THE SXJMlSrER ^SSA.ULT. ^434 __________ SPEECH OP HOI. JOM ALLISON, OF PEINSYLVAnA, IN THE HOUSE OF EEPEESENTATIVES, JULY 11. 185 6. WASHINGTON, D. C. BtTBLL k BLANOHARD, PRINTERS. * 1856. t^.H SPEECH OF MR. ALLISON. Mr. ALLISON. It is not my purpose, Mr. Speaker, to occupy a great deal of time in what I have to say upon this subject. I shall try to narrow it down as much as possible, and to pre- sent it in the smallest possible compass. Before, however, I enter upon my argument, I feel called upon to notice a remark made by the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Cling- MAN,] who opened this discussion. I under- stood him to say, that when he first came to this House, the Senate was an orderly and dignified body, until four or five Abolitionists, as he was pleased to call them, entered into the Senate of the United States ; and we are to infer, I sup- pose, that the entrance into the Senate of those who held to the opinion that there should be no extension of Slavery, was the cause of all the difficulties that have arisen there, and agitated the country during the last five or six years. Now, sir, I think it is due to the Senators to whom the gentleman alluded, and to the States which they represent, that the facts should be understood by the people. I believe, sir, if my recollection serves me, that the gentleman from New York, [Mr. Sew- ard,] who is distinguished not more for his em- inent ability than he has ever been for the cour- teous deportment that has characterized his Sen- atorial life, entered upon the duties that he was called upon to discharge by that great State, in the fall of 1849, at a time when the country was agitated on account of the disposition of terri- tory acquired by the war with Mexico. The question of Slavery was incidental to the dispo- sition of that territory. It was brought up of necessity, and the Senator from New York, shortly after entering upon the duties of his of- fice, felt called upon to resist the efi"ort that was then being made to extend Slavery over the territories that we had acquired. Every gen- tleman present will remember with what inter- est those discussions were listened to and read throughout the country, and they will remember that very great excitement was produced by those discussions. The gentleman from New York, to whom I allude, delivered a speech of signal ability, which thrilled the country, defining his position, and sustaining the views and principles of the people that he represented. That speech was not received by some Senators with the appro- bation that had been accorded to many other speeches that had been made, in which difi'erent ground had been taken. A very distinguished Senator from South Carolina, now in his grave, felt called upon to notice that speech, and to notice the Senator who made it, and to notice him in such a way as was calculated to injure and affect a gentleman newly entering upon such a theatre. After the debate had progressed for some time, there was a proposition to raise a committee of thirteen, for the purpose of sub- mitting a plan by which peace should be restor- ed to the country and quiet throughout the land. It was discussed for some time. A good deal of acrimony and bitterness was aroused; and a Senator from Mississippi, Mr. Foote, now a resi- dent of California, participated in the discus- sion, and was very active in using his influence to induce the Senate to appoint the committee. At one point, in speaking of the probable result of that effort, he said that he thought, upon con- sultation with various members of the Senate, that that proposition would be acceded to, and that the committee would be raised. Mr. Cal- houn, to whom I allude, said that he had not consulted with the Senators : " Mr. Foote, of Mississippi. I am on good terms wilh everybody. J' Mr. Calhoun. I am not. I will not be on good term* with those who wish to cut my throat The honorable Sen- ator from New York [Mr. Sewaku] justifies the North in treachery. I am not to hold social intercourse with such as these. "Mr. FooTE. I think he [Mr. Sewakd] will have to be g:iven up "Air. Calhoi'N I recornise them as Senators, say gcol mon ing, and shake hajids wilh them; but that is the ex- tent of" my iiiterpour-!e with thoe who I tlii 'k fre enrla'i- penng t e Union.'' — Seriate Proceerthifs, March 15, 1S50. Congressional Globe, vol. 1, pari 1, 1849-"50. That was the first attempt to break down a Senator because he entertained the opinion that Slavery ought not to be extended over the Ter ritories of the country. All the power and weicjht of this distinguished man was thus brought to bear upon a new member entering upon his duties. I shall not comment upon these things. I merely state matters of fact. Things progressed in this way, and these efforts were made to proscribe and breakdown a mem- ber. After the election of Mr. Pierce to the Presidency — called to that high office by twenty- seven out of the thirty-one States — his party were flushed with victory, and confident that they had the reins of Government in their hands for all time to come. What, then, was the con- duct of the Senators representing that great party ? In the Senate at that time, we find, with Mr. Seward, Mr. Chase, who is now Governor of the third State in the Uniin, By his side we found Mr. Hale, who represents the State from which the President was taken, and we found Charles Scmxer, from Massachusetts. What was the conduct of the Senate toward these gen- tlemen ? In the second session of the Thirty- second Congress, the committees were arranged by the majority, and announced by the President of the Senate — the Senator from Indiana, [Mr. Bright] — on being questioned by Mr. Hale, as to the composition of the committees, stated in reply, "I believe that the gentleman [Mr. HaleJ is not on any committee, for the reason that we [the Democratic party in the Senate of the United States] consider him outside of any healthy political organization known to the country." That was the reply to the inquiry made by a Senator representing the State of New Hampshire, when, on looking over the list of committees, he saw that his name was not on any. Look a little further, and you will find that the great Slate of Ohio was proscribed by the Senate, because the people of Ohio saw proper in their wisdom to send to the Senate of the United States a man who believes that Slavery bhould not be extetided over the Territories of the country. He was proscribed by the Senate ot the United States, and was told that, because he entertained these opinions, he was not wor- thy to act on the committees of the Senate. So, also, was treated the distinguished Sena- tor from Massachusetts, Mr. Sumner. He had no place on any committee at that time. These men were proscribed by the party in power, because they were in favor of Freedom, and against Slavery. Will gentlemen deny that that was the cause? The very language of Mr. Bright, while acuag for the party, shows that that was the cause. Then here we find the voice of Ohio, of New Hampshire, and of Massachu- setts — so far as relates to the preparation of business in the United States Senate — silenced by the majority, because their representatives entertained opinions not in accordance with the opinions of the majority. A greater wrong than that never was committed by a political party of this country. Has it come to this, Mr. Speak- er, that because the free States of this country will take upon themselves to send men to the Senate of the United States to represent the interests of Freedom, they are to be proscribed ? We are told by the gentleman from North Car- olina, [Mr. Clingman,] that because of this are all the evils which are upon us ; that because the people of the free States see proper to send men here to represent Freedom, the evils which have since characterized the legislation of the country are to be attributed to that fact. Now, do gentlemen from the South wonder why it is that the people of the North have be- come aroused ? Do they wonder why it is that there is agitation in the country, when their Sen- ators are proscribed and denied the position to which the interests and constitutional rights of their States entitle them in the Senate of the United States, because of the opinions of the people whom they represent? Do gentlemen wonder that the people of the free States shall become roused, and that there should be excite- ment throughout the country? I tell you, gen- tlemen, that that is owing to your acts. I have sat here when " Sleepy Hollow " would hold all the men here who were not afraid to acknowl- edge that they were in favor of Freedom. I have been here when this little circle here would hold all the men who dared to rise and say they were opposed to the extension of Slavery. How is it now ? Look at these seats, now filled by the friends of Freedom. Ah, gentlemen, by your proscription you have aroused excitement. It cannot be allayed until justice has been done. If justice is not done, it cannot be allayed until you stupefy the people of the free States, and make them forget their love of Liberty: and that cannot be done so long as the sun shines in the heavens. They are contending for right ; they are contending for their constitutional rights. But gentlemen from the South take the Con- stitution, and .say they will interpret it. They deny us power in this case, and all their intier- pretations are against Liberty, and in favor of Slavery. It always means the protection, the en- couragement, the extension, the building up of that great ititerest which has heretofore con- trolled, atid which still strives to control, the legislation of the country. And yet we are told that we are the aggressors — that we are the agitators — that we are the men to be hunted down. Why? Because we see proper to come hf re to assert our rights — to say that the 'Sen- ate of the United S'ates is a theatre on which the Senatdrs from the free Stales shall be per- 6 mitted to have free action and free speech — that they are not to be proscribed by a chair- man representing the great Democratic party — that because the people see proper to send them there to represent free principles, their voices are not to be hushed. It is on this account that the excitement has been created throcighout the country. And I say to gentlemen, with all candor, and having no desire to add to the ex- citement, that they must do justice if they wish to see this excitement suppressed. It is not for them to get up here, and to tell us that it is because there are four or five gentlemen whom they call Abolitionists in the Senate. Justice is not to ba met in that way ; and quiet and peace are not to be given to the country in that way. Now, Mr. Speaker, I have been diverted from my original plan of argument. I did not de- sign to say a word on this subject, further than to present an argument upon the question im- mediately before us. I wish to approach the matter, as the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Foster] said he approached it yesterday — with calmness, and without bias or prejudice ; with a desire to do justice, and to investigate the matter with all the candor which I am capable of. I was thrown from my line of argument by the remarks of the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Clixgman,] which I thought re- quired an answer to be made, and I have made it. I do not see in his seat the gentleman from Georgia who last addressed the House, [Mr. Foster.] I reciprocate the kind feelings wbich he expressed, aad the desire which he evinced that there should be nothing done here to add to the excitement of the country, or which would influence us in such a degree as to warp our judgment on this subject. The gentleman, before he closed his speech, told the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Bingham] to go to the South, and witness some of the scenes which he had witnessed. I was pleased with the manner in which he spoke of the dying scenes which he had witnessed among the slaves of the South — how they rejoiced, and how they thanked their God for Slavery — and how they passed off with hallelujahs upon their lips. I rejoiced that, although these men were bound down by op- pression, there was that in the Go»pel which was calculated to lift them above the trials to which their circumstances subject them; and that, when their shackles should fall off, their liberated spirits would wing their flight to that country where oppression and manacles are not known. I thought that gentleman, instead of admin- istering his rebuke to my friend from Ohio, [Mr. Bingham,] for his eloquent denunciation of the aggressions of Slavery in Kansas, should have turned around to the gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. Clingman,] and commend- ed the teachings of that Gospel which he preach- es, the teachings of that Gospel which liberates the souls of the slaves, and makes them happy, and had said to the gentleman from North Carolina that that Gospel has power to allay the wildest passions of men, and do away wiih the necessity of that personal chastisement, which, the gentleman from North Carolina would have us believe, was alone capable of producing that orderly conduct and dignified deportment which are necessary for a legisla- tive assembly. That would have been a more pleasing exhortation to me, than the reason given why the slaves were made happy. It was the Gospel, and not Slavery, which made the souls of the poor enslaved men rejoice ; it was the Gospel which qualified them for a happy state, and enabled them to count their present afilictions light, in view of an eternity of glory; and that same Gospel would qualify us all to discharge our duties better, and bid every slave go free. If the gentleman from Georgia had admin- istered some such lectures, it would have been appropriate, and we all would have received it from him in good temper, and with becoming thankfulness, because it is true that that is what is wanted among men. And it is because the teachings of this Gospel, which can make even slaves happy, is so much disregarded by men in the various positions in society, and in the legislative halls, that we have to enforce the proprieties and decencies of life by penal laws. I stand here as the advocate of that higher law, which, if universally obeyed, would better qualify men for all stations in life, whether humble or exalted. I desire now to say a few words upon the subject more immediately before the House. I consider it one of great importance, not so much on account of the personal bearings of the ques- tion, as on account of the importance of the principles involved. We have before us two reports from the committee appointed to invest- igate the subject, but there appears to be no difference as to the main facts of the case. That an assault was made upon Senator Sum- ner, on the 22d May, while sitting at his desk in the Senate Chamber, shortly after the Senate had adjourned, by P. S. Brooks, a member of this House, for words spoken in debate by the Senator, is not disputed. But the majority and minority do not arrive at the same conclusion. The majority recom- mend one course of action ; the minority rec- ommend no action at all, for the reason " that the assault upon Senator Sumner was not a breach of privilege," and that the " House has no jurisdiction over the assault alleged to have been committed, and therefore deem it improp- er to express any opinion upon the subject." After reading the report of the minority with some care, I must say that, in my opinion, they have failed to sustain the position which they have taken — that is, "that it is no breach of privilege, and that the House has no jurisdic- 8 ,^^^i © and he alone is to be the judge of how he °^ aXtS^ perform his duty, being responsible to his \-^^,„4, to the Senate, and his State, for the mai. which he performs it. If we acknowledj. personal responsibility of the Senator ti Brooks, or to any other person, for words spi in debate in relation to South Carolina, o, any other State, the freedom of speech is mi to depend upon the caprice or the intolerance of those who may dififer from us, and resolves itself into empty sound — a mere pretence, instead of a great constitutional right. Let this be understood to be the construction put upon that boasted constitutional privilege, and how long will it be before personal violence will be resorted to for every trivial offence, and blood alone would be considered a sufficient atonement for real or supposed injuries, and the Halls of our National Legislature would become the theatres upon which would be enact- ed some of the saddest scenes which could be perpetrated under the influence of the wildest excitements of human passion. I believe that it is owing to this wise provis- ©\^ co^^; of speech, that we are lignified deportment ^ option, characterized W \s. The rights and «- -I ^v- ^e involved, and they ft9 • .^at we shall vindicate and pre- jimpaired, all those rights and great principles confided to our care and protection, for the short period which they may be pleased to intrust us with them ; and we cannot shun responsibility by saying that it is a private quarrel, to be left to the individual wronged to seek redress as he may deem proper. The sanc- tity of the Senate Chamber has been invaded, and its privileges violated, by a member of a co-ordinate branch of the National Legislature ; and it becomes our duty, however unpleasant it may be, to vindicate the dignity of the Senate and the sanctity of its privileges, and to assert the power of the House in the punishment of the offenders. The House owes this to the Sen- ate, to the country, and to itself, and ought not to hesitate in the proper discharge of its duties. LIBRARY Qp 0077 ^^^908 4 HOLUNGER pH8J MILL RUN F3-1343