, judge advo- cate of the court-martial, now sitting at Albany, togeth- er with such others as you had required, as far as they could be found on the files of this office. The pub- lic records of papers of the War Department have been constantly within my observation and charge for several years past, and I assure you, Sir, I have never s^en or heard of a memoir, pointing out the ne- cessity of a navy on lake Erie. " Since the receipt of your letter, I have carefully examined the files, and inquired of every gentleman attached to the Department, without being able to give any information on the subject. '" I have the honour to be, Sir, " Very respectfully, your obedient servant, " Daniel Parker, C G. •brig. gen. william hull, j " ALBANY." 5 30 • DEFENCE OP It is unaccountable, Mr. President, that a public document of this nature should be lost. That it did exist, and was on the files of the War Office, is proved beyond controversy, by the deposition of the late Secretary at War, who swears that he has a perfect ^recollection of it. But a most extraordinary part of this letter from the War Department, is that which states, that the writer has had the public records, and papers of the War Department, constantly under his charge and observation for several years past; yet, that he never knew or heard of a memorial, pointing out the necessity of a navy on lake Erie. Mr. Pre- sident, it is a fact hardly to be credited, that the copy of the memorial of the sixth of March, eighteen hun- dred and twelve, from which I made tliat copy which I have just read to the Court, is certified as a true copy from the files of the War Office, by the very gen- tleman, who writes me the letter of the twelfth of February. Let me quote from the memorial of the sixth of March, or rather from the copy certified as I have mentioned above, a passage which is in the fol- lowing words : " If, Sir, we cannot command the ocean, we can " command the inland lakes of our country. I have " always been of opinion that we ought to have built " as many armed vessels on the lakes as would have " commanded them. We have more interest in them " than the British nation, and can build vessels with " more convenience. If, however, there is no inten- GENERAL HULL. 37 '* tion of tlie kind, that communication must be aban- " doned until we take possession of the Canadas." When the writer of the letter had certified a copy of this memorial but a few days ago, how could he say, that he never knew or heard of a memorial point- ing out the necessity of a navy on lake Erie ? I will not presume. Sir, that tlie writer of the let- ter intends an equivocation, and designs that his mean- ing shall turn upon the use of the word necessity. This I think would not be consistent with the solem- nity of the occasion on which his letter is written ; nor, Sir, would it serve him : because it is impossible to read my memoir of the sixth of March, without perceiving, that I do, from the beginning to the end, point out the necessity of a navy, in every sense in which the word necessity can be applied on such a subject. I am very far. Sir, from meaning to insinuate, in the remotest degree, that the letter from the Clerk of the War Department contains any intentional mis- representation. His character and station protect him from such a suspicion, and as the memorial which proves the inconsistency of the letter has been fur- nished, the declaration in the letter could not have been made with any sinister design ; and I have only trespassed on the patience of the Court with these observations on this subject, to shew, that as the me- morial of the sixtli of March, eighteen hundred and twelve, has been so entirely forgotten at the War Office, the eertificate from thence, that a memorial 5 38 DEFENCE OF pointing out the necessity of a navy on lake Erie, was never read or heard of there, is no sort of evi- dence that another such memorial may not have ex- isted as well as that of the sixth of March. The certificate from the Navy Department has heen read. It will appear in the minutes, and I shall trou- ble the Court with no remarks upon it. In respect to this memorial I can now only rest upon my own declarations, which I think, when I am in this manner deprived of the benefit of the paper, I am authorized to make. It did contain a represen- tation, in the most explicit and strongest terms, of the necessity of our having a naval force superiour to the enemy on the lakes ; and that without it, and un- less the army I was to command, was strengthened by additions to its numbers ; and unless it were fol- lowed by detachments, to keep open the communica- tion, and insure its supplies from Ohio ; and unless it "vvas supported by co-operations, on other quarters, my army could not be able to maintain itself at Detroit, much less carry on offensive operations in the enemy's country. That such were the views and sentiments of the government as to my expedition, as well as my own, and that I was not expected to do more than protect Detroit, and that quarter, and to keep in awe the In- dians, will further appear, from the facts and docu- ments, to ^vhich I shall now refer. GENERAL HULL. ff9 Upon this subject, I beg to turn the attention of the court to the testimony of general Porter. It will prove, how pressing I was on the subject of a naval force, not only with the Secretaries, but with the President himself. The deposition of captain Charles Steward, of the navy, states, that, at an interview he had with the Secretary of the Navy, in the beginning of April eighteen hundred and twelve, the Secretary informed him, " that it was contemplated to give him the com- *' mand on the lakes ; that a naval force superiour to the " British on the lakes, had been strongly urged by " general Hull, as essential, and as a certain means " of insuring to the army success." I beg the court to notice that it is here stated, that I had strongly urged that the command of the lakes was essential to success. The first letter which I received from the Secretary of War, after my appointment, and which is dated the ninth of April, eighteen hundred and twelve, describes the force which w^as to be under my com- mand. The description, of itself, I presume, must pre- clude an idea, that it could have been intended for invasion or conquest. But its objects are expressed in this letter. I am directed, as the commander of that force, to " adopt such measures with the chiefs of the " several tribes of Indians, as might, in my judgment, 40 DEFENCE OF ^'^ appear to be best calculated to secure the peace of " the country." In the first letter which I received from the War Department, dated the eighteenth of June, and which was delivered to me on the twenty-sixth of the same month, I am directed to pursue my march to Detroit with all possible exi)edition ; and the second letter from the Secretary at War, of the same date, which announced to me the war, gives me the same positive command to proceed to that post. If the army I commanded, had been deemed competent to carry on offensive operations against the enemy without any assistance or support, my orders would certainly have been of a different nature. It would have been left to my discretion, to pur- sue such measures as I might have judged most effi- cacious. With an army, competent to make an inva- sion, Detroit would not have been the point from which it should have been matle. A station opposite Amherstburgh would have been on many accounts a preferable position, but Detroit was the proper situation for the army, for the purpose of protecting the territory and inhabitants of Michi- gan, and of keeping in awe the savage tribes. I beg that it may be observed, that I do not pre- tend, that it was not contemplated, that the army I commanded, when I was appointed to it, might be GENERAL HULL. 41 employed in ofiTensive operations against the British^, in the event of a war; but I am endeavouring to shew, and I trust shall satisfy the Court, that neither myself, nor the officers of the government, ever sup- posed it would be competent to act as an ojEfensive army, unless it was assisted and supported ; or unless, as was supposed might be the case, such a (lefection cA' the inhabitants of Canada to the government, and a union of the Indians with us, should happen on the appearance of my army, as would in a great measure destroy the enemy's means of resistance. The next letter I received from the Secretary at War, is dated the twenty-fourth June, eighteen hun- dred and twelve. This letter informs me, that I am authorized to commence oflensive operations. This would not have been the language addressed to me Mpon this occasion, if the government had supposed I had a force sufficient to commence such operations. In that case I should have received a command in- stead of an authority. In thi^ letter, the Secretary adverts to my taking; possession of Maiden; but not as if he supposed I had the power of doing it. I am not to make the at- tempt, unless the force under my command, should be equal to the enterprise, nor unless I could do it, con- sistently with the safety of my own posts. The caution, which it is thought necessary to com- municate to me, by this letter, to be limited i*i itiy 5* 42 DEFENCE OF assurances of protection to the Canadians, and the notice that it conveys me, that an adequate force cannot be relied upon, for the reduction of the enemy's posts below, is evidence, that my annj^ was not thought sufficient to maintain itself in the enemy's country, without assistance and co-operation. In my letter to the Secretary at War of the ninth of July, eighteen hundred and twelve, which is in answer to that I have last mentioned, in which I am told, that I am authorized to commence offensive operations, I expressed, in the most explicit terms, jny opinion of the inadequacy of my force to the only offensive operation which could be undertaken from that quarter. My words are, " the British com- *' mand the water and the savages ; I do not think '• the force here equal to the reduction of Amherst- " bargh ; you must not therefore be too sanguine." I beg the Court to remark, that this letter was writ- ten immediately after my arrival at Detroit, and a few days before I passed into Canada ; of course be- fore I had any knowledge of the fall of Michili- mackinac, an event which had so decisive an influ- ence on my subsequent operations. On the tenth of July, I wfote two letters to the Secretary at War, both on the subject of provisions for the army. I mention to him in the first, that the contractor could not furnish the supplies, on account of the lakes being closed against us, by the British naval force. In the second letter, I reiterate the GENEilAL HULL. 43 same information; and also inform the Secretary, that 1 have made a new contract for provisions, which, as they cannot be transported on the lake, must be carried on horses from Ohio, through the wilderness. My letter concludes with these words ; " The com- " munication must be secured, or this army will be *' without provisions. Troops will be absolutely ne- ^' cessary on the road, to protect the provisions. This " must not be neglected. If it is, this army will perish " by hunger." The receipt of these letters is acknowledged by the Secretary at War, in his letter to me of the twen- ty-sixth of July, eighteen hundred and twelve. To this letter, from the War Department, I wish particu^ larly to direct the attention of the Court. It shews, that the government well understood the situation of my army, and how much it stood in need ®f assistance and support. By this letter I am informed, that governour Meigs has been directed to furnish troops to guard the road, and insure the transportation of provisions; — that general Winchester had been ordered to reinforce me with fifteen hundred men; — that a force was collecting at Niagara ; — that the commander in chief would be apprised of my situation, and directed to take measures to afford me the necessary support. It is not my intention, at this moment, to shew, that none of the expectations, which this letter au- 44 DEFENCE OF thorized, were ever realized. I now refer to it, only as I have mentioned, to prove, that the officers oi' the executive government must have considered my army, situated as it was, incompetent to carry on, of itself, effectual operations against the enemy. In my letter to the Secretary at War, of the nine- teenth of July, eighteen hundred and twelve, are the following paragraphs : " If you have not a force at Niagara, the whole force of the province will be directed against this army." " It is all important, that Niagara should be invest- ed — all our success will depend on it." There has been read by the Jutlge Advocate, a letter from the Secretary of War to me, dated the first of August. This letter I never received. It, however^ shews no less, on that account, how necessary it was thought, that a diversion should he made, in favour of the army I commanded. I 'therefore extract from it the following paragraph : " On the twenty-sixth July, your letters of the se- venth and tenth were enclosed to general Dearborn, with a copy of mine to you of the twenty-sixth, ac- companied with a request, that he would make a di- version in your favour. The General must have received this letter at Albany. By the mail of this evening, yours of the twenty-ninth is enclosed ta GENERAL HULL. 45 him, with an instruction, to make a diversion at Niagara and Kingston, as soon as practicable." In another letter from the Secretary of War of the first of August, he acknowledges the receipt of my proclamation to the Canadians. I now refer to that proclamation, merely to direct the attention of the Court to that part in which I say, that the force I commanded was " but the vanguard of a much great- er." I do this to shew the confidence I then had, that the corps I commanded was to be reinforced and supported. On the twentieth of August, the Secretary of War addressed a letter to me, which T did not receive, but from which I here quote a paragraph, to shew how necessary he thought co-operation was for my sup- port. The paragraph is in the following words : " Orders have been given to general Dearborn to " attack the enemy's posts at Niagara and Kingston, " as soon as may be practicable. Our force at Nia- " gara, according to general Dearborn's account, will " amount to twenty-four hundred, and he w ill notify '' you of such movements and operations, as he may -' order," It is from these documents, which have all been introduced by the Judge Advocate, that I prove what I undertook to do, that when I took command of the north-western army, it was understood by the ad- 46 DEFENCE OF ministration, as well as by myself, that in the event of a war with Great-Britain, my force was to be aug- mented ; that my communication with the state of Ohio was to be preserved, by troops from that quar- ter ; that the lakes were to be commanded by us ; and that my operations v, ere to be facilitated by di- versions on the frontiers below me. The Court will hereafter i)erceive, what an impor- tant influence a disappointment in all these particu- lars had on the events under consideration ; and will not therefore, I hope, think 1 have uselessly trespass- ed on their time, by detaining them so long on this part of the subject. 1 cannot, however, omit one farther remark. I would ask the Court, if subsequent events do not ex- clude a supposition, that the administration did ex- pect, that my army was in all events to be of itself adequate to the invasion and conquest of the enemy's country; unless it be admitted, that there was an entire ignorance of what was necessary to accomplish these objects ? For we have since seen general Harrison, with an army more than quadruple to that which I led, for more than a year, threatening the enemy on the same point, at which he was invaded by my army ; and though ten thousand troops were co- operating with him, on the points where I had been led to expect co-operation, yet he dared not to set his foot on the enemy's shore, till after our glorious naval victory on lake Erie, and was then obliged to content GENERAL HULL. 47 himself with the possession of no greater territory than his troops coukl cover. I must intreat the Court, before I proceed to the consideration of other matters, to indulge me with the repetition of a remark which is so necessary for understanding the subsequent parts of my defence, that I am anxious to impress it on their minds. It is, that though, as I have said, and I trust I have proved, it was understood both by the administration and by myself, that the force which I commanded would not in all events, in case of war, be competent to the invasion and conquest of Canada, yet both the officers of the executive government and myself, did contemplate, that in certain events, I might, with the army which I led, subdue the enemy's posts in the Upper Canada. It was contemplated and believed, that there would be a very general defection of the inhabitants of that province, and that many of them would arrange themselves under the American stan- dard ; and it was also contemplated and believed, that it would be possible for me to draw from them the aid of the savages. When I landed in Canada, and pre- viously to the fall of Michilimackinac, there was every reason to suppose, that these expectations v/ould be realized. Until that event took place, of which the enemy had notice about the second of August, I had those sanguine hopes of success which I expressed in my proclamation, and in my communications with the War Office. But after that misfortune, the scene 4S DEFENCE OP was entirely changed. From that moment, I saw, that although it was possible that I might obtain temporary advantages, yet that they would eventuate in the greatest disasters, unless I was aided and sup- ported from other quarters. Thus, Gentlemen, I have endeavoured to shew you, that I took the command under the expectation, that, in the event of a war, the operations of my army would be assisted, by a competent force upon the lakes, by detachments to keep clear the communica- tion which I had opened through the wilderness, and by the co-operation, or at least such a demonstration of force against other parts of the enemy's territories, as would prevent his directing all his energies to the point where I might meet him. But it unfortunately happened, that none of these expectations were ful- filled. The effects of these disappointments will after- wards be considered. I now resume my vindication of the measures, which form the most prominent features in my accusation ; that is to say, the delay at Sandmch ; tJie retreat from thence ; and tlu surrender at Detroit. It is necessary for me to explain the views and intentions I had, when I yielded to the importunities of my officers, and crossed to the enemy's country. It must be recollected, that the order I received in the letter of the eigliteenth of June, which amiounced GENERAL HULL. 49 the war, directed me to proceed to Detroit, and there to wait for further orders. Finding that an impatience^ to cross had been ex- cited in tlie army, which was likely to be extremely injurious to my authority, and the discipline of the troops, I called a council of war, and laid before the officers, the orders by which I w as then boiind ; and asked their advice, as to the expediency of crossing. The council, notwithstanding my orders, were of opinion, that I ought to cross. I did not feel myself at liberty to follow their advice, and determined not to do so. But on the same day, I received the Se- cretary of War's letter of the twenty-fourth of June, in which he says, " should the force under your com- " mand be equal to the enterprise, consistently with the "safety of your own posts, you will take possession '•of Maiden, and extend your conquests, as circum- "■^ stances may justify." I did not think the force, under my command, equal to the conquest of Maiden, nor did I think, that with such a length of line of communication, as it was re- quisite for me to keep open, I ought to make the at- tempt. My letter to the Secretary at War, dated on this same ninth of July, which I have already quoted, expresses this opinion of the incompetency of my force, in terms not to be misunderstood. Yet, as soon as I had received this last mentioned letter from the Secretary, 1 determined to take post 6 00 DEFENCE OF in the enemy's country. IMy reasons for this deter- jnination were, that I hoped thereby to satisfy the impatience of my officers, and preserve the confidence of my army ; which expressions of discontent were likely to impair. — I should command the streights, and tliereby prevent the enemy from sending succours to their northern posts, or carrying on the important trade of their north-western company. I knew, that it would have a great effect upon the Indians, to shew them the American flag flying on both shores; and I hoped, by establishing myself at Sandwich, to facilitate and increase the defection from the British stamlard, which had manifested itself among the inhabitants and militia, and their Indian allies. My views, in taking post in the enemy's ter- ritory, are expressed in my letters to the Secretary of War. In my letter of the ninth of July, I had, as I have above mentioned, told him, I thought my force incompetent to attack Maiden. In my letter of the thirteenth, written from Sandwich, I say, " I consider " the possession of tliis bank as highly important ; by "erecting one or two batteries, opposite the batteries " at Detroit, the river will be completely commanded. " In the rear of the army, on the Detroit river, lake St. ' Clair, and the river Le Trench, is a populous and " valuable part of the province. It is likewise pro- " bable, when the Indians see the American standard " on both sides the river, it will have a favourable "effect." I intended, nevertheless, without loss of time, to make preparations for putting in a state of iJJENERAL HULL. 51 service my field arlilleiy, for an at lack on Maiden ; and whenever that shoukl be ready, and I should find tliat the enemj^'s force was not likely to be further weakened by desertions, I would make the attack, if I had a prospect of co-operation and support from below, without which I thought, and I think recent events will prove that I thought correctly, I could neither preserve my own posts on our side of the river, nor that which the enemy then possessed, if I should be so fortunate as to Avrest it from him. My officers, however, were not less importunate, for proceeding immediately against Maiden, than they had been to cross the river. I felt myself compelled to yield to their importu- nity, and had appointed a day for the attack. But, before that day arrived, I received intelligence, that determined me to postpone the enterprise, and to re- cross to Detroit. As preliminary to my vindication of these measures, it is important to consider, what numerical force I could command when I crossed into Canada; its nature ; and the probable force and strength of the enemy. In every stage of this trial, I have felt as a great misfortune, the want of that documentary evidence, which might be expected from me. This arises from the loss of the packet, which sailed from the Miami ; :)2 DEFENCE OF . and from the more recent loss of all my baggage, and most of my papers. When I left Detroit, a prisoner, I left my baggage with my daughter, Mrs. Hickman, to be carried to mj^ home by her. She soon after embarked in the enemj^'s brig Adams, for fort Erie. On her arrival there, she was permitted to go to Buffalo, leaving her own and my baggage on board the brig. The same night the brig was taken by commodore Elliot, retaken by the enemy, and burnt with all my baggage on board. This loss of my documents has left the witnesses, who testified against me, to speak on many important points, from estimation and conjecture, and they seem- ed, to have availed themselves of the liberty, so as always to make their estimates such, as would be most against me. 1 shall myself be obliged often to speak . of numbers from conjecture and estimate, but when I do so, I shall endeavour to present to the Court the data, on which my estimates are founded. Major Jessup, the brigade major, says, that we moved into Canada with sixteen or eighteen hundred men. Now, neither the Michigan legion, or the Michi- gan militia, crossed with the army into Canada. And besides, there were, as the Court will recollect has been testified by several of the witnesses, a portion of the Ohio volunteers who refused to cross. This num- ber was about one hundred and eighty. GENERAL HULL. 53 Major Jessup further testifies, " That some time "early in August, a few days previous to leaving " Canada, he was called into a council of war, to ex- " plain a report of brigade, and that there were then " eighteen hundred effective men in Canada and at ^^ Detroit. The Michigan legion were included in " the eighteen hundred, Ijut the Michigan militia were "not," Now, if there were but eighteen hundred belonging to the brigade at this time, including all that were either with me in Canada, or at Detroit, and includ- ing the legion, how could sixteen or eighteen hun- dred have crossed with me ? At the time that this report of major Jessup's was made, we had lost but few of the troops that had crossed; and from the amount, which he gives of the whole forces, at that time, to ascertain what was the number that crossed, must be deducted the Michigan legion, and the Ohio volunteers that refused to pass the river. This 'will leave an amomit much short of ihe sixteen or eighteen hundred, with which, major Jessup says, we passed into Canada. The Court will remember, that by a muster roll and return, made at Fort Findlay on the twenty-sixth of June, which has been exhibited by the Judge Advo- cate, the whole force which I then had under my command, amounted to one thousand, nine hundred and fifty,. I was obliged to leave detachments, at Mac Arthur's Block-house, at Fort Fiadlay, and at 54 DEFENCE OF the Miami. There were about forty invalids taken ill the vessel, that sailed from the Miami. I left some sick at the river Raisin, and the whole force with Avhich I arrived at Detroit, I am convinced, did not exceed fifteen hundred men* And I am confi- dent, that the force with which I passed into Canada, did not exceed fourteen hundred. What proportion of the militia, which I had with me at Sandwich, would have been effective to lead against the enemy, the Court may judge from general experience. Major Van Horn has testified, that when detach- ments were ordered, it was always found, that not more than two thirds of the command ordered could be marched. I do not believe, that at any time, I could have led thirteeen hundred effective men against Maiden. Of these, there was only colonel Miller's regiment, of less than three hundred, that had seen any service. The rest were militia, who, though they vrere very ardent and patriotic in their expressions had had no experience, and neither men nor officers, had ever been tried. It is not extraordinary, that I should have felt some want of confidence in these raw troops, for such a contest, as we must have ex- pected before Maiden ; when it appears, by the testi- mony of colonel Miller, that their own officers were not willing to be responsible for their firmness in an assault. Colonel Miller states, tliat in a council, in which the propriety of attacking Maiden was discuss- ed, at which general Mac Arthur, general^ass, and colonel Findlay, were present; "General Hull said-. GENERAL HULL. ^ if we would answer for our men, he would lead us " to Maiden. I told him, I would answer for the men " I commanded ; but the others said, they would not *' be responsible for their men, but believed they would *' behave well." I know, sir, that it may be said, that my proclama- tion to the Canadians, and my letters to the Secretary at War, hold a different language. That in these I speak with coniidence of attacking Maiden, and of the excellence and sufficiency of my force. And I presume the specifications refer to my proclamation, and to these letters, when they allege that I had declared and avowed my intention of attacking and subduing Maiden. I cannot conceive, that these declarations could prove me guilty, if my measures ■without them would not have been so. I do not see, that they can in any way be made the test of the propriety, or impropriety, of the course I pursued. It would be hard, indeed, if every general were to be judged criminal, who did not accomplish all the in- tentions he may have avowed — this would be a rule, which I presume there are mani/ generals would not consent to establish. If it were adopted, no change of circumstances would justify the relinquishment of a design, once formed. I think, when it is considered under what circum- stances my proclamation was published, it will not be thoU§ht just, to adduce it as evidence against me on this occasion. I was then in an enemy's country, the inhabitants of which were sufficient, independent 56 DEFENCE OF of his regular force, which was establislied near mc, and of his Indian allies, to overwhelm the army I commanded. I had no prospect of even maintaining myself, much less of making conquests ; unless I could induce a great portion of those inhabitants to forsake his standard. It was incumbent on me to use all means to deprive him of aid from the savage tribes. I knew that these two objects could only be effected by representing myself as having the utmost confi- dence in the force I commanded, and that it was able to overcome all opposition. With these views I pub- lished the proclamation. And, indeed, the force I commanded, would have been equal to all I represent- ed, had the same spirit of desertion and defection con- tinued, which had manifested itself in the enemy's country, when we first invaded Canada. But unfortunately, before we retreated, all calcula- tions founded on this basis had failed. In my letters to the War Department, down to the latter end of July, I speak with confidence of attack- ing Maiden, whenever the field artillery shall be pre- pared. But I beg the Court to recollect, that this confidence was grounded upon the expectation, that I then entertained, that the enemy would be w eaken- ed by the desertion of his militia, and the abandon- ment of the Indians. In all my letters, which speak of the intended attack, I mention also the daily de- sertions from the enemy's standard. That Ldid not rely on the competency of mj^ own force, till the ene- py's should be reduced, must appear from my letter GENERAL HULL. 57 of the ninth of July, to which I have more than once referred. About the first of August, we received the account of the fall of Michilimackinac. On the fourth, I wrote a letter to the Secretary, from which the follow- ing are extracts. " At the time the army under my command took " possession of this part of the province of Upper " Canada, every thing appeared favourable, and all " the operations of the army have been successful. "Circumstances have since occurred, which seem -' materially to change our future prospects. "The miexpected surrender of Michilimackinac, " and the tardy operations of the army at Niagara, " are the circumstances to which I allude. I have " every reason to expect, in a very short time, a large " body of savages from the north, whose operations " will be directed against this army," &c. After these observations, I do not believe, that the Court will think, that it is to be justly inferred, either from my proclamation, or from my letters, that I con- sidered my force under any circumstances, which existed before we left Canada, competent to the re- duction of Maiden. The force of the enemy, lieutenant Forbish states, wasj towards the last of July, about one hundred and 38 DEFENCE OF seventy regulars, and five hundred and fifty militia.. The Indian force could never be ascertained with any precision; it could not have been, less than near a thousand. I always supposed the enemy's force greater than this information makes it. But whatever may have been the force of the enemy, it must have been estimated as very considerable, by some of my officers, as well as by myself. The Court will recollect, that when I made the detachment under colonel Van Horn, to the river Raisin, and colonels Cass and Mac Arthur remonstrated with me against the sufficiency of his force, they each proposed to go on that expedition witli his regiment. If the enemy had not appeared to be somewhat formidable to them, they could never have advised me to make so large a detachment as six hundred men, on a service in which they could only have expected to meet a small part of his force. Colonel Mac Arthur has affi)rded other evidence of his opinion of the power of the enemy. For when I proposed to leave him, with his regiment, on the Canada shore, he charged me with having an intention to sacrifice him, by leaving him with such a force at that post; although he would have been in an entrenched camp with artillery, where he would also have had some protection from the guns at Detroit, and would be in reach of instant support from thence. The fort at Maiden, I was well acquainted with. In time of peace, I had often been in it. I knew that it was capable of being made a place of strength, and GENERAL HULL. 59 fliat, ill contemplation of a war, the British for some lime had been using great exertions to put it in the best possible state of defence. I knew, that for near twenty years, a field officer had commanded, and about an hundred regular troops had constantly been stationed in it ; and that there always had been a regu- lar corps of British artillery attached to the com- mand. The question was, whether, with the troops I had under my command, so few of whom had ever been tried, I was to attempt to carry this fortress with the bayonet ? For myself, particularly, when I con- sidered, what would have been the consequences of an unsuccessful attempt, I had a strong conviction that it would be wrong to make the effort, till we could have the advantage of heavy artillery. But finding that many of my officers, who had seen no service, were impatient at delay, and were destroying my influence with the army, and its discipline, l}y their complaints and censures — for tlieir satisfac- tion, and not for my own, nor for my own justification, two days after I crossed, that is, on the fourteenth of July, I called a council of war, in which it was decid- ed, that no attempt ought to be made on Maiden, with- out the heavy artillerj^ My utmost exertions were then used, to get in readiness the two twenty-four pounders, and two how- itzers, which were at Detroit. Carriages were to be made for them entirely new. Though a delay, in these preparations, is one of the charges made against me, not a witness has attempted to support it. Indeed, 60 DEFENCE OP Gentlemen, I dare appeal to every officer, who was with me, and who is willing to speak the truth, whether I did not use all possible means, and make all personal exertion, to accomplish, as speedily as possiljle, this desirable object. I several times cross- ed the river myself, to inspect and hasten the artificers. I ordered planks to be taken off my own house, to fur- nish a necessary part of the materials for the gun carriages. Captain Dallaba, in his second examination, states, that he received an order to prepare the heavy ar- tillery, after the army had crossed to Canada; he thinks it was on the fifteenth or sixteenth of July. My recollection is, that the order was given on the fourteenth, that is, the day afte£_ we crossed ; and on the very day that the council of war advised, that the attack should not be made without the heavy can- non. From that time, it is not pretended there was any delay in preparing them for service, and could not have been, without the fault of the officer, who was trusted with the service. Till we crossed to Sandwich, the artificers were employed, as appears by the testimony of the same witness, in mounting the guns of fort Detroit. I beg the Court also to notice the testimony of colonel Miller on this point- he says, he saw no want of exertion in preparing the artillery. The necessary field artillery was not prepared till the seventh of August. Two days previous to this, GENERAL HULL. 61 J had called another council. The members deter- mined it would be advisable to wait two days for the artillery, and if it was not then ready, the attack ought to be made without it. I did not concur in this opinion. Indeed, the opinion of the officers in this, and the former council, appeared to me inconsistent. For if, according to the decided opinion of the first council, it was then improper to make the attack without heavy ordnance, why was it not as necessary when the last mentioned council sat ? And if it were proper to wait two days for the artillery, according to the opinion of the last council, why was it not proper to wait longer ? It may be said, that between the first and second council, the enemy's force had diminished by deser- tion. No doubt it had as to numbers. Great part of the militia had left them, and many of their Indian allies ; but the fort of Maiden retained all its strength, and there was no doubt, but that their regular force, (of which not an individual had deserted,) and their Femaining militia were sufficient to man it. Indeed, reinforcements had arrived from Fort George, both in the brig Hunter and one other vessel. At this coun- cil, I found that nothing would satisfy my officers, or the army, but a movement towards the enemy. I felt myself obliged to yield to the advice of the council, and did, as general Cass has testified, declare that I would lead the army against Maiden, as soon as the artillery should be completed. 7 62 DEFENCE OF My opinion was, that an attempt on Maiden should never be made until there was an absolute certainty of success. This opinion was founded, not only on considerations which I shall hereafter mention, but upon the orders I had received from the War De- partment, in the Secretary's letter of the twenty-fourth of June, which I have so often quoted ; and by which I was directed not to attack Maiden, unless I judged my force was equal to the enterprise, nor unless I could do it consistently with the safety of my own posts. I thought, by delay, I was every day strength- ening the probability of success in the entei-prise, because the force of the enemy was daily diminishing by the desertion of his militia and Indians. But I thought myself bound to delay, till I had possessed myself of every possible means of insuring success, from a consideration of what would be the consequences of a defeat. The anny would have been destroyed ; if not by the tomahawk of the Indians, they must, after a de- feat, have perished for want of supplies. A defeat would have been the signal for all the hordes of sa- vages in the surrounding wilderness, to fall upon the unsuccessful troops. Every path would have been filled with these remorseless warriours. But it was not only the fate of the army that I anticipated on such an event; the horrours that it would let loose on the neighbouring country, and throughout our exten- sive borders, were presented to my mind, I knew, GENERAL HULL. 63 that if the army I commanded v. ere beaten in battle, there would be nothing to restrain the ravages of that part of our enemy, which, when a battle is decided in their favour, makes the vanquished, and their de- fenceless country and people, their prey. In the ungenerous letter which colonel Cass wrote to the government, (and which, as I think, was most unwarrantably published) he seems to think, that these are philanthropic considerations, unworthy a soldier. But, Sir, though brought up in the field, and though I have seen something of the horrours of war, I am not yet such a soldier, as that I can think of such scenes with indifference. When I considered what would be the condition of the territory, over which I had so long presided, and over which I was then Govemour, in case the force I commanded should be beaten in battle, and the inhabitants be left to the mercy of the savages, without any stipulation or force for their protection, I thought I should deserve the heaviest curses, if I risked a battle, before I had taken every means in my power to insure victory. These were the considerations, that induced me to resist the urgency of my officers to move to the attack of Maiden, till the eighth of August. It had been ascertained on the sixth, that the cannon would be ready on the eighth ; and on the sixth I issued an order for the army to prepare to move to the attack on the eighth. Every thing was in readiness for the ^nterpi^isie on the seventh. But on that evening, I t34 DEFENCE OP crossed with the whole army to Detroit, except a de- tachment of about three hundred men, under major Denny, which was left intrenched at Sandwich, and which was also moved over on the eleventh. This retreat from the enemy's shore is one of the acts of treason, cowardice, and unofficer-like conduct, of which I am accused. I proceed to submit to your consideration my answer to this accusation, and the reasons which then governed my conduct, and which I yet believe to have been correct. About the first of August, as appears by my letter of the fourth, I received an account of the fall of Mi- chilimackinac. Lieutenant Hanks, with his men and some Indians, had arrived at my encampment. The eifect of this great misfortune was immediately seen and felt in the vicinity of my post. The Wyandot Indians settled at Brownstown, who had previously shewn the most friendly dispositions, and given the strongest assurances of their neutrality, joined the British. For though they passed over under the pretence of having been made prisoners, the circum- stances which then occurred left no doubt but that they had formed an alliance with the enemy. This procedure of this tribe of Indians, was not only evi- dence of their own, but of the defection of the sur- rounding nations, who are all united by some sort of confederacy, in which the Wyandots have a superiour influence, which is acknowledged by the other tribes, speaking of them as their fathers. When, therefore, GENERAL HULL. 65 i learned that this nation had joined the standard of the enemy, I knew that the Chippeways, Ottaways, Pottawattamies, Munsees, the Shawanees, Senekas, and other tribes, who altogether could furnish between two and three thousand warriours, would also be an addition to his force. At the same time I received intelligence, as ap- pears by another letter of mine to the Secretary at War of the same date, (fourth of August,) that a British officer, with fifty-five regular soldiers and two brass field pieces, had landed on the west part of lake Ontario, had penetrated to the head waters of the river Le Trench, and was collecting the militia and Indians in that quarter to lead them against my army. From the information I had received, I had reason to think, and so I mention in my letter to the Secre- tary, his force would amount to six or seven hundred. The fall of Michiiimackinac also changed the dispo- sition of the inhabitants of Canada, and from the time that accounts were received of that event, there were no more of their militia came over to us. I had also been informed of the arrival of the British colonel Proctor at Maiden, and it was generally believed, that he had brought with him some reinforcements, as well naval as military. To the enemy's naval force I had nothing to oppose. By it, the enemy might command the lake ; obtain his supplies without the least interruption ; transport his troops at his pleasure, and co-operate with land movements on the margin of the waters. I had also intercepted a letter from a 7# 66 DEFENCE OF Mr. Mac Kenzie, at Fort William, to a Mr. Mac Intosh, at Sandwich, dated the nineteenth of July, from " The declaration of war reached us on the six- *' teenth instant, but we are neither astonished nor " alarmed. Our agents ordered a general muster, which " amounted to twelve hundred, exclusive of several " hundred of the natives. We are now equal, in all, *' to sixteen or seventeen hundred strong. One of *' our gentlemen started on the seventeenth, with " several light canoes, for the interiour country, to " rouse the natives to activity, which is not hard to " do on the present occasion. We likewise despatch^ ^' ed messengers in all directions with the news. I " have not the least doubt but our force will, in ten " days hence, amount to at least five thousand eflfec- *' tive men. Our young gentlemen and engagees " offered most handsomely to march immediately for " Michilimackinac. Our chief, Mr. Shaw, expressed " his gratitude, and drafted one hundred — they are to " proceed this evening for St. Joseph's. He takes " about as many Indians. Could the vessel contain *' them, he might have had four thousand more. It *' now depends on what accounts we receive from St. " Joseph's, whether these numerous tribes from the *' interiour will proceed to St. Joseph's or not. At the time that this intercepted letter fell into my hands, I was informed by lieutenant Hanks, that be* fore he left Michilimackinac, several agents of the GENERAL HULL. (>7 north-west territory had arrived at that post, after its surrender, from Fort William, on the north side of lake Superiour, who stated, that a large force of Canadians and Indians were collected at Fort William, ready to descend the lakes, and that there was also a force of the same description, collected at the outlet of lake Superiour. I was further informed by lieutenant Hanks, that immediately after the surrender of Michi- limackinac, which was on the eighteenth of July, the British commander had sent an express to Little York ; and it was supposed, that on the return of the express, all the forces which had been collected and were collecting in the northern regions, would be ordered to Maiden. - The death of lieutenant Hanks deprives me of the benefit of his testimony. But 'this is sufficiently supplied by the evidence of Mr. Stone, and doctor Day, gentlemen who were at Mi- ehilimackinac when it surrendered, and who accom- panied lieutenant Hanks to my head quarters at Sand- wich, and doctor Day was present when lieutenant Hanks made the communication to me. It may be said, that this information ought not to have had any influence upon my conduct, because the northern Indians could not, and in fact did not arrive in a great length of time. I presume that no testimony is wanting to prove to this Court, that from the points where they were collected, they might have descended in a very few days. The savages of our country have an advan- 68 DEFENCE OF tage of ail other troops, in the celerity and facility with which they make their movements. These too, were to be aided by the means of the north-west company, which were particularly adapted to trans- portation, from the nature of their trade upon the waters of the lakes. As to the fact, that the northern savages did not arrive at Maiden till long after the surrender. < — • The testimony of captain Eastman is, that he re- Tiiained at Detroit twenty-four days after the capitu- lation; that the Sagganau Indians, with about sixty warriours, arrived three days after the surrender ; that the Michilimacldnac Indians, with about eleven or twelve hundred warriours arrived about the tenth or eleventh of September. It may be well to remark here, how formidable this force proved to be, although it was but a small portion of that which would have come, had not Detroit been surrendered. But can it be concluded that this force would not have arrived earlier, had not intelligence of the fall of my army reached them, which it must have done a few days after the event happened ? When information of so many adverse circumstances had reached me from various quarters, the fate of my army appeared in- evitable. I had but one of two courses to pursue, and either seemed to me almost a desperate alternative. I must either advance or retreat. If I had seen nothing that I was to regard, but the power of the enemy, I had no doubt but that I ought to have GENERAL HULL. 6§ adopted the former expedient. I was obliged to con- sider the effect a retreat would have in my own camp. The young and inexperienced officers I had under my command, who could see no danger that was not immediately before their eyes ; who thought and said that they were very brave, but with a few exceptions, do not know it to this day from any trials of their courage; who despised all precaution, and thought all generalship consisted in inconsiderate and impetuous advances — I knew well, would pursue the conduct which they afterwards did, and, by representing a re- treat as proceeding from the most unworthy and un- justifiable motives, destroy the efficiency of the army, by robbing me of its confidence. The cabals, which had risen to such a height as to mature a plan of mu- tiny, in which my chief officers were to be the ring- leaders, could not be entirely concealed from me; although, till I saw the confession published to the world, by one of the conspirators, I did not know the extent of their design. Under these awful circumstances, dangerous as the attempt on Maiden appeared to me to be, I thought it might be less so, than a retreat. I determined to attack Maiden, and on the sixth of August issued orders to have every thing prepared for the move- ment of the army on the eighth. And, Gentlemen, there is no part of my conduct, since I ha^^e been a soldier, that I reflect upon with so much self conviO' tiou of errour, as \ do upon this. /O DEFENCE OP I look back with regret upon the moment when I yielded to the councils of the inexperienced officers I commanded, and determined to make an attempt, ^vhich my own judgment did not approve, which was contrary to all military knowled3i;e, and which even success might not justify. I thought, however, it was possible, that if I were successful, and should possess myself of the enemy's fortress, I might possibly main- tain mj^self there for some short time ; and in that time I hoped I might have some succour and security from my own country, and her armies, that I had been led to expect would be operating below me. On the seventh of August every thing was in rea- diness for the intended movement, but on that day at about one o'clock, an express arrived Avith letters to me from the commanding officers on the Niagara frontier, two from major-general Hall, and the other from general P. B. Porter. These letters were sent to me by express, to inform me, that a large force from the neighbourhood of Niagara were moving towards my army. But what was more decisive in its influ- ence on ray measures, was, that I learned from those letters, that I was not to expect that these movements of the enemy were to be checked, or that my army would be sustained, by any operations against the enemy in any quarter. I found that the invasion of Canada, and the whole war, was to be carried on by the three hundred regular troops under colonel Miller, and the twelve or fourteen hundred militia, which bad been placed under my command. I must GENERAL HULL, It liere again beg leave to turn the attention of the Court Martial to the correspondence between the Secretary at War and mj^elf, to remind the Court Martial of the reasons I had t6 expect supplies, as^ sistance, and co-operation, when I took the command of the north-western army. When I received these letters from generals Hall and Porter, my situation became embarrassing and distressing to a great de^ gree. I had but a few hours before, w ith w hat re- luctance appears from the testimony of general Cass, yielded to importunities of my officers, and given them expectation, that I would lead the army against Maiden. I had issued orders for making the neces- sary preparations, and fixed a time for the movement* I knew well what would be the effect of disappoint- ing the expectations which those measures had rais- ed. But as general Mac Arthur has testified, I told him, as commander of that army, I felt myself res- ponsible for its moveinents, and its fate. Under an awful sense of that responsibility, I determined to recross the river, with the greater part of the army. In making this movement, I had no design of relin- quishing the attack of Maiden. My intention was to take post at Detroit, and there to wait until some na- val force on the lake, and a co-operation from below, uhich, from the beginning, I had relied upon, and which the letters I had received from generals Hall and Porter gave me reason to expect, would com- mence at some future but probably distant period-, afforded some hopes of success, and of advantage from success. My forlher intention \wo3- to concen- T2 DEFENCE OF trate my forces at Detroit, that I might from thence open and secure my communication with the state of Ohio; upon which, in my judgment, the salvation of the army depended. This consideration had so much influence on my measures, not only at this time, but throughout the campaign, and in the final surren- der, that it Avill be proper to present it to the Court, in such a view, as that they may judge of its impor- tance. From Urbana to the Miami of the lake, is a per- fect wilderness. Through this wilderness^ a distance of a hundred and twenty miles, and through a countiy of which the Indians were the inhabitants and pro- prietors, the army had to cut a road, when they ad- vanced ; and it was the only road by w hich supplies of any kind could be received. From the Miami to the settlements on the Detroit river, the country is little better than a wilderness, there being only two or three little settlements. Along the Detroit river the country is partially cleared and cultivated. The improvements extend from half a mile to a mile back from the river, and in part of these improve- ments, on the margin of the streights, is the road to tlie town of Detroit. The whole country from Ur- bana to the town of Detroit is filled with savages, all of whom, with very unimportant exceptions, be- came hostile to us, and infested every part of the road which w^as not protected by an armed force. From the Miami to Detroit, a distance of seventy- two miles, the road runs so near the waters of lake GENERAL HULL. . 73 Erie, and of the streiglits, that the enemy having the command of those waters, could, with the greatest fa- cility, transport from their shore, and from one point to another, detachments to intercept the communi- cation. Their vessels too, would always afford them a secure retreat, in case of disaster. There were, in the whole Michigan territory, less than five thousand white inhabitants ; about two thousand of whom were settled along the Detroit river. The soil, thougli fertile, was but little cultivated : the inhabitants greatly relying for their support upon the supplies of fish and venison, which the woods and waters afforded. The territory has never furnished sufficient provi- sions for its ov/n inhabitants ; there are annually, as appears from the testimony before you, large quanti- ties of pork and beef brought in from the state of Ohio ; and, notwithstanding the testimony of some of the witnesses, I assert, that at the time the army was in that quarter, they could not have taken the neces- sary supplies from the country for any length of time, without distressing the inhabitants. It has been proved, that even in time of peace the few troops who were stationed at Detroit were fed by supplies from Ohio. The country must afford insufficient provisions for an army, or there could be no necessity for furnishing general Harrison from the western states, at the immense expense, which his supplies have cost. The testimony of general Mac Arthur affords some evidence of the state of the country in respect to provisions. He stated that from the morn- ing of the fourteenth of August, when he marched 74 DEFENCE OF from Fort Detroit with a detachment, till the sixteenth, when they met with and killed an ox, in a march of near thirty miles, he saw nothing that was food for man, except some unripe corn and some honey. The opposite shores of the enemy were not more produc- tive in supplies. The whole of the country border- ing on the streights and on the lake, is a wilderness, except the settlement at Amherstburgh, and a very thin population on the banks of the Detroit river, and a small place on lake Erie, known by the name of the New-settlement. Above, on the river Trench, at about the distance of sixty miles, is the most fruit- ful and valuable part of the country. Independent of these settlements, which had been exhausted by the two armies, the whole is wilderness. After the fall of Michilimackinac, when all the hives of northern Indians became hostile, and were let loose upon us, when the north-west company, as appears by the let- ter of Mr. Mac Kenzie, had arrayed against us their numerous retainers, and when the navigation of the upper as well as of the lower lakes was free to the enemy, no supplies could have been obtained from the river Trench, or the bordering country. It must be remarked, that from the time the army arrived at Detroit, not one pound of provisions had been received. From the moment the declaration of war was known to iiie enemy, he had intercepted the only line of communication, and thus cut off all sup- plies. GENERAL HULL. 75 It appears from a return made outhe day the army arrived at Detroit, and -which is mentioned in the minutes of a council of war, held on the ninth, tliat there were then in store 125,000 rations of flour, and 70,666 rations of meat. This stock, as it was never replenished, must have been proportionately exhausted, at the time of the re- treat from Canada, and at the time of the final surren- der. And, indeed, would have been entirely so, had we not drawn, as far as we could, our supplies from the country, which every day became the more stripped, and the less able to afford them. A return made to me by the contractor, on the twenty-fifth of July, shews not only the quantity of provisions on hand at that date, but it shews, by a comparison with the return of the ninth of the same month, the rate at which the provisions were con- sumed. This return has been proved and read in evidence. It is as follows : " Provisions on hand at " Fort Detroit, twenty-fifth of July, eighteen hundred '- and twelve — " 70,000 rations flour, " 21,000 salted meat, " 100,000 whiskey." It has been said by generals Cass and Mac Arthur, and by other witnesses, that they never heard com- 76 DEFENCE OF plaints of a want of provision. This is certainly tine. There was not, previously to the surrender, an actual want or deficiency of provisions. Our stores were not then entirely exhausted; but there was a certain- ty that they would soon be so. Such then was my situation when I determined to retreat from Canada. I had above me hordes of hos- tile savages. I had below me an enemy in a fortress, which I believed to be a work of strength, and suf- ficiently manned for its defence. I found that he had been left at liberty to augment his force, by drawing 'his troops from all other points. I commanded an army, the troops of which (except a few regulars of the fourth regiment) had no experience, and had never been tried ; and this army was otficered by men, the chief of whom had not hesitated to express, in the most indecent terms, his want of confidence in me. I vvas told, that I must not expect any co-operation or assistance ; I saw that my provisions would be soon exhausted, and that neither my own nor the enemy's country would afford supplies for any length of time. I saw that my only communication was cut off, and unless it were opened the army would be subdued by want. Under these circumstances, I determined to recross the river, take the principal part of the army, not with an intent, as I have said, to relinquish the en- terprise against Maiden and the Upper Province, but to writ for a co-operation and assistance, which might afford more favourable prospects, and in the me?\n GENERAL HULL, 77 iinie, Avhicli I considered a duty of the first impor- tance, to open the only communication by which I coukl obtain supplies. An attack on Maiden was an alternative, which, as I have said, presented itself to my mind. It was one which I had the most powerful inducements to adopt. I well knew what rewards of honour and glory awaited an achievement, which my country had been led to expect with so much certain- ty and anxiety. I knew what were the expectations of my officers, and what resentment a disappointment would create. I knew a retrograde movement would expose me to censures, and to the malice of my ene- mies; but in deliberating on this alternative, I could not but take into view the possibilitj^ of a defeat in the attempt, and the consequences which, as I have before mentioned, would result not only to the arm}'', but to the people of the territory. A more decisive consideration, however, induced me to reject this al- ternative. I then felt confident, and I do naw feel most confident, that if I had attacked Maiden, and had been successful, it would have been but a useless waste of blood. It would have been utterly impossible to have maintained the fortress. It must have fallen for w^ant of supplies. It must be remembered, that the waters of the lakes were shut against us. There could have been no possible communication with the fortress^ but, by the road which I had cut through the wilder- ness. How was that road to have been kept open ? Most probably, after an engagement, cr after car- lying the works by storm, I could have taken into 8* 78 DEFENCE OF Maiden but a few hundred men. Could I have made sufficient detachments from the garrison, to have performed this service ? Let it be remembered, that generals Mac Arthur and Cass censured me for send- ing so small a detachment as two hundred men in this duty ; and thought the force ought to have been double or equal to one of their regiments. And when colonel Miliar, with six hundred men, two hundred and eighty of wb.om were almost the whole of the regular force under my command, had defeated the enemy near Maguago, he thought it necessary to send to me for a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty, or two hundred, to enable him to secure his passage to and from the river Raisin, though his loss in the bat^ tie did not exceed eighty, and though he knew at the river Raisin he was to be joined by the detachments under captain Brush, and the companies under cap- tains Campbell and Rov.land. If the road could have been opened, still no sup- plies could have passed into the fort, without crossing the water, and on that the British had a force, to which we had nothing to oppose. If we had possess- ed the fort, it would have been pressed by the north- west company, and its retainers from the north, with all the hosts of savages of those regions. A British force no doubt \Vould have approached it from lake Ontario, by the river Le Trench. On the water it Vr'ould have been attacked by tlie naval force, and all this it m (St have encountered, without the possibility of obtaining supplies, and wiliiout the least prospect of relief or assistance. GENERAL HULL. n My judgment, Mr. President, may mislead me now, as it did then ; but yet I think, that if I had led t)te army I commanded to the conquest of Maiden, under such circumstances as I have stated, it woiiid have been as great a crime as any of which I am accus- ed. Certain I am, that I should have wanted that consciousness of having acted from the purest motives, and according to my best judgment, which has been my only consolation in all I have suffered. If it be true, as I have stated, and as I think the testimony proves, that my army had not provisions for any length of time, and that neither my own, nor the enemy's country would have been capable of fur- nishing them, I need hardly state to the members of this tribunal, how important it was for me to keep open the road I had made through the wilderness, the only communication by which supplies could appi;oach me. In modern warfare, the first great object of each contending party, is the resources of his enemy. The fate of armies is found to depend upon the abundance of their resources, on their security, and in the facility of keeping up a communication with them. It has be- come a principle to manoeuvre in such a manner, as to cover the places from whence supplies may be drawn; not to go far from them, but with great caution, and ne- ver to cease preserving with them those connections, in which the strength of an army consists, and on which its success depends. These are the sentiments of a 80 DEFENCE OP modern military writer of great celebrity. The ex-* perience of all military movements in latter times, proves their correctness. I always felt the force of them. It was a great violation of these principles, and therefore as I considered a great mistake, to march the army I commanded, after the war had commenced, to Detroit, leaving a British garrison eighteen miles in our rear, directly upon our line of communication, which from its proximity to the lake, and his force upon the water, the enemy had the means of intercepting with peculiar facility. But the orders I received in the letter of the Secretary of War, which announced to me the declaration of war, w^ere positive upon this point. They left me no discretion. I was to march to Detroit, and there to wait for further orders. I had seen the necessity of keeping open the communication, Avhen I w as on the march, and therefore I built and garrisoned block- houses on the road. When in the enemy's country, I felt every day, more strongly, the force of this ne- cessity, and therefore detached major Van Horn on that service. Whether that was a proper detachment, as it is made a separate charge, will be a subject of separate consideration, in a subsequent part of my de- fence. After the defeat of major Van Horn, and when I found the situation of my army immediately before I left Sandwich, such as I have before describ- ed, I was perfectly convinced that no success, not even the capture of Maiden, could save it from even- tual destruction, if my communication with Oliio was not opened. GENERAL HULL. 81 The Court will recollect, that general Mac Arthur and general Cass have stated in their testimony, that when they objected to the sufficiency of the force I de- tached under major Van Horn, they each recommended that I should send him with his regiment on that duty. This shews what force, in their estimation, was ne- cessary for the purpose. What force colonel Miller thought necessary, I have already stated. If these gentlemen were correct on this point, my army could not be in a proper situation, when I must have stretched back with nearly half and the most etficient part of my command, to insure me supplies. It must be recollected also, that it was not a temporary de- tachment, that would have answered any purpose. I must have kept always separated from the army, a sufficient force to have kept open the road from De- troit to Ohio, a distance of about two hundred miles, I do not believe, that after the fall of Michilimackinac, when the savages became arrayed against us, and in- fested every part of the road, that my whole force would have been sufficient to have protected so ex- tensive a line. These, Gentlemen, were the grounds on which I made a retrograde movement, with a part of the army, to Detroit. It was from thence to open the only channel, through which it could derive the means of its existence. I repeat, my judgment may have mis- led me. If it did, it continues yet to mislead me ; for every day that I have lived I have become more coaMent, that I did right to leave the enemy's coun» 82 DEFENCE OP fry. Had I followed the dictates of my own judg- ment, I should have made my retreat to the Miami and there waited for co-operation and assistance. The distance from thence to the Ohio would have been ^ comparatively short ; I should have had no enemy in my rear but scattering savages, and he could not then have availed himself of the great advantage he derived from the command of the waters. For the reason that I did not do so, let me appeal to the testimony of the two officers next in command. When I proposed this measure to colonel Cass, his answer was, that if I did under the then existing circumstances, every man of the Ohio volunteers would leave me. His language in substance was, as he states it himself, that the volunteers would retreat with me, if they thought a retreat necessary. But as they undertook to judge, that it was not then necessa- ry, they would leave me and not a man would retreat under my command. Colonel Cass's testimony on this subject is in the following words : " I recollect a "conversation with general Hull, after the retreat '* from Canada, and before we went to the river Rai- "sin, in which general Hull suggested, that as he " heard of no co-operation from below, it might be " necessary to take post at the Miami. I think I told " general Hull, that, if under existing circumstances, " he took such a step, the Ohio militia would desert " him to a man. Whether I told general Hull so or '' not, I am confident it would have been the case." GENERAL HULL. 83 It may be well to remark, that this testimony of colonel Cass is evidence of the insubordination that was among the troops. By whom, and by what means, it had been encouraged, the Court may judge. Upon this part of the subject, that is to say, the re- treat from Canada, I have but a few words more to say. I retreated for the purpose of being enabled to take effective measures for opening my communica- tion. The importance of accomplishing this design, I have endeavoured to shew. But it seems that the government, or whoever it may have been that drew the charges, that are now before you, were also sensi- ble of this importance ; for one of the accusations, that I am to answer, is, that I did not keep open this com- munication, and yet the measure I took to accom- plish this object, and which was the only measure that afforded any prospect of success, that is to say, withdrawing the army from Canada, is also made a ground of crimination. I beg the Court to notice, that these reasons for the retreat are such as I assigned for it at the time, as well as now. For the evidence of this I refer to my let- ters to the Secretary at War of the fourth and eighth of August. My letter to governour Scott, of the ninth of August, and my letters to governour Meigs and colonel Wells of the eleventh of August, all shew, that I abandoned Canada because I had as- certained that I should soon be surrounded by an 84 DEFENCE OP overwhelming force ; because my commmiication, if I remained where I was, would inevitably be cut off; and because I found that the few regulars and militia I commanded, were to be left to carry on, without any assistance or co-operation, the offensive war, which the United States had declared against one of the most powerful nations on earth. It appears, that the view which my officers had of our situation, about the time of the retreat and sur- render, was very different from what it would appear to have been, from the testimony they have given before you ; at least, this observation applies to ge- neral Cass. The testimony of Mr. Silliman, (the general's brother-in-law,) of Mr. Mills, and of Mr. Converse, his neighbour, proves, that in letters writ- ten by him, at the times to which his testimony re- lates, he had different sentiments from those he ha& here expressed. In a letter of the third of August, at which time we were in possession of the enemy's territory, and all the resources that might be drawn from thence, general Cass tells Mr. Silliman, that provisions would become necessary for the existence of the troops. In a letter to Mr. Silliman after the fall of Michili- mackinac, general Cass says, that the impression made by the fall of Michilimackinac could scarcely be con- ceived. In the same, or some other letter, according GENERAL HULL. U lo the testimony of Mr. Sillirrian, general Cass pressed him to use Ms influence to procure reinforcements for the army, and expresses his surprise, that we were left without co-operation, by putting to his correspon- dent the following interrogation : " Is there nothing *' to be done in the lower end of the lakes, to make a •^ diversion in our favour ?" In a letter from general Cass to the same gentleman, dated on the twelfth of August, general Cass says, " think our situation as ' bad as you may, it is still worse." It is most unfortunate for me, that I have in the course of this prosecution so often to feel the want of documents. I want to prove the contents of a me- morial, v/hich was tiled on record in the War Depart- ment. I ask for the record, and it is lost. I am im- peached for not having regularly issued orders to the army. The witnesses who are to support this charge prove, that there were orderly books in v/hich my or- ders were entered ; but they have either been lost, or what is more extraordinary, left at home. Captain Mac Commick has an orderly book, but when he was called here as a witness, he left his book behind him. Other officers seem very unaccountably to have thought the order to ship their baggage at the Miami included their orderly books, and they have been lost by that means. And now these letters from genera! Cass to Mr. Silliman, the contents of which it might be so important to me to contrast with the General's testimony, it appears, were intrusted to tlie General's ■ivifc, and they too have been lost, 9 86 DEFENCE OF But I ask the Court, do not even the slender ac- founts which we have had of the contents of these letters shew, that general Cass, at the time they were written, did believe that the army would be in want of provisions ? — that reinforcements were necessary ? — y victory. These appeared to me the certain and dreadful consequences of unsuccessful resistance. If, after a conflict, I should have been able for that time to have repulsed the enemy, I might have pur- chased fame, and have avoided all I have suffered, and wliat I now suffer, in being obliged thus, at my lime of life, to vindicate my honour, and plead my cause before yon. But at what price should I have done this ? How many of the lives of the brave men I commanded, would it have cost ? How many of the persons, who now appear to witness against me, might 1 not have sacriticed ? It might, indeed, Mr. Presi- dent, have given me an honourable grave — and if mine were the only life concerned, I wish it had been so, rather than that the foul crimes of which I am a(*cu?ed should be coupled with a name, io which my GENERAL HULL. 99 country of late, as well as heretofore, has ackiiow^ lodged some obligations. But I had rather even that this should be. I railiei -tand before you accused, as I am, than have useless- ly and wantonly sacrificed a singk life, though it should have insured me immortal fame. If the attack of the enemy had been repelled, our triumph would have been but temporary. My num hers must have been diminished by Ios« in battle. They would have daily lessened by the cannon of the enemy from the opposite shore. The force of tlie ene- my, augmented as it was by reinforcements under colonel Proctor, major Chambers, and the commandei' in chief general Brock, would have been daily aug- menting. The force from Michilimackinac and St. Joseph's, which would have amounted to several thou- sand savage warriours ; the savages, with the addi- tion of some hundred white men, mentioned in the intercepted letter of Mr. Mac Kenzie ; collected at Fort William, v/ould, in a few days, have descended upon us. The Canadian militia had all returned to their allegiance. The enemy's naval force and means of transportation on the lakes were augmented. There was no co-operation witli my army from any quarter. The letter I had received from generals Hall and Porter had not only satisfied me that my expectations in this respect were disappointed, but that no diversion in my favour was soon to be expect- ed. My army was in a corner, surrounded by a wii- 100 DEFENCE OP derness of waters, and a wilderness of woods. Ail commmiication with my country, either by land of water, cut off, my stores of provision and ammunition but sufficient for a short duration ; add to all this, that at the moment of expected conflict, I received infor- mation that a part of my own troops had gone over to the enemy^ and that a larger body were about to join him. Under such a combination and pressure of ad- verse circumstances, the army must have yielded in a little time, notwithstanding any temporary success. I did not think I should be justifiable or even excus- able, if I risked a battle when victory could purchase no real good. And w hen the consequence of defeat, or even the consequences of being driven into the fort, would lie to sulimit the whole country which I was sent to protect, and ihat part of my force, which w as on detachment, to '' the ruthless ferocity of sav- '■ ages, armed with the horrours of those instruments '• of carnage and torture, w hich are known to spare - neither age nor sex,'' From such calamity, I knew a ca))iiulation would »)e a protection. The British, if made masters of the country without a battle, would be able to restrain their merciless allies, w hich they could not do after a contest, even if it should be only so far successful as to oblige us to retreat into the fort. A savage will have blood for blood, though he draws it from the veins of the defenceless — victorj^ only heightens his inhuman thirst. GENERAL ETULL. 101 1 offered a capitulation and surrendered. " I well ^'knew the high responsibility of the measure, and *' take the -whole of it upon myself. It was dictated '' by a sense of duty, and a full conviction of its ex- "pediency. If aught has taken place during the "campaign, which is honourable to the army, my " officers are entitled to a large share of it. If the " last act should be disapproved, no part of the cen- " sure belongs to them.'' These, Sir, are the words of my official communi- cation of this unhappy event to the Secretary at War. I repeat them. It was, Sir, a sense of duty which drove me to the measure. It was a sense of what I owed to the protection of the inhabitants of the territory I had so long governed. I felt myself bound to sacrifice every private feeling, and in spite of themselves, to save from useless waste the blood of the brave men I commanded. Nor, Sir, will I con- ceal, that in the midst of the carnage that might en- sue a battle, my parental feelings saw a daughter and her offspring, who were with me in the fort, bleeding under the tomahawk of a savage. If these be considerations unworthy of a soldier, then I am without excuse. Then, indeed, you may pronounce your utmost doom. But, do not let me transmit to my posterity a name, tarnished by the foul crimes imputed to me. I say, I am as free from the sins of that black catalogue as any man who hears me. But if a propitiation be necessary, and U i02 DEFENCE OF must be the remnant of the life of a man, whose coun- try has heretofore acknowledged his claims to her gratitude, and who has not ceased to deserve it— here is one that I offer. I would freely part with it, if you will not take from me, and from my family and posterity, my honour and character. I now appeal with some confidence, to this tribunal, for their decision upon the accusations which I have hitherto considered. Was either of the acts to which the attention of the Com-t has been directed, in them- selves, and abstractedly considered, unjustifiable, oc rather (and this is the true question) was either of them so manifestly wrong, so egregiously erroneous, that it is of itself, evidence of treason, cowardice, or inioiiicer-like conduct ? Are there not so many rea- sons for my conduct, in regard to these transactions, that I may be supposed to have acted honestly, though it should now appear to the Court that it was errver to the enemy rather than fight him. The men then who shewed this very extraordinary sensi- bility, must have been colonel Cass's patriotic volun- teers. The same volunteers, who mutinied in the camp at Urbana, and would not march till they were compelled to do so by the regular troops. The same vohintecTs, who rode the officers of one of their com- panies on a rail. The same volunteers, one hundred and eighty of whom refused to cross into Canada; and the same volunteers, who, when they had an op- {)ortunity, under major Van Horn, to gratify their eager wishes to meet the enemy in combat, ran away at the first fire, and left their officers to be massacred. If general Cass did not witness this scene, why did he make such a representation ? There can be no other reason, than that this kind of inflated descrip- tion was intended to recommend himself to the go- vernment, by representing himself and his troops in the most favourable point of view, and me in the most unfavourable, that even hyperbolical language would admit. Sir, this is not the only means that have been re- sorted io, to excite and keep alive the popular 108 . DEFENCE OF clamour against me. Others of my officers finding what favour the publication of his letter gave him, in" the eyes of the administration, have seen that the same road of preferment was open to them ; and the news-papers, from one end of the continent to the other, have been filled with letters concerning me, expressed in terms which neither truth, justice, nor even the laws of decorum can sanction. Down to this very time. Sir, the same system is pursued. Now, while I have been on my trial, publications have appeared in the public prints of this city, commend- ing the principal and leading witness, for the manner in which he gave his testimony against me, that those who were to come after him might be encouraged to follow his example. And, Sir, at this very moment, at the very door of this building, is hawked for sale, a work printed within this few days in sight of this capitol, entitled Views of the Campaigns of the North-western Army, in which my conduct or motives are most grossly mis- represented. Who are thci/ that thirst so for my blood, and take these means to obtain it ? It is not the ostensible author of this performance. His insignificance, and the contemptible talents em- ployed in the work, shew him to be too mean to have a motive of his own. I know not who may be the authors or instigators of such outrages fepon justice. If such things are permitted, and can have any influ- ence, then the scc^Jcs ought to be torn from the hand GENERAL HULL. 109 c^f the figure which adorns the hall wherein you sit. She ought only to be left the sword with which she is decorated, and she ought to wave that as an emblem^ that vengeance^ and not justice^ is administered under this roof. But, Gentlemen, for whatever purpose these acts may have been intended, I rely with a perfect confi- dence that you will rise superiour to them. If I wanted other assurance of it than that which is de- rived from your characters, I shoukl have it in the patience and impartiality with which this prosecu- tion, so far as depended on you, has been conducted. Before I enter on an examination of the parole testimony, I must be permitted to remark, that I can- not but think that the course which has been pursued, of examining each witness in the presence of the rest, has been unfortunate for me. Till this Court de- cided that it should be so, I did think it was a well established rule of martial taw, that the witnesses should be examined separately. The justice and propriety of this rule, I have very sensibly felt on this occasion. In a case where so much may depend upon the language or phrases in which the witnesses express themselves, it would have been desirable, that each should haye been left to the necessity of selecting his own language to ex|>ress his meaning. But according to the course pursued, each witness was at liberty to adopt the words, which had been used by any other witness on the same point. The 11 no DEFENCE OF disposition of several of the -vvitnesses to do so, has been very plainly manifested by their answering, ivhen interrogated as to my personal behaviour, that It was the saine as had been represented by a prior v.itness. It is true, Gentlemen, that the Judge Advocate ivoukl not accept these answers, and I presume has not taken them down, but they nevertheless shew the natural disposition of the witness to borrow the words of another, and I have no doubt they have very con- •cientiouslj^, and often without knowing it, borrowed ideas also. Gentlemen, in these Courts Martial, where the members, among whom there may be great inequality of grades, are intended to be put upon an equal foot- ing as judges, care has been taken, to avoid, as far as possible, the influence likely to arise from authority. It is on this account that the opinion of the youngest member is always first taken. And it was on the same account, as I conceive, that the rule was es- tablished, that witnesses should be examined sepa- rately, that the younger might not be influenced in his testimony by what might be said by his superiour. It would be contrary to experience of the human disposition, to suppose, that after a subaltern has heard two or three generals and officers of higher rank than himself testify, to whose authority he is perhaps subservient, or to whose good word he may have owed or expects to owe his promotion, he will GENERAL HULL.' HI he wiliiag to contradict what his superiours have saidj or even to make a representation which will varj from theirs. If on any case, Sir, the w eight of this sort of influ- ence coukl be felt on the testimony, the course pur- sued on this occasion would give it the fairest scope. For the witnesses seem to have been arranged and produced, in the first instance, very much according to their rank, (except colonel Miller.) After the Ge- nerals had been examined, then came the subordi- nates. The exception to this general course as to colonel Miller struck me as a little singular. I did not know why he should have been examined the last, particularly as he was the highest officer of the regular army which had been engaged in the cam- paign. He was with me during the whole time, antl had the most intimate knowledge of the transactions to which the Other Gentlemen testified. But when I found that colonel Miller's testimony was much less unfavourable to me than the testimony of the witnesses who had preceded him, and that he would not support them in the most material parts of their testimony, I was at no loss to account for this course of proceeding. The next accusation which I shall consider, is spe- cified under the charge of unofficer-like conduct, and refers to the commencement of the march of the ar- my. It is in substance, that from the time I took the command, I omitted to exercise, inspect, train, review^ 112 DEFENCE OF aod order the troops. I cannot believe, Gentlemeiij that it will be necessary for me to say much on this isubject. I did expect, that if any part of my conduc t eould have escaped the censure of my enemies, it \ would have been the manner in which I led the troops through the wilderness. When it is recollected, what an extent of road it was necessary for me to cut; that a great proportion of the men were constantly employed in this duty ; that those w ho were not so, were most generally fatigued w ith their turn of this lar . borious service, I believe the Court will think w ith colonel Miller, that there was neither time, nor op* portunity, for that sort of discipline and exercise, which, under other circumstances, would haA^e been proper. The commandants of regiments have testi- fied, that, as to their respective commands, there was no omission of what was their duty in this respect. The fault charged to me is then, that in' th^ depths of the forest, through which we w ere marching, I did not call off my fatigue parties, guards, and advances, (' and go through the ceremonies of military parade. And yet, as if every thing that I could have done, must, in the opinion of my officers, be condemned, my omissions to have these parades are not more severely censured than my conduct has been for making some display of the troops, and passing them in review on some few occasions, when I thought it w as consistent with our situation. When the corps passed me by sections, after we had crossed the Miami, general Mac Arthur thinks it was not a review, be- cause I was not, according to his experience, in tha GENERAL HULL. 113 situation which a reviewing general ought to liave been ; though, he admits that the officers at the heads of sections saluted me, and he admits that it is possible he might have saluted me himseh". At the river Raisin, I also passed the troops in review. I did the same at Spring Wells, and marched the troops front thence to Detroit and back. But these parades seem to have excited the indignation of general Mac Ar- thur, as it did, according to his testimony, of other officers ; . but for wiiat reason I have not been able to learn. The truth is, that from the moment we com- menced our march, the troops were always under my eye. I saw them on their line of march. I saw them in their working parties, and in their encampments. I thought it woukl be as ridiculous as useless to make parades in the midst of the woods. Whenever the country opened^ so that there was any room for dis- play, I availed myself of it ; not only that I might see the troops, and put them in military array, but|I thought it would have a good effect to shew our line to the best advantage at the little settlements Avhich we passed, and on our arrival in the neighbourhood of Detroit. I shall trouble the Court with nothing further hi relation to this charge, than the following quotation from general Cass and colonel Miller's testimony : ge- neral Cass states, that " from the time they left Urbana, " the march was conducted v/ith all possible expedition. " There was no time te^kcipline the troops." Colo- nel Miller, on his cross-examination, says, " On the 11^ 114 DEFENCE OF " march there was no opportunity to discipline the " troops. The fatigues of the march, and cutting the " road, and making the encampments, were as much " as the troops could endure." Connected with the accusation which I have last an- swered, is another which is in substance, that I did not during the march, prepare, and make known, an order of battle. That I prepared and published an order of march is admitted; a plan ofit, which has been proved by several witnesses, is before you. This plan, as ap- pears from the testimony of general Van Rensselear, and other witnesses, is that which was adopted by gene- ral Wayne, in the expedition which he commanded and marched through the same country. This order of march was in fact an order of battle, or at least, so little change of the disposition of the troops was ne- cessary, in case of an attack, that it could be made in a moment, and was so obvious that it could neves be mistaken. It is remarkable, that the commanding officers, whose testimony was expected to support this accusation, all say, that they knew how their re- spective corps were to form in case of attack ; though, as they say, they never heard of any order of battle. It seems then, that an arder of battle was made known, and the accusation must then rest upon the allegation, that the order was not made or published by me. General Cass's testimony on this subject is as follows: " I think, when v/q arrived near the river Huron, or "between that and Swan Creek, the commanding '' ofiicers of regiments, under an expectation of an GENERAL HULL. 11^ '' attack, applied to the general, and he permitted them " to form an order of battle. I do not recollect, that " the general assisted in making the order. I think " the plan originated with colonel Miller. I do not *' recollect that the order was afterwards submitted to " general Hull. I presume there was an orderly book^ " as orders were issued." General Mac Arthur's testimony on this point is as^ follows : " On the day we passed the river Raisin our " march was about nine miles, and we encamped near *' Swan Creek. Rumours were among the inhabitants *' that we should be attacked by Indians, who were *' assembled at the Huron, about six miles in advance. " Myself, and colonel Findlay, called on the General^ "and stated that some plan of battle ought to be •' agreed upon. In the march my regiment was di- " vided ; a battalion marched on each side of the road, " in the rear of colonels Findlay and Cass. I mentioned "to the General, that thus situated, it was impossible '' for me to be with both my battalions, and I w ished " to be permitted, in case of attack, to form them in "one line. The General thought it would be well " enough to do so. I suggested the propriety of my '* battalions being so formed on the march, in the rear " of the regiments, as that, in case of an attack, I ^' might swing my regiment round, and form the rear " line of a hollow square. The General gave me his " permission to adopt this plan, I then left him, whether " J left the other officers with him or not, I do not knowP Major Jessup testifies, that I issued orders on the 116 DEFENCE OP march; that they were generailv sent to him by one of my aids-de-camp ; that he assembled the adjutants, and communicated to them my orders. He further stated, that the orderly books generally were surrendered, but that captain Mac Commick and captain Rutleff, who were adjutants of Mac Arthur and Findlay's regiments, had preserved theirs. It un- fortunately happens, that these books have not been brought on by these gentlemen. Had they been so, it would then have appeared what orders I did issue, and this matter would not have been left to the un- certain recollection of witnesses. As I am accused of having omitted to issue orders, and of having given improper orders, I submit to the Court, whether I had not a right to expect, that the or- derly books, which were in the possession of witnesses^ brought forward by the prosecution, would have been produced; especially as I requested major Jessup might be summoned, with a duces teciim^ to bring be- fore the Court all the official documents in his posses- sion, and the orderly book. But I proceed to exa- mine the testimony in relation to the order of battle. Colonel Miller testifies, " That an order of march " was published at Urbana, and was generally known " to the army ; that the army commonly marched ac- " cording to that order. It was my underetanding, '-' says colonel Miller, that in case of an attack in " front, my regiment was to form the line in fi'ont. In '' case of an attack on the right flank, we were to GENERAL HULL. 117 ■ form by facing the enemy ; and so in case of an at= " tack on the left. This was a general understanding, " but I do not recollect to have seen any order to this " purport, either written or verbal. I understood it " from conversations with general Hull, and I believe " it was so understood by the other officers. The " General told me, that the order of march which he " had adopted, was that which had been pursued by " general Wayne. I know nothing to the contrar}^" Colonel Miller adds, " of the General's having been " almost always, when we were on the march, in a " situation to direct the movements of the troops. For -' the greatest part of the time, the General rode near me '' in front. Sometimes he passed to the rear. Gene- " rally the army encamped in a hollow square. After "■'' we apprehended danger, we commonly formed a " breast-work, and encamped within it. By a general '' order, each line was to form in front of its tents, if '' attacked in camp. There was also a general order •' for turning out the troops by taps of the drum, pro- ' ceeding from head-quarters along the lines. This -' method was practised, and the troops were called io ■' arms every morning, before dawn, by these signals." I believe. Gentlemen, that this is the whole of the testimony, on this point, which can be considered as of any importance. It cannot be disputed then, but that there was an order of battle ; but general Cass's testimony seems intended to leave an impression, that the order did not originate with me, but that it was suggested by my officers, and adopted by them, with lis DEFENCE OP my assent, without my having given myself much trouble about it. I cannot but think, that in this in- stance there is a display of the spirit with wliich much of testimony has been given in this cause. It f seems to have been determined, that I shall not even share in the credit of any thing that was done that ought to have been done. My officers claim every thing that is meritorious as theirs. ♦ General Cass says, he does not recollect whether I assisted in making the order, or whether it was sub- mitted to me after it was made. This is one of the instances in which it is extremely unfortunate for me, that the recollection of the witnesses entirely fails them as to matters of the greatest importance, and which might be decisive, if in my favour, as to the particular accusation ; while their memories serve them with remarkable correctness and minuteness, as to circumstances which are unfavourable to me. I hope I may be permitted to digress, so far as to remark another instance of the same unfortunate want of recollection, though it relates to a different point. Major Jessuf), after having stated, that he came to me in the fort, after the flag was hoisted on the six- teenth of August, adds, '^ 1 inquired of tlie General if " it were possible we were about to surrender. The " General said something about the enemy^s force, and " something about terms, which I do not recollect." GEiXERAL HULL. 119 Major Jessiip then goes on to state very particular- ly what he said to me, to express his strong aversion to the surrender. I have surely great reason to re- gret, that major Jessup's memory v^ould not enable liim to state what I said, when it might have been sO hnportant to shew the motives of my conduct, while every thing that he said to me, which was calculated to set his own conduct in the most favourable point of view, made so deep an impression on his mind, that he could undertake to relate the very expressions lie had used. But to return to w hat respects the order of battle. General Mac Arthur states, that after, on his sug- gestion, he had settled with me how^ he was to swing his regiment in case of an attack, " I then left the " General ; whether I left the other officers with him, " or not, I do not know." It appears then, that this arrangement, about the order of battle, was concluded in the presence *of other officers ; what othei*s, general Mac Arthur does not state. Colonel Miller says, he understood, from conversa- tions with me, what was to be the disposition of his corps, in. case of an attack. Thus it appears, that colonel Mac Arthur, colonel Cass, colonel Findlaj'-, and colonel Miller, all knew w^hat they were to do, if an enemy was to approach us. What foundation is there then for a charge, that 120 DEFENCE OF RO order of battle was made known ? If the subofdi- uate officers were not instructed as to their duty, in the event of an attack, was it not the fault of these commandants of corps and not mine ? Suppose there had been no written order of battle; but that after the order of march, which so nearly approached the order of battle, had been formed, I had explained to the commandants the disposition I intended, in case of an attack ; could any man say, I was deficient in duiy^ because I had not explained my intentions in a writ- ten order ? I believe no one acquainted with military history or practice, will think a general is bound to make an exposure of his plans, in every orderly book in his army. If the witnesses, in whose opinions these charges and specifications have been framed, liave entertained such erroneous ideas of the duties of a commander, as this accusation seems to indicate, I hope now, that some of them have attained a rank which may give them the command of armies, they will learn, that to give a general publicity in their orderly books to their designs in case of an attack, will be a departure from their duty, and that they may often thereby afford their enemy an opportunity" of gaining information, which he ought not to have. As to the order of battle at night, it is proved by the testimony of colonel Miller, that that was settled by a general order, which was made known to all ; and when the Court considers what was the nature of our lines of march ; how nearly it approached the only order of battle, which could have been proper, GENERAL HULL. -121 ill the warfare ^Nhich Ave were to expect; liow in- stantly the order of march was made the order of bat- tle ; and consider also, that I was always at the head of the troops while thej^ were on the march, I am persuaded the Court will think, there is no foundatiott for this accusation. If it has not originated in malicej it certainly has in ignorance. I am unwilling to detain the Court longer on a charge, which, in my own opinion, is sufficiently an- swered; but I know I ought not to place so much confidence in my own opinion, as not to avail myself of any thing which may have an influence on the opinions of others. I must therefore advert to other testimony, which I believe ought to be conclusive on this point. I mean my letters to the War Department- Tho-se to which I shall refer for this purpose, the Court will recollect were read by the Judge Advo- cate. If I had offered them, they certainly would not have been conclusive evidence in my favour; but when introduced on the part of the prosecution, so far as they establish any thing in my favour, they are as good evidence as they are to prove any thing against me. It would be a manifest violation of jus- tice, if this sort of testimony should be resorted to for my crimination, and I should not be permitted to avail myself of it, so far as it might serve for my exculpation. It is a general rule, which applies to the administration of justice in all courts, that wherever a docimient is read by one side, the whole of it be- comes evidence, of which either party may avijil 12 122 DEFENCE OF himself. I beg leave to remind the Com-t that this rule has been acknowledged by the Judge Advocate. The Court Avill recollect, that in the course of the examination of captain Fuller, major Parker objected to take down his answer to a question which I put to the witness, as being unnecessary, because the fact as to which I interrogated him, was sufficiently proved by my letters to the Secretary at"War. In my letter, dated Solomon's Town, eighteenth June, eighteen hundred and twelve, I say, " My or- *^' der of march is in two columns, with strong front " and rear guards ; the columns flanked by the rifle- " men and cavalry, where the ground will admit ; the " baggage, provisions, &:c. between the columns. The " army has been practised from the two columns to " form two lines, either in front, rear, or on either " flank, or to form a square facing outward. My order " of encampment at night is a square, facing outward " with all the baggage in the centre, &c." My letters of the twenty-fourth June, eighteen hundred and twelve, from near Blanchard's Creek, enclosed to the Secretary at War the order of march which has been given in evidence. Among the manuscript notes subjoined to that order, is one in the following words : " The columns are in a situation to " form two lines in front, rear, or on either flank, or to " form a square." After these observations, I cannot but be satisfied- that the Court will think that there was no ffroiiiid GENERAL HULL. 123 lor charging me with neglecting to discipline and re^ view my troops, or omitting to prepare and make known an order of battle. The next accusations that I shall consider are, that I neglected to repair and put in order the cannon at Detroit ; and to put the place in a state of defence :-r— that I did not seasonably repair, and put in a state of service, the artillery necessary for the operations in Canada; and that I did not transport them to the enemy's shore, so soon as I ought to have done. I have already had occasion incidentally to notice these accusations, and I shall give no further answer to them than to refer the Court to the testimony of captain Dallaba. He states, that when I arrived at Detroit, " (he fort was generally in good order, and "^' m a good state of repair." On his cross-examina- tion, captain Dallaba says, " the fort was in the state " of defence I have described, except as to some im- " material matters, on the fourth day of July, before "the arrival of the army. Afterwards, something " was done with the ordnance stores, and mounting '' the cannon ; but every thing designed for the de- " fence of the fort exclusively, was completed on the " fourth of July. After the general's arrival at De- " Iroit, industry and exertions were used to put in '' order the field pieces and heavy artillery for the " siege of Maiden. This was done (says the witness) " under my superintendance, and by order of general ■ Bun:' 124 DEFENCE OP This witness was examined on the eighth of Fe- kruaiy : four days afterwards, on the twelfth, he isagaia called, by the Judge Advocate, and then he testifies as follows, " I have before stated, that no alterations " had been made subsequently to the fourth of July, " for defence of the fort. " Some few artificers, immediately after the arrival " of general Hull, went to work to repair and mount " some heavy cannon on trucks, to be placed in the " batteries on the banks of the river. And some re- " pairs were made to three brass field pieces, and a " small quantity of ammunition was fixed for them. " But no order was received, to my knowledge, to " prepare the heavy field artillery, till after the army " went to Canada. I have the order, and think it " Avas dated on the fifteenth or sixteenth of July." I have already made some remarks on this testi- .^nony, and stated, that the order was in fiict given on the fourteenth of July. Till that time, the artificer had been othervvise employed. I will remind the Court here of the objection I offered, and which was overruled by the Court, to this mode of re-examining a witness. If to examine the witnesses in the pre- sence of each other be a departure from the usages of Courts Martial, it is certainly a much wider and more important deviation from that usage, to call up a wit- ness, and to alloy*' him to make important alterations in his testimony, after he has been listening for tlays in the testimony of other witnesses. I now mark GENERAL HULL. 125 this irregularity, as I conceive it to be, for the sake of presenting it, as well as the fact of all the witnesses having been, pursuant to a determination of this Court, examined in the presence of each other, to the attention of the high officer, who has authority to review these proceedings. Colonel Miller testifies, that he "discovered n© " want of exertion in respect to preparing the heavy " and light field artillery, after the army arrived at ''Detroit." General Taylor says, " I believe no time was lost " in preparations. Timber and some large wheels were "got out." Again, the same witness says, that he visited the artificers every day, to hurry the preparations, with orders from general Hull ; " and I must say, (adds the " witness) that general Hull shewed great anxiety in " getting the artillery ready." I pray leave to make one remark on this language of general Taylor's, which I am aware may have the appearance of being hypercritical ; but I beg the in- dulgence of the Court, till I have explained my rea- sons for noticing a circumstance apparently trivial. Why should general Taylor preface his testimony of this fact in my favour, with the phrase, " I must say ?" It seems as if to state any circumstance favourable to me was the result of a compulsion, to which his mind 12* 126 DEFENCE OF unwillingly submitted. In this instance, he speaks like a penitent, whose conscience obliges him to make the acknowledgment of a fact, w hich his inclination would prompt him to conceal. I had a right to expect, that when the witnesses could testify any thing in my favour, they would speak in the same unreserved language, which they used, when they intended to expose my misconduct. Upon most occasions, observations on circum- stances apparently so light, might not be proper or necessary. But, Gentlemen, I beg you to recollect, that the witnesses have undertaken to interpret my looks, and have ventured to infer from my countenance, from my appearance and manner, w hat was passing in my mind, and by w hat motives I was actuated. They have not hesitated to express opinions derived from no other indications, when they knew, that these opinions might affect my Jionour and my life. It cannot be improper then, that I should ask you to remark even the slightest expression of a witness, which I may think will betray the disposition with which lie testifies. It is with reluctance that I at- tempt to impeach the testimony of any witness who has been called against me. I have been taught to venerate a soldier from my infancy. I know that the profession of arms generally adds lustre to the most noble virtues. But I know that men do not change their natures by becoming soldiers, nor by attaining the most elevated rank. And when they can reconcile to themselves to accuse me of cowai'd- GENERAL HULL. 127 ice, from appearances so fallacious, surely I may re- mark, that expressions they have used indicate bias, partiality, or prejudice. Without detaining the Court with a particular re- capitulation of more of the evidence on this point, I shall content myself with referring it to the very important and decisive testimony of captain Dyson, to the testimony of captain Bacon, and finally to the testimony of Mr. Watson ; who says, that after my arrival at Detroit, no man could have been more in- dustrious and indefatigable than I was. I proceed to a new^ subject, and shall now make my defence against the accusation, which is in sub- stance ; that I did not avail myself of the opportu- nity, which the defeat of the enemy by colonels Ca^a and Miller, and their possession of the bridge over the river Aux Canards, on the ei^hteenlh of July af- forded of making an attempt on Maiden ; and that I did not maintain possession of the bridge. This forms tlie sixth specification under the charge of un- officer-Uke conduct. . The expcsition I have already presented of my views and designs when I crossed to Canada, would, I humbly conceive, afford a sufficient answer to these accusations. I did not think it expedient to attack Maiden, under any circumstances, which existed previous to our leaving Canada. Why I thought it inexpedient I have already explained. The advaii- 1^8 DEFENCE OF tages which I thought were to be gained by delay ; a regard which my orders compelled me to pay to the security of my own posts ; the necessity of keeping open my communication ; the certain consequences of defeat, and the probable consequences of victory, have all been considered, in making my defence against the charge of undue delay in Canada. If I was justifiable, or even excusable, in deferring the at- tack on Maiden, I must be so in having omitted to avail myself of the possession of the bridge, and in not having attempted to maintain it. It would have been absurd to have attempted to maintain a post so far in advance, unless it was with a view to an im- mediate movement on Maiden. But I beg the Court to advert to the date of this transaction. It was not on the eighteenth of July, as mentioned in the speci- fication, but on the seventeenth, as appears by my letter to colonel Cass. This was the fifth day after we moved into Canada.^ At that time, the deliberations of my officers in Canada had uniformly resulted in the expression of an opinion, that the attempt on th« enemy's fortress should be deferred, till the artillery was prepared; and it was immediately after the council at Sandwich, in which colonel Cass himself, as appears by the testimony of judge Witherill, had advised that the attack on Maiden should not be made without cannon. My views in sending this detachment, or rather in permitting general Cass to march it, appear from his testimony. I meant it as a reconnoitring party, and GENERAL HULL. 129 by no means intended that the commandmg officer should pursue measures which might expose the de- tachment to be sacrificed, or oblige me to abandon the system I had adopted, by leading my whole army to its support. Colonel Cass testifies, that a day or two after colonel Mac Arthur was detached to the river Trench, he (colonel Cass,) requested me to permit him to reconnoitre the ground between Sandwich and Maiden; that I did permit it, and a detachment of two hundred and eighty men were ordered for that service. General Taylor states, that he was present when news arrived that colonel Cass had taken the Aux Canards bridge. " That I expressed my astonishment, " that colonel Cass should have commenced hostilities, '' as I vv^as not ready with the artillery ; that I appeared " to be irritated, because colonel Cass had taken upon " himself to act, without my authority : the detach- "' raent having only been sent out for observation." It cannot be doubled, but that general Cass knew my views, and the objects of his detachment. How far he w^as justiSable, in pursuing measures so con- trary to them, not only in making an attack, which might have forced me to a general and decisive action for his support, but after my verbal orders to retire, persisting to maintain his situation, till he tried the effect of a written remonstrance to me, it is unneces- sary now to consider. I do now believe, that the whole of this proceeding was a manoeuvre, to afford 130 DEFENCE OF grounds for new clamours against me, and ^^eaken my authority. My officers, long before they had ma- tured their conspiracy to wrest the command from me by actual violence to my person, had formed a plan, of which I firmly believe this was a part, to place me in such situations as would oblige me to be obedient to their schemes. If any thing successful was done, they would claim all the merit. In case of disaster, the blame could easily be thrown on the commanding general. If I had led the army to the Canards, which probably I must have done to have maintained the bridge, instead of its being alleged against me as a crime, that I did not do so, do you not believe, Gentlemen, in case we had been defeated, I should have been charged with misconduct, in hav- ing acted in opposition to the advice of all the coun- cil, not to move on Maiden without artillery ? And when it is considered, that colonel Mac Arthur was absent with a large detachment; that I had received no intelligence from him ; that I was under great un- easiness on his account, I do think that if I had left him in my rear, and witli only a part of my army had taken ground, which might have been the field of a general action with the enemy's whole force, which was then either in respect to its regulars, militia, or savages, unascertained, and at that time but incon- siderably weakened by desertion, I should have been highly culpable. Colonel Miller's account of this transaction is as follows ; "in answer to a message sent to general Hull, GENERAL HULL. 131 " he sent us an order to return. The purport of his " message wns, that he could not soon be ready for " the attack on Maiden, and could not thuik of divid- " ing the firmy. We then wrote to him and pressed " in strong terms the necessity of maintaining the " bridge, in answer to which he sent a written dis- " cretionary order to us, expressing his anxiety about " general Mac Arthur, &c." This order has been proved. It is in the following words : Sandwich, July 17, 1812. Sir, I have received your letter of this morn- ing. To my astonishment I have received not the least information from Mac Arthur. It is possible something unpleasant has taken place. It will pro- bably be a week before the cannon will be mounted. I am sensible of the advantages of holding the bridge. I would not, however, hazard too much for the pur- pose. The enemy may pass the ford above, and come in the rear. I will, however, leave it to your discretion, and colonel Miller's, under all the circum- stances of the case to do that which you judge most expedient. Twelve miles is a great distance, and the enemy can either land in boats above the mouth of the river, or pass at the ford to attack you. You know the ground better than I do, and as I before observed, I ayIU leave the measure and the force to 132 DEFENCE OF your tliscretion and colonel Miller's, and the best mode of security to the party. I am very respectfully, your most obedient servant. William Hull, Brigadier General, conimaiKliug. Colonel Cass. Colonel Miller further testifies, that, " upon the rc- " ceipt of this letter, the officers were called together, " and it w as decided, that unless the bridge, being " twelve or fourteen miles from our camp, and only " four or five from the enemy, could be supported by " our whole force, we had better return ; and that as we " had not the disposition of the whole force, which " was thought necessary, we ought not to take the " responsibility." This testimony, I think, developes too plainly to hQ misunderstood, the design of these proceedings. I was to be compelled to abandon my own plans, and to adopt those of my officers. I was to be compelled to lead my whole force in a manner under the walls of Maiden, without being provided with artillerj^ and I was urged to do this, by the commandant of the de- tachment, who but a day or two previously had given a decisive opinion, in council, that the attack on 3Ialden should not be made till the ordnance was prepared. GENERAL HULL. 133 But when it was found, that my order left the offi- cers of the detachment a discretion, and that if an attempt to maintain the bridge should be attended •with any disaster, the officers must share the respon- sibility, then there was no doubt as to the measures to be pursued. It would have disappointed the whole design if I should escape any part of the odium. But however this affair of the bridge has been magnified, it is a fact, that the possession of that pass by the enemy never was contemplated as an obstacle to a movement on Maiden. They, in truth, never attempted to maintain possession of it. Colonel Cass's rencontre was only Avith a reconnoitring party. According to the testimony of colonel Miller, they saw no more than fifty of the enemy. He saj s they had about twenty five men on the bridge, and about twenty five on our side, and that some men were dis- covered in the woods. After this, there were, as ap- pears from the testimony of colonel Cass, repeated de- tachments sent from Sandwich to the bridge. They always found it unoccupied by the enemy. It could then have been no object to have moved the army to that post, until the attack on Maiden was determined upon. It is curious to observe, Vv^hat trivial and irrelevant circumstances ingenuity can bring together to create false appearances. Some of the gentlemen, who were prisoners with the enemy at the time of this transaction, have been produced to testify, that wheri 13 134 DEFENCE OP accounts reaciied Amherstburgh that our detachment had appeared in the Aux Canards, it created great consternation ; and it was intended that it should be believed, that the enemy were ready to abandon their post at our approach. But it turns out, upon further explanation from witnesses of the same description, that the disposition to fly was only manifested by the town's people, who thought it unnecessary to expose their persons and effects in a place which was likely to be invested. This, so far from being evidence of an intention to yield the place without contest, is not an uufrequent measure when the most obstinate re- sistance is intended. In my letter to the Secretary at War of the nine- teenth of July, I mention the affair at the Aux Ca- nard bridge, and say, great credit is due to colonel Cass and his detachment. For firmness, to colonel Cass and the other volunteers, when supported by the proportion of regulars, which were with them in this first encountre with any enemy, I did think credit was due, both to men and officers. — But when I wrote that letter, I had not the same view of the designs formed against me which subsequent circumstances have expressed. I did not then see, that a plan which has been so successful, was settled to make my destruction a merit, which was to give another my place, and some of his accomplices, rank and fortune, I am charged with unofficer-Iike conduct in sufier- ing my communication with the river Raisin to be GENERAL HULL. ISj cut off. This imputation is among the last that I ex- pected to find in the catalogue of my accusations. If it had been intended to shew, that nothing that I did, or intended to do, could escape censure, this spe- cification would afford strong evidence of such a dis- position. For the means that I took to open this communication are also made the subjects of accusa- tion. The detachment under colonel Van Horn, the retreat from Canada, the detachment under co- lonel Miller, and under colonels Mac Arthur and Cass, although they were all measures which were dictated by the strong necessity, which I saw and felt, to keep open the communication in question, are all set down as instances of misconduct. Bui I would ask those, at whose instigation these charges have been made, what measures I should have pur- sued to have effected this object? It must be remem- bered, that it was utterly in vain to have opened the communication to the river Raisin only. No sup- plies could come from thence that were not drawn from the western states. I must therefore have pro- tected the road all the way from Ohio. Was this to have been done by stretching back so great a dis- tance with a sufficient force ? If so, my whole army would have been insufficient for the purpose. The two hundred men I sent under major Van Horn my two senior officers thought insufficient. In their opinion, I ought to have detached, for this duty, one of their regiments. Colonel Miller, after he had de- feated the enemy, had more than five hundred men left, and was within fourteen miles of his destination. 130 DEFENCE- OF He thought it necessary to send back io me for a rc- hifoFcement of one hundred and fifty, or two hundred j before he could proceed, although he knew that at the liver Raisin he was to be joined, and would be strengthened in his march back, by the detachment under captain Brush, which had escorted the provi- sions to the river Raisin. If so great a number of men was requisite merely to force a passage to the river Raisin and back, how great a portion of my army would have been necessary to keep open the road to Ohio, or even that portion of it which was between Detroit and the river Raisin ? 1 think it must appear to the Court, that I could not have kept open this extensive line of communi- cation, without distributing my whole armj'^ along the road ; and yet, according to the inferences to be drawn from the charges and specifications, I was criminal in not carrying on an offensive war in Canada, and in not performing, at the same time, another service, which would have required all my troops. That this communication ought to have been kept open is most certain, I tlid expect it would have been. I did suppose that a force would have been sent after me, adequate not only to this purpose, but to augment my army. The grounds I had for these expectations will appear from documeiits, which are before the Court, to some of which I have already adverted. It is alleged, that I was guilty of misconduct in sending the detachment under major Van Horn, be- GENERAL HULL. 137 cause it was inadequate to the purpose for wliich it was intended. The proof of the inadequacy, I presume, is, that it was defeated. It appears, however, that it was not owing to want of numbers tliat this defeat happened. According to major Van Horn's own ac- count, the party that attacked him, he judged from the fire, was from one hundred and fifty to two hun- dred. This was conjecture, for more than forty sav- ages were not seen. But these volunteers, the same patriotic men who are said to have wept so bitterlj^ because they were not allov/ed to fight at Detroit, fled in the first moments of an attack, with the utmost disorder and precipitation. Had not this been the case the detachment was sufficient. If it had fought the enemy, there can be no doubt but it would have made its way good to the river Raisin, where it would have been joined by a large detachment under cap- tain Brush. If the detachment had been ever so large, it would have been insufficient, if the men be- haved no better than those major Van Horn com- manded did upon this occasion. But, Sir, the true foundation for this charge is, that I did not think pro- per to be obedient to the advice of my two senior officers. It was placed in this black catalogue, solely for the purpose of giving them an opportunity of pro- claiming to the v7orld their own superiour sagacity and judgment. It was to give tkcm an opportunity to prove by their own testimony, that whatever I did was wrong, and that whatever they advised would have been right. 13* 138 DEFENCE OF But possibly I ought to have suffered the advice of these officers upon this occasion to have had more v/eight. I should have reflected, that they had the best opportunity of knowing the character of their own troops, and might have anticipated their shame- ful conduct; but then I think, I have reason to com- plain, that colonels Cass and Mac Arthur were not at this time as candid, as they were when it was pro- posed to attempt Blalden by assault, and that they did not tell me, as they did then, that they could not be responsible for their men. If thej^ had told me this, I might have thought it right to increase the force of the detachment, and to have added to it some regu- Urs; whose presence might, as it did at the Aux Ca- nards, have encouraged the volunteers to have faced the enemy, or made them more afraid to run away than to fight. The next accusation is one, that can only have been set down to swell the list of offences imputed' to me ; for it is without any manner of foundation. It charges me with unofficer-like conduct, in having detached colonel Miller on the eighth of August, and not having supplied him with provisions, when he w as near Brownstown. While, Sir, I feel myself bound to acknowledge the liberality with which I have been treated by the •ludge Advocate, in the course of this trial, and the delicacy with which he has in general refrained from repeating the odious epithets, vvhich are so profusely GENERAL HULL. 139 and wantonly used in the specifications, I cannot but regret, that he has, in respect to this charge, departed from his general observance ; and that he should, upon Such evidence as was before him, have thought him- self justifiable in imputing to my misconduct, on this occasion, an useless waste of American blood. Sir, the American blood that was spilled in the contest at Brownstown was gloriously shed. It purchased a victory that did honour to our arms. True, it was inefifectually shed— but to lay the failure of the enter- prise to me, and to reproach me with this waste of blood, is as unjust as it is inhuman. I do not understand, that I am supposed to have •lone v.rong in sending the detachment, or in not making it of greater force. By the testimony of colonel Bliller it appears, that he marched with six hundred men, instead of five hundred, as is mentioned in the specification. But the misconduct imputed to me is, as I understand, solely, that I omitted to sup- ply colonel Miller with provisions after the battle at Brownstown. With respect to the want of provisions, it appears, that the detachment was amply provided when it left Detroit. The march they were to per- form, was about thirty miles; and colonel Miller states, that they Avere furnished with a supply for two days when they set out. But he says, that the pro- visions were thrown away with the men's knapsacks when they were attacked, and though he represents the enemy to have been entirely beaten, and so far driven from off his rout, that captain Maxwell went 140 DEFENCE OF from him to Brownstown and back, and reported^ that the enemy were all gone : and though colonel Miller states, that he returned to the battle ground with his whole force, and was, in fact, undisturbed on that ground nearly two days, yet he says in his cross- examination, that the provisions were not recovered, because he could not suffer his men to separate to take them up. I cannot conceive what necessity there could have been for his men's separating. It appears to me, that he would only have had to march his whole detachment over the ground where the at- tack was made, and the provisions might have been recovered with as much security to the detachment, as w hen they were remaining inactive in the position to which they had retrograded. Colonel Miller, iu his account of this transaction, states, that he considered that his victory opened the communication to the river Raisin sufficiently for him' to have proceeded — that on the evening of the day on which the battle was fought, that is, the ninth, he sent major Snelling to make a report to me, to inform me of the loss of the provisions, and to request, that I would send boats or waggons with provisions, and to take back the wounded. He was also to request a reinforcement for colonel Miller, which colonel Miller, on his cross-ex- amination says, he suggested should be from one hun- dred and fifty to two hundred men. Colonel Miller also states, that colonel Mac Arthur came down the next morning (that is on the tenth) with eight or nine boats, and brought with him no more than two barrels of flour, one barrel of pork, and half a barrel of whiskey ^ — GENERAL HULL. 141 fhat the place where the battle was fought was about fourteen miles from Detroit, and sixteen to the river Raisin, between Maguago and Brownstown ; it being late in the day before the wounded men could be got on board the boats, he knew that he could not get through before the next night, (that is the eleventh) moving as cautiously as they ought to do ; — that the men still complaining of hunger, he concluded that he could send to Detroit that evening, (that is the tenth) and have provisions the next morning ; — that he accordingly sent an express to me on the evening of the tenth, requesting that I would send him two day's provisions ; — that no messenger from me came to him till sun down the next day, (that is the eleventh) that the messenger informed him, he had been detained by losing his way; — that this messenger brought him an order from me to return to Detroit, and informed him that he would find provisions at the river Ecorce ; — that on the same evening he took up his march for Detroit, and arrived there the next day, (the twelfth ;) that his force was two hundred and eighty regulars, and three hundred and twenty militia, some of the Michigan militia, and some of the Detroit horse ; — that the militia behaved well ; — that his loss was seventeen killed, and sixty-four wounded. Sir, it has always appeared to me most unaccount- able, that colonel Miller, after he had disposed of his wounded men on the tenth, and when, according to his own testimony, he considered that his victory had opened his communication to the river Raisin, did not 142 DEFENCE OF proceed. He had but sixteen miles to march. He re- mained in the position he had taken from the even- ing of the tenth, when he had embarked his wounded men, till the evening of the eleventh, that is twenty- four hours, when he might have accomplished hia march, as I should think, in four or five hours. At the end of it he was sure not only to meet the provisions he was sent to escort, but a strong reinforcement from the detachment under captain Brush. He says, how- ever, that on the evening of tlie tenth, he determined to halt where he was, and to wait the return of an ex- press from me, because he should be obliged to move with so much caution ; that he knew he could not get through until the next night — a very extraordinary caution indeed must have been necessary, that could have retarded for so long a time the march of a body of troops for sixteen miles, through a space, which it had been ascertained by the report of captain Maxwell, was, as far as Brownstown at least, free from an ene- my. But if the want of provisions was a reason for not proceeding to the river Raisin, whj^ did not colo- nel Miller push on to Brownstown — there was an In- dian settlement, which, without doubt, vsas at least capable of supplying his immediate Avants, and from which he could not have been distant but a very few miles. If there he could have got but one meal for his troops, it does appear to me, that there would not have been any great enterprise in undertaking the rest of the march, which might have been twelve or fourteen miles, without any further provisions. It did appear to me not less extraordinar)^ that when colonel GENERAL HliTLL. 143 Miller advised me when he had gained so decisive a victory that he considered his road to the river Raisin as opened, and he had ascertained that there was no enemy between him and Brownstown, that he should, at the same time, have made a demand on me for a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty or two hundred men — when, after his battle, he had five hundred and twenty effective men, two hundred and eighty of whom were of his own regiment, and were almost the whole force of that description which I had under my command. Let me here remark, if so great a force, that is to say, between seven and eight hundred men, v^^ere necessary, to force their way to the river Raisin, what proportion of my troops nmst have been necessary, not only to keep open the com- munication for that distance, but to guard the line all the way to the state of Ohio ? But it is not my business to examine the conduct of colonel Miller, further than to shew, that when I despatched him with so large a detachment, with ra- tions for two days, I had made every provision which I had any reason to think his exigencies would re- quire. When, however, I received his demand for provi- sions, I took every measure that the duty of my sta- tion required to supply him. Colonel Mac Arthur was charged with this service, and I beg to present to t]ie Court his account of the manner in which he performed it. 144 DEFENCE OF " On the day we crossed from Canada," says colo- nel Mac Arthur, (that is the eighth of August,) " Colo- " nel Miller was sent with a detachment for the pur- " pose, as was stated, of opening a communication *' with the river Raisin. The night succeeding colo- " nel Miller's battle at Maguago, (perhaps the ninth,) " the General sent for me — the night was w^et; he in- " formed me of the battle, and directed me to take one " hundred of my regiment, to take the boats along " the river, and to descend to colonel Miller's en- " campment, for the purj)ose of bringing up the w ound- " ed men. He directed me to get one day's provision, "for colonel Miller's detachment. I called at the *' commissary's and was detained three or four hours " in getting it — I got what I could." It has been my misfortune, Sir, that I have not been able to obtain the testimony of Mr. Beard, the commissary. He has been regularly summoned by the Judge Advocate, at my request ; and 1 have se- veral times written to him, but he has not made his appearance. The Judge Advocate, however, with his wonted candour, has admitted a document which in some measure supplies his testimony. It is an order which I issued to the contractor on the ninth of Au- gust, for delivering rations to colonel Mac Arthur for colonel Miller's detachment. The receipt of which order is acknowledged by the contractor, or a copy thereof, which is in the following words : " The contractor will issue six hundred rations " of bread or flour, six hundred rations of pork, and GENERAL HULL. 145 '• twelve liuntlred rations of whiskey, to be sent to the " detachment under the command of lieutenant colo- " nel Miller. " By order of brigadier general Hull, " H. H. Hickman, August 9th, 1812. " Captain, Infanti-j'." " (correct copy.) "■ D. Beard." Now, Sir, it appears that general Mac Arthur knew, that one purpose of sending him to colonel Miller's detachment was to carry provisions. He says, I di- rected him to take one day's provisions for colonel Miller's men ; that he was detained by the contractor three or four hours, and took what he could get. And it appears that he arrived at colonel Miller's encamp- ment with only two barrels of flour, one barrel of pork, and half a barrel of whiskey. When I had given the order to colonel Mac Arthur, to take the provisions ; when I had issued the order to the proper officer to issue them to him, had I not done every thing that was incumbent on me, as commanding officer ? Was it my duty to go to the commissary's store, and to superintend the issues ? If colonel Mac Arthur found the commissary disobedient to my order, and unduly detaining him, why did he not report to me ? How will colonel Mac Arthur excuse his having departed on this service, without having with him the quantity of provisions I had ordered ? Is it sufficient for him to say, that he took what he could get ? If 14 146 DEFENCE OF ilicre was any deficiency he ought to have informed me of it ; he could have had communication with me in five minutes. If want of [)rovisions was the rea- son why the American blood that was spilled at the battle of Brownstown was shed in vain, I again ask, was it not most unjust to charge that waste to nie ? On the tenth of August, I issued another order for provisions for colonel Miller's detachment. This has also been read, and is in the following words : "Detroit, August 10th, 1812. " The contractor will issue, for colonel Miller's de- " tachment, two thousand complete rations. " A. F. Hull, " Aid-de-camp." These provisions were sent by the contractor to colonel Miller's detachment. Colonel Miller met Ihem on his return, and brought them back with him. An accusation of the same nature v/ith that which I last considered, is, that I also omitted to supply with provisions the detachment which left Detroit on the fourteenth of Au,2;ust, under colonels Mac Arthur and Cass. General Mac Arthur's testimony on this sub- ject is as follows : That on the fourteenth of Au- gust, about noon, as he thought, I sent for him, and informed him, that I had just received intelligence from captain Brush, that lie had arrived at the river Raisin with provisions, and said, I wished to send out a detachment to meet him. That he replied, he GENERAL HULL. 1^7 was ready to obey my order. Colonel Cass sakl the same thing. That they (the witness and colonel Cass) then returned to camp, and shortly after receiv- ed an order to detach one imndred and fifty men from ^ acli of their regiments. That in the evening I came along, and asked if they were ready to march. The witness answered, that they were not, but as usual had not a bite of any thing to eat. That I said tlie de- tachment must not be delayed, and I would send provisions after them. The witness then gives an account of the proceedings of the detachment till its return to Detroit, and states, that they never received any provisions from the fort. I cannot but think, that this account of general Mac Arthur's conduct, though given by himself, will excite the surprise of the Court. He was ordered to march a detachment at about twelve o'clock. He does not move till evening, and I then find that he has not obeyed the order. He gives me to understand that he has been waiting for provisions. If there was no order for provisions, Avhy did he not apply to me on the subject ? But there was one, and I think general Mac Arthur's testimony shews it. When he sees me, he does not complain of the want of an order, but that he cannot get the provi- sions, if there was an order, and the proper officer did not obey it, why was not the disobedience report- 148 DEFENCE OP €(l to me ? Instead of pursuing so obvious a course, colonel Mac Arthur chose rather to remain in his camp five or six hours, and if I had not accidentally met \Yith him, how much longer he would have con- sidered his delay warranted by the same cause, it is impossible to say. It does appear to me, that this conduct of general Mae Arthur is very unaccounta- ble. Perhaps he had no inclination for the service he had been ordered to perform, or it may be, he thought, that by the delay, or by going without pro- visions, he should bring blame on me. The beha- viour of general Mac xVrthur upon these two occa- sions, that is to say, in respect to the provisions which he ^Yas to take for colonel Miller, and in re- spect to provisions for his own detachment, it appears to me, manifests very strongly that there was some hidden motive for his conduct. And in this last in- stance' tliere is a mystery, which I am sure is not ex- plained by any thing he has said. It never can be believed that he waited so many hours, solely for the purpose of obtaining an order for provisions, or if he Iiad an order, that his delay was merely for the pur-* pose of having it executed. If his only object had been to procure provisions, the means of doing so, by an application to me, were so obvious and direct, that he could not have hesitated to pursue it. But if the Court will recollect that at this time the conspiracy had been formed to take the command from me, and that general Cass, in his letter to the government, has stated, that the execution of it was only prevented by his and general Mac Arthur's having been sent on GENERAL HULL. 149 iliis tletacliment, it may account for the conduct of these officers. The delay was possibly to mature their plot, and to put it in practice. If general Mac Arthur was on his trial for miscon- duct in relation to these transactions, I am persuaded that his testimony ought rather to convict him than me. But I did take measures for supplying the detach- ment with the necessary provisions. My information from captain Brush was, that he would be on his march with the provisions under his escort, with the expectation of meeting a detachment frpm Detroit for his support. It appeared to me, that not a moment ought to be lost, in sending a force to meet him ; and when I found that general Mac Arthur had delayed to exe- cute my orders for so many hours, I determined that the departure of the detachment should not be longer postponed. I therefore ordered it to march, and de- termined to send provisions after it on pack horses. I immediately gave the necessary orders to the acting Commissary General, for that purpose. This is proved by the testimony of general Taylor. He says that on the fourteenth of August, I did give him an order to furnish pack horses to carry provisions for the detachment going to the river Raisin, under colonels Mac Arthur and Cass. That he did not know whether the provisions were sent, but that pack 14^ IbO DEFENCE OF horses were furnished for the purpose, and he pre^ sumes the provisions were sent. That I gave all the necessarj^ orders for sending them is certain, and if my orders were not complied with, I do not think I am the person, that ought to be called to an- swer for it. It never can be expected, that a com- manding officer should not only give orders, but should attend to the execution of the details. There was, as Mr. Watson has tes^tified, a want of system in every department of the army, which it was impossible for me to remedy, because the heads of them were totally inexperienced. However, the fact is, that the provisions in this case were sent. But as the detachment, pursuant to my orders, took an unusual and obscure road, the guides, as I have lieard, misled the provisions, and they were not heard of before the surrender. In the seventh specification, under ihe charge c4* unofficer-Iike conduct, is assembled a variety of accu- sations. The first is a little incongruous in its lan- guage. It is stated, that the enemy having erected batteries opposite to Detroit, I was, from the eleventh day of August, to and including the sixteenth day of the same month, guilty of a neglect of duty, in not preventing the enemy from erecting the said batteries. It would be an answer to this charge to say, that I could not have prevented the erection of batteries^ which it is stated were already in existence. But though I think there are many incongruities of the GENERAL HULL, 151 same nature in the specifications^ I have not attempted to avail myself of them, and shall no further notice this. The Court will observe, that this accusation is connected v/ith, and indeed entirelj^ rests upon a pre- vious allegation, that I v/ell knew these batteries were erected by the enemy with an intention to an- noy Detroit, and with a design to facilitate the in- vasion of the Michigan territory. The fact is, I had no such knowledge. I had a firm persuasion that the enemy would not invade our territory. I did believe that the war on their part would be en- tirely a defensive war, and that these batteries were only intended for the defence of their own shores. I admit. Sir, that my opinions in this respect, subsequent events have proved were entirely erroneous. But I cannot believe that a mistake in opinion or judgment is to be punished as a crime. This would be less a defence to an accusation of this nature, was not the char2;e so connected, as I have mentioned, with the allegation, that I knew how the enemy intended to employ their batteries. The question must be first asked, had I this knowledge ? There is not'^ particle of evidence that I had ; and if this question must be answered in the negative, the accusation is not sup- ported. But 1 do not rest this part of my defence on this ground. That the enemy did erect batteries opposite to Detroit, and that I did not attempt to annoy them. 152 DEFENCE OF lill they commenced their fire on the fifteenth, are facts not to be disputed. I did not annoy them for the reason I have ahove mentioned, that I considered them as mere defensive Morks. But a desire to pre- serve my own ammunition was the principal reason for this conduct. I might have hindered the enemy from progressing in the day time, but in the night, any annoyance 1 could have given them would have been ineffectual. Captain Dallaba has given a state- ment of the ammunition. Captain Dyson of the artillery supposes it would not have lasted more than three or four days, if we had commenced and continued firing. The fixed ammunition, he says, could not have lasted more than two days. Captain Bacon testifies, that on the morning of the sixteenth, he examined by my orders the magazine, and could find but one box of twenty-four pound cartridges, and that he reported to me they were nearly ex- pended. The testimony of all the witnesses who have spoken shews, that my mind was impressed w ith the necessity of sparing the ammunition, and that this, as well as the expectation that the enemy did not intend, as long as I did not provoke, offensive opera- tions, w ere the reasons -why I did not cannonade the enemy while they were fortifying on the opposite shore. Major Trimble testifies, that when he pro- posed to me to fire on a party of the enemy, which made its appearance on the fourteenth of August at Sandwich, I answered that it would not do to expend the ammunition uselessly. Captain Bacon says, that on the morning of the sixteenth, he was directed by GENERAL HULL. 153 me to go to captain Dyson, at the battery where he commanded, and inform him that the twenty-four pound ammunition was nearly exhausted, and that he must not fire but when there was a prospect of his doing execution. Another of the accusations which are assembled in this specification is, that I omitted to fortify Spring Welis. I do not know why it might not as well have alleged that I omitted to fortify any other position in ihe river Detroit. It is not in proof that that spot was particularly adapted to a fortification. If it had been fortified, the enemy would not probably have selected it as their place of debarkation ; almost any other spot within the same distance, above or below the fort, was as well calculated to afford them a landing. This spe- cification also accuses me of having neglected to an- noy the enemy after he had landed at Spring Wells. Gentlemen, the answer to this specification is em- biTiced in the defence I have made as to the final surrender. I had made preparations for attacking ; the troops w ere drawn out, and formed in line of battle ; but before the enemy came up, I determined to surrender. My reasons for this measure, I have already explain- ed. I shall not repeat them. I will only beg you to observe, that the reasons I have offered have not been suggested merely for the present occasion. Ma- 154 DEFENCE OF jor Munson testifies, that he-sawme the day after the surrender ; that I told him I expected to be censured for what I had done, but said, " I have done, what " under all circumstances was most proper, and I *' have saved Detroit and the territory from the hor- " rours of an Indian massacre." But I am accused of having made the surrender in an unofficer-Iike manner ; in having made it before the articles of capitulation w ere signed ; in not stipu- lating for the honours of war, or for the security of the friendly inhabitants of Canada, who had taken protection from us. Before I make observations on this subject, I beg leave to' present to the Court col- lectedly, the testimony which relates to it. Major Snelling testifies in substance, that immedi- ately after the second shot which did execution in the fort was fired, captain Hull was sent across the river with a flag, and that he (major Snelling) was sent to order colonel Findlay into the fort. The witness having performed this duty, went to one of the batteries ; while there, a British officer with a flag, came to inquire w hat was the meaning of send- ing the flag across the river, when general Brock was on the American side ? Lieutenant Hunt then went w ith the information to me, and returned with a sealed letter, and orders that he (the witness) should carry it to general Brock. That the witness met general Brock at the head of his troops, about three quarters of a mile from the fort, where they were not in sight from the fort. GENERAL HULL. 155 The wiiness having delivered the letter, of which lie was the bearer, general Brock asked the witness '^ifhc was authorised to a^ree on terms ?^* The witness said not. General Brock then asked two of his offi- cers to go with the witness to the fort. As they approached the fort, they were met by some persons who conducted tliem to a tent, which had been erected by my orders, where they were met by colonels Miller and Brush, commissioners ap- pointed by me, and the capitulation was there signed by the commissioners. The contents of the note, the witness says, were no more than these words : " Sir, I agree to surrender *' the town and fort of Detroit." He would not un- dertake to say, that the words he gave were the whole substaMce of the note, but he believed they were. Major Snelling further testifies, that before the ca- pitulation was signed, he saw me near the marquee in conversation with colonel Findiay, and with the British officers, colonel Mac Donald and captain Clegg, who were within the marquee. The witness said, he did not recollect that I took any part in drawing up the capitulation. That I ordered oflT a number of our officers, who were collected about the marquee, and among the rest the witness. In a subsequent part of his examination he says, that before the capitulation was signed, colonel Find- 156 DEFENCE OF lay's regiment was marched into the fort, which was very much crowded. Captain Mac Commick testifies, that after colonel Findlay's regiment had been ordered into the fort, he met colonel Findlay as he was going into the fort ; that they there saw me ; that I requested colonel Findlay to join colonel Miller, to treat with the ene- my, and said that we could then get better terms than we should, if we waited till they attempted to storm the fort. Captain Mac Commick further testi- fies, that as he went out of the fort, he saw the British officers, colonel Mac Donald and captain Clegg, coming towards the fort. Some one said, it was im- proper they should be permitted to come in, and they went to the tent. Shortly after the British officers, with colonel Mil fir and colonel Brush, came into the fort, and were there together in Dyson's quarters, where, as he supposes, the capitulation was signed. The witness further testifies, that before this, and at about the time the British officers and colonels Miller and Brush went into Dyson's quarters, nearly all the troops w ere marched into the fort. In his cross-examination, captain Mac Commick says, it might have been ten minutes, half an hour, or more, after the firing ceased, before the troops were ordered to march into the fort. That he himself did not come into the fort, till half an hour after the firing had ceased. GENERAL HULL. 157 Major Van Horn testifies, that on the morning of the sixteenth, captain Hull came to the tent of colo- nel Findlay, in which the witness also quartered, and informed colonel Findlay, that it was my orders that his regiment should move to and form on the south- west of the fort. The witness then describes the position of colonel Findlay 's regiment in the line, and the manner in which the whole line was formed. He then further testifies, that after the line was formed, and about an hour, or half an hour before the flag was hoisted, I came to the line. That this was during the can- nonade. British officers were then seen passing to and from the Indians. That I appeared satisfied with the po- sitions of the troops. That the witness said to me, we shall be able to give a good account of them. About the time the firing ceased, witness turned round and saw a flag hoisted in the fort, and at about the same time, captain Snelling came with orders from me to colonel Findlay to march his regiment into the fort, and said, that it was my directions that as the flag was out it should not be violated. The witness further testifies, that I remained at the line formed by the troops about three, or it might have been, five minutes ; — that colonel Find- lay expressed dissatisfaction with the order, but said, 15 158 DEFENCE OF it must be obeyed, and directed the witness to march Ills battalion towards the fort, which he did, but halt- ed near the fort some minutes ;— that finally he marched his men into the fort, and they there stacked their arms ; — that colonel Findlay did not come in (ill some time afterwards. The witness further testi- fies, that when he got into the fort he saw me, but was not certain that I was there when he entered ; — that some time after the witness had been in the fort, I addressed him, and several other officers at the «ame time, and invited them into the room of one of the officers ; that I told them I had surrendered the (fort, and was about to make the terms ; — that I asked, if they thought of any thing as a condition, I should be glad to know what it was ; — that the witness did not go into the room ; — that when he first saw me I was on the steps, going into one of the rooms ; — that some time after this, colonel Mac Donald and captain Clegg rode up, came into the fort, and went into the room where I was : — that the witness does not know whether I did or did not go into the marquee before the British officers came in ; that our whole line, as he believes, had marched into the fort and stacked their arms ; — that this had taken place before the Bri- tish officers came in. Major Jessup testifies, tliat he had observed our troops retreating, and saw the flag flying. He met colonel Findlay, who requested him to ride towards the fort, and learn the reason of the retreat j — that GENERAL HULL. 159 lie found me in the fort, and thought me very much frightened ; — that after a conversation ^vith me, of \vliich he has repeated his own gaihmt expressions, but inifortunately cannot recollect what I said, he went out and met colonel Findlaj', and said to him all was lost; — that when he saw me at the time, the terms of capitulation had been agreed upon, that he met me in a piazza, before captain Dyson's quarters; — that I wa« then perfectl}^ composed. He then relates a conversation with me, vviiicli concluded with a request that he would continue to act in his station, till the troops were marched out of the fort; — that he consented to this, and received from me, or one of my aids, a copy of the capitulation, which I directed him to read to the troops ; and that he did this when the troops were marched out at about twelve o'clock. The witness further states, that he thinks a detach- ment of the enemy came into the fort before the ar- ticles of capitulation w^ere signed ; but that he is not certain whether the enemy's troops marched in before the- American troops marched out, but knows that the American troops did not march out till after the capitulation was signed. Captain Burton testifies, that he knew when the capitulation w as agreed upon ; — that it was done in captain Dyson's quarters, where he saw me, general 160 DEFENCE OP Brock, and two or three British officers; — that they were writing and preparing the articles of capi- tulation; — that he heard remarks which induced him to believe, that the articles of capitulation were not agreed upon; — that he could not say, whether the American troops were then in the fort, but there were, at that time, one hundred and fifty British troops standing with advanced arms in the fort ; — the enemy were at or about this time placing guards in and about the fort ; — that the reason why he supposes that the articles were not at this time finally agreed upon, was, that he saw general Brock, with a paper from which he struck out two or three lines, which as he understood related to the regular troops returning home, which general Brock said he would not agree to ; — that at about this time, he saw one of the British officers writing. Before this he had seen the British officers and American officers at the marquee, and that I also had been there ; — that it was about three quarters of an hour after he saw the British officers going with me to the marquee, before he saw the British officers in Dyson's quar- ters. On his cross-examination by the Court, major Jes.- sup says, when the terms of the capitulation were discussing, the American troops were crowded in the fort, in the utmost disorder, and the enemy were per- mitted to approach so near the fort as to be able to take possession of the batteries. GENERAL HULL. Vol Captain Fuller testifies, that soon after the white jlag was hoisted, he went to the fort, and there met colonel Mac Donald and major Clegg; — that I was standing near the gate, one of the British officers said to me, that they were sent by general Brock in con- sequence of seeing a flag hoisted, to receive any com- munications ; — that I replied, that I should surrender, and desired them to go to the marquee, where I would go or send to them ; — that major Clegg requested the witness to go with him to the marquee for fear our militia might fire on him ; — that he went with 'him to the marquee ; — they were furnished with pen, ink, and paper by major Snelling ; — that soon after they got to the marquee, I, colonels Miller and Brush came; — that he staid near the marquee about ten minutes, and then went to the fort, leaving me at the marquee ; — that when he returned to the fort, he found our troops were in and had stacked their arms ;— that some time after he saw the British officers, Mac Donald and Clegg, come out of Dyson's quar- ters, one of them having a paper, which he said had been signed by me, and that he was going to take it to general Brock for his approbation, and wished the witness to go with him for the same purpose ; — that he accompanied him to the marquee ; — that the wit- ness went and found the British column led by colo- nel Proctor about half a mile below the fort ; — tliat he left colonel Mac Donald and returned to the fort. Colonel Miller testifies, that on the morning of the sixteenth I was in the fort j — that it was reported in 162 DEFENCE OF me that the enemy were advancing, and that part of tlie Michigan militia had joined the enemy ; — that upon this I asked him if I had not better send out a flag. He told me he did not know. I had better con- .sult the officers who were without the fort, that they had the best opportunity of judging; — that I said there was no time for consultation, that I would send a flag, and that I did so; — that some time after this, colonel Findlay's regiment marched into the gar- rison ; — that I went to a tent and sent for him ; — that when he approached the tent, I was standing in the lent with my back towards him ; — that he heard me say to the British officers in the tent, " I will surren- der ;" — that I then requested him, with colonel Brush, to assist in drawing up some articles of capitulation ; — that he remained at the tent, lying on the ground, in a violent fit of the fever and ague, while colonels Brush and Mac Donald were penning the articles. The original articles of capitulation were then shewn to the witness, and he said he believed thera to be those which he had signed, but said he was strongly impressed with a belief that when they were read to him, and he signed them, they contained a ])rovision that the garrison should march out with the honours of war. In his cross-examination by the Court, colonel Miller states, that according to his best recollection, he went to the tent between ten and eleven o'cloek. GENERAL HULL. , tC3 On the morning of the sixteenth ; — that he remained about three quarters of an hour ; — that after he had signed the capitulation, he went to the fort and went to bed. There were then no British troops in the fort, but he saw as he went in, a company of about one hundred British soldiers, standing near the gate of the fort. In a subsequent part of his cross-examination, he states, that I tokl him I was willing that he should make a surrender the basis of a treaty, and that he must get the best terms he could. He further says, that when I sent out the flag, I mentioned to him that I did it to gain time ; that I expected to procure a cessation of hostilities, and that I might in the mean time hear from colonels Mac Arthur and Cass. Colo- nel Miller Avas called again a few days after his first examination, and he then stated, that after the first flag was sent out, and before an answer was returned, colonel Brush came to me, and having been inform- ed, that Enagg's men, who had the advanced post be- low the fort, had deserted to the enemy, colonel Brush exclaimed, that " By God, or that, he believed " by God, his men would desert to a man." I believe, may it please the Court, I have here col- lected all the testimony that is material, Avhether it be for or against me, which in any wise relates to the matter now under consideration. I do not pretend that I have given the very words of the witnesses in all instances ; but I have done so, as nearly as my own recollection, and the notes of my counsel, would 1G4 DEFENCE OF permit. If there be any errours, or omissions, they certainly cannot be intentional ; because I know that the members of the Court will have recourse to their own minutes, and to the record of the Judge Advo- cate ; and if it should appear that I have, in any re- spect, wilfully perverted the testimony, it would be an artifice from which I would derive no benefit. In reviewing the testimony, the Court, I think, must at once perceive a strange variety in the statements of the different witnesses. Though the times at which the difilerent transactions took place are all impor- tant, hardly any two of the witnesses agree in this respect. The Court will recollect, that there are three docu- ments in evidence, which appear to form the articles of capitulation. These are all dated on the sixteenth of August. One, purporting to be the articles of capitu- lation; the other purporting to be a supplement to the articles; and the third purporting to be an addition to the supplemental articles. There is also a fourth document, being a letter directed to the commanding officer of the Rapids, which purports to be an expla- nation of the articles of capitulation. Before I make any observations on this testimony, I will give the Court a relation of my conduct in respect to the sur> render, and state the motives, which influenced me. If a departure from the forms, ceremonies, and eti- quette of modern warfare, where civilized men are the GENERAL HULL. 163 belligerents, will condemn me, I must submit. But I do persuade myself, that this Court will consider my peculiar situation, and the character of the enemy which was opposed to me ; and that I will be thought excusable, if I permitted a precipitation to which some forms and pageantry were sacrificed, with a view to save from the cruelty of the savages, many brave men, and many families of parents and chil- dren. As soon as I found that the enemy intended a se- rious attack upon Detroit, I knew that sooner or later my army must fall. I knew, that even victory would not save me, and could be but a temporary advantage. The certain consequences of defeat I could not con- template without horrour. It presented a scene, which I need not attempt to describe. It is obvious, that it would have left our savage enemies to indulge, with- out restraint, their passion for rapine and cruelty. The small body of regulars which I had with me, I was obliged to keep in the fort, for its protection. I had no other troops that understood the management of cannon. With one third of the residue of my force absent, and with nothing to rely upon out of the fort, but untried and undisciplined militia, officered by men, most of whom were in hostility to me, and had even conspired against me, what was I to expect from a contest ? I determined at any rate, that I ought, if it were possible, to ward off the attack, and gain time, till the IGo DEFENCE OF tletaclimeiit under colonels Mac Arthur and Cass^ who were my two senior officers, might return. The Court will recollect, that I had sent an ex- press for them, as soon as I received general Brock's summons on the fifteenth. After the line was formed on the sixteenth, as appears by the testimony of cap- tain Mac Commick, colonel Van Horn, and major Snelling, I visited the troops where they were drawn up. I then went to the fort, in expectation of hear- ing of the absent detachment ; but receiving no intel- ligence from them, I determined to propose a cessa- tion of hostilities to treat of a surrender. I accord- ingl}'^ sent a flag over the river, and when the British officer came to inquire the meaning of that flag, I sent the note to general ]5rock, of which major Snel- ling speaks. That these were my views when I sent this flag, appears by the testimony of colonel Miller, to whom I explained myself on the subject. I do not recollect what were the precise words of this note, but I think it will appear very evident to the Court, that the contents of it could not have been, as major Snelling has stated, neither more nor less than an offer of unconditional surrender. For, according to major Snelling, tl;*^ first question general Brock put to him, after he had read the note, was to ask major Snelling if he " was authorized to agree on terms." No such question would have been asked if I had offered to surrender without terms. As soon as I had determined to negotiate, I also de- termined to change my positions for defence. I thought GENERAL HULL- 167 it better to draw the troops to the fort, and if I made a resistance, it was my opinion that I could do it to most advantage, by manning the fort with a full com- plement, and forming a line, supported on the right by the fort, and on the left by the citadel and the batteries on the bank of the river ; having in front a line of pickets wliich extended from the fort to the citadel, and which was intended to cover the commu- nication between one and the other. With these views and intentions, I ordered the troops to the fort, intending to post them from thence before the negoti- ation should break off, if there should be no terms agreed upon. When these orders were given, I had appointed colonels Brush and Miller to repair to a tent without the fort, and treat with the enemy. At this moment I received the intelligence, that the two companies mentioned by major Anderson, Knagg's and Shover's, had gone over to the enemy ; and heard from colonel BrusJi, the declaration, that " ly God" every man of his regiment had or would desert. The consequences of such a defection immediately occur- red tome. Colonel Brush's troops had been posted to guard the upper part of the settlement. If they made no resistance, there v^^as nothing to hinder the British and their savages from landing above the town ; and, while we should be engaged with the in- vaders from the south, the savages would be making indiscriminate slaughter of the inliabitants, through tlie whole extent of the northern part of the settle- ment. 1G8 DEFENCE OF From this moment I determined to surrender on the best terms I could obtain. I told colonel Miller, that this was my determination. I went to the tent. Colo- nel Miller had not arrived there. I had mentioned to colonel Brush and the British officers, the terms I should insist upon, and concluded by saying, " 1 shall surrender ;'' meaning, on the terms I had previously mentioned. This was the declaration colonel Miller heard. After I had explained the terms I had ex- l>ectcd, I left the tent and returned to the fort. On my arrival there, I found to my surprise that all the troops bad crowded into the fort, had stacked their arms, and were in a state of entire insubordination. Let it be remembered, that neither of these steps had been taken by my orders. I had ordered colonel Findlay's regiment onh'^ into the fort ; and it is not proved, or pretended, that I gave any orders for stacking the arms. I now became impatient to put the place un- der the protection of the British. I knew that there were thousands of the savages around us. Every mo- ment reports were brought to me of their depredations, and in the situation in which my troops then were, I could afford no protection to the inhabitants. I was anxious, that our enemies should have the command and government, that they might be able to put a re- straint on their savage allies, which I had no power to do. An additional weight on my mind, that had great influence on my conduct, was what I considered might be the dangerous situation of the detachment under colonels Mac Arthur and Cass. I thought i^ possible it might be at a distance, and might be GENERAL HULL. 169 cut off. If we should unsuccessfully resist, I was sure it would. Ill this state of things, the articles of capitulation were brought to me from the tent, signed and executed. I accepted them. I gave a copy of them to major Jessup, as he has testified, and he after- wards read them to the troops, when they marched out at twelve o'clock. These must be considered as the articles of capitulation, and by these my con- duct must be tested. For the two other documents, the one styled supplemental articles, and the other an addition to the supplemental articles, are rather to be considered as an agreement between myself and the enemy's general than as parts of the capitulation. I admit, that when these Avere signed 1 had no power to resist if he had not chosen to agree to them, and therefore they are no more te be considered as a part of the capitulation, than the letter which bears date the next day. It was these supplemental articles, which were signed in capfein Dyson's quarters, and most of the witnes'ses, who speak of what was done before or after the capitulation was signed, obviously speak with reference to the execution of these instru- ments. God knows tlie articles are not what I would have wished to have had them. If I had been warring with civilized man, where the blood of combatants only could be shed, I ought not, I would not have accepted them. But when upon the consequences of refusing them, depended the lives of so many innocent people, I did not feel myself authorized to reject them. 16 170 DEFENCE OF Having put before the Court the testimony whicli relates to this specification, and given my own ac- count of the transactions to which it relates, I will asfain notice the accusations, and make some few ob- servations upon them. Tlie first accusation is, that I surrendered before the capitulation was signed. This is certainly dis- proved. There w^as not an enemy in the fort before the capitulation was brought to me from the tent, nor before I delivered a copj^ cf it to major Jessup.' * The testimony of colonel Miller is conclusive upon this point. He says, there were no British troops in the fort when he brought me the capitulation from the tent. * A second accusation is, that I did not stipulate for the lionours of war. Among the variety of circumstances, in my situation, which I ftml to deplore, and which agitated my mind to a great degree, there was none that excited my own feelings more, than to find, that though this provision had been inserted in the articles, as originally drawn by the commissioners, it had been stricken out. I tliought of rejecting the articles on this account. I nuist have then opened a new nego- ciation. I have already stated what appeared to me as tlie consequences of further delay. The savages were unrestrained. I determined not to expose the lives of the inhabitants to their fury for the sake of obtain- ing so useless a pageantry. GENERAL HULL. 171 The articles are also condemned, because tliey con- tained no stipulation for the security of the friendly inhabitants of Canada. With respect to the people (of Canada who had been friendly to us, and who had ■remained in their own country when we retreated, no stipulation in their favour was necessary. The Bri- tish had ofifered full pardon to all their subjects who had shewn any disaffection ; and when the capitula- tion was signed, there were none in Canada who had not availed themselves of this offer. With respect to those who were with us, the capitulation does contain an article in their favour. They are unquestionably included in the third article, which provides that "private persons, and property of every description^ " shall be respected." But, Sir, a stipulation in favour of Canadians, who were with us at the time of the surrender, was, in fact, entirely a matter of supererogation ; because, accord- ing to the best of my recollection, there was but one person of that description with us, at the time of the capitulation, ^nd he is now an officer of rank in our army. The evidence, that any stipulation for the security of the Canadians, other than what the articles con- tained, was unnecessary, is, that it is the undoubted fact, that from the time we retreated from Canada, no individual has suffered, either in his person or pro- perty, on account of any part he may have taken against his own government, or on account of any connection which he may have had with our army. 172 DEFENCE OP The specification states other olyections to the capitulation, but as they are of an inferiour nature, and must be excusable if those I have noted are so, I f*ha!l not trouble the Court with any remarks upon them. Something has been said in the course of the trial, as to my having after the capitulation consented to the surrender of some distant posts. It might be enough to say, that there is no specification on thi& subject ; but I will only observe, that so far from this being a concession to the enemy, it originated in my suggestion. I reflected, that if they should hear of the capitulation, before they were informed that they v.ere included i*the surrender, they might retreat, if they should judge it in their power to do so — but if early intelligence of the surrender should not reach them, tliey would be exposed to the whole savage force of the enemy, and might be sacrificed, unless they were protected by the capitulation. Much tes- timony has also been given in relation to the situation of the British troops before the surrender, and to shew that they were suffered to approach too near our w orks before the capitulation v/as signed. It would be easy to sheAv the strange contradiction of testimony on this point, and to prove that such an accusation would be without foundation. But certainly the accusations against me, and which I am obliged to answer, are sufRciently numerous. The Court would hardly think me excusable in trespassing on their patience, to make a defence against accusations not preferred— ^ C4ENEIIAL HULL. 173 I shall therefore say nothing further as to this sug- gestion, than that a specification founded upon it is not to be found under any of the charges. There is, Gentlemen, one other charge which I have to answer. It is an accusation which has been the most woundmg to my feelings, and the discussion of which is the most painful task I have yet had to perform. Not because I have any doubt but that I shall convince you it is as much without foundation as any other, but because it imposes upon me the ne- cessity of examining testimony, which no man, how- ever innocent he may be, can repeat without disgust. If in the embarrassing and difficult situations in which I was placed during my late command, I have committed some errours, surely what I have suffered by this prosecution, and what I must now suffer in making this pe.rt of my defence, will be some atone^ ment. For more than half a century I supported a charac- ter without reproach. My youth was devoted to the service of my country. I fought her battles in that war which achieved her liberty and independence, and which was ended before many of yon, Gentlemen, who are my judges, were born. If, upon any occasion, a man may speak of his own. merits, it is at sucli a time as this, and I hope I may be permitted to present to you, in very few words, ii 16* 174 DEFENCE OF narrative of my life, while I was engaged in scenes which were calculated to prove a man's firmness and courage. I shall do -it with the less reluctance, because the testimony I have offered of the venerable men who served with me in the revolutionary war will vouch for all I have to say. In the year seventeen hundred and seventy-five, at the age of about twejijy-one j ears, I was appointed a captain in one of the Connecticut regiments. During that campaign, and until March, seventeen hundred and seventy-six, when the enemy evacuated Boston, I served with the army at Cambridge and Roxbmy, nnder the immediate command of general Washington? 1 was with that part of the army in March, seventeen hundred and seventy -six, which took possession of Dorchester Heights, the movement which compelled the enemy to evacuate Boston. The next day, the regiment to which I belonged marched for New-York. I was on Long Island when the enemy landed, and remained until the night the wlioie army retreated. 1 was in several small skirmishes, both on Long fsland and York I slan(J before Ihe army retired to the White Plains. I then belonged to colonel Charles Webb's regiment, of Connecticut. This regiment was in the severest part of the ac- tion on Chatterdon's Hill, a little advanced of the White Plains, a few days after the main body of the army abandoned New-York. This battle is memora- ble in the history of our country, and the regiment to GENERAL HULL. TT5 which I belonged received the particular thanks of general Washington, in his public orders, for its bra- very and good conduct on the occasion. It was par- ticularly distinguished from all the other troops en- gaged in the action. I received a slight wound by a musket ball in my side, but it did not prevent me from remaining at the head of my company. I was in the battle at Trenton, when the Hessians were taken, in December, seventeen hundred and seventy- six, and being one of the youngest captains in the army, w^as promoted by general Washington, the day after the battle, to a majority, for my conduct on that occasion. The first of January, seventeen hundred and seven- ty-seven, I was in the battle of Princeton. In the campaign of the same year, the regiment to which I belonged served in the northern army. I was early in the spring ordered to Ticonderoga, and commanded the regiment (being the senior officer present) under general Saint Clair, and I was with that officer in his retreat from that post. After general Saint Clair's army formed a junction with general Schuyler's army, on the North river, at Fort Edward, the regiment to which I belonged was detached and marched to Fort Schuyler, and relieved that post which was besieged by general Saint Ledger. On the retreat of general Schuyler's army from Fort Edward, I commanded the rear guard of the army, and being two miles in the rear, was attacked by a large body of British troops and Indians at day light in the morning, in which 176 DEFENCE 01?^ action were killed and wounded between thirty and forty of my guard, and I received the particular thanks of general Schuyler for my conduct on the occasion, I was in the two memorable battles on the nine- teenth of September, and the seventh of October, on Bhemus's Heights, against general Burgoyne's army, previous to its surrender. In the action of the nine- teenth September, I commanded a detachment of three hundred men, who fought the principal part of the afternoon, and more than one half of them were killed and wounded. On the seventh of October I likewise commanded a detachment from the brigade, which assisted in at- tacking the enemy on the left of our position, defeated him, followed him to the right of his lines, stormed his entrenchments, and took and held possession of the right of his position, which compelled him to re- treat to Saratoga, and there capitulate. After the memorable event of the capitulation of general Burgoyne's army, the regiment to which I belonged was ordered to Pennsylvania, to join the army under the command of general Washington. I remained with the army the winter of seventeen hundred and seventy-seven, at Valley Forge, and in the spring of seventeen hundred and seventy-eight, when the British army evacuated Philadelphia, I was in the battle of Monmouth. From December, sevea GENERAL HULL. 177 teen hundred and seventy-eight to May seventeen hundred and seventy-nine, I commanded the Ameri- can posts in advance of the White Plains, near Kingsbridge, during which time I had various skir- mishes with the enemy. In May, seventeen hundred and seventy-nine, the principal part of the British army advanced up the North river to Verplancks and Stony Point, and I was ordered to retreat before them to West Point. I then joined the light infantry under the command of general AVayne, and was in the memorable attack on Stony Point, with a separate command of four hundred light infantry. For my conduct on this occasion, I received the j)articular thanks of general Wayne, general Wash- ington, and Congress. In the summer and autumn of seventeen hundred and eighty, I commanded the advanced posts of the army, and in December of that j^ear I commanded an expedition against the enemy stationed at Morri- siana, which was successful, and for which I re- ceived the thanks of general Washington in his general orders to the army, and likewise the thanks of Congress. General Washington in his orders, I well remember, made use of these words, " he thanked me for my ju- 178 DEFENCE OP " dicioiis arrangements in the plan of operation, and " for my intrepidity and valour in the execution." From the conclusion of the revolutionary war I have lived with the respect of my countrymen, and have enjoyed repeated marks of their confidence in the offices which have been bestowed upon me. When I found that the independence for which I had BO often fought was assailed ; that again my 'country must appeal to arms to avenge her wrongs, and to protect her rights, I felt that I might yet do. her some service. For though many years had passed since I had fought under her standard, and though my arm might not have its wonted strength, yet my spi- rit was unbroken, and my devotion to her unimpaired. I thought, in the field, where there could be but few who had any military experience, what I had learned in the most active scenes of a seven years war, might be useful. I fondly hoped that in my age, as well as in my youth, I might render services that should de- serve the gratitude of my country. That if I fell by the sword of her enemies, my grave would be moist- ened with the tears of my countrymen, that my de- scendants would be proud of my name and fame : but how vain is anticipation ! I am now accused of crimes which would blast my former honours, and transmit my memory with infamy to posterity. And in that hideous catalogue, there is none from the im- putation of which my nature and my feelings have more recoiled than from that of cowardice, to which 1 am now to answer. I shall confine myself under GENERAL HULL. 179 this cliarge to the specifications, or to such part of the- specifications, as relate to my personal deport- ment. Almost every omission or commission timing the campaign, which it has been thought proper to cen- sure, has been assembled under this charge, and they have all been imputed to cowardice. But as most of the acts have been specified in support of other charges, I shall not again notice them, but con- fine myself to the allegation that I shewed personal fear and a want of courage. However painful the recapitulation of the testimony on this point must be to me, it is so necessary that it should be brought together, to the end you may have it before you in one view, that I shall go through the disagreeable task of repeating it. The first witness in point of fact, as well as of im- portance, is major Snelling. He was a captain when he joined the army at Urbana ; but is now a colonel. He testifies as follows. " During the cannonade I " frequently saw^ the General. I once saw him stand- " ing ; he might have risen twice ; most of the time he " was sitting on an old tent, under the curtain of the " fort opposite the enemy's batteries. " I have been taught to believe, that there are cer« " tain human passions which are indicated by appear- 180 . DEFENCE OF *' ances, and the appearances of general Hull accord- " ing to my mind indicated fear. " The reasons that induced me to draw tliat con- " elusion were, that the General selected the safest " place in the fort for his seat ; his voice trembled " when he spoke ; he apparently unconsciously filled " his mouth with tobacco, so that his cheeks were "extended by it; the saliva ran from his mouth on *' his neckcloth and cloaths ; he often rubbed his "face with his hands, and distributed the tobacco *' juice about his face." He further testified in his cross-examination, that when he returned from Spring Wells, at the dawn of day on the morning of the sixteenth, he went into the fort to make his report to general Hull, but could not find him, nor find any one who knew where he w^as. He said, he did not know if general Hull was in the fort at the time the officers were killed. He saw him immediately afterwards. After the men were killed it might have been fifteen or twenty. minutes before he saw captain Hull with the white flag. It might have been an hour, but he did not think it was. The witness could not say that he saw general Hull in the situation he has described between the time the men were killed and the sending the f?ag by captain Hull. He recollects that at the time captain GENERAL HULL. 181 Hull was fixing the flag, general Hull was standing, and was in the situation he has described. General Hull was out of the fort early that morning, but the witness does not know where he was. At the time the enemy was crossing, the General was standing on the parade. I wish the Court to notice the great attention, which major Snelling paid, to be particular in very minute circumstances in giving his testimony ; not only as to the positions in which he saw me, but when his examination was read over to him, and he found that, as it stood, it represented him as saying that I had distributed the tobacco over my face, he desired it might be corrected, so as to state that what he had said, was confined to the lower part of my face. Captain Mac Commick testifies as follows, " I was " not present when colonel Findlay received orders " to march into the fort. I joined him as he was ''- going into the fort ; he told me of the order, and said " he would not obey it ; but would go into the fort " himself, and directed me to form the regiment. " The colonel then came back so near to me, as to " tell me to let the companies marcli up, and I did '' so." The witness then relates what passed between colonel Findlay and myself, and proceeds as follows* " The General appeared very much agitated. He " a])peared to be under as much alarm as I ever sa^v " a person. He had been chewing tobacco, and the 17 182 DEFENCE OF *' lower part of bis face and his vest were covered " with it." On his cross examination he testified, that it might have been ten minutes, or half an hour, or more, after the firing ceased, before the troops were ordered to march into the fort ; — that it was at least half an Iiour after the firing before the witness went into the fort; — that he saw me once that morning out of the fort, and thinks I was near where colonel Findlay's regiment was forming the line of battle behind the picket fence. Colonel Van Horn, who was a major of colonel Findlay's corps, testifies, that after colo- nel Findlay's regiment was formed on the morning of the sixteenth of August, and about an hour or half an hour before the flag was hoisted, I was at the line ; — that this was during the cannonade ; — that at about the time the firing ceased, captain Snelling came, with orders that colonel Findlay should return with his regiment to the fort ; — the cannonade had then ceased ; — the witness turned round, and saw the flag hoisted on the fort. The witness further stated, that he then went into tlie fort with his battalioji, and after he got in he saw me, but is not certain whether I was there when he entered. The witness then proceeded as follows, " when I first saw general Hull "' he was on the steps going into one of the rooms. " His face was discoloured with tobacco juice. It was " over the lower part of his face, and a spot was over " his eye. I thought he was under the influence of "fear. I had no doubt.of it.'' On his cross-exami- GENERAL HULL. 183 nation he says, that he saw me on the night of the fifteenth, and as he thinks, about midnight, and before the cannonading had ceased, at the place where colo- nel Findlay's regiment was formed that night. He saw me the next morning out of tlie fort at colonel Findlay's quarters, and again at the line of battle. When the witness was asked, whether care and anxiety might not have produced the appearance he describ- ed, he answered, that care and anxiety might have^ added to those appearances, but upon comparing faces he thought mine had the indication of fear. Captain Baker testifies as follows, " I saw general " Hull on the morning of the sixteenth. He appeared " to be embarrassed, and at a loss how to act. I had *' but one opinion, which was that he was under the " influence of personal fear. I could not account for « the surrender in any other way." On his cross-ex- amination he said, " on the morning of the sixteenth, *' during the cannonade, I saw the General in the "fort sometimes sitting, sometimes walking, and '' sometimes standing.'' Lieutenant Stansbury testifies, that on the night of the fifteenth of August, he found me at about eleven o'clock at night, lying on the piazza of the barracks in the fort, with my boots and cloaths on ;— that in the morning when he awoke at day break 1 was not there. " I saw the General," says he, " on a tolerably " safe place ; as to his being afraid, I cannot say whe- " ther he was or not." " I saw the General on the 184 DEFENCE OF " parade ground. I did not see any necessity for his " exposing himself more than he did." Major Jessup testifies, that on the fifteenth, after the cannonade commenced, he in company with Mr. Diigan met me on horseback in the street near the second battery. He says, " the General appeared to *' be agitated ; either Mr. Dugan or myself observed, " the General was frightened; one of us said, we " must cheer him up. We approached him, spoke to " him, he appeared pale and confused, immediately " dismounted and led his horse towards the fort." " I did not see general Hull till about break of day " on the morning of tlie sixteenth, when the General " came to my tent, and directed me to write an order " for the return of colonels Cass and Mac Arthur." The witness further testifies, that shortly after the enemy commenced their fire, at the request of colonel Findlay, he went to me to have an explana- tion of an order which had been delivered by my aid-de-camp ; — that he found me and received direc- tions from me, for forming the line of battle ; — that while he was attempting to collect some dragoons, of whicli I had directed him to take the command, he saw that our line was breaking and retreating towards the fort ; — he then looked towards tJie fort, and saw the white flag flying from it ; — that at the request of colonel Findlay, he then went to the fort. The wit- ness then proceeds as follows, " I found the General GENERAL HULL. 185 '*' in the fort. I thought him very much frightened. " When I met him, I inquired of him, if it were pos- " sible we were about to surrender. He said some- " thing about terms, and something about the enemy's " force, which I do not recollect. His voice at that "time was tremulous. I observed, we could at least " liold out till joined by colonels Cass and Mac Ar- « thur. He replied, my God, what shall I do with " these women and children !" The witness then states, that he left the fort, went to colonel Findlay, and did not see me till terms of capitidation had been agreed upon; — that then I was perfect!}^ composed. The witness also testifies as follows : — "When I came " to report to the General, after reconnoitring the " enemy, I found him on the side of the fort next the '^ enemy, completely sheltered, sitting on a tent be^ "side a bed. At the same time I reported that our '' guard, the most advanced towards the enemy, had "surrendered. The General said that colonel Brush " had reported to him that his men were leaving himc " After this when 1 met the General in the fort, and ^' after the flag was hoisted, he exclaimed that four '' men had been killed by one shot ;— he appeared so *' alarmed as not to know what he was doing." The witness then describes my appearance at that time nearly in tiie words which had been used by other witnesses. The witness on a subsequent part of his examina- tion stated, that at the moment when he was in con- versation with me on the evening of the fifteenths . 17* 186 DEFENCE OF near the second battery, a shot struck a stone house near me ; — that I appeared much agitated, dismounted my horse, and walked off without making him a reply. " Whenever I saw the General," says the witness, '' before the capitulation was signed, he appeared agi- " tated ; afterward, entirely composed. Whether the " agitation proceeded from the novelty of his situa- " tion or fear, I cannot say, but I believe the latter, '' if not both." Captain Eustman testifies as follows, " on the even- " ing of the fifteenth, a shell appeared to be coming " into the fort. General Hull ran towards the north- " west bastion, apparently to avoid it, and to get un- " der cover of the platform. The General appeared *' alarmed and frightened, as I also observed to my " companions at the time." Lieutenant Philips testifies as follows, " I saw ge- " neral Hull on the morning of the sixteenth. Most " part of the time during the cannonade he was sitting " with his back to the parapet next the enemy. He " was sitting there with a number of gentlemen. I re- " collect one gentleman and one lady near to him. He " appeared to me under the influence of fear. He ap- " peared very much agitated. I think doctor Cun- "ningham was the gentleman that was with him. " There might have been other officers with him, but " I do not recollect." GENERAL HULL. 187 Colonel Miller testifies as follows, " I did not dis- " cover any agitation in the General on the fifteenth. " On the sixteenth he did appear mucli agitate^. He " was on the fort. He was sometimes sitting, some- " times standing, and sometimes walking. Whether " his agitation proceeded from anxiety on account of " the responsibility he was taking, or from personal '* alarm, I cannot say. After the surrender he told *' me he was afraid, if he had fought the enemy, they *' would have taken advantage of that part of his pro- " clamation, which declared that no white man taken '•'■ fighting with an Indian should be spared." On his cross-examination, colonel Miller said, " I '' saw no act of the General's on the morning of the " sixteenth which I can say might not have proceed- '• ed from the fatigue and responsibility he was under." I put to colonel Miller the following question:— -Can you mention any act of mine on the sixteenth, which you did then or do now impute to personal fear ? — To this the witness answered :—" Yes, I did think " such an immediate surrender must have proceeded " from your fears." To the following question : — Did you see me, while I was in the fort, in any place or situation unfit for a commanding officer ?— The Colonel answered : — " I '* can describe to the Court where the General wa?, ** and the Court can judge." 188 DEFENCE OF " He was generally near the easterly parapet of the " fort. I was there part of the time mj^self. The " Gei^eral leaned down. The whole easterly side of " the fort was as safe as the spot where the General '^ was for the most part of the time. The General's " station was the most convenient to receive commu- " nications from without the fort." Colonel Miller, upon a re-examination, further tes- tifies, that he had frequently observed a habit which 1 had when I w as much engaged, of chewing tobacco to excess, and taking it from my mouth with my fingers, and rolling it in my fingers, and putting it in my mouth again, and rolling it from my mouth to my fingers alternately. That he observed more of this habit on the sixteenth than usual, and thought the addition might be owing to v^-ant of rest from fatigue. Major Whistler says, my appearance induced him to tliink I was under the influence of personal fear. Lieutenant Peckham testifies, that he saw me on the sixteenth of August, and says, " I had no doubt *' but that the General was under the influence of per- " sonal fear, from his embarrassment, as he sat still and *' gave no orders."' Major Munson testifies, that he saw me on the fif- teenth of August, and saw me again on the sixteenth, after the capitulation was settled. He adds, " The '** General's gituittion was critical. If he had had any GENERAL HULL. I8§ " feelings, he must have had great care and anxiety. I " saw nothing which might not have been accounted " for, without resorting to the impression of personal " fear." On his cross-examination by the Court, this witness says, "It was ten or fifteen minutes after the " officers were killed, that he saw me sitting in one of " the officers' quarters; but does not recollect that it " was during the cannonade, either on the fifteenth or "' sixteenth, that he saw me." Captain Maxwell testifies, that he served in the re- volutionary war ; v^^as engaged in the affair at Browns- town under colonel Miller, which made the twenty- third battle in which he had fought; — that after the cannonading commenced on the fifteenth, he saw me on horseback at one of tJie batteries ; — that I had a con- versation with the officer commanding at the time the balls were passing and repassing ; — that he took notice of my countenance, and that I appeared firm, collect- ed, and cool ; — that I sat four or five minutes on my horse, and rode off again ; — that he did not see me on the sixteenth ; — that at the time the army was re- treating from Sandv/ich, there was a clamour, that I was intimidated, and that was the reason why, on the evening of the sixteenth, he particularly observed my countenance. General Taylor testifies, that he saw me several times on the evening of the fifteenth, during the can- nonade ; — that there was no impression made on his mmd of my being under personal fear on that day or 100 DEFENCE OF evening ; — that I appeared to be thoughtful and very low spirited ; — that he heard no indication of inspirit- ing the men ; — that my countenance was dull ; — that he saw me near the gateway, and that I ordered colo- nel Findlay to move from the upper to the lower side of the fort, without any specific orders how to form. Early on the sixteenth, information came that the enemy were preparing to cross, and no orders were given to resist them ; — that my appearance displayed more of the marks of tobacco than he had generally seen in a neat man ; — that his impression was, that I was under the influence of personal fear ; — that he did not see me again till the flag was hoisted ; — that when he saw me near the gate on the sixteenth, he saw many officers with me, and among the rest captain Snelling; — that he did not consider being there as shrinking from danger. Captain Bacon testifies, that he saw me in the fort very frequently on the fifteenth and sixteenth ; — that on the sixteenth he saw me, with doctor Cunningham and his wife, sitting on some planks ; — that he also saw other persons there, some of Avhom he thinks were offi- cers ; — that during the cannonade he saw me on the parapet of the fort, once on the evening of the fifteenth, and once on the sixteenth ; — that he s^w me in differ- ent places about the garrison, during the cannonade ; — that I seemed engaged as usual, but agitated on the morning of the sixteenth more than common ; — that he did not know the cause ; — that he had no suspicion that it was personal fear, neither did he hear such a GENERAL HULL. 191 suspicion expressed by any of the officers ;— .that after the shot came in which did execution, the officers and men very generally were in the eastern side of the fort, under the protection of the parapet next the enemy. Judge Witherell testifies, that he saw me on the fifteenth, during the cannonade, near one of our bat- teries, when, from all he saw, 1 was cool and collected. 1 believe, Gentlemen, I have now collected and presented to you in connection, every syllable of the testimony which has been offered in support of the specifications under this charge which relate to my personal ap[)earance and deportment. Such parts of the testimony as have the most bearing, I have endea- voured to repeat in the witnesses' own words, and have done it with as much accuracy as the notes taken by my counsel w^ould permit Before, Gentlemen, I proceed further on the exami- nation of this testimony, aHow me to lay before you an extract from an author of great respectability, contain- ing rules not inapplicable to the present occasion, by which the credibility of a witness ought to be tested. " A witness," says Mr. Tytler, in his essay on Mi- litary Law, " who amplifies his testimony, unneces- " sarily enlarging upon circumstances unfavourable to "a party; who seems to be gratified by the opportu- ^' nity of furnishing condemnatory evidence, or mant- 192 DEFENCE OP " festly betrays passion or prejudice in the substance of " his testimony, or in the manner of delivering it, is " to be listened to with suspicion of his veracity. If ■•' a witness," the author adds, " takes upon him to re- " member with the greatest minuteness ail the cir- *' CLimstances of a transaction long since passed, and " which are of a frivolous nature, and not likely to " dwell on the memory, his testimony is thereby ren- " dered very susiricious." I ask the members to test the testimony which has been given against me by these rules. Were there not many of the witnesses who amplified their testi- mony, and unnecessarily enlarged upon circumstances unfavourable to me ; who seemed to be gratified by the opportunity of furnishing condemnatory evidence ? I appeal to the Court to judge of the manner in which the testimony of some of the witnesses was delivered, and whether they did not betray a warmth, that could not leave them free from a suspicion of strong preju- dice or bias ? Major Snelling has certainly taken upon himself to remember with the greatest minuteness circum- stances of a frivolous nature. He remembered that my cheeks were swelled with the tobacco I put in my mouth. He remembered that my neckcloth and vest were soiled, and the tobacco was distributed about my face. And when his examination was read over to him, his recollection was so extremely accurate as to the most minute circumstance, that he insisted GENERAL HULL. . 193 that what had been written, should be so corrected, as to read that it was the lower part of my face which was soiled. Though, on this particular, he is contra- dicted by colonel Van Horn, who it appears w as no less observing of minute circumstances, and whose memory is not less tenacious of them. Colonel Van Horn recollects, and has been very particular in, stating, that there was a mark made by the tobacco over one of my eyes. He was so very minute as to observe, that it was over my left eye, though I be- lieve it is not so recorded in his testimony. Major Snelling's correction, with respect to the situation of the tobacco on my face, will not appear in the record of his testimony. But it will be brought to the remembrance of the Court, by my reminding them, that when major Snelling proposed the altera- tion in the record, so as to state that he meant to have spoken only of the lower part of my face, I objected to its being altered in the minutes, and wished that it might appear from the record of the evidence, that this was a correction of his. But, Gentlemen, the opinion of major Snelling that I was under the influence of personal fear, as well as the same opinion of other witnesses, who have very nearly followed his words in their description, is formed, as they avow, from my appearance, and from my situation and conduct in the fort, 18 194 DEFENCE OF A correct and certain judgment of the emotions of the mind from indications of the countenance, or from mere personal appearances, can liardly ever be formed. And it must be infinitely difficult to do so when fa- tigue, anxiety, and a great responsibility may, all at the same time, be producing their effect. iMajor Snelling, though a very young gentleman, it is to be presumed has great acquirements, and it would seem from his testimony, that the human pas- sions have been the objects of his etudy. He intro- duces his testimony on this point, with these words : " I have been taught to believe that there are certain " human passions which are indicated by appearances, *' and the appearance of general Hull, in my mind, *' indicated fear.'' I hope that these professions of major Snelling will not give his opinion an undue weight, because he has not told us in what school he acquired his science in physiognomy. Nor has he given us the rules by which, when the mind may be under various excite- ments, he can distinguish the appearances which will indicate the prevalence of one over the other. Blajor Snelling, I have no doubt, when he gains more age and experience, will find that the indica- tions of appearances iii respect to the human mind are fallacious. His own case may afford an evidence of it. GENERAL HULL. 195 I myself, and many who heard his testimony, and that of many other of the witnesses, and marked the manner of it, thought that they manifested great pas- sion and prejudice against me ; that they seemed gra- tified with the opportunity of furnishing condemnato- ry evidence. These appearances may have been fal- lacious, but if they were so, it is strong evidence that the most erroneous conclusions may be drawn from expressions of countenance, tone of voice, and eager- ness of manner. I beg it may be observed, that most of the witnes- ses, except major Snelling, who have given their tes- limony on this point, did not see me in the fort, tilW after the flag was hoisted, when there was of course a cessation of hostilities, nor till after I returned from the tent. The witnesses have all endeavoured to impress on the minds of the Court, that I intended in all events to make an unconditional surrender. If this were the case, where was the occasion for personal fear, after I had invited, by the flag, a negotiation, and had stop- ped the enemy's fire ? Major Jessup says, that when be saw me before the capitulation was signed, I ap- peared greatly agitated, but that afterwards I was en- tirely composed. And yet, as major Jessup did not see me in the fort on the sixteenth, till after the nego- tiation was commenced, there was no more ground for agitation from personal fear, w hen he saw me on that day previously to the capitulation, than there was after that eveut 196 DEFENCE OP There is a part of major Jessup's testimonj^ wliicli is certainly worthy of remark. His power of judging of the human passions from appearances is even supe- riour to major Snelling's, because, from his testimony, it seems he can perceive the appearances, when the object is at some distance. He states, that when he and Mr. Dugan saw me on horseback, on the fifteenth, I appeared to be frightened, one of them said, we must cheer him up; we then approached him, says the wit- ness, and spoke to him ; he appeared pale, &c. So that they had, according to this testimony, perceived that I was frightened, while I was on horseback, in ^the face of the enemy's fire, and before they had ap- ^proached me, or spoke to me. I do not deny that on the morning of the sixteenth I was greatly agitated. My body w as worn with fa- tigue, and my mind was filled with the deepest anxiety. On the one hand, I well knew the consequences of a surrender. I knew how unfortunate it was for my country, that I should be obliged to yield. I saw the consequences to myself, I knew that the disappoint- ment of the high expectations which had been raised, would be charged to me. And that all the faults o£ others, to which, in fact, the failure of the expedition was owing, would be laid at my door. I saw too, what was intended to be the effect of the opposition of ray officers to a measure, they knew I must, or would pursue. In proportion as they found me decided on this final step, they became insolent in their opposi- tion, and were most so when it was ascertained, that GENERAL HULL. 19^ they would not meet the enemy, and could not be punished by me. They foresav/, that great reputation was to be purchased at so cheap a rate, as appearing highly averse to the surrender, and afterward pub- lishing to the world all they said and did, as evidence of my criminality and their own heroism. While ail these considerations enlisted every pri- vate feeling against the surrender; my mind was agi= tated by the opposite demands of duty. The dread- ful consequence of unsuccessful resistance, or indeed, of any thing less than a most decisive victory, filled my thoughts. In the midst of a people, among whom I had lived so long, as to be known to almost every inhabitant, all of whom looked to me for protection, and many of whom had sought safety in the fort ; t could not reflect on the horrours of a general massacre, wiiich would have been the consequence of a defeat, without emotion. He, who in such a situation, could have been perfectly tranquil, whose appearances should have discovered no agitation, must have been either less, or more than man. He must have been denied the sensibilities common to our nature, or been endowed with faculties more than human. When the Court considers my situation, how many causes there w^ere to excite strong emotion, will they believe that the witnesses, who have testiiied on this point, were capable of such discrimination, as w^ould enable them to ascertain, that the appearances which they have described, proceeded from personal fear ? 18* 198 DEFENCE OF Major Snelling professed to have been instmcted lii this branch of science. But captain Mac Commick, who was not in the fort till after Findlay's regiment bad marched in, made no such pretensions. He ap- peared to found his judgment on his natural instinct, and indeed he did right not to make a claim, which was beyond the first stage of civilization; to which rank, notwithstanding his tawdry regimentals, it was evident he belongetL Several of the witnesses have given their opinion on this subject, with less confidence, and some quali- fications. Colonel Van Horn has admitted that care and anxiety might have added to the appearances which he described. His belief, however, as to what related to personal fear, he saj s, he formed from a comparison of faces, by which he judged, that mine indicated fear. I believe. Sir, that in the comparison of counte- nances, when I was surrounded by my officers at the time of the surrender, a vast difference might have been observed, between the expression of many of theirs and mine. If my countenance expressed what I felt, it must have shewn traces of the painful anxiety by which I had been oppressed, and marks of the deepest regret for the measures I had been obliged to pursue ; while other faces might perhaps have beamed with the exultation, which the minds of some can feel, when they look upon what they may think a fallen man. GENERAL HULL* 199 Possibly, there may have been around me, those who felt, and whose countenances expressed a joy, that by the capitulation, thej^ had purchased personal security, and avoided a bloody contest, at the expense, as they supposed, of my character and honour. General Taylor also concluded from my appear- ance that I was under the influence of personal fear. He gives you the grounds, on which he drew his conclusion. They are, that I appeared thoughtful, and very low spirited ;— that my countenance was dull, and that he saw about me more of the marks of tobacco, than was consistent with neatness. Are these grounds which will warrant a conclusion, that is to affect the life of a man ? As to w hat has been said on this disgusting subject of the tobacco, I will dismiss it as to all the witnesses, with a reference to the testimony of colonel Miller, who proves, that I had a habit, which might have produced all the ap- pearances, which the witnesses say my chewing had produced. It is known, that where there is a habit of using tobacco, it is commonly, unconsciously, taken to excess, whenever the mind is much occupied. Even the excitement that some of the witnesses, who use tobacco, felt, while they w ere untler examination, deluged this floor with their expectorations. Major Munson saw me in the fort, fifteen minutes after the officers were killed. He does not recollect, that the cannonade then»*continued ; but I beg the Court to remark, that he speaks of a time, to which 200 DEFENCE 01? tile testimony of many of the officers who have spoken of my personal appearance, must refer. He says, he saw nothing which might not have been accounted for, without resorting to the supposition of personal fear. Captain Maxwell did not see me on the sixteenth, but on the fifteenth he saw me in a situation, where I was exposed to the fire of the enemy. He says that I was collected and cool. He informs you, why he was induced to notice my appearance, and his testi- mony is of some importance, because it shews, that as early as the retreat from Canada, my officers had begun to propagate imputations on my courage ; and because his testimony must relate to the same time, when major Jessup says, he saw me on horseback, and observed such strong indications of fear. If, Sir, the opinions of these two witnesses are in opposition, the Court must determine, whether they will rely on the veteran, who has been twenty-three times engaged with the enemies of his country, or the young gentle- man who, at the time he speaks of, was about twenty- five years of age, and who knew no more of battles, than what he had heard or learned from books. The testimony of judge Witherell, who was a revolutionary officer, who also saw me on the evening of the fifteenth, is likewise in opposition to the testimony of major Jessup. Captain Bacon says, iVas much agitated on the morning of the sixteenth, but that he had no suspicion (GENERAL HULLo 201 iiwas personal fear; neither did he hear such a suspi- cion expressed by any of the officers. The deposition of major Anderson, I have not been able to procure in time, to submit to my counsel, pre- viously to my defence being closed. It is very im- portant, not only as it respects the point now under consideration, but the Court will 'find, that there is a great variati-3n between his testimony, and that of general Mac Arthur, in relation to the fortification at Sandwich, but as I would not ask another postpone- ment of the Court, for the sake of making any further observations on the testimony of major Anderson, I must rely upon the Court to examine his deposition, and to give his testimony its due weight. There are some of the witnesses who have given a more naked opinion, that I was under the influence of personal fear, without assigning any reasons for their opinion, whose testimony I shall not notice. It is impossible it can have any influence in the minds of the Court. Major Jessup said, that whether the agitation which he described, proceeded from the novelty of my situ- ation, or fear, he could not say, but he believed the latter, if not both. Captain Baker said, he was of opinion, that I was under the influence of fear, as he could not account for the surrender in any other way. This explanation of captain Baker may afford a key to much of the testimony on this point. He» like 202 DEFENCE OF many other of the officers, thought the surrender un« necessary. They did not concern themselves with considerations of what might be the consequences of resistance. They therefore saw no other motive for the step I had taken, than my own fears. They therefore, when questioned on this point, said, they thought I was under the influence of personal fear, because I surrendered. I beg the Court to note, that colonel Miller's an- swer to the interrogatory put to him on this subject, is to the same effect, although he was stationed in the fort, and I had been in his sight whenever I was in the fortress, from the commencement of the cannonade, till the surrender. He says, he saw no conduct of mine, which might not have proceeded from fatigue, and the responsibility of my situation, and that he could mention no act of mine, which he did then, or does now, impute to personal fear, but the surrender ; and yet colonel Miller had better opportunities of ob- serving me, than any other witness. He was an older., and a more experienced soldier, than any who have given their testimony ; many of whom heard the re- port of an enemy's gun for the first, at the time to which their testimony relates. If, Gentlemen, your decision upon this point could rest upon the weight of the opinions given by the witnesses called by the Judge Advocate, the prepon- derance would be in my favour. The opinions of colonel Miller, he having been placed in a situation GENERAL HULL. 203 which gave him such superiour advantages for con- tinual deliberate observation, must deserve more re- spect, than the testimony of all the inexperienced and young men, who only saw me occasionally, on the morning of the sixteenth, and who have attempted to support this charge by their opinions. So far as any of the witnesses have founded their opinion, that I was under the influence of personal fear, from the act of surrender, as is the case with colonel Miller, and captain Baker, and others, their testimony can have no weight. The Court have the same opportunity of drawing a conclusion from that fact, that they had. I have endeavoured to satisfy the Court, that that act was justifiable, or at least, that I had strong reasons for thinking it so, and if this were the case, it cannot be made the ground of con- demnation, because witnesses may have made it the foundation of their opinion of my want of courage. But, Gentlemen, there is no example of the opinion of witnesses on this subject, ever having been re- ceived as evidence on which to ground a conviction. Expressions of the human countenance, and the man- ners of men, are but fallible indications of the work- ings of the human mind. The difference in appear- ances, produced by the excitements of different pas- sions, are too subtle, to admit of observations, from w hich any certain conclusions may be drawn — much depends upon constitution, and often much upon the temporary physical condition of the body. 204 BEFENCE OP A man, worn with fatigue of body or mind, and pressetl with a thousand dreadful anxieties, may, ihough on the point of inevitable destruction, forget his own fate, and be moved only by the condition of those around him, while the superficial observer would impute his agitation to the dread cf death. The uneducated spectator, who has not been taught, as major Snelling has been, the indications of the human pasf?ions, would most probably see, in the countenance ana lanner of the Laocoon, only expressions of terror and bodily pain ; and would not understand, that the artist has expressed, in the countenance and convul- sive agitation of a dying father, agony of mind ex- cited by the torture of his expiring children. There never has been, and in justice, never can be a conviction, under this charge of cowardice, but where a want of courage is indicated, by the omission^ or cmnmission of some act in violation of the duty of the person, against v/hom the charge is made. I shall conclude my observations upon that part of the evidence, which relates to my personal appear- ance, with some extracts from an English historian, Avho gives an account of the trial of Lord George Sackville, who was tried for misconduct at the battle of Minden. Dr. Smollet having stated, that some testimony was given to prove, that when certain or- ders were delivered to Lord George, he was alarmed in a very great degree, and seemed in the utmost confusion ; subjoins remarks, from which tli€ follow- GENERAL HULL. 205 iog are extracts : " The candid reader will of himself " determine, whether a man's heart is to be judged " by any change of his complexion. Granting such a < " change to have happened, whether it was likely, " that an officer, who had been more than once in " actual service, and behaved without reproach, so as " to attain an eminent rank in the army, should ex- " hibit symptoms of fear or confusion, when in reality « *' there was no appearance of danger. " With respect to the imputation of cowardice le " veiled at Lord George, by the unthinking multitude, " and circulated with such industry and clamour, we -' ought to consider it as a mob accusation, w hich the ^- bravest of men, even the great Duke of Marlborough '•' could not escape. We ought to view it as a dan- -' gerous suspicion, which strikes at the root of cha- " racter, and may blast that honour in a moment, • which the soldier has acquired, in a long course of " painful services, and at the continual hazard of his " life. We ought to distrust it as a malignant charge, " altogether inconsistent with the former conduct of *' the person accused." The testimony of some of the witnesses appears to have been intended to prove, that I manifested a want of courage, by certain acts during the cannon- ade, as well on the fifteenth as on the sixteenth. These are, that on the fifteenth, I dismounted and ivent towards the fort, when a shot struck a house 19 i^oe DEFENCE OF p.ear me ; that I avoided a shell which appeared to be coming into the fort ; and that I remained in the fort in a place of security, during the cannonade. It does appear to nle, Gentlemen, that if all these facts were exactly as the Avitnesses would wish them to appear, they would not support any charge. If I found myself unnecessarily exposed to the shot of the enemy by being on horseback, was it not my duty to dismount ? Is it to be considered a dereliction of duty in an officer, to avoid the explosion of a shell ? Or is it unjustifiable in a commander, when in a for- tress that is bombarded, to put himself in a place of security, provided he be in such situation, as that he may give his orders, and perform the necessary duty of his station? Judging from what I have seen of ser- vice, with the bravest men our country ever pro- duced, I may venture to say, that the Court would answer these (Questions in the negative. But yet I jnust ask the patience of the Court while I give the testimony which has been offered on one of these points, (that is to say,) my remaining in the fort, and my situation there, a slight examination. The others I do not thiulv worthj^ my attention. Major Snelling went into the fort when he returned ©n the morning of (he sixteenth from Spring Wells. He was roused from a repose, after having been at a post all night, by the commencement of the cannon- ade. He remained there till after the flag w ent out, GENERAL HULL. 20^ when he was sent with orders to colonel Findlay's regiment. He appears to have returned to the fort again, about the time that the British officers went into captain Dyson's quarters. Li short, major Snell- ing was in the fort, according to his account, durinpj the whole tune of the cannonade on the sixteenth, and until the British troops marched in, with the ex- ception of a very short interval between the sending of the flag and the final surrender. Now, during the time of the cannonade, major Snelling saw me stand- ing but once. His memory is so extremely tenacious of the minutest circumstances, even of a frivolous nature, that he will only admit as a possibility, that I may have risen twice. The words of major Snelling are, " During the cannonade, I frequently saw the Ge- " neral. I once saw him standing ; he might have " risen twice ; most of the time he was sitting on an " old tent, under the curtain of the fort, opposite the " enemy's batteries." Whether I was sitting or standing in the situation which major Snelling describes, is immaterial. I should have been equally safe in either position. It is, therefore, extraordinary that so unimportant a cir- cumstance should have made such a lasting impres- sion on his mind. The testimony, however, of the other witnesses called by the Judge Advocate does not appear to cor- respond with the recollection of major Snelling. 208 DEFENCE OF General Taylor's testimony is certainly worthy of remark. It appears, that though major Snelling thought, that my taking a position under cover of the parapet of the fort during the cannonade was evidence of cowardice, yet major Snelling himself, it seems, thought he was at liberty to avail himself of the very same protection. General Taylor says, he saw ma- jor Snelling, as well as many other of the officers, in the same situation that I generally occupied, during the firing, when I was in the fort. Captain Baker says, " on the morning of the six- '^ teenth, during the cannonade, I saw the General in " the fort, sometimes sitting, sometimes walking, and '• sojnetimes standing." Colonel Miller also states, that I was sometimes sitting, sometimes standing, and sometimes walking. ' Indeed, there could, have been no reason for my remaining precisely in one situation during the can- nonade, if I had been actuated by an undue regard to personal safety. For it appears, that the whole eastern side of the fort was as secure in one part as another. If there were any reasons for giving prefer- ence to the spot where the witnesses say I was sit- ting, it is, that it was near the gate, a situation where I could easily be found, and where it was most con- venient, as colonel Miller has testified, to receive re- ports, and to give my orders. From this post, I had the whole interiour of the fort under my view, and could communicate my or- GENERAL HULL. 209 ders to any part. Was I not then in a proper situa- tion for a commander? The Court will recollect, that colonel Bliller stales, that he himself was some- times with me, while I was in the place the witnesses have described. And the fact is, that every officer in the fort placed himself under the protection of the eastern parapet, when his duty did not require that he should be in a more exposed situation. But it has been attempted to prove, that I remained in the fort, and took no measures, and issued no or- ders for a disposition of the troops, after the cannon- ade commenced. Major Jessup states, that shortly after the answer had been returned to the British summons on the fif- teenth, he met me on horseback, and that I then gave him directions for the disposition which was to be made of the troops, for the defence of the town. It is also proved by the testimony of major Jessup, that in the evening of the fifteenth, I was on horseback, % isiting the batteries while the cannonade continued. Major Munson met me on the same evening on horseback, when I was visiting the posts. Major Jessup said, he met me on the night of the fifteenth, at about midnight, at the position which colonel Find- lay's corps had taken up for that night. I was also, as he testifies, at his quarters about day break on the morning of the sixteenth, while he was writing by candle light, and gave him directions to despatch an 10* 210 DEFENCE OF order for colonels Mac Arthur and Cass. And cap- tain Mac Gommick testifies, that he saw me on horse- back at the thue on which the troops were formed, a short time before the firing ceased. Several other witnesses prove, that they saw me out of the fort at several times, as well on the fifteenth, as the sixteenth. V/hat foundation is there, therefore, for the charge, that during the whole time of the cannonade I took slielter in the fort ? Major Snelling's testimony is so important, as to my ersonal appearance, that I cannot but direct the attention of the Court to any circumstance in his tes- timony on any other point, which I think may de- velop the spirit or disposition with which he has testified. With this view, I beg the Court to notice, that major Sneiling has testified, that when he re- turned from the S})ring Wells, on the morning of the sixteenth, at dawn of day, he went into the fort to make his report to me. " But," says the major, " I •could not find the General, nor find any one who •' knew where he was." It has been proved by other witnesses, that I was out of the fort at that time. Now, when major Sneiling could not find me in the fort, nor find any body that knew I was there, it seems to me, he might have ventured to say, I was not in the fort at that time. I do think, he had at least as good grounds to draw that conclusion, as he iiad to infer, that I was under personal fear, from the appearances he observed. Major Sneiling does, in a subsequent part of bis examination, say, that I was GENERAL HULL. 211 out of the fort early that morning. But whether this refers to the time when he made his report or not, I do not know. I have now, Gentlemen, done with this charge, so far as it respects my personal appearance and deport- ment. You, who I am to presume, and do believe are brave and honourable men, will judge of w hat I must have suffered, to have sat here day after day, listening to imputations, of all others the most wound- ing to the feelings of a soldier ; to have these impu- tations cast upon me, by representations intended to make me appear abjectly and disgustingly base;*to })e obliged to hear my name and fame polluted by the testimony which has been given ; to be obliged to repeat the language of the witnesses in my defence, are in themselves punishments hardly inferiour to that, wluch would be the consequence of your pronounc- ing me guilty. But, Gentlemen, of that, upon this charge of cowardice, I am bold to say I have no dread. I h^ive fought more battles, than many of the young men who have impeached me of this crime, have aumbered years. I appeal to the history that bears record of those who were engaged in the bloody contests for our liberties. There you shall often find my name, but Rot as a coward ! 212 BEFENCE OF I have brought before you the testimony of the few who remain of those, who were my companions in arms, in times that tried men's souls. Do they say I am a coward ? I invoke the spirits of the departed heroes, who have died at my side by the sword of the enemy, to say if I am a coward ! I would call the shades of Gates, Wayne, Schuyler, and of Washington, to tell you how often they have led me to battle, and to say if they found me a coward. * • Will you believe, that the spirit, which has so often prompted me to risk my life for my country, should now so far have forsaken me, as that I should liave become a traitor and a coward ? Will you believe, that the years in which I have grown gray in my country's service, should so far have changed my nature, as that I could have been the base and abject thing my enemies have repre- sented ? No, Gentlemen, that blood which animated my youth, age has not chilled. I at this moment feel its influence, and it makes me dare to say, that no man ever did, or can think me a coward. Before I conclude, permit me to say a few words. It may be thought, that I have spoken of the officers GENERAL HULL. 213 who have been witnesses against me, with too much asperity. They have, in my opinion, forfeited all claims to my respect ; but I do not mean to charge any of them with wilful perjury. I believe they have imbibed a prejudice and bias against me, which has influenced the perceptions of their own minds. My object, by the examination I have given theif testimony, has been to make that bias and prejudice appear to yo i. Many of them are young men, who give their country great promise. Many of them, I believe, have good hearts ; and such I know will one day regret, that they should have yielded to an in-f fluence, which has induced them to represent me in colours that they will be conscious I have not de- served. I know the time will come, when they will consider how they courted my favour when I was in power, and how they treated me when they thought I was in disgrace, and saw me in adversity. When that time comes, as come I am sure it will, let it be a consolation to them to know, that what- ever may be my fate, I pity and from my heart for- give them. I have now. Gentlemen, concluded my defence. I have noticed every accusation which the Judge Advocate, in the opening of the cause, mentioned as those which he should rely upon, and which he ex- pected to maintain. 214 • DEFENCE OP I have not left, as I believe, any part of the speci- fications to which any testimony whatever was offer- ed, unanswered. Allow me, Mr. President, and Gentlemen of the Court, with tlie most heartfelt sensibility to return you my sincere thanks, for the manner in which thig trial has been conducted. For though, as I humbly conceive, there has been some departure from accus- tomed forms, in respect to the examination of wit- nesses, I know that the Court has been governed by nothinj^ but its own sense of propriety. The conduct of the members of this Court, and of the Judge Advocates, has been such as I had antici- pated ; and every thing that I could expect from honourable, impartial, and humane men. 1 AVhatever may be the sentence, I shall ahvavti ' with gratitude acknowhMlge that I have had a fair, ' candid, and |)atient hearing. 1 do feel myself bound ' to make particular acknowledgments to the special Judge Advocate, for the delicacy and propriety of ' his deportment towards me, and though I may feel ^ the force of the talents with which he has conducted * this projspcutiou, it shall not make me forget what I owe to his humanity and liberality. ^ Gentlemen, my life i* in your hands. But you are ^ guardians of what is more dear to me ; you are the guardians of my honour I with you iu sacred deposite RD-94 < ii GENERAL HULL. 215 is that swortl, which has been my companion in times that might have appalled the weak hearted. It lias been taken from me, (ill you shall pronounce that I am not unwortiiy to wear it. I feel, that ia justice, 1 may demand it of you. And Avhen I shall receive it at your hands, believe me, that here is yet enough of heart and life, and in this arm is yet nerve enough, to draw it in vindication of my country's rights. If 1 should receive it, imtaryiishcd by your judgment, I may yet live, to |)rove by ni} future, as^ well as 1»5' my past coiuluct, how I have been caUnn- niated, and the Justice of your }>€nicn<:c. ^