Glass. 
 Book. 
 
 
p 
 
i 
 
 PROCEEDINGS 
 
 AND 
 
 .m^drjEss of the convention 
 
 OF 
 
 DELEGATES, 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PEOPLE OF NEW-JERSEY. 
 
PROCEEDINGS of a Convention of Dele^ 
 
 gates of the People of New-Jersey, chosen in the 
 several Counties of said State, and held by public 
 appointment at the City of Trenton, on the 4th 
 day of July, 1812. 
 
 The Delegates being assembled at lo o'clock, proceeded to thr 
 nomination and choice of a Chairman and Secretary, and did unani 
 rnously appoint Jonathan Elmer, of Cumberland, Chairman, and 
 John Cutwater, of Bergen, 5^riv/ar;y. * 
 
 ;nc?? T°''°"^ ^'^-''^* '^^'* *^^ ""'"^^ °f '^^ Delegates present be 
 inserted on the mmutes as follows:— ^ 
 
 BERGEN COUNTY. 
 
 John Cutwater, 
 Jacob Terheun. 
 
 ESSEX. 
 Aaron Cgden, 
 Jeremiah Ballard, 
 Elias B. Dayton. 
 
 MIDDLESEX. 
 James Schureman, 
 ErKuries Beatty, 
 Thomas Mc Dowel], 
 John Poole. 
 
 SOMERSET. 
 Richard Stockton, 
 John D. W. Tenbrook, 
 Elbert StootofF, 
 Gilbert B. Taylor, 
 John WyckofT. 
 
 MORRIS. 
 John Kinney, 
 John G. Cooper. 
 
 MONMOUTH. 
 Elias Conover, 
 Thomas Henderson, '^ 
 Tames H. Imlay, 
 David Craig, 
 John Stillwell, 
 William Lloyd, 
 William Lawrie, 
 James Lloyd. 
 
 HUNTERDON. 
 Aaron D. Woodruff, 
 William Potts, 
 Charles Ewing, 
 John Scudder, 
 John CorvelL 
 
 William S. Moore, 
 Joseph Phillips, 
 John Stevens, 
 James Stevenson, 
 William Maxwell, 
 John E. Forman, 
 John Carpenter, 
 Ira Jewell, 
 James White. 
 
 ^ BURLINGTON 
 John Black, 
 William Griflith, 
 William Coxc, 
 ' George Anderson, 
 William Irick, 
 Charles Ellis, 
 Richard Cox, 
 Samuel J. Read, 
 Edward French, 
 William Pearson, 
 Joseph Bolron. 
 
 GLOUCESTER, 
 Franklin Davenport, 
 Joshua L. Howell, 
 Charles French, 
 Samuel W. Harrison, 
 Samuel L. Howell, 
 Samuel P. Paul, 
 Joseph V. Clark, 
 John Pissant, 
 James Batten, 
 Daniel Carrell. 
 
 SALEM. 
 Thomas Sinnickson, 
 Robert G. Johnson. 
 
C 3 ] 
 
 CUMBERLAND. 
 
 Jonathan Elmer, Samuel M. Shiite, 
 
 James Giles, William B. Ewing, 
 
 Jeremiah Buck, Jonathan Dollas. 
 
 Joel Fithian, 
 
 On motion, it was Resolvedy That this Convention will proceed to 
 consider the alarming state of public affairs — and particularly on the 
 means to be used for constitutionally and speedily relieving the coun- 
 try from the grievances of War. 
 
 Whereupon, after full debate on the principles and measures proper 
 to be adopted at this time, for the foregoing purposes, it was, on motion. 
 
 Ordered^ That a Committee be appointed of eleven members, (each 
 county delegation naming one) to draft an Address to the People of 
 New- Jersey, in conformity to the instru£lions of this Convention, and 
 that they report thereon at five o'clock in the afternoon. 
 
 Whereupon, the following delegates were chosen for said Com- 
 mittee : — 
 
 For Bergen^ Morris, 
 
 John Cutwater. John G. Cooper. 
 
 Essexy Burlington^ 
 
 Aaron Ogden. William Griffith. 
 
 Middlesex, Gloucestery 
 
 James Schureman. Samuel W. Harrison. 
 
 Somerset, Salem, 
 
 Richard Stockton. Thomas Sinnickson, 
 
 Monmouth, Cumberland, 
 
 Thomas Henderson, William B. Ewing. 
 
 Hunterdon, 
 Aaron D. Woodruff, 
 
 The Convention adjourned to meet again at c; o'clock in the after-. 
 noon ; and being assembled at said hour, present as before, the Com- 
 mittee, by Thomas Henderson, their Chairman, made report 
 to the Convention of the draft of an Address to the People of New- 
 Jersey, as had been ordered, which, being read, debated, and amend- 
 ed, on the question whether this Convention doth agree to the same, 
 it was unanimously determined in the aftrmative ; and it was further 
 resolved, that the same be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, on 
 behalf of this Convention, that it be published in the papers of this 
 State, and in one of the papers of the cities of Philadelphia and 
 New-York, and that three thousand copies thereof be printed in a 
 pamphlet form, and distributed among the several counties of this 
 State, in such manner as may be deemed expedient by Messrs. Charles 
 Ewing, Garret D. Wall and William Potts, who are appomted a 
 Committee for that purpose. - 
 
 The Convention, after full consideration, did come to the following 
 
[ 4] 
 
 first.-^As the attainment of PeacSf by a change of Men now 
 in the administration, or some of them, is of such vast moment to the 
 People of New- Jersey, this Convention, on that account doth recom- 
 mend to the Friends of Peace in each county to convene at some suit- 
 able time and place, and appoint two Delegates to meet other Dele- 
 gates on Tuesday the iith day of j^iigiist next at 2 o'clock in the 
 afternoon, at Tretiton^ for the purpose of agreeing on fit persons to be 
 nominated as EleSlors of President and Vice-President, and as mem- 
 bers of Congress for this State, to be chosen at the ensuing fall elec- 
 tion ; and it is further recommended to the several counties, as well 
 in the appointment of the above Delegates as in the nomination of 
 members of Council and Assembly for the State Legislature, that 
 they endeavour to seleft persons who will use all constitutional 
 means to obtain a Repeal of the IVar Bill, passed in Congress on the 
 eighteenth of June, and who will promote the settlement of any 
 differences with Great-Britain on honorable terms, bj NcgoclaiioH — 
 and oppose all alliance with France. 
 
 Secondly. — And it is further agreed upon and resolved, by this 
 Convention, that a Committee cf Correspondence be appointed to 
 communicate with like Committees who may be appointed in other 
 States, for the purpose of agreeing on candidates for the offices of 
 President and Vice-President, and all other matters which may be 
 of importance to the Peace, Union and Liberties of the United 
 States : which Committee was accordingly appointe4. 
 
 The Address of this Convention as above agreed to is diredled 
 to be inserted on the minutes, and is as follows : 
 
 TSEE NEXT PAGt: 
 
ADDRESS 
 
 OF THE 
 
 €ONYENTI 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PEOPLE OF .YEW\TERSFA\ 
 
 FELLOW-CmZENS, 
 
 A CRISIS has at length arrived in 
 the Admi7iktration of the public affairs of this country, in 
 which every one of us has a deep and solemn concern. It is 
 not our purpose to review the various afts and proceedings 
 of those to whom the People for twelve years past have en- 
 trusted the management of these affairs ! Unhappily they 
 seem to have left us little to refiedl upon but our divisions 
 and misfortunes. Most unequivocally, however, do we de- 
 clare our confidence in the great body of citizens, whatever 
 may have been our distrust or dissatisfadion in regard to 
 many 7nen in office, and the measures they have pursued. 
 
 We believe the People, to whatever set of men or mea- 
 sures they have attached their confidence and support, could 
 only mean, and did mean, the good, the peace, and prosperi- 
 ty of a country, rendered dear to them by so many privi- 
 ledges and blessings. It is to this People, so enlightened, 
 so independent and patriotic, (and may we trust, so candid 
 as to confide in our sincerity) that we now address ourselves. 
 
 On the 1 8th of June, a small majority in Congress did 
 by a LAW declare WAR on the part of the United States, 
 against the United Kingdom of Great-Britain and Ireland and 
 its dependencies. 
 
 This aci, so unexpected, so opposed to the petitions and 
 remonstrances of every class and part of the comnuuiity — so 
 steadfastly and honorably resisted by a great majority of the 
 
[6] 
 
 delegates in Congress from this State, and by those of many 
 other States, could not be prevented. It was, after many days 
 struggle, in secret sittings, carried through and has become a 
 Law. * 
 
 Ihis Convention is composed of men, who would ill de- 
 serve the confidence of their fellow-citizens, and dishonor 
 their own principles, were they to attempt to obstrud: or de- 
 feat this law, by any irregular opposition — by violence, by 
 menace, or il egal combinations. It must be for those who 
 want a good cause, and distrust the force of reason, to support 
 it, to adopt means so unworthy of freemen and good citi- 
 zens. Some of us have contributed early and ardently, in 
 contending for and laying the foundations of civil liberty, and 
 all of us are too deeply impressed with the duties of submis- 
 sion to constitutional laws (zvbi/e they are in force) to be 
 capable of condudl or advice, tending to prevent their execu- 
 tion, by the agency of popular passions — however such laws 
 miay, during their continuance, distress the people or coun- 
 terad their best and most important interests. But while we 
 feel the obligation of our duties under a taw which is deemed 
 most impoHtic and oppressive, we also know the extent of 
 our rights and those of the people, enabling us and them to 
 bring about its repeal, by our Elections. 
 
 We address you then, tellow-citizens, at this awful crisis, 
 produced by the ivar lazu, in the language of freemen and 
 free agents — in the consciousness of pure motives, and pene- 
 trated by the profoundest feelings of patriotic regard for our 
 dear country. Ou.' hearts and minds are filled with this one^ 
 subject, and the prospect it opens (if the voice of the people 
 does not save us) of lengthened, public miseries. • We will 
 not mingle in its consideration other grievances, or any mat- 
 ter calculated to embitter or revive party differences on other 
 questions — all are lost, consummated, united, in the last great 
 grievance of WAR. 
 
 Little did we, individually, or those who have confided 
 this high trust to us in our charader of Delegates of the Peo- 
 ple, imagine, that a majority, however srjiall, of the persons 
 in office, could be brought to plunge this country into a War, 
 and to unite, as probably it must, our destinies, and certain- 
 ly our efforts, in a common cause with the tyrant of France. 
 
 By some fat .lity, incomprehensible to us, on any princi- 
 ples of prudence, and much less of necessity, has this hap- 
 pened. A law, debated and passed In secret^ has placed this 
 
in 
 
 extensive country and all its great interests of peace— com- 
 merce — agriculture — union — and future prosperity, on the fate 
 of War. 
 
 Defence^ within our own borders, and even arming our 
 vessels for defence, on the seas, against both French and 
 English aggression, was a practicable and not a hazardous 
 expedient. But without preparation, and without trial of the 
 means of defence, dissension in Our country, and general oppo- 
 sition to war, to become the attacking power, and to declare 
 open, general and offensive War, against one of the great 
 contending states of Europe — we repeat it fellow-citizens, is 
 an event in the history, even of these times, which fills us, 
 and we believe the great body of the people, with grief and 
 amazement. 
 
 We were not invaded — no power even threatened it ; we 
 still enjoyed a tenfold greater portion of internal and even 
 external happiness and prosperity than any nation in the 
 world. Our agriculture, commerce and manufadures , the great 
 produfts of our fields, forests and fisheries, growing out of 
 the industry and enterprize of seven millions of free and 
 virtuous citizens, were yet but little impaired, except by our 
 own internal restriftions, which could at nny time be sus- 
 pended or removed. 
 
 In regard even to trade and navigation on the Ocean, an 
 immense and sufficient scope remained for all our ships, sea- 
 men and capital, tree from belligerent and temporary restraints. 
 The British orders in council (made the principal ground of 
 the war) only put France, Holland, and a part of Italy, in a 
 state of blockade, preventing our merchant ships going there. 
 The whole world beside, was, in regard to any conduct of 
 the British, as free to us as before. China, the East and 
 West Indies, South America, Great-Britain and her depen- 
 dencies, and all the States and Kingdoms in Europe ; none 
 of all this vast portion of the world was aflfeded or shut 
 against us by the British orders in council ; nine tenths, at 
 least, of all our trade, was free. France only, and her de- 
 pendencies of Holland and part of Italy were blockaded^ 
 with whom, if no blockade of their ports existed, our trade 
 could be worth very little, subjeCt as it was to every species 
 of vexation, loss, plunder and prohibitory duties. 
 
 Our own coasting trade of 1500 miles in extent, serving 
 to employ and to support so many of our fellow-citizens, and 
 ^o transport with ease and economy the surplus prcdui^ior?^ 
 
[8] 
 
 of labour fioni one sLate to the other by sea, affording a real 
 profit to the community equal to the whole of our foreign 
 trade — all this too remained to us unaffected by belligerent 
 edi£ls. 
 
 Our revenue from commerce, also was very great, equal, 
 annually, to the payment of every expense of the navy, 
 army, civil list, and other demands of government, beside 
 discharging, each year, a portion of the old debt of the revo- 
 lution. The average of this revenue, not less than twelve 
 millions of dollars, annually, relieving the people from any 
 direct taxes payable to the United States. In these favoured 
 circumstances of agriculture, foreign navigation, coasting 
 trade and revenue, was ivar declared, and it necessarily 
 shakes them to the foundation. 
 
 In regard to our political, moral, civil and religious bles- 
 sings and advantages, they were surely great and many. 
 Peace itself, and Neutrality, at a time when all the Europe- 
 an world is convulsed and tending by wars and famine, to 
 dissolution and the tyranny of one man, were to- us, who al- 
 most solely enjoyed them, inestimable blessings. How innu- 
 merable and vast they were, your own feelings, enjoyments^ 
 and reflexions, fellow-citizens, can better determine than we 
 describe. In great mercy also, we were removed 3000 miles 
 from those scenes of violence and devastation — we had taken 
 no part in them. Our pure and free and progressing coun- 
 try, had kept itself from the dangerous and deadly grasp of 
 French connection. This was our fear and our danger. 
 
 This war, if it is to be continued, deprives us of neutrality 
 and peace — It makes this wide ocean no longer a barrier be- 
 tween America and the ambition and ruthless vengeance, 
 which are scourging Europe — destroying republics — liberty 
 and human happiness. We are brought, by it to touch the 
 confines of a land steeped with blood, oppression and crimes. 
 In a word, it brings to the people of these states, with all 
 the rest of its aftual and prospective evils, a co-operation in 
 the war, if not a general alliance, with France against Eng- 
 land. With what anxious forebodings must every heart be 
 torn, that thinks upon a war which not only cuts us off front 
 so many positive blessings, but launches this safe and happy 
 people into the vortex of European broils — into wars, which 
 twenty years of blood and devastation, have but served X» in- 
 furiate, extend and perpetuate. 
 
[» ] 
 
 That our country had received wrongs, both in its hon- 
 or and rights, from England, during her long contest with 
 France, need not be disputed. What peaceable and neutral 
 power has not ; — and which of those injured powers, embark* 
 ing in a war or alliance with France, or alone, to vindicate 
 those rights, that has not suffered injuries ten fold greater ? 
 Most of them indeed losing their very liberties and inde^ 
 pendence in attempting to establish minor pretensions and 
 vindicate v^hat was called their honor. That Great-Britain 
 is wrong in preventing our trade with France, because 
 France interdicted our trade with England ; or that her cruis- 
 ers on the ocean frequently have impressed American sea- 
 men, pretending they were British ;/ubjed:s, or under real 
 mistakes of the faft, are wrongs ; — and that of in press- 
 ment, a most injurious pradice, and justly calculated to kin- 
 dle our lesentments, and to claim from our government ^r«- 
 dent and persevering means to prevent or mitigate its severi- 
 ty, either by arming merchant ships for defence, or agree- 
 ing with England on some plan of avoiding the mistakes or 
 violence of her sea officers. Such a plan was indeed agreed 
 to by England and approved of by our Ambassadors Pink-^ 
 ney and Monroe, but rejefted by the American Cabinet. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens, wrongs to our country will never be vin- 
 dicated by us — and even these, so much insisted upon, can- 
 not be reviewed by us with feelings less acute to their real 
 importance, than by others. Washington, Jefferson and 
 Adams, during tv/enty years of administration, never con- 
 sidered the pretension, or pradice of impressment, though 
 more rigorously enforced then, as sufficiently justifying them 
 to go to war. And now, that our administration, in the pres- 
 ent state of the world, and circumstanced as it is, unprcpar-^ 
 ed, and with divided councils, should by a bare majority de- 
 clare general and offensive war, by land and sea, on such 
 points not vitally afie£ting us in our national pros*perity— in- 
 stead of waiting for time, mutual interests and negociation to 
 settle them (many of which must end of themselves with the 
 war in Europe) — is an event which seems to almost defy be- 
 lief. The people — refleding citizens are struck with amaze- 
 ment and disapprobation, looking round for means of relief 
 from the threatened evils of a protrafted, hazardous, and un- 
 timely war, A war declared againft England too in the 
 midft of Negociations and whilfl her miniftry and Parliament 
 were adually deliberating on the very point of repealing the 
 
t 10 1 
 
 It is then, counti-ymen and friends, to this great, unlooketi 
 for and portentous question of WAR, we claim your solemn and 
 candid attention. We have reflected upon it. — Our imagi- 
 nations have carried us over its long and desolating track ; 
 desolate and long, even beyond imagination, will it prove ;— if 
 we do not cut it short, before its corruptions, its passions and 
 violence, shall have fixed it upon our land beyond remedy 
 or controul. It is in its beginnings we must make our law* 
 ful stand ; before it spreads and strikes deep its roots. If 
 long permitted to flourish over peace and social habits, all 
 history proves that war becomes the predo7ninant passion, 
 and civil liberty too often yields up its blessings, to the lust of 
 military ambition, pride and oppression. 
 
 We perceive this measure of the administration, big with 
 unutterable mischiefs.— If PERSISTED in, when will it end ? 
 What is it to gain for us ? Are we sure, or is there even a 
 shadow of possibility, that we shall conquer England— com- 
 pelling her by force of arms, to yield what she maintains to 
 be her right, and refuses absolutely to relinquish in any oth- 
 er way than by agreement and mutual concessions ? If war 
 is resorted to, and while the war law continues, no further 
 room is left for treaty ; we mwst force our demands, and suc- 
 ceed in them by the sword — by bringing our enemy to sub- 
 mission. 
 
 And shall we, fellow-citizens, at this time, and in our cir- 
 cumstances, on account of these disputable points of trade 
 with France and abuse of impressipent, incur so many imme- 
 diate losses and subjea ourselves to so many certain future 
 evils as this war must produce ? You have seen what this im- 
 mediate and certain loss will be in our agriculture^ foreign 
 and coasting trade, revenue, and internal blessings oi peace and 
 neutrality ; losses, any one of them a hundred fold more to 
 our injury than all that has accrued or can accrue from the 
 occasional injuries we complain of at sea. If we go to war 
 for commerce and seamen, is it not evident that we sacri- 
 fice them both and entirely ? But what we must lose and suffer 
 in the outset, great as it is, sinks into nothing compared with 
 what 'Will follow. Surely these dreadful consequences have 
 escaped the notice of the advocates of war in their full extent — 
 or they have preferred to encounter them rather than forego 
 their resentments and retracl from im]irudent resolutions. 
 How unfortunate when men prefer the honor of persevering 
 in errpr, to the honor of retraining it 5 and when their coua- 
 
[ 11] 
 
 fry too IS at stake. Beside the decay of agriculture, com. 
 merce and revenue, war will vitiate the morals of our peo» 
 people, particularly the rising generation. Is it nothing to 
 bring on a general decline of virtue, order and regard for 
 life, property, and private rights ? Will not war necessarily 
 produce this,' with a decline also of industry and the evils of 
 a wide spreading insolvency ? Perhaps even all these might 
 by some, be viewed without alarm ; but what will the people 
 say to, or how endure for a great length of time, other ne- 
 cessary concomitants of a state of war ? In a contest, such as 
 we must go through, with such a power, to force it into sub- 
 mission, STANDING ARMIE5, the bane and destroyers of 
 liberty in every country, must be introduced, continued and 
 swelled to a dangerous magnitude. No matter what we 
 call them, volunteers, seleft corps, &c. if they are «<?/ mili- 
 tia, under our own state officers and government, they are 
 standing troops in the pay and under the direction of military 
 chiefs, who may become ambitious, insolent, and over whom 
 we can have Httk controul. In the train of war also follows, 
 wastefulness and insatiable demands upon the peoples labor and 
 substance, to support its never ceasing and growing expenses. 
 Great armies must be raised, cloathed, equipped and paid— 
 and this, year after year, in addition to the ordinary expenfe 
 of government and the support of the militia establishment. 
 It is computed the additional war expense will not be 
 short of 1 2 millions annually \ how many years of war is un- 
 certain. The burthens on every man in the country will 
 increafe four fold under war taxes, levied on his land and 
 occupation, whilft his capacity to pay is diminifhed in the 
 fame proportion by the privations of war, Thofe fo eager 
 to make, or encourage the war, will fliare feweft of its dan- 
 gers or burthens ; they will fall on theCe eaftern dates, on 
 their capital, induftry and citizens. Is it poffible for the re- 
 flecting citizen to look even on this confequence alone, and 
 its magnitude, we mean taxes, perfonal fervices and lofs of 
 bufmefs, and not shudder with apprehension. Public credit^ 
 or a capacity to borrow, will, in all likelihood, enfue, particu- 
 larly if the war is unfuccefsful ; and paper msney follow : we 
 believe this muft be resorted to. — The old debt will remain 
 unpaid, and a new one of vaft extent be incurred. And is 
 it nothing — or is it the most awful of all, that torrents oi blood 
 muft flow and private distreifes of all kinds be muhiplied in 
 •this unnatural aijd difaftrous gonteft.— Where tgo are Qur 
 
C 12 3 
 
 experienced captains, and what Washington is left to inspire 
 and condud us ? 
 
 We enquire alfo, when all our preparations shaU be com- 
 plete, if they ever can be, what are we to gain by v/ar in * 
 any degree adequate to the evils it brings upon ourfelves ? 
 Where shall we strike for the redrefs we seek on account of 
 the orders in council and impreiTment ? The British navy is 
 out of our reach, and superior to our own. Her armies do 
 not invade us, no triumph over them can then, probably, be 
 obtained. Her poffeiTions in the north might poffibly be 
 overrun at an immense sacrifice of blood and treafure ; But 
 do we want extenfion of territory ? Are they worth the cofl ? 
 And will we confent to garrifon and maintain large armies in 
 those regions of cold and barrenness, to secure them during 
 the war ? and can we hope at the end of it that they will be 
 relinquifhed to us by England? Will privateering and patri- 
 otic volunteers, and even our courage avail us, when there is 
 no point to which we can effeclually diredl our attack ? — Is 
 it not evident, fellow-citizens, that after all thefe immenfe 
 preparations and expenditures, and^ which year after year 
 mull be repeated, that we lliall be put on our defence ; and in- 
 flead of attack and injury to our enemy, and satisfaction ob- 
 tained for wrongs, our armies, and all our efforts be exhaufl- 
 ed in barely protecting our territory from sudden irruptions, 
 and securing our cities and towns from deftruftion ? Will 
 this be fatisfidion for wrongs, or obtain our rights ? — On 
 the other hand, will our enemy be idle, or is fhe incapable of 
 doing us harm ? and efpecially if our troops arc marched to 
 Canada. We having declared and commenced war upon 
 her, is it not to be prefumed that all her powers of injuring 
 us, will be exerted? Do we not expeft it, and can we-juftly 
 complain if war with all its horrors is retaliated upon us — 
 seeing we openly wage, it by a public law ? We fliould be- 
 tray our duty and be unworthy ©f confidence, were we to 
 fuffer our feelings and our refentments to blind us to thefe con- 
 fiderations — a p' lent nation, not wafteful of its own blood 
 and heedlefs of confequences, will weigh their means and their 
 dangers. They who decide on war and rafhly plunge into the 
 gulph it opens upon their country, without counting its coft, 
 its length, its uncertainty and inevitable miferies, we may ref- 
 pect their motives and their fpirit, but it is our bounden duty 
 to warn our countrymen againll suc/j counfellors — if warning 
 in fp plain a cafe is requifue. It is wrong to inflame our 
 
C 13 ] 
 
 minds to vengeance and rufh into greater evils, even in a jull 
 quarrel for particular offences, where our country is the (lake, 
 and there is danger, nay almofl: a certainty, that our lofs will be 
 infinitely greater than our gain. We are inftigated, however, 
 to fight for honour — to venture fo many bleiTmgs, adually pof- 
 felTed, and to undergo fo many certain diftrefles, in order to 
 evince our courage. But, fellow-citizens, who doubts the cour- 
 age of Americans ? The world will witnefs for them that it 
 is ngt fear, but prudence, and a love of country that r^- 
 flrains them from ivar — in the purfuit of which fo many na- 
 tions have loft their liberties, after glorious ftrugg^es in their 
 juft eftablifhment. Do not, therefore, let us be hurvied into 
 it, for what mankind call honour ! Let us rather think of the 
 honor of fecuring Peace and Union ; let us prefer the honor 
 which difcretion and humanity dictate — that of saving and pre- 
 ferving the blood and treafure, and virtue, and relip;ion, and 
 hapi'inefs, of our dear C' mntry. Let it be our honor to prevent 
 the introdudion of ftanding armies — the increafe of taxes and 
 public debt — the diftreifes of private life — fathers, fons, and 
 brethren — our friends and fellow citizens — our patriots, torn 
 from their homes — bleeding year after year, in this perhaps 
 hopelefs conteft about orders in council and impreflment :— - 
 And what muft embitter all, dying on the fide of the tyrant of 
 France and Deftroyer of Republics. And who (hail fay that 
 ours will not fall by the fame hand which has laid every other 
 low, when by our aid he has accomplifhed his defigns on t.ng- 
 land. Has he not thus weakened and ruined every People 
 who have joined in his wars or trufted to his promifes ? 
 
 We ceafe, fellow-citizens, to reflect on thefe direful but cer- 
 tain cofisequences, of a protraded WAR. Your own cool re- 
 flexions will go far beyond the reach of thefe remarks to open 
 to you its certain miferies — its doubtful iffue, and multiplied 
 horrors. Thofe of us, and of you, who h;.!ve witneffed its 
 fcenes of diftrefs, in the revolution which is pad, can want no, 
 diifuafives. We addrefs ourfelves more efpecially to thofe 
 who may be ftrangers as yet to the calamities of war. In the 
 fincerity of our hearts, (and what but motives of love to our 
 country can influence us) we intreat our fellow-citizens, if any 
 of them could lend their ear to this war, to PAUSE, before 
 they give it their APPROBATION, or, by ftimulating it for- 
 ward, make too wide the breach to be healed. 
 
 Those of our rulers who imprudently have pledged theni- 
 felves, (lep by ftep, to war — those who confult their paflions, or 
 
C 14 ] 
 
 profit from commiflions, army employments and public office^ 
 : — men in the fouthern and weftern ftates who will fuffer little ; 
 all indeed, who will thrive and grow great upon its length and 
 devaftations — nay, even many fincere friends of their covmtry, 
 may unthinkingly, or rafhly advise you to War, But in a mat- 
 ter of this importance, let each Citizen calmly judge for him- 
 self. Let the p udent, the impartial and difmterefted — the 
 Great Body of FARMERS, MECHANICS, LAB^ RERS, 
 MERc'H ANTS, and every clafs and defcription of induftrious 
 and GOOD CI 1 IZl^.NS, ask themselves^ whether //:?£jand their 
 families, expe£l that a lone and deadly warfare, for fuch caufes 
 as have been mentioned, will be better than continued Peace, 
 Commerce, Agriculture, Security and Union, among ourfelves ? 
 
 Is it not evidently better to regain Peace, and all its certain 
 advantages, than to proceed in the dangerous path of War ? 
 Surely we may anticipate that a People, fo enlightened and 
 thoughtful of confequences, will not decide to carry on this 
 war, fo declared, longer than the time neceflary to procure its 
 conjiitutlonal REPEAL. We trufl that nwfl of our citizens 
 will fee the p licy and the benefits of Neutrality, and of going 
 back to the PTound of Nezociation. 
 
 Do our Fe low-C itizens enquire then, how they are to pre- 
 vent the calamities of War, and how they fliall regain the bleff- 
 ings oi Peac:? We answer — that with yourselves rests the 
 cLwice of either. Lhe aft declaring war is but a law — with no 
 force or permanence beyond any other law carried through by 
 a majority in Congrefs. It differs only in its importance and 
 in the dreadful confequences to fociety, if ralhly declared by 
 rulers, and blindly continued by the people. Being a laiv, 
 however, it is our bounden duty to obey it — to yield our per- 
 fonal fervice under it when not legally exempted, or pay the 
 requifitions made on property, when rightfully demanded ; 
 and all this while it continues in force. But as on every other 
 aa of the public fervants, it is the right of thofe who appoint 
 them, to determine on its fitnefs to promote their good, the 
 people -re not bound to approve this or any other law j nor is 
 it their duty to enrage the public paflions — exciting them to 
 violence and denunciations ; inveighing, with thoughtlefs 
 bitternefs againfl thofe citizens who fmcerely and conftitution- 
 ally exercife the rights of freemen, in endeavors to rejiore 
 fpeedy peace to the country. 
 
 We have heard and examined all the reafons and pretexts, 
 for this War* Our judgments — all the ties by which we feel 
 
[ 15 3 
 
 bound to the land of our nativity, conftrain us to DECIDE fo» 
 PEACL, and to invite all our fellow-citizens to join with u's in 
 its fpeedy attainment. Do you alk us again how you are noil? 
 to obtain Peace and its BleJJings fuice war is begun. We anf- 
 wer by FREEDOM of SPEECH— FREEDOM of the PRESS 
 and by your Rights /SUFFRAGE. 
 
 It is the high prerogative of the People — it is the diftinguifh- 
 ing excellence of their happy conftitutions, when, from error,^ 
 or (inifter councils, grievous and ill-judged laws are pafled by 
 perfons in office under them, contrary to their intereft and 
 wifhes ; it is, we fay, the right and Great Duty of the People, 
 to obtain a REPEAL of fuch obnoxious laws through the 
 agency of other reprefentatives. How many of fuch laws pafT- 
 ed by even large majorities, has the Voice of the People condem- 
 ned and their nezu reprefentatives abolifhed. Errors^ grievous 
 errors, are fallen into by governments, as well as individuals I 
 
 Our path, then, fellow-citizens, is a familiar one ; it is plain, 
 lawful and honorable. We muft obtain a Repeal of this law, 
 by choofmg Public Reprefentatives both in the Federal and 
 State Legiflatures, who, inftead of exciting war will comply 
 with the wishes and fulfil the duties they owe to the People, 
 by an immediate repeal of the a6l declaring war. 
 
 Our petitions for peace have been reje6led — nay, contemp- 
 tuoully treated by many of the adminiftrators of government, 
 A majority of our flate reprefentatives in Congrefs, to their 
 great honor, but in vain, have recorded their solemn vote againfl 
 the war hill. They knew upon whom the weight of it was to 
 fall ! — Not upon the chief inftigators of it, but upon their own 
 and the eajlernjlates ! It is not to be expeded that the men 
 who have made the war, will repeal the law, and thus reftore 
 peace. Nay, we are told, ityZ>^// continue until England yields 
 to conditions which we may well believe fhe never will yield to — 
 efpecially when attempted to be extorted from her hy force of 
 arms, 
 
 Those who have commenced the war fay they aim at peace 
 alfo, and exped to arrive at it through a long and precarious 
 ftruggle, by forcing England to submission. The means we 
 propose for peace, is to end this impolitic and hazardous un-- 
 dertaking at once, by a change of rulers. — A v try few friend* 
 oi peace added to thofe numerous, able and patriotic oppofers 
 of war, now in our councils, will effeft a repeal of the war-bill. 
 
 This will place us, by a mere ordinary aft of legislation, 
 oii the ground we were ; — ^It will then be for m to stand on 
 
[ 16 3 
 
 the dc/cfishe, and treat with Great-Britain in the true fpirit of 
 peace and mutual concefiion. We need not fear that our 
 neiv councils will difhonor or abandon their country — we be- 
 iieve new councils can make a fpeedy and honorable adjufl- 
 ment, but not while the war bill is in the way. It is the evi- 
 dent intereft of England to be on good terms with America ; 
 this we repeat, will be eafily effected, when the adminiftration 
 is chano-ed, and perfons not committed to thib course of things, 
 are chofen ; and when this nozu insuperable bar of war is re- 
 moved, by repealing the law which declared it. 
 
 In the mean time, and until this falutary change can be 
 effected by our VOTES, we mud indeed fuffer much from 
 hoftiliiy, and many loiTes be fuftained : nothing however com- 
 pared with thofe a continuance of war will produce. Our 
 ELECTIONS are near — they ought and can ensure to us an 
 end of thefe fcenes, and of all the calamities which pro- 
 traded hoftilities, growing more dreadful as they lengthen, 
 will inevitably produce. We intreat you, fellow-citizens, 
 then, to decide on PEACE, not through war, but by the 
 confiitutional and speedy effeft of your Elections. Choose 
 men .to represent you who you know are for Peace, and an 
 honourable^ speedy -.md pradicable adjudment of differences with 
 Great-Britain. Our happy conltitution, forefeeing and pro- 
 viding againft the fatal errors into which even majorities in the 
 public councils often fall, puts it in the power of the people, 
 to get back to the ground of fafety, by procuring a correc- 
 tion of the proceeding, through new reprefentatives. ^ We 
 are foon to be called to the choice of Electors of President, 
 and Vice-Prefident — members of Congrefs, and ftur own state 
 officeis. Never could a call be made upon us more solemn- 
 ly to UNllE; not to APPROVE, carry on, and inflame 
 this impolitic and lafhly declared ^F^r ; but to w«/V^ in add- 
 ing to our public councils faithful advocates of Peace, Com- 
 merce and Agriculture ; men who are not pledged by their 
 previ -us condud, passions and interefts of office, to perfevere 
 in an injurious and uncertain warfare— Men uho will jom 
 with thofe now in office and friendly to peace in its reftoration. 
 Happv for our country, if a majority is attained m the public 
 dcr.ai tments, who may be difpol'ed to repeal the war act, in the 
 next Congrefs : our difputes with Great-Britain, which are 
 nothing in the fcale againft peace,may then bequickly and hon- 
 orably adjuiled, not by the .-.WORD, as is now prefered, but 
 thro' th.e aoeucv of mutual interefts and friendly negoeiation. 
 
C 17] 
 
 It is amazing that a few men, capable of turnin.s: the ma- 
 \onty either way, (hould, in fuch a ftate of unpreparednefs, 
 with divided councils, a divided country, and agamlt the de- 
 clared and folemn remonftrances of the people, have caft their 
 vote's on the fide of involving thefe ftates in the horrors, un- 
 certainty and burthens of War ! 
 
 In conduaing our meafures to obtain a change ot councils, 
 this CONVEiNTION feel it their duty to decbre, they oxi^ht 
 to be temperate, well weighed and firm ; it is not a time for 
 the true friends of their country to fhrink from their duty. 
 This is no queftion of a fmall concern. It mud and should 
 call to its aid, the fober thought, the refleding judgment, 
 and the steady purposes, of the good aftd independent ekdors 
 and citizens of New-Jerfey, no matter of what p.'rty. It is 
 their privilegre, and great fecurity, when GRIEV..NCES 
 occur, to redrefs them by a CHANGE OF MEN AND 
 MEASURES. 
 
 This is the remedy at hand to us, on this trying occafion— 
 and like men and brethren let us lay hold of it. 
 
 That a War Party is organized, who will ftlmulate the 
 paffions of the people, by appeals to their power and prowefs, 
 and by exciting prejudice againft thofe who perceive the nccef- 
 fity oi changing our public councils, is already but too evident- 
 
 This Convention is aware uf the frequency and effed of 
 thus operating on the public mind : But their confidence refts 
 on the final good fenfe and judgment of a wife and difcern- 
 ing people. They will look to the men and the principles — to 
 the reasons^ which fhould have ?nost weight ; above all, their 
 own folid reflexions on the nature, evils and uncertainties of 
 a War, will, we truft, lead to a right conclufion, even though 
 fome of them may entertain refentments juitly toward Eng- 
 land. 
 
 Even those who are for War, and who fliall take fuch 
 means to fucceed in continuing it, are yet entitled to the rights 
 of free opinions and free fuffrage. On the other hand, this 
 Convention feel it due to the great body of their fellow-citi- 
 zens, whom they reprefent, and who are oppofed to this war 
 —of all parties — to assert and maintain in their behalf, the 
 great RIGHTS of a FREE PRESS-^FREE SPEECH and 
 OPINIONS-and of FREE SUFFRAGE :-Thefe are the 
 bulwarks of liberty : Bad laws and mifguided councils, mea- 
 fures mofl fatal to the befl interefts of fociety, would proceed 
 
[ 18 ] 
 
 and be executed with high handed oppreflion— they could 
 never be changed— //" force— terror— and menaces, could law- 
 fully be employed to filence complaint, and hide the people's 
 interefts and dangers from their view : Every man in fociety 
 has a right— it is a duty to himfelf and country, publicly to 
 examine the policy and tendencies of any law ; to obey it 
 while m force ;— but if he deems it pernicious, to flate every 
 objection to it which exifts, and every evil confequence which 
 may flow from its continuance^ in order to obtain its repeal, by 
 eleding men who will repeal it. Efpecially is it the duty of 
 every man, who is convinced that a law declaring ivar, is 
 moft impolitic, and will, if continued, ruin, or go far to ru- 
 in the country, to lift his voice on the fide of peace and of 
 repeal. Should, therefore, any ?nan or set of men, be fo loll 
 to decency, and fo inimical to the liberties of fpeech, of the 
 prefs, and of fuffrage, as to attempt to overawe the people — 
 by menaces, by terror, under the pretexts fo often ufed to 
 fcifle truth, that they are traitors, tories, and enemies— becaufe 
 they advocate a change of rulers and repeal of a law, which 
 they deem the greateil giievance ever brought on them ; of 
 fuch men, promoting fuch arbitrary dcdrines by fuch unwor- 
 thy means, let us all beware. 1'hey cannot, fellow-citizens, 
 be the friends of freedom or their country : — Such conduct 
 will receive, as it ought, the condemnation of every indepen- 
 dent freeman, be he for War or Peace, 
 
 Let thofe who advocate the contitiuance of the men in pow- 
 er and of this law, he heard ;— let them ireely prove the ne- 
 ceflity, benefits and blessings to the country, if they can, oi tbe 
 war : — On the other hand, thofe who confider that our coun- 
 cils fliould be changed, and the war law be repealed, as pro- 
 du£live of many and irreparable grievances and confequen- 
 ces ; — it is their right and duty to fet forth their reafons, and 
 by every lawful and public means promote the wiflied for 
 chatjge. If this were not fo, an infatuated or mifguided admin- 
 iftration have only to declare War, and it becomes perpetual 
 ■—no voice muft be heard to procure its repeal. 
 
 Already have many ftates— a great portion of the people 
 ■— -mofl of our own immediate leprefentatives, and diflin- 
 guiflied men in our councils — protefled againft the meafure 
 of war as big with danger to our Interefts, Liberty and 
 Union : They are now, fmce its palTagc — by addrelTes, 
 ^by the piefs — by freedom of fpeech a^d opinions 
 
C 19] 
 
 expofing its mifchiefs and dangers — and preparing the minds 
 of their fellr^w-citizens to obtain its repeal, by changing the 
 public officers : Are all thefe States, diftinguifhed men and 
 citizens, enemies and traitors to the country ? — Thofe who 
 fhali inculcate fuch fentiments and principles as thefe, may 
 for a ihort time fucceed in heating the paffions of an unthink- 
 ing few — but its influence cannot reach, to intimidate or con- 
 troul, thtfree electors of thefe flates, from fetting forth the 
 grievances of laws, or other meafures, or changing the coun- 
 cils which made them — and thus, in the only conflitutional 
 way they have, producing their repeal. 
 
 Kellow-citizens, we close this addrefs, with repeating our 
 hope and belief— that the only great question with us all, in 
 our enfuing Eledions— -will hQ— whether we fhall change our 
 councils and repeal the war bill 5 treating further with Eng- 
 land on the points of difference, in amicable negociation, be- 
 fore the War has become fixed too deep to be removed — Or 
 whether we prefer its continuance, with all its certain evils and 
 uncertain profpeds, of obtaining the leaft good. 
 
 This is a fair, and lawful, and conflitutional queflion ; it 
 is the mofl folemn one ever brought before the people, and 
 their VOTES, after hearing and refledling on all the reafons 
 for and againft, muft and ought to decide it.— For ourfelves, 
 we have carefully avoided every fubjeft and circumftance, 
 relative to other queflions or meafures of the adminiftration. 
 This law declaring war, flands by itfelf— we think, fmcerely 
 and unanimously, that the befl and mofl important interefls of 
 the country, demand its speedy repeal, and that to efl'ect this, a 
 new administration should be chosen. Our reasons are before 
 you and the world— we have prefented them to no particular 
 fet of men, or party ; but to ALL. We have laid afide eve- 
 ry feeling, but what arifes out of this momentous queflion— 
 involving fo^ many dear and permanent interefls. Our lan- 
 guage is plain and unreferved, as our rights and duty demand- 
 ed in fo great a caufe. Our proceedings are wrapt in no 
 secrecy— noY^ are we unknown to our fellow-citizens. What 
 we have faid and advifed--is the refult of calm reflexion and 
 undoubted convidion. If we have erred we trufl no man can 
 charge us with being enemies to our country— bound to it as 
 we are, by fo many ties of interefl, affedion and duty. We 
 are the open, fmcere advocates, and fhall be, in all our rela,' 
 
[ 20 ] 
 
 tbns and fituatlons, of a change in our public councils, and a 
 ipeedy repeal, by Congrefs, of the act declaring War. 
 
 In this change of councils exifls the common Cafety-Jt 
 will prudently arreft the dangerous career into which an ill- 
 limed and unneceiTary War is haftening the country— and pre- 
 ierve from further deftrudion, more .SUBSTANTIAL BLES- 
 SINGS, YET IN OUR POSSESSION, than any other Peo- 
 ple now in the World enjoy. 
 
 Signed by order of the Convention, 
 
 JONATHAN ELMER, Chairmatu 
 
 JOHN OUTWATER, Secretary^ 
 
 ' Trenton, 4th July, 1812. 
 
 ERATA, 
 
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 ^ad fail. 
 
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