361 
 Jopy 1 
 
 eminiscences 
 
 1780-1814 
 
 Letters written by Major Myers, 
 13th Infy., U. S. Army, to 
 his son, containing in- 
 cidents of the War 
 of 1812-14. 
 
 Printed for Private Circulation. 
 
One hundred copies only of this ■pamphlet have been printed. 
 No. 93 
 
 'Presented to. 
 
Reminiscences 
 
 1780 to 1814 
 
 Including Incidents In the War of 1812-14 
 
 LETTERS PERTAINING TO HIS EARLY LIFE 
 
 Written by MAJOR MYERS, 13th Infantry, D. S. Army 
 
 I) 
 
 TO 
 
 HIS SON 
 
 THE CRANE COMPANY 
 
 1411 GST. 
 
 WASHINGTON, D. C. 
 
 1900 
 
?. 
 
 
EXTRACTS FROM LETTERS WRITTEN BY 
 
 MAJOR MYERS, 
 
 PhHTAININ(i TO HIS tAHLY LIFE. 
 
 SCHENECTADY, February JJ, 1853. 
 MY IJEAR SON : — 
 
 In accordance with your expressed wish, I will give you a con- 
 densed outline of the events of my long and varied life, beginning 
 with a short account of family affairs. My father was a Hungar- 
 ian, and my mother an Austrian, by birth. They sailed from 
 Helvoetsluys, in Holland, and arrived in New York in the year 1750. 
 They soon after removed to Newport, where I was born on the 
 .list of May, 1776 — two months before the signing of The Declaration 
 of Independence. My father spoke and wrote all the living lan- 
 guages, and, at Newport, he became the friend of the Rev. Dr. Styles, 
 afterwards President of Yale College. In November, 1776, before 
 having reached his fortieth year, my father died, beloved and re- 
 spected by all who knew him. 
 
 The British evacuated Newport in 1779, and, in 1780, my 
 mother decided to return to New York. The winter of this year 
 was known long after as the "hard winter." The snow was 
 deeper than it had ever been known to be before on the Continent ; 
 and 1 have seen nothing like it since. The Bay of New York was 
 so firmly frozen over that the British marched troops and removed 
 heavy guns on the ice to Staten Island. We lived quietly in New 
 York until 1783. when Great Britain was compelled, by her own 
 necessities, and by the persevering bravery of the Americans, to 
 acknowledge the American Colonies to be free and independent 
 States. Preparations were being made to withdraw the forces, 
 and the British, in common justice to those Americans who, un- 
 fortunately for themselves, had embraced the British cause, offered 
 homes in Nova Scotia to all who would sign Articles of Association. 
 My mother agreed to this, and early in May we left New York in 
 a British ship for our new home. We spent several happy years 
 in Nova Scotia, where a pleasant society was formed. Our nearest 
 neighbors were Captain Richard Liopincott and his wife, a Quaker. 
 He had been a Captain in the British Army, and, as such, he was 
 ordered, sometime in the year 1782, to exchange the American 
 
Captain HikIlIy. then a prisoner at New York, for a British officer 
 of equal rank, who was to be delivered to him on the Jersey shore 
 at. or near, Bergen Point; but, on the way, he landed at Gibbet 
 Island, and ordered his prisoner to prepare for death. 
 
 Huddy considered it a jest, and endeavored to laugh it off; 
 but Lippincott directed his Negro servant to prepare a halter, and 
 Huddy was actually hung to a limb of a tree. Lippincott then 
 returned to New York, of course, with)ut the British officer whom 
 he should have brought in the place of Huddy. 
 
 Great excitement was felt in New York, as well as in the 
 .American camp. Lippincott was arrested and imprisoned, and 
 (ieneral Washington demanded his delivery to the Americans, but 
 was answered that the trial would take pi. ice under British law. 
 All e.xpected the condemnation and execution of the criminal, but, 
 at about this time, the Treaty of Peace was signed and ratified, 
 whereby our independence was acknowledged, and Lippincott was 
 either acquitted or pardoned, when he went to Nova Scotia. 
 There was a story current at that time about the notorious Bene- 
 dict Arnold. He had become a merchant in St. Johns, and, in con- 
 nection with Wonson Hoyt, had imported largely from England, not 
 knowing what would be required in the new country. Conse- 
 quently, he accumulated a largequantity of unsalable goods, which 
 were, however, highly insured in England. It is said that he hired 
 a woman, for a new dress, to set tire to the building in which his 
 goods were stored. But the plot was discovered at the trial for 
 the recovery of the insurance, and Arnold was obliged to leave the 
 country. 
 
 In 1787 we returned to New York. On the voyage we 
 stopped at New Haven, where we received an additional passenger — 
 Captain John Paul Jones. 1 remember him as a man of medium 
 height, rather stout and well set, with dark hair and eyes. In con- 
 versation, free and easy ; and in manner, rather bombastic. He 
 sec-med to me to look more like a German than a Scotchman. .At 
 New Haven I saw a young man tied to a post and publicly whipped 
 for horse-stealing. 
 
 1 had seen, when in New York, Hessian Soldiers run the gaunt- 
 let ; and a man under the "mild and humane" British Laws, 
 standing in the pillory, cropped and brandtd for stealing a loaf of 
 bread from a baker's window. 
 
 In New York we took a house owned by the excellent Mr. 
 
Randall. He hud begun lite a poor sailor boy; but, by his own 
 exertions, he became a very rich merchant. He had been aided by 
 a sea -faring man, and he amply returned the favors by leaving the 
 bulk of his fortune to be used for the founding of an institution for 
 the benefit of disabled and superannuated sailors. That fund forms 
 the basis of the Sailors' Snug Harbor on Staten Island. 
 
 At this time, in the year 1787, New York contained 33,000 
 inhabitants. The city was still in rather a dilapidated state, not 
 having, as yet, recovered from the effects of the war. The country 
 was governed under the old Articles of Confederation formed during 
 the Revolutionary War merely to establish a union of force and 
 action without defining or limiting the rights or powers of the 
 general government of the States. Our commerce, both foreign and 
 domestic, was very small and much embarrassed. A vessel and 
 cargo going from one State to another was compelled to clear, enter, 
 and secure duties. 
 
 Each State had its proper currency which would not pass in 
 the adjoining States : every kind of property was low and money 
 scarce. 
 
 Lots of ground on Broadway between Grand and Great James 
 Streets were sold at from twenty to twenty -five pounds; but cor- 
 ner lots were held at a little more than two pounds higher ; in all 
 the cross streets the price of lots was from ten to twelve pounds 
 each. Flour was four dollars a barrel ; beef, four cents per pound ; 
 butter, from eight to ten cents; a cart load of hickory wood, seven 
 shillings, cartage or sawing, one shilling per load ; and everything 
 in proportion. What is now the Park was then an unfenced space, 
 so muddy in wet weather that, to cross it, one must go ankle deep 
 in mud. Where the City Hall now stands, was a range of woodeii 
 buildings one story high, with a common picket fence in front ; 
 this was the City and County Alms House. There was an unfin- 
 ished stone building in range of the above on Broadway called the 
 Bridewell ; it was afterwards finished and used as a prison. On the 
 left was the old Provost Prison of the Revolution, where many 
 American prisoners were either hung in the cells by Cunningham, 
 the cruel keeper ; or were suffered to starve. After the peace, it 
 became a debtors prison; then, it was newly modeled, as it now 
 stands, the Hall of Records. There was scarcely a house in view 
 west and north of that location, excepting the New York Hospital 
 then in a Liilapidated state, en Broadway. The new Constitution, 
 
of the United States had been agreed to in convention, but iiad not, 
 as yet, been adopted by all the States. The French Revolution 
 had burst forth, and party spirit ran high. Two great political 
 parties were forming. Commodore Francis Nicholson was the first 
 President of the Democratic Society, and Thomas Jefferson was its 
 great leader. Alexander Hamilton lead the Federal party. Jeffer- 
 son and the Democrats were jealous of the power of the President 
 by the new Constitution; and they considered the office nearly 
 equal to that of king. They feared the establishment of a concen- 
 trated, lu.xurious, and extravagant government: a great controlling 
 political institution; and a union of Church and State. They be- 
 lieved that General Hamilton, Timothy Pickering. Oliver Wolcott 
 and otliers were trying to introduce a limited monarchy in disguise. 
 Among the propositions made to the Convention, General Hamilton 
 suggested that senators should be elected for life, and that the 
 President should choose his successor. Mobs and riots were com- 
 mon, the Democratic printing office of Greenleaf was attacked, and 
 the type scattered in the street; but after great and long excite- 
 ment, the Constitution was ratified by most of the States. The 
 convention of this State (N. Y.). having peace, and the public 
 interest in view, met at Newbury, and, after long debates, ratified 
 the Constitution. At the same time, a declaration of Reserved 
 State Rights was made, a copy of which may be found in the 
 Assembly documents of 1833, placed there at my request, 1 having 
 found the original in the office of the Secretary of State, after long 
 search. George Washington was elected President of the United 
 States, and all the States elected Congressmen, who now assembled 
 at the old City Hall in New York — it stood on Wall Street, where 
 the Custom House now stands. I recollect seeing Chancellor Liv- 
 ingstone administer the oatli of office to General Washington on a 
 Bible which is still in a state of good preservation, and in the pos- 
 session of St. John's Lodge, No. 1, New York, where it is held as 
 a relic of times past. Although the Constitution was adopted, and 
 civil government in full force in America, and the revenue and 
 property rising in value, the two great political parties existed. 
 
 The Federalists went so far as to invent a black cockade as a 
 distinctive badge, and the Democrats, or Anti -Federalists, not 
 adopting it, were often insulted, and even pushed off the pave- 
 ment. 
 
 The greatest exertions were made by each party to elect its 
 
members lur ihc Le^ishiUiit.' mk\ Congress, and with varying 
 success. 
 
 This continued until 1799, when the Democrats gained the 
 ascendency; and, within a tew years thereafter, we find thirteen 
 amendments to the Constitution as originally adopted, all of which 
 are in favor of civil liberty. The State Convention having ratified 
 the Constitution of the United States accompanied by an instru- 
 ment signed by all its members, and known as the Reserved Rights 
 of the State of New York, both parties united in getting up a page- 
 ant such as had never been seen in New York. The corporation 
 invited all the mechanical, civil, and charitable societies to appoint 
 committees to make arrangements for a general procession. Each 
 was allowed to make its own preparations, which were done on an 
 extensive and brilliant plan. Early on the day appointed, each 
 society assembled at the Battery. 
 
 The Governor, both branches of the Legislature, the judges, 
 the members of the bar, the officers of the courts, officers of the 
 army and navy, the Mayor and corporation, and other city officers, 
 took part in the procession. All the mechanical trades were repre- 
 sented by men engaged at their respective occupations in cars 
 mounted on trucks. The ship carpenters contributed a miniature 
 frigate of thirty -six guns, completely rigged, armed, and manned. 
 She was called the "United States," and commanded by Commodore 
 Francis Nicholson. Her crew consisted of young lads dressed as 
 sailors, her sails were loosed and sheeted home, and her guns were 
 loaded and tired. This attracted great attention. During the day, 
 the streets were crowded with people, and the houses were deco- 
 rated with flags. 
 
 In the evening. Colonel Sebastian Bowman, a Prussian officer 
 of the Revolution, and soon after appointed first postmaster of New 
 York by General Washington, prepared extensive fire-works at the 
 old fort. Bowling Green, and at other places. This was, 1 believe, 
 the first exhibition of fire-works in New York. All places of amuse- 
 ment were opened and thronged. Most of the houses and public 
 buildings were illuminated. It was near morning before the streets 
 were again quiet. Thus was consummated the foundation of our 
 excellent Civil Government, and the great Republic of thirteen free 
 and independent United States. 
 
 Distraction to the brain that would conceive the idea of a 
 
10 
 
 separation of the Unit>n, aiiii palsied tlie liarn.1 that \v(>uk\ break- 
 one link (if this Heaven -wrought chain! 
 
 Tlie following few years of my life were spent in New York, 
 and in Richnmnd, \'irginia. During my residence in Richmond, I 
 made many wiluable acquaintances, among whom was Judge 
 Wythe, one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. He, 
 and all his family, were poisoned by one of the household servants, 
 a black boy, who had been treated rather as a pet than otherwise. 
 The younger members of the family recovered, but the old gentle- 
 man died. The boy was hung; he prayed, and sang psalms under 
 the gallnws, and said that he had always been well treated by the 
 family, but that the Devil had prompted him to do the wicked deed; 
 and (as frequently happens in such cases) his Savior had appeared 
 to him the night before, and pronounced his pardon. 
 
 1 became an active politician just before the election of 1793, 
 which put a period to the despotic reign of John Adams (the elder) 
 and placed Thomas Jefferson in the Presidential Chair in the follow- 
 ing year. The Federal party was composed in part of the old Tories 
 of the Revolution, and the rich merchants and traders, who boasted of 
 having all the wealth, talent, and respectability of the American 
 people. Congress, under the Federal Administration, had passed 
 several oppressive laws, abridging the public rights. The Alien and 
 Sedition Laws were particularly objected to by the Democratic 
 party. The President had power to transport or imprison, with- 
 out trial, any suspected person, and he actually did imprison many 
 valuable citizens, for speaking disrespectfully of him as an individ- 
 ual. Several of these were editors. 
 
 The warm partisans of the dominant party would neither 
 deal with or employ those who differed from them in politics. All 
 the offices from highest to lowest were held exclusively by the 
 Federal party. Many of the merchants stooped so low as to dis- 
 charge clerks, cartmen, and others who differed with them in poli- 
 tics. The measure of wrongs was filled to overflowing. The 
 parties, numerically, were nearly equal; but the wealth and pat- 
 ronage were against the Democrats. 
 
 One evening three gentlemen met at the house of Brockholst 
 Livingstone, in Broadway — Mr. Livingstone, General Morgan 
 Lewis, and Aaron Burr. The wrongs of the people was the subject 
 of conversation. Mr. Burr said, "We must, at the next election, 
 put a period to this 'reign n\ terror.' " The others agreed that 
 
11 
 
 this was desirable, but saw no way to bring it about. Mr. Burr 
 said, " We mu?t carry the City, and that will give us the majority 
 in the Legislature; and the State of New York being Democratic, 
 will carry the Union, and transfer to the Democrats all the power 
 and patronage of the government." 
 
 The other gentlemen thought this a brilliant plan, but did not 
 see how it would be possible to gain the ascendency in the City. 
 Mr. Burr took pen and paper and made out an Assembly ticket, 
 heading it with the names of Gov. George Clinton, Gen. Horatio 
 Gates, Col. Willett, Henry Rutgers, Brockholst Livingstone, Lzekiel 
 Robbins, Aaron Burr, etc., making the whole ticket eleven mem- 
 bers. Mr, Livingstone observed that many of these gentlemen 
 would not agree to serve, and that, if they should, it would not be 
 easy to get them nominated and elected. 
 
 Mr. Burr requested the gentlemen to discuss the question in a 
 week from that night; but he said, " Mr. Livingston, you and 1 can 
 agree at once: 1 will agree to serve my Country on this occasion, 
 and I am sure that you will not refuse." He answered, " No; if 
 the rest will serve." The party separated, feeling great ardor in 
 the cause. 
 
 in the course of the week, Mr. Burr called on all the other gen- 
 tlemen, and with his usual eloquence, and argumentative powers, 
 induced them all to serve. At the end of the week, the three 
 gentlemen met according to agreement, and Mr. Burr reported the 
 assent of all. He next proposed to call a general meeting at Tam- 
 many Hall, and said, "As soon as the room begins to fill up, I will 
 nominate Daniel Smith as chairman, and put the question quickly. 
 Daniel being in the chair, you must each nominate one mem- 
 ber, 1 will nominate one, and Fairley, Miller, Van Wyck, and others 
 will nominate, and Daniel must put the question quickly on the 
 names, and, in this way, we will get them nominated. We must 
 then have some inspiring speeches, close the meeting, and retire, 
 We must then have a caucus and invite some of our most active 
 and patriotic Democrats, both young and old, appoint meetings in 
 the different wards, select speakers to address each, and keep up 
 frequent meetings at Tammany Hall until the election. We will 
 put down the monster Federalism, and bring the country back to 
 pure Democratic principles." The whole plan succeeded, and the 
 civil revolution was brought about. 
 
 I give you an account of wliat took place at Mr. Livingstone's 
 
12 
 
 as it was related to me by Gen. Morgan Lewis, and of the after 
 proceedings on my own authority— 1 being one of the actors. \ 
 accompanied Aaron Burr to several meetings which he addressed. 
 1 was one of those selected to address the people at Tammany Hall 
 and in the wards. The general election was carried on with great 
 energy by both parties. 
 
 Our organization was completed by dividing the city into 
 small districts with a committee appointed to each, whose duty it 
 was to canvass its district and ascertain the political opinion of each 
 voter by going from house to house, seeing and conversing with as 
 many as possible, and enquiring the politics of such as we could 
 not see. The district committees reported their strength at the 
 ward meetings, the names were called off with marginal notes stat- 
 ing whether good, bad, or doubtful, so that at the general meeting, 
 we could determine very nearly what would be the result in the 
 city; and the result of the election destroyed the hydra monster. 
 Federalism. 
 
 After about sixty ballots taken in tlie House of Representa- 
 tives, Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr had an equal vote. At 
 that time, it was not customary to designate which should be Pres- 
 ident, and which Vice-President. The candidate having the great- 
 est number of votes was chosen President, and the one having the 
 next to the greatest vote, Vice-President. 1 think it was on the 
 sixty-first ballot that Ca?sar Rodney, a Representative from Dela- 
 ware, left his seat, and this gave Thomas Jefferson a majority of 
 one vote. Thus, Aaron Burr was elected Vice-President. 
 
 At about this time, 1 joined Captain John Swarthout's artil- 
 lery company, in which I served for six years. 1 v/as then 
 appointed • Lieutenant of Infantry in Captain James Cheatham's 
 Company, and was, at the next meeting of the Council, promoted 
 to the rank of Captain in Colonel Van Buren's regiment. 1 became 
 senior Captain of the regiment, and had command of a battalion; 
 but before the commissions were made out for the promotions, 
 (Major in my case) I left the regiment. At the particular request 
 of D. L). Tompkins, then Governor, I became a student of Military 
 Tactics, etc., under Colonel de la Croix, and remaineti under his 
 instruction for about two years, until I was appointed Captain in 
 the United States Infantry, i was then a member of a club of 
 forty gentlemen including Governor Tompkins, Lieut. -Go\'. Broome, 
 Major James Fairley, Dewitt Clinton, SyKanus Wilier, Pierre C. 
 
13 
 
 Vdn Wyck, Henry Remsen, James Cheatham, Daniel Smith, Henry 
 Rutgers, and others. 
 
 in 1812, the storm of the war was gathering and 1 decided to 
 ask for a commission as I was prepared by study for the military 
 profession. I applied for a commission in the army, referring to 
 the Vice-President and several Congressmen from this State; and, 
 in a few days, 1 received a Captain's Commission, and was 
 assigned to the 13th Regiment of U. S. Infantry, commanded by 
 Colonel Peter P. Schuyler. I now entered the army with rank far 
 beneath what 1 might have had, as my friend, Governor Tompkins, 
 told me, if I had asked the assistance of my friends. I said that I 
 thought my rank as high as it should be on entering, and that ! 
 should prefer to gain my promotion by service. He told me that 1 
 would find very many above me who would be more fit to obey 
 than to command ; and so 1 found it, for great ignorance of military 
 tactics prevailed in the new army, and the old one was not far 
 beyond us in field duty. However, things soon took a better as- 
 pect, for we had some educated and scientific officers, and all soon 
 improved who were capable of improvement. 
 
 1 approach, with diffidence, a sketch of my military career, 
 as I cannot extend it so as to give a general account oi the war ; 
 but must confine myself to the movements in which I myself took 
 part. 
 
 At an interview with Colonel Schuyler, he said, " Tlie State 
 of New York comprises five recruiting districts, four of these will 
 be commanded by the field officers of the regiment, and I appoint 
 you to the command of the fifth." He then asked me if I knew of 
 any young officer of talent who would make a good Adjutant. 1 
 was pleased with the opportunity to recommend my young friend, 
 Joseph C. Eldrige, who had been appointed an ensign, and was 
 very desirous of being attached to my company. 
 
 I knew that a regimental appointment would, in a measure, 
 separate us on duty; but it would place him in a more prominent 
 position, and, perhaps, promote his interests. Eldrige was appoint- 
 ed. This occurred on Tuesday, and the Colonel said that my 
 instructions would be ready on Thursday, when he wished me to 
 proceed to Charlotte, on Lake Champlain, open my orders, and pro- 
 ceed as directed therein. On Thursday 1 buckled on my sword 
 to advance to my station to begin duty as one of the defenders of 
 m\- countrv. 
 
14 
 
 I went up the river accompanied by Lieutenants Vale and 
 Curtis attached to my command, and several other ofticers going 
 to different stations. We arrived at Troy, and took the stage to 
 go north ; but at Skenesborough we were obliged to exchange into 
 open wagons on account of the bad state of roads. 
 
 We went on at about the rate of one mile per hour until we 
 arrived at Charlotte on the east bank of Lake Champlain. 1 now 
 opened my orders, and found my headquarters to be at Wills - 
 borough, five miles from the west bank of the Lake, which 
 was still frozen over ; but the ice was not strong enough to 
 cross on. We stayed with Judge McNeal for two days. The 
 Judge was an " old fashioned "' looking old gentleman, and rather 
 amusing. He said that though he had taken no part in the Revo- 
 lution, some called him Toryish (as he expressed it) ; but they 
 did not trouble him much. He said that lie was not very " cute " 
 at the law, but they made him a judge for want of a better person. 
 On the second night that we were with him, the old judge knocked 
 at my door, and said I must get up and go down to the Lake to see the 
 ice break up. 1 did as he desired, hearing a noise like that of hun- 
 dreds of mil«-; grinding. When we reached the Lake shore we found 
 all the ice in motion; it was still stuck, but jambing and breaking 
 to pieces. The noise continued all niglit : but, in the morning, 
 there was no ice to be seen. Though the wind was blowing down 
 heavily from the mountains on the other side of the Lake, we had 
 the ferrymen prepare their boat to try to pull us across. 1 was 
 induced to take the helm, and by dint of luffing in the squalls, 
 managed, at length, to get over safely. There was a Clergyman 
 in the boat who had traveled with us from New York. He was 
 much alarmed in crossing the Lake, and in the squalls he clung to 
 my arms — which interfered with my steering. I several times 
 requested him to desist, but he had no command over his muscles, 
 and could not help it. Coming up from New York, he had entered 
 into all our amusements; but he often called us " wicked fellows." 
 On this occasion, I told him that he would be in bad company in 
 case we should capsize while he was clinging to such a " wicked 
 fellow." After crossing over we had much diftkulty in finding 
 horses. At length a fine looking young man said to me, "Sir, I 
 am making a journey, but you may take my horse to Wills - 
 borough if you will send him back to me immediately; I will wait 
 here until the horse is returned." I thanked him, and asked. 
 
15 
 
 " Isn't your name McNeal?" He said, " It is." " 1 thought so," 
 said I, "for I have thus far found the most obliging people in the 
 neighborhood bearing that name." Leaving the other gentlemen 
 to follow, I rode to Willsborough, a little village situated on a small 
 river. It contained a post office, a mill, a forge, a distillery, a tav- 
 ern, and ten or twelve small houses. 1 took quarters for myself 
 and officers at "Jones' Hotel" which appeared quite comfortable 
 compared with other things I saw. Vale and Curtis joined me in 
 the course of a day, and it was soon known in the neighborhood 
 that our party had arrived, and many people came to call upon us. 
 Recruits came in even during the first week. I enlisted eight men, 
 a drummer and a fifer. Other officers soon reported for duty, and 
 1 established thirteen recruiting stations in my district under Cap- 
 tains and Lieutenants who did not know much about their duty, 
 having just entered the service. 
 
 One of the men introduced himself as Captain Trull, and said 
 that he commanded a company. He was a little lame, and 1 told 
 him that 1 thought he would find it difficult to make long marches. 
 He replied, " 1 will show you how 1 can march," and, holding his 
 cane before his right eye, he stepped off, " dot and carry one," in 
 good style, as he supposed. I, of course, approved. He finally, 
 after two days, went off to his station in good spirits leaving his 
 liquor bill unpaid. It was brought to me, and 1 found that he had 
 consumed no less than thirty gin slings. I shall have occasion to 
 speak of Captain Trull hereafter ; also, of Captain Blachley, from 
 Long Island. The latter made a requisition on me for uniform and 
 side-arms. 1 told him that the arms and ammunition had not, as 
 yet, arrived ; and there was no provision for clothing and arming 
 officers, that they had to supply themselves. He said that it was 
 very hard, and that he would be obliged to go home and sell his 
 little farm to raise the necessary funds. 
 
 He said that it was better to do this than to resign, and 
 requested fifteen days' leave, which 1 gave him. At the expiration 
 of that time he returned armed and equipped; and, being assigned 
 to a station, and receiving his instructions and supplies, he pro- 
 ceeded to duty. 
 
 On my arrival at Plattsburgh, I was ordered to take charge of 
 the arsenal and all the batteaux built on the lake. About forty 
 were delivered to me and secured in the small harbor at the mouth 
 of the Saranac River. 
 
16 
 
 Lieutenant Curtis was theiv , under my orders, recruiting. I 
 found Plattsburgh u pleasant station compared with Willsborough. 
 The citizens were much pleased at my coming to take command, 
 and complained that Curtis had annoyed them by marching his re- 
 cruits about the streets with music at unseasonable hours of the 
 night. This was immediately discontinued on my arrival. 1 
 received clothing and supplies from Colonel Clark, at Burlington. 
 1 had both infantry and artillery recruits, and arms and ammunition 
 for each; tents were erected for the infantry ; I took barracks for 
 the artillery, and began building both. Curtis had enlisted a man 
 who was an e.xcellent drummer, but a very hard drinker, and I 
 found it difficult to keep him sober even at drills and parades. 
 I tried many ways, but to no effect. One day I directed my first 
 sergeant, George Helmbold, to have one hundred stones as large 
 as a fist collected and placed three feet apart, iind a basket three 
 feet from the first stone. 1 then ordered him to select a man for 
 me to pick them up one by one and place them in the basket, 
 all within forty -five minutes. Reconsidered a moment then (as 
 he had been directed) recommended Jordan, the drummer. It was 
 after morning drill ; 1 ordered Jordan to be called and asked him if 
 he could do this. He said," Yes Sir; in half the time." He began, 
 and got on well for a time, but not quick enough to do it in the 
 specified time. I said, " If you are behindhand, it must be done 
 again." He now kicked off his shoes. When he finally acccm- 
 pli.shed his task Ik- threw himself on the ground quite exhausted. 
 I then asked him if he knew why I had ordered it done. He said 
 "no" and I told him tliat it was for drinking too much. He said that 
 it would cull' him, for he had rather be shot than, do it again. He 
 had walked nearly six miles, and had stooped to pick- up and 
 deposit the stones in the basket two hundred times. It did cure 
 him ; at least, he became quite a sober man ; and I afterwards found 
 this to be an excellent mode oi punishment. 1 never knew a man 
 to do it more than once. When the army assembled, it was gen- 
 erally adcjpted as a very severe punishment. I remained at this 
 station from June to September, and sent three hundred and thirty 
 well drilled men to Greenbush. Many singular incidents occurred in 
 recruiting. 1 used to have the men practice firing at the top rail 
 of a fence. On one occasion I noticed that one of them went 
 through all the motions of loading, etc., but that he did not fire. 1 
 called him to the front and ordered him to (ire off his piece. On 
 
17 
 
 doing so, he was wheeled about, his slioulder badly bruised, and 
 his musket llew out of his hands. He was never after afraid to fire 
 one charge after having fired three all at the same time. The 
 defence of the port and public property being left to me, I organized 
 guards, patrols, counter -signs, etc. Colonel Thorn soon arrived 
 with a regiment of militia. 
 
 1 furnished the Militia Commandant with the parole and coun- 
 ter-sign, and all went well until the arrival of a large detachment 
 of militia, of which Gen. Mooers took command, but continued to 
 1 quarter at his house on Cumberland Head, three miles distant. 1 
 was, one night, called by the officer of the guard, and, on going to 
 the guard house, found it full of prisoners among whom were Gen. 
 Mooers' aids de camp. 1 released them and passed them beyond 
 my sentinels. On the next day I was served with an order 
 from the General to strike my tents and remove my men half 
 a mile off, and to desist from giving out parole and counter- 
 sign. 1 addressed the General in writing and told him that 1 was 
 placed there on special duty, being ordered by the War Department 
 to take charge of the public buildings, etc., that I should obey his 
 orders under protest, and i requested him to appoint some officer 
 to take charge of the public property and to attend to my otlier 
 duties, recruiting, etc., as 1 declined to do further duty except un- 
 der special order from the Department. 
 
 I, however, removed my men to the place assigned. But, in 
 the afternoon, the General called upon me, and wished to come to 
 an understanding. I told him that 1 presumed that he acted under 
 the article which says, "if the officers of the regular army and the 
 militia meet on the march or in quarters, or on duty, — the one 
 liolding the highest commission shall command the whole." He 
 said, "Yes; that he did." 
 
 1 told him that this rule did not apply in our case, as 1 was on 
 special duty, and that he was ordered to defend the frontier; that 
 he had nothing to do with my command, and that 1 had no right 
 to abandon my duty or post. 1 told him that I deemed a guard 
 etc., necessary to secure the public property, and that he had no 
 guard established. If he would remove his head -quarters to the 
 town and establish a well regulated guard, it would answer the 
 purpose; or if he would authorize an officer in the village to re- 
 ceive the parole and counter-sign, 1 would furnish them every day. 
 The General acknowledged that he was wrong, and wished me to 
 resume mv did statirip. and proceed with my duties as before. 1 
 
IS 
 
 tola liiiii ilut 1 L-oukl not do it ii.lurmally, as 1 had obeyed his 
 order, and answered it in writing, and both order and answer were 
 recorded in my orderly book, and it required a written revocation 
 of the order to be likewise recorded. This he sent me ant1 thus 
 the matter ended. 
 
 In a few days Adjutant -General Bain, of the British army, 
 arrived with a flag of truce. He wished to see General Dearborn 
 who, he supposed, was at Burlington. He took lodgings at the 
 hotel at which I lodged, and the next morning the militia drum- 
 mers beat the roll under our windows. Bain saw many of the men, 
 and observed to me that we had some fine troops. I asked him if 
 lie had seen my men. He said, that he had seen them at reveille. 
 1 told him that they were militia, and that I should drill a small 
 squad of my men at ten o'clock, when he might see them. He did 
 so, and was much pleased. General Mooers informed me that 
 General Bain wished to go to Burlington, and, if General Dearborn 
 was not there to proceed to Albany. 1 gave it as my opinion that 
 General Bain had more than one object in view— one. to see Gen- 
 eral Dearborn, and the other to take a small tour through our 
 country to see what were our preparations for war. 1 suggested 
 that he should not be allowed to go about the country alone, but 
 that an intelligent officer should be sent with him ; and that he 
 should not be allowed to stroll about, but should keep on the direct 
 stage route. He approved of my views, and sent Major Rathbone, 
 of his command. On the 1st of October the recruiting districts 
 were broken up and the army assembled at Greenbush. 1 was 
 ordered to repair to Greenbush to report to the Adjutant -General 
 with all the men who were with me, who had been enlisted by 
 infantry officers. A few days before, I had sent off a detachment, 
 and 1 had but two men remaining who were intended for the infan- 
 try. But, with these, 1 proceeded to Albany. 
 
 On the next morning I reported. I had expected to get a 
 company out of the large number of men whom 1 had enlisted, but 
 1 found that they were all scattered through the army as non-com- 
 missioned officers at the request of the different Colonels, and 1 
 was a Captain without a company. A day or two after, I dined 
 with General Dearborn. He regretted that there was no company 
 of my own drilling for me, but said that Colonel Schuyler would 
 do the best he could for me. When I saw the Colonel, he said that 
 1 had best recruit a company for myself, selecting my part of the 
 
19 
 
 State as 1 pleased. I declined on the t^^rouiid that the army was 
 about to march to the frontier, and that I diil not wish to be 
 recruiting while my regiment was in the field. I, therefore, offered 
 my resignation, but it was declined, and I finally agreed to pass on, 
 and station officers through the western district to recruit and for- 
 ward the men to the regiment with which I was to proceed. 1 had 
 become acquainted with Lieut. Col. Winfield Scott at Albany. He 
 admired the appearance of my /tco men. He marched a battalion 
 of artillery to the frontier, and we often encamped together during 
 our long march. He often, there-after attended my drills and com- 
 plimented me highly as a drill officer. We arrived at the Flint 
 Hill Encampment together, and joined General Smith's command on 
 the same day. On my arrival at Flint Hill Encampment, three 
 miles east of Buffalo, I was informed that two British brigs, 
 loaded with stores had come down Lake Erie, and were at anchor 
 under the guns of Fort Erie, and that Lieutenant Elliott of the Navy 
 had determined to board them and cut them out. As 1 had no com- 
 pany, as yet, I rode down to Buffalo, and volunteered to join the 
 expedition. Mr. Elliott regretted that the command of officers was 
 made up. 1 passed the evening with the party, and accompanied 
 them to the shore, where they embarked in three boats. They 
 rowed up the Lake for some distance, then, dropping down with 
 the current, they boarded the brigs. One was lightly armed and 
 made some resistance, but was soon overpowered, the cables cut, 
 and got under weigh for the American shore. One was brought 
 in and anchored under a battery manned by some three hundred 
 militia under command of Major Miller, as 1 afterward learned. 
 The other brig drifted down and grounded on the west side of 
 Squaw Island, within six hundred yards of the British shore. As 
 soon as the American brigs, Adams and Caledonia, got under 
 weigh, my servant, William Williams, and I rode down the beach 
 to see them beat in. The road turned up the hill to the battery 
 and 1 discovered that the battery on the opposite side had opened 
 its tire upon the Adams. I inquired in vain for the commanding 
 officer of the militia battery. 1 asked the men for ammunition and 
 found all excepting port -fires. The men were stooping under the 
 parapet at every flash, and none would assist me to return the fire. 
 1 then sent Williams out on the road to invite in any stray soldiers 
 or sailors whom he could meet; he soon returned with three or 
 four. We made a fire of rails on the parade, the men loaded and 
 
20 
 
 I siglittd the pieces, and a man with a burning rail touched them 
 off, as I directed. We were soon out of ammunition; there was 
 firing below us on the bank, and 1 sent my man Williams to endeav- 
 or to get some nine pounder ammunition. He found Colonel Scott 
 in command, who, knowing my man, sent me a good supply. So 
 we kept up the fire until the prizes were secured and the cargo 
 landed, when the British batteries ceased firing.' When the prison- 
 ers were landed, 1 took charge of them, procuring a few of the 
 militia to act as guard, and proceeded with them to Buffalo. 1 
 was much fatigued, and several times during the march I found 
 myself sleeping on my horst- . I delivered my prisoners to General 
 Hall, and proceeded to my regiment which was then on the march 
 from camp to go to the protection of the brigs, particularly the 
 Caledonia which was aground on the island. A strong detach- 
 ment was placed on Squaw Island, which repelled and severely 
 cut up two or three parties that attempted to board the brig. 
 Before evening, tlie 56th and 13th Regiments of Infantry, Scott's 
 battalion of artillery and Colonel Stanton's and Colonel Mead's 
 regiments of militia were assembled at the mouth of the Conjacaty 
 Creek expecting a visit from the British. Colonel Schuyler was 
 in command. In the evening, Scott's servants having foraged and 
 found some beef steaks, he invited Col. Schuyler and several other 
 officers, among them, myself, to partake and, while eating, the 
 militia guards reported that tlie river v/as full of boats crossing 
 above and below. 
 
 The Colonel ordered me to take a few men and get a good 
 position above, and report frequently what 1 saw. I sent frequent 
 messages that nothing was stirring in that quarter, but at about 
 two o'clock, I heard troops moving on the road. I challenged 
 them, and was answered by one of our officers " We are on the 
 retreat, get your horse and join us." 1 had left my horse at Gen- 
 eral Porter's and, proceeding there, 1 found ail quiet, hlliott was 
 also there. We stood on the piazza and saw the troops passing. 
 I challenged, and was answered by Captain Sprowell, of the 13th, 
 Id Company; he and Martin joined us. None of us believed the 
 enemy to be near, and if it was, it was our duty to fight and not 
 retreat. Colonel Schuyler was very censurable. Our two com- 
 panies halted at the battery at which I liad been in the morning, 
 and determined to stand and meet any enemy that might advance ; 
 but my command was soon put to an end by the arri\al of Major 
 
21 
 
 Huyck of (Hir regiment. He requested me to mount his horse (mine 
 having struyed) and ride to Buffalo to alarm General Hall's com- 
 mand. When 1 arrived there all was quiet. I aroused General Hall, 
 who was much bewildered, and did not know what to do. At my 
 suggestion he called a trumpeter who, after blowing for some 
 time, got together some thirty horsemen without arms, having lent 
 theirs to the boarding party. Thus ended this disgraceful affair, 
 as a beginning to the war. To the honor of Lieut, Col. Scott, 1 
 may say that he did not obey the order to retreat, but remained 
 on the ground all night. 
 
 On the next day we all assembled again at Flint Hill Bncamp- 
 ment. Colonel Schuyler sent for me to advise him as to his best 
 course, whether he should arrest or challenge an officer who had 
 said that he acted in a cowardly manner by ordering the retreat. 
 I advised him to do neither, but to let it pass. He remained but a 
 short time with the regiment : he was an excellent disciplinarian 
 and drill officer. He was soon Adjutant -General of the command 
 of his brother-in-law. Colonel Cushing. We passed the winter of 
 1812-1813 camping at Flint Hills, and marching to Buffalo and 
 Black Rock and back. The troops suffered very much for 
 want of provisions and clothing suitable to the climate. We built 
 comfortable log barracks, but we lost by death through the winter 
 some three hundred men. My company, and that of Captain 
 Morgan marched to and from Buffalo twenty times during the win- 
 ter. Old Colonel Porter, known as " Blow hard," commanded. 
 He frequently dreamed that there was an attack on Buffalo, and 
 we were ordered to march from comfortable cantonments at 
 Williamsville, eleven miles from Buffalo. And when there after a 
 march, the tracks of which could be traced by the blood from the 
 feet of the men (for they were nearly all bare footed) we were 
 compelled to encamp in the streets being unable to procure 
 quarters. 
 
 Early in April, the whole army was marched to the river to 
 perform drill in order, first, to keep the militia from rebellion, and 
 second, to storm the batteries on the British side of Niagara. Both 
 of which were effected. A brigade of Pennsylvania Militia was 
 mutinous, and even threatened to take General Smith, our Com- 
 mander, out of camp. We formed line of battle, on one occasion, 
 expecting an attack from them. We soon left Camp Rock, and 
 returned to the cantonment at Williamsville. We remained there 
 
22 
 
 tor a tew days, then the whole toice marched to Black Rock 
 across the Niagara River and stormed the batteries on the British 
 side. 1 was ordered to General Smith's quarters where 1 found a 
 number of officers assembled. 
 
 The General stated that we were to cross in three divisions; 
 at twelve o'clock, and storm the batteries on the margin of the 
 river. He asked me how many men 1 reported for duty. ! 
 answered, eighty. 
 
 He said he would give me seventy more and an additional 
 subaltern, and I was to have three boats. The General remarked, 
 " Virginia will not complain tonight." Most of the officers present 
 were Virginians, and he thought me to be one also by my name. 
 We were dismissed and we found our respective commands; but 
 the boats were full of ice and water, and deficient in oars. It was 
 near daylight before we moved. We stormed the batteries with a 
 small loss, and took a number of prisoners ; but the enemy having 
 received a large reenforcement from Fort Erie, we were compelled 
 to recross the river leaving a small detachment behind, which was 
 captured. 
 
 Among those taken was my first sergeant, George Helmbold, 
 who had separated from my command in the bustle of retreat. 
 He had a presentiment that he should be killed in the first engage- 
 ment, and he told me afterwards, that finding, after a few shots 
 had been exchanged, that he still lived, he gave up his supersti- 
 tion, and was ever after a brave man. After our return. General 
 Winder was ordered to cross with his brigade, but the tire was so 
 brisk that he could not effect a landing. The prisoners taken from 
 us were marched to Fort George, and e.xamined by Colonel Myers 
 of the British Army. Helmbold had held prisoner, during the night, 
 a British sergeant, and imprudently, as well as unmilitarily, had 
 taken his sword and belt. The sergeant was missing, and it was 
 reported that Helmbold had killed him, while a prisoner, and taken 
 his sword and belts. The Colonel asked him his regiment, and 
 the name of his Captain. Helmbold said that he belonged to the 
 1.3th Regiment, and Captain Myers' Company. The Colonel en- 
 quired particularly about the size, complexion, and appearance of 
 his commander, and then said, "I know your Captain; he is a 
 British deserter, and 1 should like to see him." The sergeant re- 
 plied, "Perhaps, sir, you may meet him by and by;" ,and so he 
 did, for at the taking of Newark and Fort George, Colonel Mvers 
 
was wouiidtd and taken prisoner. A few days alter the battle, in 
 company with some of the officers, I visited the British prisoners. 
 The moment my name was mentioned, Colonel Myers related the 
 above, and said, "1 expressed a wish to see you, but not under the 
 present circumstances; 1 am mistaken, you are not the deserter." 
 Then, he said, "Your sergeant is a brave fellow; he would have 
 been condemned to be shot, had it not been for the wife of the 
 missing British sergeant who, hearing the charges against Helm- 
 bold, came down to Fort George to say that her husband was 
 wounded and taken to a hut, where he then was, but that he had 
 not been ill used by Sergeant Helmbold further than having been 
 deprived of his side-arms and belt. This saved Helmbold's life. 
 
 The expedition thus ended, we marched to our cantonments 
 at Williamsville. 
 
 Our next attempt was to cross and take Fort Erie. We 
 started one morning just after daylight and rode up the river from 
 Conjacaty Creek to Black Rock. 
 
 .An officer was sent over with a flag to demand the surrender 
 of the fort. If it was refused, he was to make a signal to that 
 effect on leaving the shore. This, he omitted to do, and, much to 
 the dissatisfaction of all, we were ordered to return and secure the 
 boats. The plan of the first Campaign of 1S12 was as follows : — 
 The army was formed with the right on Lake Champlain, under 
 General Pike; the center, on the Niagara, under General Smith; 
 the left at Detroit under General Hull, and the whole under Gen- 
 eral Dearborn. The left wing, under Hull, was defeated by the 
 command of Gen. Proctor. This occurred through cowardice or 
 treason; from the mode of attacking the British fort, the latter 
 was strongly suspected. No general expecting resistance would 
 attack a fort in column, when he could do so in line; for a ball 
 striking the head of a column would completely rake it, which 
 would not be the case in line. 
 
 1 conversed with Col. Miller, Col. Snelling, and Col. Watson; 
 they were all satisfied that the affair was arranged between Hull 
 am.] Proctor. From the loss of the left wing, the center became 
 the most important division. This was to push forward and drive 
 down the British forces from the protection of Kingston and Mont- 
 real ; and the right wing was to join them at St. Regis on the St. 
 Lawrence; and the whole body was then to move on Montreal. 
 At the same time three squadrons of armed vessels were organized 
 
24 
 
 and equipped; — one on Lake Champlain under command of Com- 
 modore McDonough; one on Lake Ontario under Commodore Jones, 
 and one on Lake Erie under the command of Commodore Perry, 
 and all under the command of Commodore Chauncey. They 
 were to co-operate with the armies. The left wing having been 
 disposed of by General Proctor, he remained unopposed until 
 forces took the field under Gen. Shelby and Gen. Harrison. They 
 were successful against Proctor ; Tecumseh, the Indian Chief, was 
 killed by Col. R. M. Johnson, and the whole British and Indian 
 forces were beaten. Commodore Perry was also successful on 
 Lake Erie, taking the whole British Squadron ; McDonough was, in 
 like manner, successful on Lake Champlain; while Chauncey was 
 effectually co-operating with the army of the center, on Lake 
 Ontario, and holding in check the British Squadron. Early in 
 -April Gen. Dearborn and Commodore Chauncey arranged for the 
 invasion of Canada. The whole land force, excepting a detacli- 
 ment then at Sackett's Harbor, assembled at and near Fort Niag- 
 ara, embarked in Chauncey's Squadron and made a successful 
 attack on Little York. We there lost our brave General Pike. 1 
 must now digress a little to give an account of tlie battle of 
 Queenstovvn, which 1 omitted to bring in its proper place. The 
 second battalion, as 1 have before stated, had taken some boats 
 up Lake Ontario to Fort Niagara; while the first battalion marched 
 on and encamped at Flint Hills, three miles from Buffalo. 
 
 Our trf)ops at Fort Niagara, and small detachments from 
 regiments, with Col. Mead and Col. Stanahan, under Gen. Words- 
 worth prepared under Col. Philip Van Rensselaer to attack 
 Queenstown. Gen. Stephen Van Rensselaer, one of the best men 
 of the age, though not the greatest general, was ordered to the 
 Niagara frontier in command of tlie militia. His nephew, Col. 
 Philip Van Rensselaer, a brave officer of some experience accom- 
 panied the General, who now determined to collect his forces and 
 select a night in which to make a descent. General Smith's bri- 
 gade, then at Flint Hills, and the troops at Fort Niagara were 
 ordered to assemble at Lewiston, in accordance with orders from 
 General Van Rensselaer, who ranked all the other officers on the 
 frontier at that time. We took the line of march and proceedctl 
 towards the rendezvous; but when we were within seven miles of 
 our destination the order was countermanded and we returned to 
 camp that night after a march of twent\' -eight miles over the 
 worst possible loads. 
 
25 
 
 That day I lost, through slieer fatigue, a line, active young 
 man; he was a sergeant named Comstock. We left him at a 
 house on the road; but coming into camp, as we had promised, he 
 
 was sent for, but found dead. Two days after this we received 
 
 another order to proceed to Lewiston, and on the way an express 
 met us with orders for us to hurry on as the troops taken from 
 Fort Niagara, including the second battalion of the 13th Infantry 
 under Lieut. -Col. Christie, and a body of militia under Col. Mead 
 and Col. Stanahan, commanded by Gen. Wordsworth, had crossed 
 over to Queenstown in the night, and, after a sharp struggle, had 
 taken possession of the town and heights. We moved on with 
 great rapidity, but before we reached Queenstown vm troops 
 were overpowered, the British having received reinforcements from 
 Fort Erie and Fort George, while many of our militia at Lewiston 
 refused to go over. 
 
 The fight was an irregular one; most of our officers and many 
 of our men were killed or wounded in crossing the river or soon 
 after landing. Among the wounded were Col. Solomon Van Rens- 
 selaer, Lieut. -Col. W. Scott, Lieut. -Col. Christie, Captains Law- 
 rence, Malcom, Wool, Armstrong, of the 13th Infantry, and several 
 others of the 13th were killed. This severe loss among the officers 
 arose from the fact that all those who could raise a few men took 
 them over in separate commands. Captain Wool and Captain 
 Ogilvie of the 13th Infantry both claimed great honor for having 
 ascended the heights and taken an eighteen pounder that was mount- 
 ed on a pivot. The piece was taken, but it has always been 
 uncertain which of the officers took it. We arrived at Lewiston a 
 few hours after the surrender; many of our wounded men had got 
 to the boats and returned. The prisoners were marched to Fort 
 George and thence sent to Montreal. The whole affair ended dis- 
 astrously from mismanagement; for had Smith's brigade of about 
 fifteen hundred men been ordered up in time to join the expedition 
 not only Queenstown, but Fort Erie and Fort George would have 
 been taken, and we should, undoubtedly, have been in possession 
 of the British shore from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario; the British 
 could not have withstood our united forces. Immediately on our 
 arrival at Lewiston, General Van Rensselaer gave over the com- 
 mand to General Smith. I was ordered to enroll the remainder of 
 the 2nd battalion of the 13th Infantry, to collect them, provide for 
 their wants, and command them as a detachment. I found them 
 
26 
 
 in a most wretched condition, in barns, under sheds andhaj^-stacks. 
 1 drew tents, and collected tlie men, provided medical assistance 
 for those who were severely wounded, and from the remains of 
 those four companies, 1 formed my grenadier company of the 13th 
 Regiment, and for appearance, bravery, and knowledge of their duty 
 they were not excelled in our army or in that of the enemy. We 
 remained at Lewiston for ten or twelve days, and then marched 
 back to our old quarters at Flint Hills where the wounded could 
 be better cared for. We remained here until ordered to build bar- 
 racks at Williamsville, on the "Eleven Mile" Creek. The canton- 
 ments were built by the troops, who marched and encamped there. 
 The various parts of the work were systematically given to dif- 
 ferent parties, each under command of a captain. The duty of 
 myself and party was to procure and haul sawed lumber. 
 
 The barracks were, at length, completed, and were very com- 
 fortable. During the winter (1812-13), we were on the defensive, 
 and, with the exception of many alarms, and the frequent march- 
 ing of my company (1st or Grenadier of the 13th) and that of 
 Captain Morgan of the 12th to Buffalo and back, little or nothing 
 worthy of note occurred. Marching to Buffalo so frequently was 
 very severe duty. 1 occupied my quarters only one night after 
 their completion ; the remainder of the time I quartered in a tent 
 either at Buffalo, or at the Cantonment. I often encamped in the 
 street in Buffalo, there being no quarters to be had. Finally 1 se- 
 cured the Ball-room for my men and a shoemaker's shop by way 
 of quarters for myself. Here, during the winter, many occurrences 
 took place which were very amusing at the time, but they 
 would not be interesting to read at this late period. As 1 before 
 stated, the campaign of 1813 began with the affair of Little York. 
 
 The troops remained there only two days. They took one or 
 two schooners with stores, etc., burned a vessel on the stocks, and 
 re-embarked and stood over for Fort Niagara. 
 
 Here the dead were buried and the wounded taken care of as 
 well as circumstances would admit. Our squadron left Sackett's 
 Harbor. General Smith's brigade, then at Williamsville encamp- 
 ment, was ordered to march to Fort Niagara. We descended the 
 river in bateaux as far as the old French fort, one mile from Niag- 
 ara Falls and just opposite to Chippeway. 1 was detached v/ith 
 two hundred men to take the boats back about two miles. We 
 
27 
 
 accomplished this with great difficulty, the current being so strong 
 that we could barely stem it. After effecting our object, we set 
 out on our return to Chippeway. The men shouldered their oars 
 for convenience in carrying them. When we approached the garri- 
 son, the troops, seeing a body of men carrying arms fourteen feet 
 long, feared an attack and beat to arms; but our long weapons 
 were harmless. At reveille we proceeded on our march to Lew- 
 iston where we halted. There an order reached us directing Gen- 
 eral Smith to re-enforce Fort Niagara with our regiment of infantry ; 
 for an attack was expected from the enemy's troops at Fort 
 George by way of retaliation for the affair of Little Rock. We 
 were just pitching our tents to shelter our men from a snow storm, 
 when the order came. Colonel Christie, who was in command of 
 our regiment, asked me if the regiment could move on immedi- 
 ately. Some of the other captains were consulted, and we finally 
 started on the march without baggage. 
 
 The night was very dark, cold and stormy, and the roads 
 were as bad as can be imagined. We commenced the march, left 
 in front; so my company brought up the rear, a very unpleasant 
 post, as those in the rear cannot go on until all stragglers have 
 passed, when it is sometimes very difficult to catch up with the 
 front. On arriving at the salt battery, Lieut. Col. Schuyler in- 
 formed me that the field officers would go immediately to the fort, 
 that 1 must halt and get shelter for the men, and, if it was neces- 
 sary for us to come on, a rocket would be fired, in which cast- wi- 
 must move down as quickly as possible. He gave me the parok- 
 and countersign. Our men took shelter such as they could find. 
 
 Captain Archer, of the light artillery, who was stationed in 
 the battery, invited the officers to his quarters and ordered re- 
 freshments ; but in less than half an hour the signal rocket was 
 seen at the fort. 1 immediately formed as many men as 1 could 
 collect, and left Captain Martin in command to follow as soon as 
 possible, and to leave the same order to Sprowl and the other cap- 
 tains. We groped along through Egyptian darkness, the rain fell 
 in torrents, and the mud was ankle deep. When 1 arrived at the 
 chain of sentinels I was obliged to advance slowly through the 
 mud, slipping down now and then among the stumps and stones. 
 
 I answered the challenge, "a detachment of the 13th Infan- 
 try;" the answer was the discharge of a musket, and the fire was 
 repeated all along the line of sentinels. 
 
28 
 
 After some ditticulty in exchanging countersign, etc., we 
 gained admittance to the fort and found the garrison under arms, 
 as tliey had thought, at first, that we were the enemy. Everything 
 went on quietly for the remainder of the night, and at daylight the 
 rear of our regiment arrived. We had no quarters, but tents were 
 furnished and we encamped on the parade. The next night the 
 wounded from Little York were landed, and the fort was then like 
 a hospital. The mess house and the stairs leading to the mess 
 room were all filled. We remained on duty in the fort for several 
 days, and then the whole force, excepting the regular garrison, 
 encamped on Snake Island. It was literally Suake Island, for it 
 was full of snakes. The men frequently shook rattle snakes from 
 their blankets in the morning, and at every drill or parade snakes 
 were killed on the ground. 
 
 The inhabitants of the island said that the snakes came down 
 from the mountains in the spring to get water at the lakes; but 
 that before they reached the water they were harmless. None of 
 the men were bitten by them, at all events. While at this en- 
 campment 1 was engaged as second in an affair of honor between 
 Dr. James Bronaugh and Major Stonard. Major Z. Taylor (late 
 President of the U. S.) was associated with me as friends to 
 Major Stonard. Captain Randolph and another gentleman were 
 friends to the Doctor. The Major was shot in the thigh. He died 
 of the wound in May, 1813. (See Appendix.) 
 
 While at Snake Hill every preparation was made for taking Fort 
 George. It was arranged that on the night before the landing, Fort 
 Niagara, the salt battery, and a battery which 1 built one night assisted 
 by Lieutenant Totten as engineer (now General Totten, U. S. A.) 
 should open fire of hot shot on Fort George and the batteries on that 
 side, and at four o'clock, A. M., all the troops were to embark and 
 wheel out by regiments. Lieut. -Col. Wintleld Scott commanded 
 the left with his light artillery supported by infantry. 
 
 Next, on the right, was the 13th Regiment, comm.anded by 
 Lieut. -Col. Christie; and the other regiments according to rank, 
 hach regiment formed a line of boats and moved in silence at 
 wheeling distance. 
 
 The companies were so arranged in each boat as to form line 
 immediately on landing. It was a misty morning, and our fleet 
 had taken up its position under cover of the fog to effect our landing. 
 The cannonading on the right was very brisk- and effectual ; all tlie 
 
29 
 
 wooden buildings in Fort George were soon in flames, and the gar- 
 rison marched out and formed on the plain ready to move in any 
 direction. We had about five miles to row to the place of landing; 
 as we neared the fleet the fog lifted, and a view was presented of 
 our fleet at its moorings, and our full force approaching with flags 
 displayed and our bands playing " Yankee Doodle." The garrisons 
 of Forts George, Erie, and Chippeway, which had joined in the 
 night, were in line near the bank. The firing now opened from the 
 shore and shipping. 
 
 Lieutenant Trent, in the schooner "Julia," with one twenty- 
 four pounder on a pivot, took a station opposite to a battery, 
 furled his sails and moored his schooner for a " regular set to." 
 Scott effected a landing, but did not succeed in advancing until re- 
 enforced. I commanded the in -shore boats of our regiment, and 
 was rowing for my position when General Boyd, who was on shore, 
 called out, " Wheel in my jolly snorters," (the sobriquet by which 
 our regiment was known). I immediately wheeled my boat when 
 an order was passed from boat to boat " to keep on." 1 answered 
 in the same way " Superior orders from shore." 1 landed and the 
 remainder of the regiment followed, and Scott with all who were 
 with him mounted the bank together. The contest was sharp, and 
 soon ended. The British retreated, and were soon on a rapid march 
 for " Twelve Mile" Creek. We advanced to Newark, but were 
 annoyed by a fire of hot shot from a thirty -two pounder on a pivot 
 in barbette in a block house. Colonel Christie was ordered to 
 detach a force from his right and take it. I was ordered to take 
 two companies from the right, and Lieutenant McDonough was to 
 accompany me. Lieutenant Paige commanded my second platoon 
 or company- 
 
 When 1 approached the block house, 1 Jetached him to the rear 
 to take prisoners if they attemped to jump over the parapet ; for 
 it was a battery on the water side, and a block house on the land. 
 I entered through a sally-port five feet high and three feet wide. 
 The garrison jumped over the parapet and ran. Paige had not 
 gained his position, and I never saw Mr. McDonough or his twelve 
 pounder. After taking this position, the army found nothing to 
 obstruct its progress. There were a few reports to the effect that 
 large quantities of ammunition had been placed in the public stores 
 with trains of powder leading to them, but examinations proved 
 them to be untrue. The whole body advanced as far as the public 
 
30 
 
 stores near the liouse of Mr. Black. Here the main body halted, 
 and Lieut. -Col. Scott proceeded with his detachment to the ruins 
 of Fort George. He found no troops to oppose him; all were on 
 the march to the "Twelve AAile " Creek. The tired buildings 
 were still burning. 1 was detached foi main guard. The park 
 of artillery was in the center, and the other troops were at the 
 right and left facing south — the right near the road leading to the 
 batteries. I was posted a-~ main guard at about five tnmdred y;jrds 
 south oi our line, and e.xactly in from of th<:' park of artillery, i 
 had occasion to go to Mrs. Black to instruct .the family how far 
 they could move without interruption. I took a glass of porter 
 and some crackers and cheese with Mr. Black. 
 
 .^t about eight o'clock, Col. H. V. Milton, as officer of the day, 
 visited me and requested me to have fires made up. I com- 
 plied, though to have fires on out post in the enemy's 
 country was contrary to what 1 had been taught. He said 
 that in case of an alarm 1 might withdraw my guards and place 
 them between the fires and the line. At about eleven o'clock the 
 sentinel on night guard fired. I sent a non-commissioned officer 
 and a file of men to enquire the cause. It was reported to be a 
 false alarm. 1 had retired as directed. The officer of the day 
 then rode up and said that 1 had been in great danger. The artil- 
 lery, supposing my guard to be the enemy had aprons off guns, 
 the guns primed, and port -fire ready ; and had he been five seconds 
 later my guard would have been cut down by grape shot from the 
 whole park. Thus, by the providence of God we were saved. 
 There was no alarm during the remainder of the night. 
 
 There was no necessity for stopping at Newark except the 
 Generals having been hungry, and Mrs. Black having had a good 
 dinner. I suppose they thought they had glory enough for one day 
 without following up the enemy. The same night a division under 
 Colonel Burns went down, crossed at " Five Mile " Meadows and 
 took Fort Erie without resistance, and the next day marched 
 down, took Chippeway, and joined us. The center was now con- 
 centrated at Fort George, having possession of everything from 
 Fort Erie, on Lake Erie, to Fort George, on Lake Ontario. Our 
 camp was for many days full of Canadians, who came in for pro- 
 tection. After giving the enemy time to reach Burlington Heights, 
 at the head of the lake, a strong detachment of our army under 
 General Lewis marched in pursuit. They halted on the first night 
 at " Twelve Mile" Creek. 
 
31 
 
 Our detachment under General Lewis marched from Fort 
 George without baggage on the first day of June, 1813. It con- 
 sisted of the 12th, 13th, and 14th Regiments of hifantry, Colonel 
 Burns' regiment of Dragoons, and a strong detachment of Artillery, 
 numbering in all, rank and file, about three thousand men. Our 
 object was to attack the British in their entrenchments at Burling- 
 ton Heights. 
 
 On the JikI s\ e luiltrJ \<> 'X^vr the inrii a linle rrsi .ii ( j(M>k>^. 
 iw riit \ -tWM miles tidiii the Briiish liiie>. Wf haJ IkkI .i hard 
 march of two days overbad roads obstructed by biokt-n bridges 
 and fallen trees placed in our way by the retreating enemy. Many 
 of the officers took breakfast with Mr. Cook, a wealthy gentleman ; 
 atid while I was enjoying the luxury of putting on a clean shirt, kindly 
 lent me by Dr. J. Bronaugh with the injunction not to tell where 1 
 procured it, a party of Indians took possession of a high and almost 
 perpendicular ridge of rocks in front of the house and commenced 
 a heavy fire on the dragoon horses that were picketed in the door 
 yard. Lieut. Joseph C. Eldridge, of my company, and adjutant of 
 the regiment with the camp guard accomplished immediately, but 
 with great difficulty, what seemed to be impracticable — he scaled 
 the face of the rocks. At the same time, 1 was ordered to march 
 to the rear of their retreat ; but before I reached the top of the 
 ridge they were all dispersed by Eldridge and had escaped. 
 
 We continued our march through mud and mire, it sometimes 
 required six teams to drag our baggage wagons and artillery ; the 
 day was extremely warm, and we were obliged to repair several 
 bridges before we could cross the streams. We halted in the even- 
 ing at "Forty Mile" Creek. A detachment of boats with provisions 
 and ammunition had followed our march. They were discovered 
 
 by Commodore and we dispatched the schooners to destroy 
 
 them . 
 
 As soon as we halted. Captain Archie of the artillery was 
 ordered to the lake shore, supported by the 13th. Furnaces were 
 erected and hot shot was soon prepared and used to such effect as 
 to drive off the enemy. The remainder of our forces were bivou- 
 acked on either side of the road leading to the position of the 
 
 enemy. Lieut. Van V commanded an advanced picket 
 
 guard half a mile in advance on the road. This was the evening 
 of the 3rd of June, and the 4th being the birthday of King George 
 111, the enemy felt in good spirits, no doubt, and determined to 
 precipitate our attack. 
 
32 
 
 They moved their fall force towards us in silence, bayoneted 
 the advance sentinel, found the officer of the guard asleep, took 
 the guard and marched straight into camp before they were dis- 
 covered. Great confusion, of course, ensued. General Winder 
 and General Chandler were taken prisoners while giving orders to 
 the enemy, believing them to be their own troops, in consequence 
 of one of our regiments having changed its position in the night to 
 get better encamping ground. As soon as the firing was heard. 
 Col. Christie moved our regiment along the beach with the inten- 
 tion to get in the rear of the enemy, take possession of the bridge 
 over "Forty Mile" Creek, and cut off the retreat. We had near- 
 ly reached our point when an express came with orders to halt, 
 and for the field officers to attend a council of war. General 
 Lewis had been called back to Fort George, Gen. Winder and Gen. 
 Chandler were prisoners and Christie thought that he ranked all 
 the other officers. But, on going to the council, he found, much 
 to his chagrin and mortification, that Col. Burns ranked by date of 
 commission. 
 
 The question now was, shall we pursue or fall back? Our 
 regiment was counter -marched over the field of battle after having 
 taken twenty or thirty prisoners. When we arrived at the ground 
 we found it strewed with dead and wounded of both parties to the 
 number of four or five hundred. The troops on both sides were 
 scattered. We buried the dead and stacked and burned the arms 
 and baggage for want of transportation. We brought off the 
 wounded and prepared to follow our retiring forces. I was in- 
 formed that the British General S was lying among the 
 
 dead. 1 sent an officer in search of him ; he found a blanket and one 
 of the General's pistols, but, like Lord G — — — in the play, the 
 General had carried off his own corpse. At noon we started after 
 our retiring troops, and joined them at the "Forty Mile" Creek. 
 Col. Schuyler asked permission to follow the retreating enemy 
 with our regiment, but the Council of War would not consent. 
 
 If it had done so we might have retaken our two generals, 
 and, perhaps, many prisoners, for General Winder told me, when 
 he returned on parole, that at twelve o'clock the enemy had not 
 collected tive hundred men ; they were not thiee miles from us, 
 and ilu-y expected an attack every moment. On the 5tli \s'e con- 
 tinued our march and on the 6th we arrived at Fort George, liav- 
 
30 
 
 ing gained no laurels and having lost nearly three hundred. We 
 
 were now on the defensive, and General de R soon after arrived 
 
 and took command. We now fortified our camp with a ditch in 
 front, Fort George on the right, a strong battery on the left, and 
 the river in the rear. About one -third of the men were detailed 
 for fatigue duty to diminish the size of Fort George, which was so 
 large as to require a garrison of seven hundred men to defend it 
 properly. The men for duty were drilled eight hours per day. 
 Attacks on our picket guards were frequently made by parties of 
 British and Indians. It occurred to me that a six pounder would 
 be of great benefit to each of our picket guards. 1 tried its effect 
 for the first time on picket number two, on the swamp road. 
 
 1 had it loaded with grape, and at four o'clock in the morning 
 an attack was made. 1 turned out the guard, masked the piece, 
 and, when all was ready, opened by half wheel by sections and 
 touched off the gun. 
 
 The Indians set up a shout like that of a thousand devils, and 
 were off. This plan was generally adopted. Our sentinels were 
 frequently shot on post. One day I placed my whole chain each 
 under cover of a rock, tree, or other object so that they might see 
 without being seen. This, also, was afterwards generally adopted. 
 
 The Indians often approached our line of sentinels in the night 
 and waited for the grand rounds. When the sentinels challenged, 
 the Indians, guided by the sound of the voice, fired, and sometimes 
 hit a man. One day I drilled my guard to strike once on the 
 cartridge box when they heard an approach instead of challenging, 
 and I instructed the rounds, relief, and grand rounds when they 
 heard a sentinel strike his cartridge box once to answer by strik- 
 ing twice and to advance. This plan was followed, and, no doubt, 
 saved many lives. 
 
 We were in the habit of reconnoitreing with small detach- 
 ments, and we had many little fights with the picket guards. The 
 enemy did the same, and one morning an attack was made on our 
 picket number three near Butler's farm. A detachment of forty 
 from our regiment was ordered out. Adjutant Eldridge was form- 
 ing it and he asked me how many men he should take from my 
 company. I told him as many as he pleased, and he 
 took twenty-nine men. He had promised me not to take 
 such commands as it was not pleasing to the other subal- 
 terns to be deprived of them by the adjutant, whose duty it was 
 
34 
 
 to act only with the regiment; and thus give others a chance to 
 signalize themselves. I repeated this while they were forming; he 
 said, "Only this once, Captain, and never again; may 1 take your 
 pistols and belt?" I said "yes," and he marched. After a time, 
 the firing was very heavy, 1 went to the Adjt. -General for per- 
 mission to go out with the remainder of my company. 
 
 He answered, "An order has been given for your regiment to 
 march." Though we marched rapidly, we were too late to pre- 
 vent the horrible massacre of our brave young officer and his men. 
 
 On his arrival at the picket, he had found the guard engaged 
 with a very superior force. He joined in the action ; the enemy 
 fell back, and he pursued into a morass surrounded by thick, bushy 
 woods. There, he was surrounded by a large force of British and 
 Indians and cut all to pieces. 
 
 Only three out of the forty taken from our regiment, and but 
 few of the picket guard returned to camp. Our regiment passed 
 the mangled dead in pursuit of the enemy, which had fled with the 
 scalps. The bodies were stripped and horribly mutilated. Lieut. 
 Joseph C. Eldridge, the Adjutant of the 13th Regiment, who was 
 among the killed, was a young man of great promise, and much 
 beloved by his fellow officers. 
 
 Being recalled from the pursuit, we had to perform the melan- 
 choly duty of burying our mangled officers and men in one common 
 grave. 
 
 The first battalion of our regiment was ordered to Queens - 
 town to accomplish two objects. First, to send a captain's com- 
 mand at reveille the next morning to reconnoitre in the neighbor- 
 hood of Lundy's Lane and Niagara Falls, to see Mrs. Wilson at the 
 Falls, and to obtain from her all the information possible respecting 
 the strength of the enemy at, or near St. David's, the number of 
 Indians employed and acting with the British, and such other infor- 
 mation as she might possess. Also, to collect and forward by the 
 river all the public property found at Queenstown. 1 had- been 
 unwell for a few days, and unfit for duty; but Major Huyck, who 
 was in command, was so desirous of having me go with him, that 
 1 consented, and waived my privilege of being on the sick list. 
 Sometimes I marched on foot, and at others the Major dismounted 
 and lent me his horse. 
 
 We arrived in the night, and bivouacked in front of the Hamilton 
 House, then an elegant establishment, on the bank of the river, 
 
35 
 
 but now almost a ruin. The Major opened his orders and directed 
 me to command the reconnoitreing detachment. I sent a non-com- 
 missioned officer and a file of men to impress a horse, and they had 
 just returned with a fine one, and 1 was forming my detachment 
 of one hundred and twenty infantry and sixteen riflemen, who 
 accompanied us from the fort, to act as flankers, when Major 
 Chapin arrived with forty mounted Canadian Volunteers. 
 
 1 knew the Major to be a great humbug, and 1 told Major 
 Huyck that I must relinquish the command, as 1 could not march 
 under the orders of Major Chapin of the militia. 
 
 Chapin said he did not expect to take command, but would 
 act under my orders. We then moved on about four miles. Then 
 1 detached the Major with his volunteers to take a back road and 
 join me in Lundy's Lane, which he did. We proceeded to the Falls. 
 
 1 had an interview with Mrs. Wilson, an American lady 
 who married an Englishman. Their house was a great rendez- 
 vous for the British officers. She reported fourteen hundred 
 regulars at and near St. David's, about seven miles distant, 
 and a body of seven hundred Indians from Lake Superior. 
 She said that Captain McGilvery, with a detachment of Indians 
 and regulars, had been down that morning. He knew of our 
 detachment being out, and would attack us on our return at 
 a pass cut out between two hills, about four miles from Queens - 
 town. She feared that his force and the position he had taken 
 would render my return almost impossible. Having obtained all 
 the information 1 could gather 1 marched for Queenstown and 
 a fight. 
 
 I sent twenty men, infantry, as an advance guard, and four of 
 Chapin's Volunteers as a vidette in front of the advanced guard, 
 then my column of one hundred infantry, with eight riflemen as 
 flankers on the right and left, and Major Chapin with thirty -six 
 mounted volunteers to bring up the rear. During the march, Mrs. 
 Wilson's report of the intended attack was confirmed by a young 
 lady, the daughter of a British surgeon, whose house we had sur- 
 rounded on account of information received that it was the resi- 
 dence of a British officer. He appeared in uniform and delivered 
 his sword, saying that he was my prisoner; but his uniform satis- 
 fied me that he was not. I, however, asked him his rank, and he 
 said, " 1 have the honor to be Hospital Surgeon in His Britannic 
 Majesty's Service. I, of course, returned his sword, as he was a 
 
36 
 
 non-combatant, and not a prisoner. The daughter was very 
 pretty, and quite communicative. 
 
 She wished me to dismount and take refreshments, which I 
 declined; she, however, brought me some strawberries and cream. 
 She said she feared I would be killed or made prisoner ; and she 
 hoped, if 1 were made prisoner, that 1 would take a parole and 
 return there; 1 had been polite to her father, and it would give 
 them great pleasure to make me comfortable should I fall into the 
 hands of their people. We proceeded, and just as the vidette had 
 entered the descending grounds, the advance guard following, the 
 enemy opened a heavy fire from both sides of the road. They 
 should have reserved their fire until the main body entered the 
 deep cut, when their advantage would have been very great; but, 
 as yet, the main body was on higher ground than even themselves. 
 I threw the column into the right and left, making a half wheel 
 from the center of the platoons, and gave them a well directed and 
 deadly fire to the right and left. They stood only three or four 
 discharges, when the Indians on the right of the road gave way 
 with a tremendous whoop and yell, and the British, on the left, 
 broke, threw off their accouterments and ran through the woods. 
 We passed the ravine and, procuring spades from a farm house 
 near, we buried three of our men killed. Major Chapin, with his 
 thirty -six Canadian Volunteers, now came up. He said that he 
 had stopped at a house where, he was informed, some British 
 officers and men were concealed. We returned to Queenstown. 
 
 Major Huyck met and embraced me in the street. He had 
 heard heavy firing and feared that 1 had been cut off. He had sent 
 all but eighty of his men to the fort with public stores. He had his 
 party formed, and expected an attack every moment; in fact, 
 when he saw us approach, he believed us to be the enemy, and 
 was prepared to resist. We marched four miles together towards 
 Fort George, and halted for the night. Some deserters came in 
 and said that we had handled them very roughly, and killed many 
 of their men. 
 
 The next day, 1 reported to General Dearborn the result of 
 my reconnoissance. Upon being asked my opinion, 1 stated that a 
 proper force to make an attack would be a thousand infantry, well 
 supported by artillery and cavalry. Colonel Butler ( ? ) having heard 
 of my report, volunteered three days after to march his regiment 
 over the same routt-. His offer was accepted, and he marched 
 
37 
 
 with seven hundred infantry and a detachment of artillery. He 
 was attacked, on a woody road, by a considerable force; he sent 
 an express for re -enforcement, and our regiment immediately made 
 a forced march to Queenstown. There, we received notice that 
 Butler with his whole force were prisoners. Our regiment alone 
 being too weak to follow the enemy, unsupported by artillery or 
 cavalry, returned to the fort, and the boasting Colonel and his 
 command remained prisoners. At this time Commodore Perry 
 made a requisition for a company of infantry to act as marines. 
 When 1 heard of it, 1 went immediately to headquarters to offer 
 my services ; but 1 was just a few minutes too late to be accepted, 
 and thus lost the opportunity of being present at Perry's victory 
 on Lake Erie, when he so signally defeated a superior force and 
 gained so much glory. This, with Harrison's victory, destroyed 
 the British power in the West, and the way was now clear for a 
 descent upon Kingston and Montreal. 
 
 It was arranged that a strong militia force should be collected 
 at Fort George to permanently secure the Niagara. The whole 
 regular force in upper Canada was to consolidate at Sackett's 
 Harbor under General Wilkinson. General Hampton's command, 
 then at Chateauguay, "Four Corners," in Clinton County, New 
 York, was to join us with four thousand men and provisions for 
 the whole army at the mouth of Salmon River on the St. Lawrence. 
 
 Every arrangement was made by General Wilkinson at Fort 
 George. The army embarked in some six hundred craft of dif- 
 ferent kind. Each division and regiment displayed a different flag. 
 The commander of the boats had descriptive lists of each flag, so 
 that they might know one another. The movement was made 
 under convoy of the fleet commanded by Commodore Chauncey. 
 
 We left General McClear, of the State Militia, with his brigade. 
 He remained but a short time when he disgraced our cause by 
 burning the village of Newark. He did it under the plea that he 
 could not defend it, and that, if left, it would afford winter quarters 
 for the enemy. This act, so uncalled for, brought on a severe 
 retaliation. Through either the cowardice or treason of Captain 
 Leonard, the British took Fort Niagara without meeting the slightest 
 resistance. They then, at different points, crossed the Niagara 
 with strong detachments, and burned Youngstown, Lewiston, the 
 Tuscarora Indian Village, Black Rock, and Buffalo; killing many, 
 and Jestrovinji an immense amount of property. We proceeded 
 
38 
 
 down the lake in continual gales, making ports for shelter as often 
 as possible. Sometimes, we would land on the beach where no 
 inlet was to be seen; a hundred men with spades would soon 
 remove a bar of sand thrown up by the surf, and open a passage 
 to a commodious bay. 
 
 We were much scattered during the descent ; many of our boats 
 were stranded ; mine, with one hundred and thirty men and women, 
 was among the number, but all were saved. Our pilot declared 
 that our boat could not live in such a storm, and that he could 
 make a safe port; but that, if I determined to keep on, the whole 
 responsibility must rest on me. 
 
 1, therefore, directed him to bear away for a port. We saw 
 lights on shore, boats having landed there and left their fires burning. 
 When nearly in I told him that 1 heard the breakers, and asked him 
 if he could haul off; he said it was impossible. We then kept off 
 and ran on ; the men were ordered to sling their knapsacks and 
 stand ready to jump out on either side when the boat struck, and 
 endeavor to shove her up. 1 stood on the bow with the painter, 
 and, as she struck, we all jumped out ; the breakers went over us 
 several feet; the third time she struck, she went to pieces and 
 sixty barrels of provisions floated off. We all gained the shore, a 
 narrow sand beach and an abrupt rocky bank at least one hundred 
 feet high. We found that we had landed at Mexico Bay. We 
 collected some wet provisions along shore, and some sails which 1 
 ordered to be so disposed as to afford shelter for the men ; then I 
 started along the beach to explore. 
 
 About two miles away, 1 found Major Wilcox of the Canada 
 Volunteers in the same situation as myself; two or three miles 
 further, 1 found Captain Morton of our regiment snug in a fine little 
 bay. 1 dined with him on some fine ducks that he had shot that 
 morning. 1 arranged with him to have all my men who were able 
 to march, join him as soon as the weather moderated, and march 
 with his effective men to Sackett's Harbor; and to have him row 
 down and take off my disabled men and women. 
 
 After a dangerous and fatiguing row of twenty days from Fort 
 George, we arrived at Sackett's Harbor. In a few days we all 
 assembled as an army and after a reorganization, we passed the 
 Grenadier Island. According to the original plan of the campaign, 
 we were to attack Kingston and destroy the British fleet if possible. 
 But General Armstrong, Secretary of War, joined u--. and changed 
 
39 
 
 the plan. He directed General Wilkinson to leave Kingston in our 
 rear and drop down the St. Lawrence to take Montreal with the 
 aid of General Hampton, then at Chateauguay with four thousand 
 men, who were to join us at the mouth of the Salmon River on the 
 St. Lawrence, with additional boats and provisions for the whole 
 army. 
 
 It was, 1 think, a great military error to leave the enemy's fleet 
 and a large land force in our rear ; but the orders of the Secretary 
 were to this effect, and they were obeyed. While preparing to 
 descend the St. Lawrence two schooners, by general order, took 
 on board Surgeon McNear and all the sick and disabled men, and 
 sailed in a storm for Sackett's Harbor. The gale that night was 
 tremendous, and the vessels were cast away on a reef or rocks, 
 one mile from the main land. It was reported the next morning, 
 and I volunteered (to General Boyd then commanding on the 
 island) to go to their rescue. He said that it was impossible in 
 such a storm, but that if I would undertake it 1 might have as 
 many men and boats as I pleased. 
 
 1 took three Durham boats and thirty of my own men, several 
 of whom were old sailors. With great ditficulty we reached the 
 vessels and founit them lying on the rocks with the sails blowing 
 in every direction and the breakers making a full sweep over them. 
 We boarded to leeward, but saw no one at first. 1 finally found 
 the captain of the first vessel in an upper birth in the forecastle ; I 
 called and he answered, but refused to come up until I went down 
 and beat him up with the flat of my sword. Dr. McNear was in 
 the cabin in water up to his shoulders. We found everything 
 afloat in the hold, including many dead men. They had got at the 
 hospital stores, and were all drunk. We made thirteen trips to the 
 shor-e and landed all, dead and alive, from both vessels, and unbent 
 the sails and made a covering for them. In the afternoon. Dr. 
 Ross came from the island and took charge of them while I returned 
 to Grenadier Island and reported. A general order was issued 
 stating the disaster and that, the storm having abated, the dead 
 and living were landed by boats from the garrison, it was now 
 about the 1st of November, the men being badly supplied, their 
 sufferings were great. There was clothing at Sackett's Harbor, 
 but the Quartermaster had been unable to procure any. Our 
 Majors, Huyck and Malcom, differed in most things. I consulted 
 with them, and recimmended an applic;itinn in the name nf the 
 
40 
 
 regiment to Colonel 1. B. Preston to take command of ours, he 
 being without a regiment in consequence of having declined the 
 command of a new one. We procured the sanction of the General, 
 who issued complimentary orders to the Colonel and to the Regi- 
 ment — to the latter for having offered, and to the former for having 
 accepted the command. The Colonel asked me to go to Sackett's 
 Harbor to try to procure .some clothing. Taking a requisition, I 
 started, and after a long row on a stormy night, I arrived at 
 Sackett's Harbor, saw General Wilkinson on board of the " Lady of 
 the Lake," and, after an altercation, succeeded in getting an order 
 for all the clothing in store and started back with it to the island. 
 
 The dispute and explanation made Wilkinson and myself par- 
 ticular friends. As I am writing an account of my own experience, 
 rather than a history of the war, it is unnecessary for me to excuse 
 myself for speaking so often of my own movements. Everything 
 being arranged, the army left Grenadier Island about the 5th of 
 November in the same order in which we left Fort George, under 
 convoy of some of Commodore Chauncey's squadron which pro- 
 ceeded with us as far as Frenchman's Creek, and then returned to 
 Sackett's Harbor. 
 
 We passed through the Thousand Islands. They are so close 
 to one another as to require skillful pilots; these we had, and 
 notwithstanding sunken rocks, false currents, etc., passed safely 
 through. 
 
 As soon as our convoy had returned to Sackett's Harbor, a 
 British squadron of gunboats left Kingston and followed us down 
 
 the river. Colonel M marched from Kingston at the head 
 
 of twenty -two hundred men, regulars and militia, and hung on our 
 rear. We passed down the river to within ten miles of Ogdens- 
 burg, where we landed on the American shore to avoid passing 
 Prescott in boats so full of men. The main body of our army 
 marched by land, while a sufficient number of men and oftkers 
 remained in the boats to take them down. 
 
 The senior Captains of the regiments were ordered to join 
 Gen. Jacob Brown at two o'clock, P. M. We dropped down the 
 river, noting the channel and the currents, until within round shot 
 range of the guns of Prescott, when we returned to camp. Pres- 
 cott was a fortification with a dry ditch and drawbridge with 
 bombproof sufficient to cover five hundred men, as I ascertained by 
 examination in 1.S20. It was a strong post, mounting twtM\'(^ 
 
41 
 
 thirty -two pounders in barbette, with an eight -gun water battery; 
 it was worth taking. Our orders were to remain in camp until 
 twelve o'clock, then, replenish our fires, drop down quietly, and 
 pass Prescott with muffled oars. The night was a little hazy, but 
 not dark. 
 
 My boat was ahead, and it was as large as a schooner. As 
 soon as we were discovered, a heavy tire was opened upon us 
 without effect, striking only one boat, killing one man, and wound- 
 ing two. They kept up their tire until after we had all passed. 
 
 They fired, during the night, fourteen hundred rounds at our six 
 hundred craft. We dropped down to White House, where we 
 ferried the army across to the Canada shore and swam the horses. 
 We were now near the head of the Longue Saut rapids ; the enemy 
 was in possession of the shore. Six strong detachments marched 
 for a point five miles above Cornwall at the foot of the rapids to 
 secure the passage. When they arrived they were to notify us by 
 the roar of cannon, but the first roar of cannon that we heard was 
 from the enemy which had followed us from Kingston. They 
 attacked and drove in our pickets and appeared in force. 
 
 Our line of battle was soon formed, and the battle of Williams- 
 burg, or Chrysler's Field, began. Quartermaster-General Swarth- 
 out, acting as Brigadier, advanced his brigade from our right; the 
 enemy fell back in line with their forces extending from the woods 
 to the river. 
 
 The action became warm and general. Major , who 
 
 commanded the boat guard of five hundred men with whom he had 
 dropped down past Prescott, requested me to go to General Boyd 
 on the field for orders. I reported to General Boyd ; his answer 
 was to remain and protect the boats, baggage, women, etc. 1 
 reported to Major Upham, who dismissed the guards to their dif- 
 ferent boats. Being senior Captain, my command was in the rear 
 nearest to the enemy and the field of battle. In a few minutes. 
 Col. N. Pinkney, aide to General Wilkinson, who was at that time 
 sick on board of his vessel, directed me to form my guard and 
 march to the field. I immediately formed, eighty-six strong, in- 
 cluding one of my pilots who volunteered (a fine fellow he was). 
 
 When we approached General Boyd near the field, he said, 
 " Rush on my ' jolly snorters,' you are wanted." Before forming 
 into line, 1 halted a moment to let my men go into action coolly. 
 
42 
 
 Giving them a few directions, 1 marched them into line. We 
 met Colonel Cutting with his regiment helter skelter, just broken 
 out of line. "Colonel," said I, "where are you going?" Said 
 he, "my men will not stand;" "but," said I, "you are leading 
 them." They went off to the boats and 1 took the place of the 
 regiment with my little detachment of eighty -six. I soon saw 
 Major Malcom, and got permission to take position in a field on the 
 enemy's right flank, where my " buck and ball" told well. My 
 position was within two hundred yards of the right flank; my 
 men kneeled on the left knee behind a stone wall about two feet 
 high. 1 was already wounded by a musket ball passing through 
 my left arm two inches below the socket. 1 received the wound 
 while advancing, and, no doubt from excitement, believed it to be 
 a chip that struck my arm. Both armies made several attempts 
 to charge bayonets; but, as is almost always the case excepting 
 when storming batteries, when one side charged the other fell back, 
 and vice versa. At the beginning of the action, we had two pieces 
 of field artillery under Lieutenant Smith on the river road on our 
 left. They were taken by the enemy, and Smith and his men all 
 killed, i did not know that they were taken until the battle was 
 over, although 1 saw a detachment of dragoons wheel up to them, 
 fire their pistols, wheel again, and retreat on receiving a fire. 1 
 supposed it to be a British attack, but found, afterwards, it was 
 an attempt to retake the pieces by Lieut. -Col. Worth; but it was 
 a complete failure. Our line was now out of ammunition for a 
 short time, sixty -four rounds having been expended. The enemy 
 formed in line and gave my little detachment a galling fire until 
 again diverted in front. The ground was well contested for four 
 hours on plain open ground, then the firing ceased on both sides. 
 
 There were fifteen hundred Americans against twenty-two 
 hundred of the enemy. My wound being very painful on account 
 of the pressure of my coat on the swelling arm, I gave the com- 
 mand of my sixty -three men — twenty -three having been killed — 
 to my First Lieutenant Anderson. Our troops were returning to 
 the boats, the enemy having fallen back. Believing the field pieces 
 before mentioned to be in the hands of our people, 1 walked to- 
 wards them, intending to return to the boats by the road; I was 
 very near when 1 discovered the British uniforms. I immediately 
 turned and walked leisurely towards the retiring troops. They 
 did not fire at me or pursue me until 1 rose from a ravine; thev 
 
43 
 
 then fired, and one shot was returned by my servant, Williams, 
 who was seeking me at some distance among the dead. He did not 
 suspect that it was I, as he had heard that 1 was among the killed. 
 It was with great difficulty, with the use of only one hand, that 1 
 got out of the ravine. 1 fell in with a man who had a horse and a 
 keg of ammunition ; 1 took the horse, and finally reached the boats. 
 The horse was led part of the way by a camp woman. The loss 
 in killed and wounded on both sides was not less than eight 
 hundred, about equally divided. The result is not generally under- 
 stood by our people, and it is as often called a defeat as a victory. 
 
 It was a complete victory. We proceeded down the river, 
 but Colonel Atkinson came expressly to inform General Wilkinson 
 that General Hampton could not meet us at Salmon Creek with 
 men and supplies as agreed; for he had made an attempt to take 
 or destroy a force at old Chateauguay, at the junction of that river 
 and the St. Lawrence, been defeated, and fallen back on Plattsburgh. 
 
 This put an end to the campaign. We encamped at the junc- 
 tion of Salmon Creek and the St. Lawrence for some time. The 
 place is now known as Fort Covington, named for General Cov- 
 ington who was killed at Chrysler's Field. 
 
 1 was invited to take up my quarters at the house of Dr. Mann. 
 I procured a horse which was led by my faithful servant Williams. 
 When we arrived at Hitchcock's Tavern, we met a small party at 
 dinner, among them. Miss Charlotte Bailey of Plattsburgh, your 
 mother, who was then visiting her uncle, Dr. Mann. I finally 
 reached Dr. Mann's house, where I had a comfortable room, and 
 was shown every attention by the family. General Wilkinson and 
 several other officers stopped at the Doctor's house for a few days 
 on their way to Malone. 
 
 My wound had been neglected, and 1 had taken a severe cold 
 by remaining on duty. A fever ensued, and 1 suffered everything 
 but death. At one time, the Doctor feared that he could not save 
 me. The army fell back on Plattsburgh early in December, and 
 in March, I was so far recovered as to be able to follow. 
 
 In this month 1 was married to Charlotte, daughter of Judge 
 William Bailey. I was then under orders to proceed as a witness 
 before a Court -Martial sitting at New York for the trial of General 
 Gaines. When at New York my order was extended at my 
 request, by Governor Tompkins, allowing me to go to Washington 
 to settle my recruitiniz account'^. 1 returned to Plattsburgh in tlit- 
 
44 
 
 beginning of April. In May, 1813. the army advanced to Odle- 
 town, within three miles of the British outposts, near Champlain. 
 At this time Commodore McDonough advanced his squadron to 
 Chazy. There was some skirmishing with the enemy's outposts, 
 but nothing of importance occurred during the two or three weeks 
 that we remained there. 
 
 I was soon ordered to Plattsburgh. All the forces that could 
 be spared were forwarded to the relief of General Brown, who was 
 closely besieged at Fort Erie. 
 
 We had a fatiguing march of seventeen days; then, we 
 received news of the successful sortie at Fort Erie, and the victories 
 of Chippeway and Lundy's Lane, and it became unnecessary for me 
 to go up the lake. We went into winter quarters and spent the 
 winter of 1814 in tents. In the spring. General Brown told me 
 that I was entitled to promotion, that he would send me to New 
 York on special duty to return by way of Plattsburgh, at which 
 place 1 was to take command of the companies of the 13th and 
 march them to the regiments. On my arrival at Plattsburgh, I 
 reported to General Macomb. He said that he would add a com- 
 pany to the two of the 13th and give me the command as a 
 battalion. 
 
 But he suggested that 1 might like to go to Franklin County 
 for a time, as my wife was there visiting Dr. Mann, and I could 
 procure valuable information there respecting the intended move- 
 ments of the enemy in that direction, and in upper Canada. I 
 went there and frequently rode to St. Regis and over the line, and 
 I procured much valuable information at the risk of a halter for a 
 neckcloth. 
 
 I returned to Platt.sburgh and reported to General Macomb. 
 His battalion was not yet formed, and I remained there in camp 
 until the news of peace was received. The men enlisted to serve 
 eighteen months, and therefore, during the war, were tu be dis- 
 charged. But no money had been provided to pay the armies. 
 
 They were mutinous, and many of the companies refused to 
 obey their officers. Among them, the two companies of the 13th 
 claimed their pay and discharge, and when ordered to unstack 
 arms, they disobeyed their officers to a man. I was called upon 
 to address them. I reminded them of their services, and called on 
 them not to tarnish the honor they had won by dut}^ and discipline. 
 I told them to continue to obey orders and to K-ocp up the usual 
 
45 
 
 discipline for which the regiment had been noted, and that as soon 
 as funds were received by the paymasters they should be paid, 
 and such as were entitled to it should receive their honorable dis- 
 charge. 1 now gave the word, " unstack arms." They complied, 
 and 1 marched them over to the artillery who were under arms. 
 We there drummed out of camp all who disobeyed the orders of 
 their officers, and many of those who regretted their disobedience, 
 were restored at my suggestion. In June, a board of officers was 
 formed at Washington to reduce the army to a Peace Establish- 
 ment, and a rule was made that none but effective officers should 
 be retained. All who had been wounded or disabled should be dis- 
 charged with an allowance of three months gratuitous pay — 
 reversing common sense and common justice rule that all who had 
 been wounded or disabled should be retained to form skeleton 
 regiments, which could at any time be filled with recruits. 
 
 Many of the officers petitioned to be retained, and some were 
 retained and reduced one grade. Many of us met and determined, 
 after debate, that as we had seen service and done our duty, we 
 would neither petition to be retained, nor accept with reduced 
 rank. At the request of the Colonel, 1 remained on duty with my 
 regiment until September. 1 then went to Washington to close my 
 accounts. Paymaster -General Brant refused, at first, to pay me 
 beyond the fourteenth of June. After considerable difficulty, I 
 obtained pay to the tenth day of September in Pittsburgh banknotes, 
 which sold at eleven per cent, discount at New York. So I lost 
 eleven per cent, on eleven months' pay. Thus were we rewarded. 
 
 I now returned to private life at the age of thirty -eight. After 
 having settled my accounts at Washington, I returned to Platts- 
 burgh and procured board for my wife and child — my daughter 
 Henrietta — at John Palmers. 1 then went to New York with about 
 one hundred dollars to begin the world anew. After several weeks, 
 and with much difficulty, I became engaged in tlie auction business. 
 
 I was aided by a friend for whom 1 had laid the foundation of 
 a fortune which he had realized during my absence. My prospects 
 looked encouraging, when a former lieutenant of my regiment, 
 Charles Mitchell, called upon me for aid. He was destitute of 
 means to pay even his board. 1 gave him what help 1 could, 
 promising to pay his necessary expenses until he could procure a 
 situation. He repaid me by robbing me and forging my name for 
 three checks, two of which were on the Manhattan Bank. Thev 
 
46 
 
 could not determine whether the checks were forgeries or not. I 
 had great trouble, and nearly lost my reputation — always dearer 
 to me than money. 
 
 Mitchell, to divert my attention from himself, wrote me 
 threatening letters, saying that he had once been in my power and 
 that 1 had tyrannized over him ; that 1 was now in his power, and 
 that he had robbed me, forged three of my checks, would forge 
 more, would ruin me, and perhaps take my life. He forged checks 
 of Dr. Silas Lord, was detected, confessed all to me, and was 
 sentenced by Judge Radcliffe, a friend of his family, to leave the 
 State and never return. 
 
 The discharged soldiers were continually calling on me for 
 advice in respect to theii' claims for back pay, pensions, and 
 bounty lands. Several agencies commenced the business, and 1 
 among the rest. I arranged to co-operate with Col. Joseph Wat- 
 son who opened an office at Washington, and we did a large busi- 
 ness together in that way. 1 went on quite prosperously, and in 
 1817 took and furnished a small house in Walker street, went to 
 Plattsburgh and brought down my wife. We lived there for some 
 time, then removed to the corner of Canal and Mercer streets; we 
 remained there two years, then removed to a three story house in 
 Canal street where we lived until 1825, when 1 bought the house 
 number 45 Mercer street and remained there until 1 bought Judge 
 Vanderpool's place at Kinderhook. I was elected a member of 
 the Assembly at New York in 1828, re-elected in 1830 for '31, 
 again for '32, '33, and '34 (in '29 I was not elected). 1 was once 
 nominated assistant alderman, and once alderman of the eighth 
 ward ; I declined both nominations. The year after 1 removed to 
 Kinderhook (1834) I was elected President of the village. 
 
 During the time of my office, 1 received and addressed Martin 
 Van Buren when Vice-President, and again on his return at the end 
 of his term as President. 
 
 1 have now brought this sketch of the principal events of my 
 long life to a period from which you are all acquainted. 1 have 
 been as brief as possible, though sufficiently tedious to those not 
 personally interested. I have omitted a great variety of incidents 
 arising out of the events of the war, as not material in this sketch 
 (.f my life. 
 
 1 have no memoranda to aid my memory, and this accounts 
 for the omission of particular dates. 
 
47 
 
 ADDITIONAL REHINISCENSES 
 
 OF THE 
 WAR OF 1812. 
 
 In March, 1812, Lieutenant Valens accompanied me from New 
 York to my recruiting rendezvous of the 5th district at Willsborough, 
 in Essex County. 
 
 He was a tine young officer and amiable in disposition, but 
 he knew nothing of military tactics. 1 appointed him my adjutant. 
 He was desirous of acquiring a knowledge of his duty, but when 
 speaking of it, he used to sigh and say, " it will be of no great 
 service to me, for 1 have a strong presentiment that 1 shall be killed 
 in the first engagement." 1 used to ridicule the superstition, and 
 endeavor to convince him of the folly of entertaining it. But it so 
 happened that Valens was attached to the second battalion of the 
 13th, and at the battle of Queenstown, when crossing from Lewis - 
 ton to the attack, he was heard to be in prayer in the bow of the 
 boat ; and it was not twenty minutes after landing that he was 
 shot down by an Indian and scalped. George Helembold, my first 
 sergeant, had the same presentiment. He was of the party that 
 crossed the Niagara river below Black Rock to storm the British 
 batteries. 
 
 At first, he supposed that he must be killed in accordance with 
 his presentiment, but he soon found his error for he was brave and 
 he did his duty manfully, and he was not killed, but taken prisoner. 
 He soon returned on parole, with others, and being a printer, 1 
 allowed him to work in the printing office at Buffalo until ex- 
 changed. At the time, the officers of the navy boasted of their 
 exploit in taking the two British brigs from the protection of Fort 
 Erie. The movement was made under Lieutenant Elliot of the 
 navy, but the force was made up equally of soldiers and sailors. 
 Helembold wrote and published a paragraph giving each corps 
 equal credit for the part it took in the exploit, and signed it, " a 
 young soldier." Midshipman Tatnall called at the office to see the 
 editor. He was absent and Helembold was in charge. 
 
48 
 
 Helembold inquired the midshipman's business. Tatnall said, 
 " 1 wish to know who is the author of a piece signed ' a young 
 soldier.' " 
 
 " What is your object, sir? " 
 
 " Why, if he is a gentleman, I will treat him as such; and if 
 not, 1 will treat him accordingly." 
 
 " Please state what, in your estimation, would entitle him to 
 be considered a gentleman." 
 
 " Why, if he is a commissioned officer he is one, of course." 
 
 " But suppose, sir, that he is but a warrant officer like your- 
 self." 
 
 " There are no warrant officers in the army." 
 
 " You are in error : all sergeants and corporals have warrants, 
 and 1 have the honor to hold one as orderly sergeant of Captain 
 Myers' company ; and 1 fear, sir, if you were to know the name 
 of the ' young soldier,' you could not treat him as a gentleman, 
 and you must not meet him until he is promoted, and then, acting 
 on your own principle, he will decide whether your rank will 
 entitle you to his notice." 
 
 Tatnall went off in anger, and the matter ended. 
 
 When 1 joined the army at Greenbush, in September, 1812, 
 I found the officers too Democratic in their intercourse even for me, 
 bred as 1 had been, in the Democratic school of Jefferson. They 
 used to enter one anothers tents, order the servants as though they 
 
 were their own, and make free with the pens, ink, paper, and 
 
 drinks. In fact, it was "hail fellow well met." My idea of 
 military etiquette and politeness revolted at such a mode of life. 1 
 stated my views to a number of the most gentlemanly officers, who 
 accorded with me in opinion. We agreed to establish a suitable 
 system of gentlemanly etiquette and immediately put it in opera- 
 tion. This added greatly to our comfort, but much to the disap- 
 pointment of those who had supposed that all was to be in common. 
 But in a short time, all were pleased with the change. 
 
 The day the army moved from Greenbush we merely crossed 
 the river at Albany and encamped on the first night near the first 
 turnpike gate on the road to Schenectady. During the night one 
 of our soldiers stole from a countryman's yard an ox chain, and, 
 at a halt on the following day, sold it. Before we reached 
 Schenectady, one of his comrades stole it again. In fact, the chain 
 was stolen and sold seven or eight times before the regiment 
 reached Buffalo. 
 
4y 
 
 One night we chanced to encamp near a fine poultry yard. 
 During the evening the men cooked their rations over their respective 
 company tires. 
 
 One man carefully boiled something in a camp kettle, and a 
 man from another company, seeing feathers on the ground, 
 suspected that fowl were cooking, and procuring a kettle from 
 his own company he hung it over the same fire. When the pro- 
 prietor of the fowl was out of the way for a moment the man 
 exchanged the places of the kettles, and when requested to take 
 his rations to his own camp tire, he went off with great docility, 
 taking the kettle filled with the fowl and l-.-aving his own filled 
 with water. 
 
 One night, while encamping near Utica, some of the otticers 
 applied to Colonel Christie for permission to go to the town, but 
 their request was refused. In revenge, they persuaded all the 
 soldiers, officers, and men, to shave their mustaches, to the great 
 annoyance of Colonel Christie, who had particularly desired that 
 they should be worn. 
 
 When in command of the 5th recruiting district of Plattsburgh 
 in July, 1812, a large body of militia came in. Two of the officers 
 had a difference; a challenge was given and accepted, and the 
 parties were to fight in the lake to avoid the law which disfran- 
 chised those who sent or accepted challenges in the State. The 
 parties met according to agreement; but their friends had in- 
 geniously arranged to load with blood instead of ball. At the 
 given word, they fired ; one of them fell, and was taken out of the 
 water by his friend covered with blood. It was some time before 
 he could be convinced that he was not mortally wounded. 
 
 One night while encamped at Flint Hill, three miles from 
 Buffalo, 1 had just lain down in my tent on some straw covered 
 with a buffalo skin, the whole resting on muddy ground — for it 
 was in October, 1812, and everything was wet on and about us, 
 as it had been raining more or less for ten days — 1 was called to 
 meet the captains and subalterns of the brigade on the right of the 
 line. 
 
 Captain Brooke (now General Brooke) addressed the unlawful 
 assemblage nearly as follows: "Gentlemen, and fellow soldiers ; 
 we all came here to fight and to conquer the enemy, not to remain 
 here suffering every want and privation, under the orders of 
 General Smyth, useless to ourselves and to our Cnuntrv. Si.\ 
 
• 50 
 
 weeks 1 have been on the lines. My friends expected to hear from 
 me before this; what can they hear, but that we are living inact- 
 ively in our tents at Flint Hill in rain, mud, and want; eating grass 
 seed and beef without salt, wearing soiled shirts for want of soap 
 to wash them, and without candle light. Here, some one observed, 
 " Brooke, you have no fortitude." "Have 1 not," said Brooke, 
 and putting the forefinger of his right hand into the blaze of the 
 company fire before us, he held it there until it was deeply burned. 
 
 "Now, gentlemen," said he, "1 propose that each captain 
 take full command of his company, and that the senior captain of 
 the brigade lead us to, and across the river, that we may take Fort 
 Erie by storm, proceed to Chippeway, and thence to Fort George 
 and take that — and leave General Smyth to sleep the night out in 
 his snug quarters." 
 
 All, for different reasons, agreed to this. The paymaster of 
 the 5th said, "Gentlemen, General Parker, my relative, is in 
 camp, and I have no doubt that, if a deputation calls upon him, he 
 will join us and lead us on to glory." 
 
 Accordingly, Brooke, three others and I, were appointed. We 
 moved towards his marquee. But a private message was sent to 
 General Parker to inform him of wliat was going on. The General 
 received us very kindly, approved of the plan, and ordered refresh- 
 ments. The effect of good, old brandy was to make the gentle- 
 men very drowsy. They drank freely, and soon the whole mutiny 
 and expedition were forgotten; and General Parker, an excellent 
 man, never mentioned it, 1 believe, and it passed off harmlessly. 
 
 Once, while we were at Fort George, Major (since 
 
 promoted) was ordered to march with three companies of infantry 
 to ascertain when the British picket guard, opposite to our picket 
 on the swamp road, was stationed. Mine was one of the com- 
 panies. We marched about a mile and halted. The Major told 
 me to march on until I drew out the enemy's guard, and then to 
 fall back on his other two companies. 
 
 I did so, and half a mile farther on I found the guard. It 
 turned out in full force and I made a false retreat, but when I got 
 back to my supplies there were no two companies, nor even a man 
 to inform me where they had gone. 1 marched on and found them 
 in camp. The Major said that he had supposed that 1 had returned 
 by a different road, not recollecting that to have done so, 1 should 
 have disobeyed orders. It passed quietly. 
 
51 
 
 One ni^lit we encamped in a swunip. Lieut. J. C. bidridge 
 and I mounted a barrel of whiskey back to back for a lodging. In 
 about an hour 1 heard a noise, and, looking around, 1 found that 
 the men were pulling Eldridge out of the fire, it appeared that 
 when we were both asleep, 1 overbalanced him and he fell into the 
 fire. Fortunately, he was not much burned. 
 
 When encamped at Cumberland Head, Lake Champlain, I 
 was walking on the bank one morning and 1 saw a soldier lying in 
 a fire on the beach. 1 jumped down about eight feet and pulled 
 him out — a little burned. He was not entirely sober, but he thanked 
 me and walked off. Some years after he came to my office in 
 Wall Street, New York, related the circumstance and said that I 
 had, no doubt, saved his life, it is a great happiness to have it in 
 our power to save a life. 
 
 I had a soldier named Clark who was a noted thief. While 
 encamped at Northfields, near Champlain, Clinton County, he 
 robbed the sutler of the 14th Regiment of all his goods, valued at 
 fourteen hundred dollars. He gave away most of the goods. He 
 was detected, tried, and condemned to have his pay stopped to 
 make good whiit he had taken; and when the Paymaster was 
 paying the men, he would come to me with tears in his eyes and 
 beg me for a dollar. 1 always gave it to him. He was an excellent 
 soldier in all other respects, but he was by nature a thief. 
 
 Poor, weak human nature! We require discipline and firm- 
 ness to resist our natural propensities. 
 
 It would naturally be supposed that, if any class of men is 
 free from superstition, it is sailors and soldiers; but, as a rule, I 
 have found the latter to be much under the influence of it. I had 
 in my company a young Irishman whose bravery was never 
 doubted; but while 1 was commanding the Cantonment at 
 Williamsville, in the winter of 1812, a report was one morning 
 current that O'Bryan had seen the Devil, when on post at the 
 sally-port leading to the graveyard. Fearing that others might 
 feel alarmed on going on the same post, I sent for O'Bryan and 
 said to him, "It is said that you saw the Devil last night when 
 on post." He turned very pale and said, " 1 do not know whether 
 it was the Devil, but something black, about the size of a horse 
 without a head, came rolling towards me. 1 challenged, but 
 received no answer; it was light, and 1 plainly saw it still 
 approaching; 1 sighted my piece to fire, but lost my strength and 
 
52 
 
 fell back against the Cantonment where the relief soon after fuuiul 
 me." 1 said, "Are you afraid to go on the same post, at the same 
 hour tonight with me? Perhaps we may find that there was no 
 Devil, but your own fear of spirits." He said, " Sir, 1 have never 
 known fear, and 1 am willing to go with or without you — but 1 
 should prefer to have you go with me." 1 went, and we remained 
 on post two hours; but the black devil in the shape of a horse 
 without a head did not renew his visit, and my having been on 
 post with O' Bryan was known to all the command, and it satisfied 
 all that they might go on that post without meeting " His Satanic 
 Majesty." 
 
 At the formation of the American Army of 1812, there was a 
 great rush for appointments. 
 
 Many desired to join it from high minded notions of national 
 honor, or patriotism; others from motives of pride and love of 
 military show and splendor, and many for employment and pay. 
 Many were recommended by Members of Congress without much 
 regard to their qualifications for command ; so that at the recruit- 
 ing service, and the assemblage of the troops at Greenbush, in the 
 autumn of 1812, we found a gathering of heterogeneous characters 
 bearing commissions — men taken from every grade of society, 
 from the highest to the lowest. But all felt the same pride. The 
 most ignorant were the most jealous of their honor — so far, at 
 least, as to take offence at the least circumstance or even word 
 that seemed to them to reflect on their courage. Challenges to 
 single combat were of frequent occurrance. There are, occasion- 
 ally, insults offered, or injuries inflicted for which the law affords 
 no satisfaction ; and it then becomes necessary for a man to take 
 the matter into his own hands. But in most cases, duels are 
 fought for trifling wrongs, or imaginary offences, and promoted by 
 injudicious friends of the parties, from false pride and a desire to 
 become conspicuous in such matters ; when in ten cases out of 
 twelve the affairs might be amicably adjusted by well disposed 
 friends, and so save the lives and the honor of well meaning but 
 hot-headed men. It was my lot to be engaged in several affairs of 
 the kind both before and after 1 became an officer in the regular 
 army, and 1 look back with great satisfaction at many differences 
 amicably arranged between those who, without a friend so dis- 
 posed, would have lost their lives in silly combat, or have taken 
 the iivfs r)f their opponents. 
 
53 
 
 But in some few cases of aggravated controversies, 1 did not 
 succeed in making settlements, and duels resulted. (See appendix. ) 
 
 In a few cases challenges were refused, and the person refus- 
 ing was justified by the whole army. 
 
 When the army lay at Fort George, Upper Canada, in 1813, 
 Lieut. -Col. Winfield Scott was ordered out with a command of 
 men to the head of Lake Ontario to take or destroy the British 
 public stores at Burlington Bay — in which enterprise he was 
 particularly successful. Colonel Homer Milton considered that as 
 he ranked Scott the command belonged to him. A correspondence 
 took place which resulted in a challenge from Colonel Milton. Scott 
 declined in words to this effect : 
 
 " I have no personal difference with Colonel Milton ; if a com- 
 mand has been given to me in preference to him, he should apply 
 to the commanding general who directed his adjutant-general to 
 give me the order. But if the Colonel desires to test my courage, 
 I prefer to show it to him in the face of the enemy when we are at 
 the head of our respective commands." 
 
 When the troops under Gen. Stephen Van Rensselaer crossed' 
 the Niagara to take Queenstown, a lieutenant of light artillery 
 named Randolph, who had no command in the expedition, jumped 
 into the boat of one of the captains of the 13th Infantry and 
 crossed over to Queenstown where he had command of the advance 
 of the 13th Infantry. 
 
 The circumstance was mentioned to Lieut. -Col. Christie, who 
 observed that he had no knowledge of Mr. Randolph, or that he 
 had any command in the 13th Infantry. 
 
 Randolph, a fine, spirited young man sent a challenge to 
 Colonel Christie, who was then at the head of his regiment near 
 Fort Niagara preparing for the invasion of Canada. 
 
 Christie sent for a few of his captains to consult. We advised 
 him — considering their relative ranks, the circumstances giving rise 
 to the challenge and the responsibility of his position at that time — 
 to decline. He was also posted, but he was justified by most of 
 the officers. 
 
 Randolph, liaving spoken of the matter, was informed that 
 there were eight captains in Christie's regiment who resented the 
 same remarks that their Colonel did ; that all were nearer his 
 rank, and that he might call upon any of them, if he pleased. No 
 more was said or done. 
 
54 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 One of the duels referred to by Major Myers was between 
 Surgeon Bronaugh and Major Stonard ; copies of the letter of Dr. 
 Bronaugh conveying the challenge is given below, and also a copy 
 of the arrangements made by the seconds for the hostile meeting. 
 
 CAMP, NEAR FORT NIAGARA, 
 
 12tU May, ISJ"!. 
 
 Sir : Your contemptible evasion of a direct challenge 1 shall 
 take the liberty of construing into an act of base cowardice unbe- 
 coming the station you hold in the army, and an aggiavation of the 
 offence for which 1 have demanded an honorable reparation at your 
 hands. The whole history of the affair of which 1 complain char- 
 acterizes you a victim of a feebleness of judgment and a vindictive- 
 ness of disposition that fitted you to be the tool of a designing 
 scoundrel, more base and cowardly perhaps than yourself, and in 
 which he manifested himself superior to you only in consummate 
 hypocrisy. It is now obvious to every unprejudiced person that 
 Colonel Coles, your co-adjutor in the holy work of " motives of 
 duty and the good of the public service," was the prime mover of 
 the charges preferred against me; that he was anxious, in conjunc- 
 tion with you, to get the officers of the regiment to sign them, but 
 they, feeling too much independence to sacrifice their judgment at 
 the shrine of malice, refused to unite in a coalition, the object of 
 which was my downfall, and not " motives of duty and the good of 
 the public service." And no one being found supple enough to put 
 his name to those charges but you sir, and you 1 hold responsible 
 for the outrage committed on my feelings — your devotion to 
 Colonel Cole blinded you to a sense of justice, and your milk and 
 water apology (?) made through my friend convinces me that you 
 have adopted the maxim " that the holiness of the end will sanctify 
 the most dishonorable means," and that you hoped for absolution 
 from guilt if by serving the purposes of one man you could injure 
 another whom you had prr^fessed to respect. 
 
Errata. 
 
 Page 36, third paragraph, and fourth line. Colonel Buth 
 should read Colonel Boerstler. 
 
 Page 37, fifth line, Butler should read Boerstler. 
 
55 
 
 I am not to be appensed, sir, by the atonement you have 
 attempted to make, it is not equivalent to the injury, and unless 
 you give the satisfaction I demand 1 shall denounce you to the 
 world as a base, rotten -hearted coward, who is neither soldier, 
 officer nor gentleman, and I shall make my first letter addressed to 
 you and this also, through the medium ot the Buffalo Gazette, a 
 matter of publicits' to the world. 
 
 Yours, etc., 
 
 JAMES C. BRONAUGH, 
 .Wajor JOHN SlONARD, SiirgfON, 12th lufiUitry. 
 
 20th In fan try. 
 
 ntli Maw J^J"^- 
 The parties will meet tomorrow morning at 7 o'clock on the 
 lake shore about one quarter of a mile from camp, they will take 
 their distance at ten paces, face to face, they will stand with their 
 pistols pointed downwards; the question is to be asked " are you 
 ready?" on an answer in the affirmative the word "fire" is to 
 be given; they are to raise their pistols and discharge them ; it is 
 to be considered that they are to discharge their pistols within one 
 minute of the word " tire " or lose their fire. After the first shot 
 they are to advance one pace each, after the second one more pace 
 each, and so on until one of the shots takes effect, and so on until 
 one of the parties declares he is unable to fire ; each of the parties 
 to be accompanied with two friends and a surgeon and none others. 
 
 R. WHARTENBY, 
 M. MYERS, 
 
 With the above remarks upon duelling the series of letters 
 from which these reminiscences are selected, closes; and with the 
 end of the war. Major Myers' military career ended. He afterward 
 resided in New York City and Schenectady ; he twice represented 
 New York City in the Legislature of the State for six years, and 
 served two terms as Mayor of Schenectady ; he was a candidate 
 for Congress when eighty -four years old. He was present at the 
 inauguration of Washington as President by Chancellor Livingston, 
 and retains a vivid recollection of that event. He was probably 
 one of the most prominent Masons of his day, having been Grand 
 Master and Grand High Priest, respectively, of the Grand Lodge 
 and Grand Chapter of the State of New York. 
 LofC. 
 
56 
 
 Major Myers died at Schenectady, January 20, 1871. The 
 Schenectcidv Times, on the occasion of his funeral, says: " Major 
 Myers was in many respects a remarkable man. He was possessed 
 of a clear mind, strong will, and the fact that, with all the hard- 
 ships incident to the life of a soldier in war of 1812, he lived to be 
 nearly ninety -six years of age, is proof that he possessed a strong 
 and robust constitution. His physical appearance was striking. 
 No stranger ever met him or passed him on the street without 
 noticing his appearance ; he was of very large proportions and had 
 a clear and keen black eye, giving evidence of the strong intellectual 
 power of the man. As Mayor of this city he added dignity to the 
 office, and brought all the power of his common sense and an 
 indomitable will to bear against wrong, and in favor of right and 
 justice.'' 
 
 
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