\r. 
 
•17 
 
 f he Irish Convention 
 
 As Proposed By 
 
 Premier David Lloyd George 
 
 The opinions of prominent Americans of Irish blood 
 
 Reprinted from 
 
 Wat fuming f 0^! 
 
 New York 
 
 FRIENDS OF IRISH FREEDOM 
 26 Cortlandt Street 
 New York 
 
•It 
 
 v">^ iranaf ©r 
 >ie Ihlte House. 
 
 FOREWORD 
 
 Capt. W. J. M. A. Maloney, a native of Ireland, who 
 served for more than two years as a surgeon in the British 
 Royal Army Medical Corps, wrote the first article in this 
 pamphlet at the request of the Evening Post for the purpose 
 of evoking discussion. Dr. Maloney saw service at the battle 
 of the Marne and at the Gallipoli Peninsula, where he was 
 wounded four times and invalided home. 
 
 The Evening Post (established in 1801) is by almost 
 universal consent regarded as the ablest and most scholarly 
 of American dailies. Throughout the war it has been 
 intensely pro-Ally and many of its readers have felt that in 
 the long struggle between England and Ireland the Post has 
 been pronouncedly pro-English. 
 
 This symposium has been initiated and conducted through- 
 out by the Post itself as a means of sounding the opinion of 
 Americans of Irish blood. 
 
(May 24, 1917) 
 
 THE PROPOSED IRISH COIVEITTIOI 
 
 Opportunity, Desire, and Power to Compose the Troubles of Erin — Fate 
 
 of the Effort Rests Ultimately with the Extremists — Where Do the 
 
 Irish-Americans Stand? — Commission to Ireland Proposed 
 
 By CAPT. W. J. M. A. MALONEY. 
 
 CERTAIN Irishmen are about to be named to compose a convention which will 
 draft a measure for the government of Ireland within the British Empire. This 
 draft will be endorsed by Mr. Lloyd George and his Cabinet and will then 
 be submitted for approval or rejection to the British Parliament. The calling 
 of this convention is a cause of rejoicing to all Irishmen, for it concedes not 
 only the principle that Ireland is a nation, but also the corollary to this prin- 
 ciple—namely, that the government of Ireland is primarily the concern of the 
 people of Ireland. 
 
 No matter what the decision of the con- 
 vention be, if the convention is so consti- 
 tuted that all Irish parties are justly rep- 
 resented within it, then Irishmen the 
 world over must agree to abide faithfully 
 by that decision. It Is therefore now in- 
 cumbent upon us to promote, so far as 
 lies in our power, the just representation 
 of the various Irish parties in that con- 
 vention and to neglect no means by 
 which harmony may be made to prevail 
 there. 
 
 Mr. Redmond, whose present parlia- 
 mentary strength Is numerically three to 
 four times greater than that of the Ul- 
 sterltes, has magnanimously proposed to 
 forego this advantage, to share numeri- 
 cal equality with the Ulsterites at the 
 convention. This spirit Is a good omen. 
 Since it has so far become manifest might 
 it not materialize further? Fifty-seven 
 out of the 258 public bodies in Ireland — 
 mainly elected of old by the Redmond 
 machine — recently sent delegates to Count 
 Plunkett's Republican convention in Dub- 
 lin. Twenty to thirty others are alleged to 
 have decided not to send delegates — only 
 by the casting vote of the chairman. 
 From one-fifth to one-third of the public 
 bodies are therefore actively In sympathy 
 with some phase, social, economic, or po- 
 litical, of the Republican programme. The 
 chivalrous quality which led Mr. Red- 
 mond to waive his numerical superiority 
 over his brethren in Ulster may now 
 graciously lead him to make a similar 
 renunciation on behalf of the Republi- 
 cans. 
 
 The calling of this convention seems to 
 many of us, moreover, a valuable indi- 
 cation of sincerity in the expressed desire 
 of the existing regime in England to set- 
 tle the Irish question in conformity with 
 Irish wishes. Most Irishmen are prepar- 
 ed, therefore, to regard this convention 
 not with distrust — as if it were too good 
 to be true — but with a deep sense of the 
 responsibility which it places vipon the 
 people of Ireland at this most critical mo- 
 ment in the world's affairs. 
 
 No one pretends that a non-elected 
 convention, held behind closed doors and 
 under an alien chairman, is an ideal con- 
 vention; but these are not ideal times for 
 a convention, and generous recognition of 
 the difficulties which attend England in 
 this tentative effort at settlement In the 
 midst of war is more In keeping with 
 Irish standards than is suspicion of Eng- 
 land's good faith. We have the Pre- 
 mier's assurance of England's need and 
 desire for a settlement — and his offer of 
 this convention. 
 
 Irreeoneilaliles Condemn Themselves. 
 
 Irreconcilable minorities, whether Re- 
 publican or Ulsterite, who without just 
 cause refuse to participate in this con- 
 vention of the people of Ireland merely 
 condemn themselves and their catise be- 
 fore the bar of the world's opinion. The 
 task which the convention undertakes Is 
 stupendously difficult if all the convened 
 are pervaded by the spirit of compro- 
 mise; it Is frankly hopeless if even a 
 minority of Irishmen refuse to cooperate 
 for the welfare of Ireland. 
 
More than equal representation at the 
 convention neither tlie Ulster nor the 
 Republican minorities can expect or 
 seek. A convention composed of equal 
 numbers of Nationalist, Republican, and 
 Ulster representatives would be consti- 
 tuted as justly as is now possible without 
 having recourse to an election. An 
 election is apparently neither sanctioned 
 nor contemplated in Ireland at present. 
 
 Restraining Influences ]Veeded. 
 
 But another factor complicates thla 
 question of representation. Most of the 
 Republican leaders are in jail. The wisest 
 of them all. Prof. John McNeill, the man 
 who, failing to prevent the Easter rising, 
 yet succeeded in restricting it to Dublin, 
 has just completed the first year of penal 
 servitude to which he was condemned for 
 his political activities. His restraining 
 influence was never more sorely needed 
 in Ireland than at this moment. A party 
 deprived of its leadership in a convention 
 no matter how great its numerical 
 strength there, Is a party without real 
 and effective representation. As Mr. 
 Redmond has stipulated and Mr. Lloyd 
 George has promised that the convention 
 will be truly representative of all shades 
 of Irish opinion, the adjustment of this 
 difficulty is doubtless now under consid- 
 eration by these statesmen. 
 
 The Southern Unionists, the only re- 
 maining Irish party, return two members 
 to Parliament. In so far as they are 
 ITnionists. their sentiment coincides with 
 the Ulsterites, and they are in no need 
 of special consideration. But in so far 
 as they alone represent Episcopalian in- 
 terests in Ireland, too great tenderness 
 cannot be shown in their regard. Per- 
 haps a separate committee of the con- 
 vention, a committee con.sisting of clerical 
 representatives of the Roman Catholic 
 primacy, of the Episcopalian hierarchy, of 
 the Presbyterian assembly, and of the 
 other governing bodies of non-conformity 
 in Ireland could, in these days when 
 Christian unity is as vital an issue as na- 
 tional, best compose their difficulties out- 
 side of a political convention. The cham- 
 bers of commerce and other industrial in- 
 terests in Ireland, with their expert 
 knowledge, perhaps might also better ad- 
 just their special claims in the harmony 
 of a committee than in the chaos of an 
 open debate. 
 
 Given Both Desire and Opportunity. 
 
 Given the desire for settlement, and 
 the power to settle, there is nothing in- 
 herently impossible of settlement in the 
 Irish situation. Conditions can be laid 
 down by which every legitimate interest 
 in Ireland will be adequately safeguarded. 
 But, even with these conditions assured, 
 will a settlement be reached? The de- 
 cision rests entirely with the extremists. 
 If these, Republicans or Reactionaries, 
 believe themselves assured of support 
 outside of Ireland, support from Ameri- 
 ca or from England, support greater than 
 their numbers or thetlr claims merit, 
 they may remain obstructive and recalci- 
 trant, they may refuse all compromise, 
 they may frustrate every attempt at set- 
 tlement. It iSj therefore, now of value to 
 canvass Irish opinion In America, to 
 place on record the attitude of Irish- 
 Americans toward this convention. In or- 
 der that Irish aims here may be defined, 
 lest extremists, deluding themselves with 
 fal.se hopes, plan to defeat its purpose. 
 No elaborate inquiries are necessary. 
 Categorical answers to the following 
 three questions would give all the infor- 
 mation needed: 
 
 (1.) Are yon In favor of a conven- 
 tion of the Irish In Ireland de- 
 termining the plan of the future 
 Government of Ireland? 
 
 (2.) If that convention he arranged 
 on a ha»is as eqnltahle as is con- 
 sistent T»-ith the present exigen- 
 cies of vrar Trill you abide by Its 
 decisions. 
 
 (3.) If the British Parliament legal- 
 izes these decisions, fvill you loy- 
 ally and whole-heartedly co-op- 
 erate Tvith the Irish Government 
 thus constituted? 
 
 Information Necessary for Convention. 
 
 This information is necessary to the 
 members of the convention. It is no 
 less essential to the vast body of non- 
 Irish opinion in America, for if Ireland 
 ceases from being a cockpit for English 
 politicians, there should be neither sup- 
 port nor tolerance here for mischievous 
 agitators seeking then to convert it Into 
 a cockpit for intransigent Irish factions. 
 
 To show sympathy with the Russian 
 people and to give what aid they may 
 seek in counsel, an American Commis- 
 sion has been dispatched by President 
 Wilson to Russia. The settlement of the 
 
Irish question now is scarcely less im- 
 portant to the successful prosecution of 
 the war than is the adjustment of dif- 
 ficulties in Russia. In Ireland, as in 
 Russia, men engrossed in the problems 
 among which they live are apt to loBe 
 their perspective, are apt to exaggerate 
 Inconsequential differences, forgetting 
 that the world is at war. The people 
 of Ireland in their existing confusion 
 need advice and aid almost as urgently 
 as our Russian allies. A deputation of 
 eminent Irish-American Presbyterians is 
 about to go to Ireland to place at the 
 disposal of their Ulster brethren their 
 wisdom in all matters upon which their 
 counsel may be sought. This is an auspi- 
 cious beginning. In wishing these patri- 
 otic and self-sacrificing gentlemen God- 
 speed, one cannot help regretting that 
 
 (May 25, 1917) 
 
 IRISH CONVENTION 
 PLAN DISCUSSED 
 
 Those in Favor Say People 
 Should Settle Future 
 
 DISTRUST OF ENGLAND VOICED 
 
 Suggestions of Captain Maloney in 
 the "Evening Post" Draw Comment 
 from Well-Wishers of Ireland Who 
 Want to See a Fair and Just Settle- 
 ment of Home Rule Problem. 
 
 Several Irishmen and Americans who 
 are deeply interested in Ireland's welfare 
 commented to-day for the Evening Post 
 upon the suggestions set forth in this 
 newspaper yesterday by Capt. W. J. M. A. 
 Maloney, who, in discussing the pro- 
 posed convention for the settlement of 
 the Home Rule question, said it would be 
 well "to place on record the attitude of 
 
 the Irish is Ireland have not now by 
 their side the leaders of Irish thought In 
 this country and in Canada. Mr. Michael 
 J. Ryan, of Philadelphia, the leader of 
 the Nationalist party here; Supreme 
 Court Justice Cohalan, the leader of the 
 Young Ireland movement; Justice Keogh, 
 Mr. Victor Herbert, ex-Senator O'Gor- 
 man, Mr. Bainbridge Colby, and count- 
 less other Irishmen of distinction are 
 available in this crisis. The sending now 
 to Ireland of an American advisory 
 commission adequately representing Irish 
 opinion in this country would be deemed 
 a gracious and a friendly act by the Irish 
 people, would be of incalculable aid to 
 the success of the convention, and would 
 be the means of bringing the Irish ques- 
 tion to a speedy and a permanent solu- 
 tion. 
 
 Irish-Americans toward this convention, 
 in order that Irish aims here may be 
 defined, lest extremists, deluding them- 
 selves with false hopes, plan to defeat 
 ita purpose." 
 
 Capt. Maloney served with the Medical 
 Corps of the British army at Gallipoli, 
 where he was severely wounded. He is 
 now in this country recuperating from 
 his wounds. Among those who discussed 
 his article were the Rev. Father John J. 
 Wynne, S.J., one of the scholars of the 
 Roman Catholic Church in America; 
 James A. O'Gorman, ex-United States 
 Senator; Justice Daniel P. Cohalan, of 
 the Supreme Court, and W. Bourke Cock- 
 ran, lawyer, who was born in Ireland. 
 Other opinions will be published to-mor- 
 row. 
 
 "By all means let representatives of 
 the Irish people, by means of a conven- 
 tion, propose what mode of government 
 the Irish people want," said Father 
 Wynne. "But the convention should rep- 
 resent the whole people, and be at lib- 
 erty to consider in the open the views 
 and claims of every element of the popu- 
 lation. 
 
 "It would not be fair to convene po- 
 litical leaders, only. Nationalist, Republi- 
 can, or Unionist. The mere fact that cer- 
 tain men have been party spokesmen in 
 the pact does not entitle them to express 
 the actual sentiment of the people. 
 Neither is this sentiment to be adequate- 
 ly learned from those who have been 
 
undergoing political martyrdom since 
 Easter, 1916. Much less can tlie few 
 who speak for the sixth part of the popu- 
 lation of the North presume to dictate 
 to the overwhelming majority. 
 
 Irlsli Alone ]Vot Intereflted. 
 
 "The Irish people and the British Gov- 
 ernment are not the only parties inter- 
 ested in the proceedings of such a con- 
 vention. America is profoundly interest- 
 ed in it, and so is Prance, Russia is 
 looking on, and Germany and Austria are 
 not unobservant. The whole civilized 
 world is looking to England for a square 
 deal to Ireland. On that deal more than 
 on any other factor hangs the result of 
 this war. 
 
 "Why tell us we must send troops to 
 France when even without the proposed 
 convention, by the immediate application 
 of the Home Rule measure now on her 
 statute books, she could withdraw and 
 devote to active service in France fully 
 100,000 of her best troops, immense quan- 
 tities of ammunition, and recruit in short 
 order from 300,000 to 400,000 of the best 
 fighting men in the world! 
 
 "Two years ago it would have been 
 easier to make such a convention thor- 
 oughly representative. It may not be 
 too late to-day. The men at the head 
 of the British Government do not inspire 
 confidence in their ability to deal with 
 this problem. Their treatment of the 
 Sinn Fein movement shows that they 
 know better bow to provoke than to re- 
 press rebellion. 
 
 "England's sense of her absolute need 
 of America, and the challenge of France 
 for a square deal to Ireland may bring 
 about a happy solution of this vexatious 
 problem. Irishmen generally are justi- 
 fied in waiting for evidence of her sin- 
 cerity before committing themselves to 
 any whole-hearted promise of coopera- 
 tion in a proposal which, for the moment, 
 seems devised so a.s to throw upon Ire- 
 land the responsibility which really be- 
 longs to England." 
 
 Justice Cohalan Has Doubts. 
 Justice Cohalan doubted the good faith 
 of the people of England toward the Irish 
 convention. He said: 
 
 "There would be little difficulty in giv- 
 ing the answers evidently desired to the 
 adroit questions of Dr. Maloney if the 
 gathering to be called in Ireland were a 
 
 convention actually representative of the 
 people of Ireland, and if there were any 
 honest intention on the part of England 
 to meet the viewpoint of the people when 
 expressed by such a gathering. 
 
 "The manner in which the question of 
 Home Rule has been treated, however, by 
 the rulers of England, since the summer 
 of 1914, to go no further back than the 
 outbreak of the war, gives slight ground 
 for believing Lloyd George's proposal to 
 be anything but another English prom- 
 ise. And if we judge, as we must, in ad- 
 vance of the meeting, by the words of 
 the authorized spokesman of the Govern- 
 ment, rather than by the suggestions 
 of the doctor, the assemblage is to be a 
 conference, and not a convention. 
 
 "It is to be made up of men principally 
 selected by the Unionist and Redmondite 
 machines — ^both of which rest upon a 
 greatly restricted franchise, and are sadly 
 out of touch with the vital problems of 
 Irish life. It is not to be elected by 
 the people. It is to be presided over by a 
 chairman to be imposed upon it by the 
 Government, and its deliberations are to 
 be conducted in secret behind closed 
 doors. 
 
 "To expect that those who seek inde- 
 pendence for Ireland would agree to be 
 bound even by the demands of such a 
 gathering — much less by the greatly at- 
 tenuated grant of powers that would be 
 left when Parliament finished with such 
 demands — would be to believe that the 
 people of Ireland were only playing at 
 liberty, and even the English Govern- 
 ment, after its recent experiences, does 
 not longer deceive itself with that belief. 
 "That the majority of the people of Ire- 
 land want independence — and not some 
 mere reforms of foreign misrule — is be- 
 ing made more and more manifest as is 
 the fact that they are determined to have 
 it. Seek proof of this not alone in the 
 recent rising, but in the late elections in 
 Roscommon, Longford, and Cork, and in 
 the great convention held openly in Dub- 
 lin last month, with its declaration in 
 favor of total separation from England. 
 Nor is the reason for this hard to find. 
 Animated by the teachings and example 
 of America, the hope of liberty for all 
 peoples is in the air throughout the 
 world, and if there is any compensation 
 in sight for this dreadful war. It is in the 
 world-wide conviction that henceforth 
 
democracy in one form or another must 
 rule all the world. 
 
 "The frightful sacrifices made on all 
 sides can be paid for in no other way. 
 Lloyd George's confession that Ireland is 
 to-day as dissatisfied with English rule 
 as it was in the days of Cromwell, and 
 his knowledge of the very grave situa- 
 tion which confronts England, must be 
 taJken into account in deciding how much 
 weight should be given to his latest sug- 
 gestion for settling the problem of Ire- 
 land. He realizes, as does now Mr. Bal- 
 four, who is the real ruler of England, 
 how essential it is for them to satisfy 
 America of the sincerity of their position 
 in this war. 
 
 "Worda Jiot Knongli, He Says. 
 
 "With Ireland, held as she has been 
 and is, no real lover of liberty can be 
 convinced of the sincerity of English 
 claims that they are fighting for the 
 rights of the small nationalities. Hence 
 this latest and most cunningly devised 
 proposal by which they seek to attain 
 their ends by appearing to be generous, 
 when in fact they are not even just. 
 Mere words, no matter how plausible, 
 will not satisfy America. She will judge 
 England by acta — ^not by professions. 
 
 "If England wants to gain the confi- 
 dence of the world, let there be caJled a 
 real convention of the representatives of 
 Ireland. Let its members be elected by 
 an honest plebiscite of the adult popula- 
 tion of Ireland — not chosen by the pres- 
 ent Parliamentary electors, with their re- 
 stricted franchise and plural voting — but 
 by the people at large. Let the conven- 
 tion choose its own chairman, even if he 
 be Professor McNeill or one of the other 
 intellectuals now imprisoned or interned 
 by England. Let it conduct its delib- 
 erations publicly and decide fairly and 
 fully what the future form of Govern- 
 ment in Ireland is to be, and not alone 
 will the people of Ireland cheerfully abide 
 by the result, but all lovers of Ireland 
 and of liberty throughout the world 
 should be satisfied with it. 
 
 "In that direction lie not alcr.e freedom 
 and contentment for Ireland, and equal- 
 ity and fair play for all religions and 
 parties therein, but conviction on the 
 part of America of the sincerity of Eng- 
 land, and with that conviction an added 
 security and safety for England." 
 
 X^x-Senator O'Gorman'a View*. 
 
 Ex-Senator 0'Gk)rman, wnen inter- 
 viewed at his office, 37 Wall Stret, said: 
 "I believe Ireland is entitled to that 
 measure of self-government which a ma- 
 jority of her people demand, and I sin- 
 cerely hope that the deliberations of the 
 proposed convention will accomplish that 
 purpose. The Irish question must be set- 
 tled by the people of Ireland. 
 
 "I have nothing to add to the views 
 recently expressed by me in the New 
 York World, in connection with the 
 Home-Rule Symposium." 
 
 The statement to which Mr. O'Gorman 
 refers appeared in the New York World 
 of May 2, and is as follows: 
 
 "Great Britain has held for centuries a 
 place of leadership among the great na- 
 tions of the earth, but its statesmanship 
 may well be reproached for its series of 
 dismal failures in attempting to solve 
 the Irish question. Penal laws, political 
 and religious persecution, coercion, force, 
 confiscation of estates, destruction of in- 
 dustries, and banishment have all been 
 tried in vain. Is it not time to approach 
 the consideration of the subject, ani- 
 mated by a spirit of fairness, justice, 
 and conciliation? 
 
 "Even recently rebels in the north of 
 Ireland have been rewarded with seats in 
 the Cabinet, while rebels in the south 
 have suffered instant death, some of 
 them without trial. 
 
 "While no generation can place bounds 
 upon the aspirations of a race, Ameri- 
 cans believe that if Ireland enjoyed the 
 same rights of self-government that have 
 been granted to Canada and Australia, 
 racial animosities would be obliterated 
 and the distrust and hostility now sep- 
 arating the two countries would disap- 
 pear and would be succeeded by a new 
 relation based upon confidence, friend- 
 ship, good-will, and imperial solidarity. 
 
 "What is now England's weakness 
 would contribute to her strength and 
 power. The wrongs and oppressions of 
 the past may be forgiven, but not until 
 England's sense of justice induces her 
 to live up to her own confessions regard- 
 ing the rights of small nations. 
 
 "An adjustment of the Irish problem 
 
 on conditions demanded by the majority 
 
 of the people of Ireland should not be a 
 
 difficult task for statesmen capable of 
 
 directing the destinies of the powerful 
 
srovernment with which we are now in 
 alliance in an effort to make liberty and 
 justice supreme througrhout the world. 
 To partition Ireland is to destroy the last 
 hope of self-g-overnment to Iflie Irish 
 nation. The opinion of the average 
 American regarding this question is 
 clearly reflected in the memorable war 
 message of President Wilson, when he 
 declared that he would tight "for the 
 rights of nations, great and small, and 
 the privilege of men everywhere to 
 choose their way of life and of obedi- 
 ence.' 
 
 "Great Britain must grant self-govern- 
 ment to Ireland some day. Why not 
 now? Such an act of reparation will be 
 tardy justice, but it will bring happiness 
 to the Irish people and strength to the 
 British Empire." 
 
 W. Bonrke Cockran's Vlevvs. 
 
 W. Bourke Cockran, of 31 Nassau 
 
 Street, expressed himself as being in fa- 
 vor of a convention, if it were really rep- 
 resentative of the Irish in Ireland, and 
 if its decisions were ratified by all of 
 the Irish at the polls. The convention, 
 however chosen, might be competent to 
 submit propositions to the Irish people, 
 he said, but no convention chosen by the 
 English Government could bind the Irish. 
 He added: 
 
 "As to abiding by its decisions, if the 
 convention be arranged on a basis as 
 equitable as is consistent with the pres- 
 ent exigencies of war, that depends upon 
 how consistent with equity the consti- 
 tution of the convention may be. If the 
 exigencies of war render the constitu- 
 tion of the convention inequitable, I 
 should not be for abiding by its decisions. 
 If the acts of the convention are sub- 
 mitted to the people and approved by 
 them, of course I'll support it.' 
 
 (May 25, 1917) 
 
 REPRESENTATION IN 
 THE IRISH CONVENTION 
 
 PREMIER LLOYD GEORGE SAYS IT 
 IS NOT EASY TO DEFINE. 
 
 Expected Statement in Parliament 
 Postponed Until After Recess — 
 Appeal to All Irish Sections. 
 
 London, May 25. — On presentation of 
 a motion to-day for adjournment of the 
 House of Commons for the Whitsuntide 
 recess. Premier Lloyd George said he 
 was not in a position to give a definite 
 reply as to the composition of the con- 
 vention which is to attempt a settlement 
 of the Irish question, but that it might 
 be assumed the House and the Govern- 
 ment had lost no time in getting into 
 touch with the various parties, with a 
 view to procuring a basis of representa- 
 
 tion which would carry out the scheme 
 outlined by the Government. 
 
 "It is very important that the repre- 
 sentation should be of a character which 
 will command the confidence of the peo- 
 ple of Ireland," he said. "It is not an 
 easy matter to do so. There are a good 
 many considerations which have had to 
 be taken into account, and a good many 
 interests to consider, and it is very de- 
 sirable that the convention, when sum- 
 moned, should be of a character which 
 will make the people of Ireland feel that 
 the Government has made a sincere ef- 
 fort to secure real representation of all 
 views and aspects of the question." 
 
 The Premier said he had hoped to make 
 a statement to-day, but that it would be a 
 great mistake if, in order to make an an- 
 nouncement, the Government were to 
 take unnecessary risks, and by that 
 means alienate important bodies of opin- 
 ion in Ireland. For that reason the Gov- 
 ernment had come to the conclusion that 
 it would be better that no statement 
 should be made as to negotiations which 
 have not been completed. He continued: 
 
 "I sincerely trust, however, that there 
 will be no prolonged delay. In fact, delay 
 would be fatal. It might not only create 
 unnecessary suspicion and distrust, but 
 give the impression that the Government 
 
Joes not mean business. I therefore ap- 
 peal to all sections of Ireland to assist 
 the Government in coming to a speedy 
 decision." 
 
 Mr. Lloyd George regretted that the 
 Irish leaders had been compelled for 
 
 (May 26, 1917) 
 
 MAKE-UP OF THE 
 IRISH CONVENTION 
 
 More Comment on Lloyd 
 George^s Plan 
 
 VIEWS OF AMERICAN CRITICS 
 
 Belief Expressed that Coining Con- 
 vention Is Doomed to Failure Un- 
 less Its Members Are Elected by the 
 People and Truly Represent All 
 Factions in the Country. 
 
 iSeveral more well-wishers of Ireland 
 defined their attitude to-day toward the 
 proposed Irish Convention, commenting 
 on the suggestions made by Capt. W. J. 
 M. A. Maloney in the Evening Post and 
 answering his three questions, which are 
 published below. Among those who ex- 
 pressed their opinions were two Justices 
 o! the Supreme Court — ^John W. Goff and 
 Ekiward J. Gavegan; also George J. Gil- 
 lespie, a member of the State Charities 
 Commission; John Devoy, editor of the 
 Gaelic American, and a committee of the 
 national officers of the Friends of Irish 
 Freedom, consisting of Victor Herbert, 
 Thomas Addis Emmet, and James K. 
 MoGuire. 
 
 Capt. MaJoney's questions follow: 
 
 "(1.) Are you in favor of a conven- 
 tion of the Irish in Ireland determining 
 the plan of the future government of 
 Ireland? 
 
 "(2.) If that convention be arranged 
 
 very important reasons to return to Ire- 
 land. With regard to John Redmond, all 
 know that the reason why he was com- 
 pelled to go home was that, although his 
 health, happily, had been restored, he re- 
 quired recuperation. 
 
 en a basis as equitable as is consistent 
 with the present exigencies of war, will 
 ycu abide by its decisions? 
 
 "(3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted? 
 
 Justice John "W. Goff. 
 
 "The Irish have their faults as well as 
 their virtues," said Justice Goff. "One 
 of their faults is to accept with gratitude 
 any promise that is made to them and 
 appraise it at its face value. The un- 
 happy history of their country is fraught 
 with instances of bitter disappointment. 
 Even a trusting people cannot be de- 
 ceived by the proposal of Lloyd George. 
 It is too transparent. Were it in fact a 
 proposal to the Irish people to elect rep- 
 resentatives to a convention for the pur- 
 pose of drafting a constitution for the 
 government of Ireland I would unhesi- 
 tatingly answer the first question of the 
 Evening Post in the affirmative. 
 
 "But it is not such a proposal. In- 
 stead it is a proposal for a convocation 
 of government appointees from certain 
 classes to meet in secret session under 
 the presidency of a government-appoint- 
 ed chairman, who would direct and con- 
 trol its procedure. That is not a con- 
 vention either in the American sense or 
 the true sense of the word. The enthusi- 
 astic reception by Mr. Redmond of the 
 proposal is not surprising. He is a loyal 
 servant of the British Crown, and this 
 1.3 not the first time that his exuberant 
 laudation was doomed to humiliating dis- 
 appointment." 
 
 Views o* Justice GaTegran. 
 
 Justice Gavegan's statement follows: 
 "(1.) Generally speaking, I am in fa- 
 vor of a convention of the Irish in Ire- 
 land determining the plan of the future 
 government of Ireland, but I do not un- 
 derstand from Mr. Lloyd George's pro- 
 posal that the British Government in- 
 tends to give the Irish people any such 
 opportunity. 
 
"(2.) The convention should be ar- 
 ranged on a basis as equitable as is con- 
 sistent with the purposes of the war 
 which are of primary importance rather 
 tham with the pretent exigencies of the 
 war which are only a secondary consid- 
 eration. 
 
 "Those purposes being to destroy au- 
 tocracy, to establish the principle of gov- 
 ernment based on the consent of the 
 governed, and to secure the freedom and 
 independence of the small nations, and 
 Ireland being one of those small nations, 
 the only 'equitable arrangement* for the 
 proposed convention would be on the 
 basis of actual representation. If that 
 is done, if the convention is made up 
 oi delegates elected by the people and 
 the principle of majority rule is applied 
 to its proceedings, then all American 
 friends of Irish freedom will abide by 
 its decisions. 
 
 "03.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 those djecisions the Irish question will be 
 solved. 
 
 "The familiar cry that 'the Irish can't 
 agree,' resorted to by those who do not 
 wish them to agree, is absurd on its 
 face, unless it is intended to mean that 
 they cannot agree to remain subjugated. 
 They cannot agree so long as there is 
 withheld from them the only means 
 whereby a people is ever enabled to any- 
 where agree, namely, by means of the 
 application of the democratic principle 
 of the majority rule. 
 
 "Mr. Maloney's suggestion that an 
 American advisory commission, adequate- 
 ly representing Irish opinion in this 
 country, be sent to Ireland now, is a 
 most excellent suggestion, and the gen- 
 tlemen whom he names in that connec- 
 tion would be ideal representatives." 
 Georgre J. Gllleaplc. 
 
 George J. Gillespie said he was in fa- 
 vor of a convention, but questioned 
 whether the proposed one would repre- 
 sent the various elements of Ireland. He 
 said he believed that the Irish were su- 
 premely capaJble of governing their own 
 country, and should have the opportu- 
 nity to demonstrate that a"bility. 
 
 "I am in favor of an Irish convention," 
 said Mr. Gillespie, "but it is a grave ques- 
 tion whether the one proposed will be 
 S-.I constituted that it will speak with in- 
 spiration, so that the various elements 
 c< the country will be fully represented. 
 
 If it is ipadded, if it is not truly repre- 
 sentative, if the convention is not going 
 to give an opportunity to the most zeal- 
 ous and earnest advocates to present 
 their viewpoints, I am not in favor of it. 
 
 "As to the second question Mr. Mal- 
 oney asks, whether if the convention be 
 arranged on a basis as equitable as is 
 consistent with the present exigencies 
 of war, I will abide by its decisions, it 
 is almost impossible to answer that ques- 
 tion. The convention as it has already 
 been outlined is to be held only to fixed 
 prescriptions and fixed rules and meth- 
 ods of representation. These matters are 
 not yet open to the public, and it is im- 
 possible for me to give an affirmative 
 aiiswer until I know just what the situa- 
 tion is. I am conscious that existing 
 war conditions must be taken into con- 
 sideration. Rules which are applicable 
 now might not have to be made in times 
 of peace, 
 
 "But it should be said that many peo- 
 ple feel that the matter is not being 
 taken up out of good- will by England, 
 but out of necessity, which makes it 
 difficult for many Irishmen throughout 
 the world to give to her the credit that 
 would be due her if she were acting in 
 good faith. Mr. Uoyd George spoke the 
 truth when he said those words about 
 the work of restitution and reparation. 
 But that duty has existed for so many 
 years that it is painful to think of it. 
 
 "As for Mr. Maloney's third question: 
 'If the British Parliament legalizes these 
 decisions, will you loyally and whole- 
 heartedy cooperate "wath the Irish Gov- 
 ernment thus constituted?' there is no 
 use in answering that question till more 
 light is shed on the other two. 
 
 "Assuming that England wants to do 
 the right thing and will let the Irish 
 people — and I mean the people, not rep- 
 resentatives of this or that clique, or 
 faction, or section — settle, things for 
 themselves, I think the proposal for a 
 convention a splendid forward move. For 
 I am one who believes that the Irish 
 people are supremely capable of govern- 
 ing their own country, and that it's their 
 right to be given the opportunity to 
 clemonstrate that ability." 
 
 John Devoy'M Statement. 
 
 John Devoy said in his statement: 
 
 "1 recognize the good-will and zeal for 
 Ireland which prompt Mr. Maloney's 
 
 8 
 
article, but I cannot agree with his prem- 
 ises. It requires absolute forgetfulness 
 o' Ireland's past and failure to recog- 
 nize the hard, indisputable facts of the 
 present situation to justify generous 
 recognition of the difficulties which at- 
 tend England in the tentative effort at 
 settlement in the midst of war. The 
 Premier's assurance of England's need 
 and desire for a settlement, viewed in 
 the light of his recent exhibitions of bad 
 faith, and of the whole conduct of his 
 colleagues since the worthless little Home 
 Rule act was placed on the Statute Book, 
 and then promptly suspended, is, to my 
 mind, utterly worthless. And if it were 
 worth all his words mean, is gives no 
 assurance as to what the British Par- 
 liament will do with any recommendation 
 the proposed conference, miscalled a con- 
 vention, may make. 
 
 "Mr. Maloney's statement that 'no one 
 pretends that a non-elected convention, 
 held behind closed doors, and under an 
 alien chairman, is an ideal convention' is 
 a conclusive reason for refusing to ac- 
 cept it, and nullifies his subsequent plea 
 in its favor. It also effectually refutes 
 his contention that 'irreconcilable minori- 
 ties, whether Republican or Ulsterite, who, 
 without just cause, refuse to participate 
 in this convention of the people of Ire- 
 land, merely condemn themselves and 
 their cause before the bar of the world's 
 opinion.' That is a wholly untenable 
 doctrine. He admits that the conven- 
 tion, as outlined by Lloyd George, would 
 not represent the people of Ireland, and 
 then insists that those who neither be- 
 lieve in its object nor trust the men who 
 call it — and who will undoubtedly con- 
 trol its deliberations — deserve the world's 
 condemnation for remaining away. 
 
 "The Irish Unionists are opposed to 
 home rule in any form; why should they 
 bd condemned for refusing to go into a 
 convention to draft a plan of home rule? 
 The British Government should be con- 
 demned for placing the wishes of the 
 minority above those of the majority, but 
 the minority have a right to their opin- 
 ions. Where they are wrong is in refus- 
 ing to ajbide by the decision of the ma- 
 jority. 
 
 "The other 'extremists,' the republi- 
 cans, demand complete national indepen- 
 dence — total separation from England — 
 why should they be condemned for refus- 
 
 ing to help to perpetuate the connection 
 •with England, which they believe is re- 
 sponsible for all the ills of Ireland? 
 
 "There are many admirable things in 
 Mr. Maloney's article — his plea for con- 
 ciliation of all Irish parties and elements 
 and for the release of John MacNeill, for 
 instance — ^but the one question to be de- 
 cided is, whether a conference called on 
 Lloyd George's plan, dominated by the 
 British Government and two political 
 machines, one of which has lost its grip 
 on the people, and having no elective 
 feature, has any right to speak for the 
 people of Ireland. 
 
 "And the equally important question 
 follows: Why should the people of Ire- 
 land and the Irish abroad buy 'a pig in a 
 bcig' by committing themselves before- 
 hand to a programme of which they 
 know nothing and with which the Brit- 
 ish Parliament will later do as it pleases, 
 without any regard to its merits or the 
 wishes of the Irish people? If it were to 
 b2 a convention elected by the whole 
 adult population of Ireland, the case 
 would be different. Such a convention 
 would be a constituent assembly; its de- 
 cisions would toe binding on the Irish 
 people, would constitute their demand on 
 England, and would remain as their bill 
 of rights until England granted it in full. 
 
 "These observations do not categorical- 
 ly answer Mr. Maloney's three questions, 
 but they do so in substance. I am a sep- 
 aratist and a republican, but even if I 
 believed this solution of the Irish ques- 
 tion to be impossible under present cir- 
 cumstances and were looking for 'the 
 next best thing,' I would be irrevoca- 
 bly opposed to accepting the decisions of 
 a body convened and dominated on the 
 plan outlined by Lloyd George in the 
 House of Commons last Monday. But I 
 do not believe that solution to be impos- 
 sible. On the contrary, I am very hope- 
 ful, although in my seventy-fifth year, 
 that I shall live to see the establishment 
 of an Irish republic." 
 
 Friend* of Irlsli Freedom. 
 
 The statement of the Committee of 
 Friends of Irish Freedom follows: 
 
 "Excluding from consideration the in- 
 tensive and highly colored statementa 
 which have been cabled to the newspa- 
 pers, manifestly designed to influence 
 public opinion In America; also excluding 
 
the fervid declarations of Members of 
 Parliament, there is but one concrete 
 proposal made by the responsible Min- 
 ister of the Crown that can form basis 
 for any intelligiible comment. 
 
 "This proposal reduced to simple terms, 
 is: (a) That, because of the failure of 
 all attempts to arrive at a settlement on 
 proposals which emanated from a British 
 Crovernment, the present Government in- 
 vites Irishmen themselves to put for- 
 ward their proposals; (b) for that pur- 
 pose, the Government proposes to sum- 
 mon a convention of Irishmen to submit 
 a constitution for the Government of Ire- 
 land within the Empire; (c) the conven- 
 tion will be representative of the local 
 governing bodies, the churches, the trade 
 unions, the commercial and educational 
 interests, and Sinn Feiners; (d) the basis 
 of representation from the various bodies, 
 and the method of selection of the repre- 
 sentatives, are undetermined, but from 
 the context it is reasonably inferable that 
 the Government is to appoint the dele- 
 gates; (e) the convention is to be lield 
 behind closed doors, and the chairman is 
 to be appointed by the crown; (f) noth- 
 ing but special war considerations would 
 induce the Government to take up the 
 settlement of the Irish question at this 
 time. 
 
 "A fair and impartial analysis of the 
 foregoing provisos will convince the un- 
 piejudlced mind that the proposal to al- 
 low a convention of Irishmen to adopt 
 a constitution for the government of their 
 country Is illusory and deceptive, for the 
 following reasons: 
 
 "(1.) It excludes all means and oppor- 
 tunity for the adult population of Ireland 
 to give free and unrestricted expression 
 of feeling and opinion. 
 
 "(2.) It limits representation to certain 
 public bodies, professions, interests, and 
 classes, which in the majority of cases 
 are either under Government control or 
 susceptible to its influence. 
 
 "(3.) It in no sense can be a represen- 
 tative body with a mandate from the peo- 
 ple to speak for them, since its memtoers 
 will be Government appointees, and con- 
 sequently care will be taken that a ma- 
 jority will represent the Government. 
 
 "(4.) The inclusion of the miscalled 
 iSinn Feiners is a specious semblance of 
 generosity, since among their bravest and 
 most gifted are those condemned to im- 
 prisonment, whose voice and influence 
 v/ould be as useful and potential as were 
 the voice and influence of the warring 
 Boers who were invited to council in 
 iSouth Africa. 
 
 "(5.) A convention chairman appointed 
 by the Government would to all intents 
 and purposes be a governmental instru- 
 ment, having in liis hands the whole ma- 
 chinery of the convention, the formula- 
 tion of rules and procedure, the use of 
 arbitrary power without responsibility, 
 and by reason of the secrecy surrounding 
 the proceedings, the authority to suppress 
 free discussion and bar public criticism, 
 so essential to a constructive deliberative 
 'body. 
 
 "We therefore regard the proposal as 
 an insidious pretence, impracticable in its 
 operation, and, becaiise of its lack of 
 democratic honesty, foredoomed' to fail- 
 ure. 
 
 "As Americans we assert and believe 
 that in doing so we are in harmony with 
 sound public opinion in America; and 
 that, if England be sincere, in the words 
 of Lloyd George, that she 'would not for- 
 get that restitution and reparation began 
 an home,' she will concede to the Irish 
 people the right to elect their own repre- 
 sentatives, that those representatives 
 shall have the right to elect their owm 
 chairman, and conduct their proceedings 
 in the light of day, frame the Govern- 
 ment the people of Ireland want, and 
 that the constitution which they may 
 draft for the government of Ireland will 
 b=^ promptly accepted and enacted by the 
 Parliament of England." 
 
 10 
 
(May 28. 191H 
 
 IRISH CONVENTION 
 PLAN WINS 
 
 Viewed by Lawyer as Real 
 Opportunity 
 
 FAITH IN ENGLAND'S SINCERITY 
 
 Redmond's Method of Procedure Urg- 
 ed by One Who Opposes Partition of 
 the Island — Irish-Americans Might 
 Help Draft Constitution, Says John 
 J. O'Connell — Dr. Emmet's Views. 
 
 Capt. W. J. M. A. Maloney's challenge 
 to Irish-Americans and friends of Ireland 
 that they assist in the settlement of Ire- 
 land's difficulties by putting themselves 
 on record in regard to the proposed con- 
 vention for the settlement of the Home 
 Rule problem, "in order that Irish alms 
 here may be defined, lest extremists, de- 
 luding themselves with false hopes, plan 
 to defeat its purpose," drew mere com- 
 ment to-day from readers of the Evening 
 Post. 
 
 One of those who gave their opinion 
 was John J. O'Connell, a lawyer of 31 
 Nassau Street, and New York County 
 chairman of the Progressive party. Mr. 
 O'Connell contends that the Irl.sh people 
 should rise to the opportunity which has 
 been offered to them, and maintains that 
 the attitude of John Redmond, leader of 
 the Irish Nationalists, ia a correct one. 
 
 Capt. Maloney's questions, which were 
 published In the Evening Post of May 24, 
 follow : 
 
 "(.1.) Are you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 "(2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as equitable as la consistent with 
 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by its decisions? 
 
 "(3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted?" 
 
 Mr. O'Connell's response to Capt. 
 Maloney follows: 
 
 Believes British Are Sincere. 
 
 "This is the first time in the history 
 of Ireland that the British Government 
 has given the people of Ireland an op- 
 portunity of framing their own Consti- 
 tution. The people ought to rise to the 
 occasion, by which I mean people of all 
 shades of political thought, all creeds, 
 and of whatever lineage. It is no time 
 to dwell on the persecutions of the past; 
 it is eminently a time to look to the ris- 
 ing sun of the future. I believe that the 
 British Government is sincerely and hon- 
 estly putting the reins in the hands of 
 the Irish people, so that they themselves 
 may do their own driving. 
 
 "While the Irish people are sentimental 
 and have long memories, still a future 
 cannot be built up on the recollection of 
 oppressions of the past. It is a time when 
 all classes and sections of the Irish peo- 
 ple should get together to adjust their 
 own problems; and they should do it 
 in a spirit of conciliation, in a spirit of 
 sincere regard for one another s hopes 
 and, indeed, for one another's fears. It 
 is not a time for ultimatums or for lay- 
 ing down lines of irreducible mlnimums. 
 There is now an opportunity, and they 
 ought to rise to it. 
 
 "Personally, It is my belief that there 
 is no need for a division or partition of 
 the island, and that there should he none. 
 It is probably true that large numbers 
 of the Orangemen of Ulster — and I use 
 that term not in any invidious sense — 
 have honest fears that a parliament in 
 Dublin, legislating for the whole island, 
 might abridge or destroy their civil and 
 religious rights, and might discriminate 
 against their particular industries or 
 against particular localities. I am not 
 taking into account anybody who is ad- 
 vancing those theories for thrt sake of 
 political advantage, but take It for grant- 
 ed that there are many men who hold 
 such fears honestly. 
 
 Against a State Chnreh. 
 
 "The basic rule of democracy is gov- 
 ernment by a majority, but minorities 
 
 11 
 
must be protected in what we in America 
 call their inalienable rights. Minorities 
 must have religious freedom the same as 
 the majority, and, likewise they must have 
 industrial freedom and be protected from 
 class legislation or discriminating legis- 
 lation. America has shown that written 
 constitutions protect these rights abso- 
 lutely, and I cannot see why the Ulster 
 Orangemen cannot be perfectly protected 
 by constitutional provisions guaranteeing 
 for all time religious liberty, preventing 
 for all time the establishment of a state 
 church, and preventing the passage of 
 laws which will discriminate for or against 
 any particular persons, localities, or in- 
 dustries. In this way, absolute equality 
 to all can be assured, and a government 
 of the people can onfy exist where there 
 is absolute equality. 
 
 "In a convention such as that proposed 
 for a decision on those subjects, ordi- 
 narily a set of elected delegates, based 
 on the franchise and on populativ:>n, would 
 be the best method to decide those ques- 
 tiona That is the way in whiv'^h consti- 
 tutional conventions are held in this 
 country. But we have had over a cen- 
 tury of that kind of government, where- 
 as this is the first proposition of the 
 kind for Ireland. There are many cur- 
 rents and cross-currents there, born of 
 conditions that never existed in this coun- 
 try. There has been the contention on 
 one side that particular section.'^ and par- 
 ticular industries have been coSdled, and 
 that the descendants of the "planters" 
 have always been given vastly more than 
 their share of "rights." There is now 
 the feeUng on their part, very naturally, 
 that some of those "rights" may be taken 
 away from them. 
 
 "A purely elective system of selecting 
 the delegates would not result in sending 
 to the convention these various shades 
 of thought. You would have, perhaps, 
 three shades of thought represented, viz. : 
 the home-rule Nationalist thought, the 
 Sinn Fein thought, and the viewpoint of 
 the Carsonites. That would be a di- 
 vision entirely on present-day political 
 grounds, and would not be fair, in my 
 opinion. There are large iiumbers of 
 Protestant Irish who could hardly be 
 classed under any one of the three. There 
 are large numbers of the Catholic clergy 
 who could not be classed under any of 
 the three. There are various agricul- 
 tural, manufacturing, and financial in- 
 
 terests whose viewpoint would not square- 
 ly come within any of the three. 
 
 "I believe, therefore, that the proposi- 
 tion as outlined by Mr. Redmond in his 
 reply to Uoyd George's speech is the cor- 
 rect one, and the one which would be the 
 most effectual in bringing things to a 
 successful conclusion. 
 
 "For my own part, I believe that the 
 island should not be divided; that the 
 Dublin Parliament should be given broad 
 powers to legislate for the entire island — 
 should have as much power, indeed, as is 
 given to the Commonwealth of Australia 
 and to the Dominion of Canada, and that 
 the rights of the minority should be pro- 
 tected in some such manner as that indi- 
 cated above, and in such a way that a 
 majority cannot at any time take away 
 any of their rights. I do not think that 
 an American commission, ad\dsory or 
 otherwise, ought to be sent to the conven- 
 tion. This grave question is one for the 
 Irish in Ireland themselves. If, however, 
 the convention did decide that safeguards 
 should be written into the Constitution to 
 protect the rights of the minority, then 
 those of Irish blood in this country who 
 are familiar with the Constitutions and 
 the laws of the United States could ren- 
 der considerable help by furnishing drafts 
 of provisions which have been found ef- 
 fective on this side of the watf-r. This 
 would not be taking part in the delibera- 
 tions, but, in a way, furnish what might 
 be called expert suggestions as to means 
 for reaching the desired result. 
 
 The fact that the sessions of the con- 
 vention are to be in secret should not be 
 disquieting. While it is true that all con- 
 stitutional conventions here are usually 
 in the open, still all committee meetings, 
 where the real work is done, are in secret. 
 Very likely, the provisions for secret ses- 
 sions is to prevent its dehberations from 
 being overriden by noisy galleries and 
 to insure absolute freedom of discussion." 
 
 Another who voiced his opinion was 
 Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, who will cele- 
 brate his ninetieth birthday to-morrow 
 at his home, Madison Avenue and 29th 
 Street. 
 
 Dr. TbomaR Addis Kmmet. 
 
 "There is no hope for Ireland until she 
 has become a separate country," Dr. Em- 
 met said. 
 
 Despite his great age Dr. Emmet says 
 that his mind is as keen as It was fifty 
 years ago. He spends from three to five 
 
 12 
 
nours every morning, workinu in bed, 
 on the revision of his life work, 'Memoirs 
 of Thomas Addis and Robert Emmet with 
 their Ancestors and Immediate Family." 
 To this work he referred for his opinion 
 on the Irish question. "I write as an 
 American, not as an Irishman," he said, 
 "and I treat that subject as I should 
 criticise the French Revolution." The 
 passages to which he referred appear in 
 the historical introduction as follows: 
 
 "The author's earliest recollection of 
 any knowledge of Irish affairs is the ex- 
 pression of his father's opinion that Ire- 
 land could have no prospect of a bright 
 future until she should have gained full 
 management of her own affairs, and that 
 desideratum, he was confident, could only 
 be obtained after a total separation from 
 England. Few realize the truth of Aubrey 
 de Vere's statement that with a free 
 people — 'A nation forms its institutions 
 as a shell fish forms its shell, by a sort 
 of slow exudation from within which 
 gradually hardens as an external deposit, 
 and must therefore be fitted to the shape 
 of that which it invests and protects.' 
 EJngland's form of government is best 
 fitted for her people and would be worth- 
 
 (May 29, 1917) 
 
 IRISH CONVENTION 
 GAINS ADVOCATES 
 
 Plans of Settlement Fa- 
 vored by Irish-Americans 
 
 OPPOSE DIVISION OF COUNTRY 
 
 William J. Cruard Gommeiits on the 
 Ulster Problem — Cites Relig^ious 
 Questions in France and Italy — 
 Martin Conboy Believes American 
 Opinion Will Have Weight. 
 
 Advocates of Irish self-government 
 continue to respond to the challenge of 
 Capt. W. J. M. A. Maloney that their at- 
 titude toward the proposed convention 
 for the settlement of the Home Rul» 
 
 less for any other nation. Tlie shell or 
 the clam would be no more suitable for 
 the oyster than would the oyster's shell 
 for the clam, nor could either be expect- 
 ed to thrive under the protection of that 
 meant for Jt,he lobster. 
 
 "At one time we owed legally such an 
 obligation to England but it was never 
 merited by the so-called 'Mother Coun- 
 try'; she certainly neglected her Ameri- 
 can colonies, leaving them to shift for 
 themselves until through their own effort 
 they had prospered suSiciently to be 
 worth robbing, and the attempt then 
 made to fit us to England's shell caused 
 our separation. A similar result must 
 follow the attempt in Ireland. 
 
 "For sixty years the writer was engaged 
 in helping the Irish people financially 
 and yet his own convictions politically 
 were never in full accord with the ma- 
 jority. Yet in no instance did he ever 
 exercise any political influence, holding 
 that every individual should decide for 
 himself. The writer has had many warm 
 friends where we were only in accord 
 with love for Ireland as a whole — with 
 the exception of the Orangemen with 
 whom nothing could be held in common." 
 
 question be put on record. "Given the 
 desire for settlement and the power to 
 settle," Captain Maloney contends, "there 
 is nothing inherently impossible of set- 
 tlement in the Irish situation." But the 
 success of the convention. Captain Ma- 
 loney maintains, rests largely upon the 
 acceptance by Irish-Americans of this 
 opportunity for constructive cooperation. 
 With the purpose of obtaining the opin- 
 ions of Irishmen and Americans on the 
 proposed convention. Captain Maloney 
 suggested the following questions in the 
 Evening Post of May 24: 
 
 "(1.) Are you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 "(2.) If that convention be arranged 
 on a basis as equitable as is consistent 
 with the present exigencies of war, will 
 you abide by its decisions? 
 
 "(3.) If the British Parliament legallzee 
 these decisions will you join loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted?" 
 
 The shortest reply received to-day to 
 these queationa came from the Rer. 
 
 13 
 
Father Signourey W. Fay, of the New- 
 man School at Hackensack, N. J. He 
 answered "Yes," to each question. 
 William J. Guard. 
 Another one who gave his views was 
 William J. Guard, publicity secretary of 
 the Metropolitan Opera Company and 
 author of "The Soul of Paris" and "The 
 Spirit of Italy." He spoke as an Ameri- 
 can of Protestant Irish nativity. His 
 father, the Rev. Thomas Guard, who was 
 a prominent Methodist minister of Balti- 
 more and San Francisco, was an advo- 
 cate of Home Rule. 
 
 "I do not favor the division of Ireland," 
 Mr. Guard said: "To cut off Ulster from 
 the rest of Ireland would be like taking 
 New York city out of New York State. 
 I believe that much of the trouble is 
 due to the bigotry of Orangemen who 
 represent the extreme of Protestantism. 
 Many of them imagine even now that the 
 first move of the Irish Catholics will be 
 to bring the Pope there. Of course, I 
 realize the bigotry of both sides. That 
 is why, as a Protestant, I condemn the 
 Orangemen. One of the great curses of 
 Ireland is ecclesiasticism; it is as big a 
 curse as militarism and whiskey, and 
 must go with them. 
 
 "Ireland should be permitted to elect 
 delegates to a constitutional convention 
 by universal suffrage, including the men 
 in the trenches and the rebels in jail. As 
 far as pos.sible all clerical influence 
 should be prohibited. 
 
 Attitude of Ulster. 
 "I see no reason why Ulster should 
 fear union with the south of Ireland. She 
 will always be able to profit in elections 
 • by the split in the majority vote. France 
 and Italy are Catholic countries which 
 have got rid of their clericalism, and why 
 shouldn't Ireland? I believe thoroughly 
 in the Home Rule principle." 
 
 Mr. Guard offered the above as his 
 answer to the first question of Capt. 
 Maloney, but thought that the second 
 and third questions should be reserved 
 for citizens of Ireland alone, since they 
 had no bearing on Americans. 
 Martin Conboy. 
 Martin Conboy. of 27 Pine Street, a 
 law partner of former United States At- 
 torney-General John W. Griggs, believes 
 that American opinion on the Irish ques- 
 
 tion should be offered to Great Britain as 
 advice from one partner to another. He 
 considers a settlement to be one of the 
 paramount issues of the war. He spoke 
 of the many men of Irish birth who had 
 fought in the Civil War, and told of a 
 regiment called the Irish Rifles, of which 
 his father was a member, which joined 
 the side of the North. Americans, he 
 said, may have the opportunity to repay 
 at the present time, by pressure of opin- 
 ion, the debt incurred in that struggle. 
 
 When asked his opinion of the pro- 
 posals for the convention, Mr. Conboy 
 said that as outlined they did not pro- 
 vide for a representative convention. If 
 this convention was to draft a constitu- 
 tion without the consent of the whole 
 people, he feared strife would follow. He 
 was sure that if the American thirteen 
 colonies felt the grievance so great that 
 they would fight on a tax issue, they 
 would certainly have opposed a Consti- 
 tution imposed upon them in the same 
 manner. This, he believed, was the situa- 
 tion in Ireland. Mr. Conboy's statement 
 follows: 
 
 "The Irish question, at this particular 
 juncture in American affair.s. appeals to 
 all Americans, whether of Irish extrac- 
 tion or not, because of its bearing on 
 America's entrance into the war. That 
 there is a relation between the two things 
 cannot be que.stioned. First. becau.=;e it 
 is impossible to conceive of democracy In 
 the abstract if democracy in Ireland is 
 denied In the concrete. Second, and this 
 Is a corollary to the first, because it is 
 impossible to conceive of world-peace if 
 Ireland is not at peace, eren though the 
 rest of the world is. In short, world de- 
 mocracy minus Ireland is not democracy, 
 and there can be no world-peace if Ire- 
 land is fighting for the vindication of 
 her right to be a democracy. 
 
 Americans Interested. 
 
 "And in the third place, with so many 
 millions of Irish birth and extraction in 
 the United States it becomes of great im- 
 portance to the success of America in 
 the war that those millions .shall not be 
 deprived of any of the incentives that 
 inspire every other man to give his all, 
 and to do his utmost for the safety of de- 
 mocracy. 
 
 "America is preparing to carry on this 
 war to a conclusion. She will contribute 
 
 14 
 
the fortunes and the lives of her sons, 
 No mean part of that contribution will 
 come from her sons of Irish birth and 
 extraction. They will respond as they 
 have always done, and for the success 
 of America in arms. Their response 
 should not be chilled by the knowledge 
 that the principle for which they are 
 required to sacrifice themselves is denied 
 application to Ireland alone, that the in- 
 tegrity of small nations excludes Ireland, 
 that world democracy excludes Ireland, 
 and that the world peace that is to follow 
 this war, and which will rest upon the 
 secure foundation of world democracy 
 will prevail everywhere except in Ire- 
 land. 
 
 "England lost this continent because 
 she would not recognize the principle for 
 which we have engaged In this war. It 
 was a great loss, but she may sustain 
 a greater, for, if, while now professing 
 recognition of and devotion to that prin- 
 ciple, she refuses it application, her pro- 
 fessions will be valued by her practice, 
 and she cannot be accepted as a demo- 
 cratic nation. But, more than this, it is 
 neither fair nor right, nor shall it be that 
 she shall tie our hands in this war; for, 
 just as we could not exist as a nation 
 half bond and half free, neither can we 
 acclaim a democracy that excludes from 
 
 (May 31, 1917) 
 
 CONVENTION 
 AND ITS DELEGATES 
 
 Basi 
 
 IS 
 
 of Representation 
 Discussed 
 
 ILOYD GEORGE PLAN CRITICISED 
 
 Victor Herbert, Justice Peter A. 
 Hendrick, and Dr. John G. Coyle 
 Give Their Views on Proposed 
 Method for Setting Irish Issue — 
 Question of England's Sincerity. 
 
 As the symposium conducted by the 
 Evening Post to determine the attitude 
 of well-wishers of Ireland toward the 
 proposed Irish convention is developed. 
 
 its operation the land that next to this 
 is dearest to millions of Americans. 
 
 "I have at home a bronze medal ot 
 honor. Its legend is that it was awarded 
 by the Congress of the United States for 
 distinguished conduct at the battle of 
 Williamsburgh, May 12, 1862. When my 
 father earned it he was serving in a 
 regiment known as the Irish Rifles. It 
 is unnecessary to comment upon his loy- 
 alty or upon the spirit of that regiment. 
 I wonder if he did not feel when fighting 
 to strike the shackles from the slave 
 that there was a singular appropriate- 
 ness in the regimental title? 
 
 "Can we Americans say this to Eng- 
 land without offence? Undoubtedly. We 
 are allies-partners in this war, and the 
 Irish question, which is really the democ- 
 racy question, is as much an issue with 
 which we are all concerned as are the 
 rights of Belgium or Servia. More so; 
 for a man should put his house in that 
 order which be seeks to impose upon his 
 neighbor before attempting to impose it 
 upon his neighbor." 
 
 The Evening Post is in communication 
 with a number of prominent Irish-Amer- 
 icans, and will publish their replies to 
 the Maloney questions as they are re- 
 ceived. 
 
 it is apparent that conflicts are giving 
 way to agreements, and the sincerity of 
 each group, even those farthest apart, 
 is appreciated by its opponents. Most 
 of the factions agree that a representa- 
 tive convention is desirable. They differ 
 regarding the degree of representation 
 the proposed convention will assure. 
 
 Victor Herbert holds that an analysis 
 of Lloyd George's proposal shows it to 
 be undemocratic and raises a doubt as 
 to England's sincerity in declaring that 
 she is fighting for small nations. Dr. 
 John G. Coyle believes the convention 
 will soften antagonism and lead to a 
 final settlement. Justice Peter A. Hen- 
 drick, of the Supreme Court, believes the 
 value of the convention depends upon 
 the measure of freedom the delegates 
 are allowed; any attempt by England 
 to dominate the meeting will, he says, 
 not be acceptable in this country. 
 
 Capt. W. J. M. A. Maloney, in sug- 
 gesting the symposium in the Evening 
 Post of May 24, proposed the follc-.v:"s 
 
 11 
 
questions to Irish -Americans and friends 
 of Irish self-government: 
 
 "(1.) Are you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 "(2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as equitable as is consistent with 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by its decisions? 
 
 "(3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted?" 
 
 Victor Herbert's "Views, 
 In answer Victor Herbert has written: 
 "It has been made so clear from the 
 analyses of the proposed gathering al- 
 ready published, that it is not in any 
 American sense to be either a convention 
 or a body clothed by the Irish people 
 themselves with any delegated power, 
 that I shall not take any time to discuss 
 that phase of the question. 
 
 "In my opinion Lloyd George has erred 
 in this matter from over-shrewdness. He 
 cannot appoint any group of men, no 
 matter how eminent they may be, who 
 can settle the Irish question. The Irish 
 people themselves intend to .settle the 
 Irish question and no settlement unsatis- 
 factory to the majority of them will be 
 a real or permanent settlement. When 
 they make their decision I have no doubt 
 that it will be fair to all groups of Irish- 
 men, no matter what may be their re- 
 ligion or their policies or their strain of 
 blood. 
 
 "But that is not the importanr. question 
 at this moment. Now the whole world, 
 and America especially, is interested in 
 this matter as a war question. England 
 has declared that she is fighting for the 
 small nations and for the rule of democ- 
 racy, and some Americans appear to 
 believe that claim. But the mass of the 
 American people are looking for some 
 concrete proof of the truth of that claim 
 and their eyes are fixed on Ireland while 
 waiting for that proof. 
 
 "Is England in earnest? Her actions 
 will tell and America awaits her action. 
 If she gives freedom to Ireland she will 
 give concrete evidence of sincerity. If 
 she fails to do so, no matter how in- 
 genious her excuse may be, the heart of 
 America will turn from her and that will 
 
 not help England in this the heur of her 
 greatest crisis. 
 
 "It is a question that England must 
 decide, but it is of the greatest impor- 
 tance to our country, now that we are 
 engaged in this colossal war, that Eng- 
 land should not add another to her long 
 record of failures to understand or defer 
 to American opinion." 
 
 Dr. Jobn G. Coyle. 
 
 Dr. John G. Coyle, of 226 East 31st 
 Street, an active official of the United 
 Irish League, gave his views as follows: 
 "I am heartily in favor of holding the 
 Irish convention, and am one of the 
 many who believe that it can be and 
 will be arranged for equitable represen- 
 tation of various groups, and will cheer- 
 fully support the decision of the major- 
 ity of such a convention. 
 
 "There are three well-marked opinions 
 in Ireland. One is the Sinn Peiners, who 
 desire complete independence and believe 
 that the present crisis is opportune in 
 making such a demand more likely of 
 fulfilment. They are prepared to revolt, 
 if need be, but think just now that Great 
 Britain might be compelled to cede Ire- 
 land complete independence. 
 
 "A second group is the Unionists, who 
 wish close union with Great Britain, 
 rule by the Imperial Parliament, and 
 profess the most intense loyalty and at- 
 tachment to Great Britain. But for the 
 determined attitude of these Unionists of 
 Ulster, home rule for all Ireland would 
 have been in operation long ago. 
 
 "The third group is the Nationalists, 
 who wish independence, but believe that 
 it is not possible just now, and are ready 
 to accept autonomy, or the largest mea- 
 sure of home rule obtainable which pro- 
 vides for an Irish Executive, an Irish 
 Parliament, and control of Irish politics, 
 Irish industries, and administration. 
 
 "The Unionists of Ulster are chiefly 
 Orangemen, whose opposition is largely 
 due to religious hatred, but also to a 
 genuine dislike of the mass of the Irish 
 people. 
 
 As to Nationalists. 
 
 "The Nationalists embrace men of all 
 creeds in Ireland. The Sinn Fein ele- 
 ment is a growing body, whose compo- 
 nents are not stable or settled, but whose 
 sentiment has been greatly intensified by 
 the delay In home rule, the revolt of 
 
 16 
 
1916, the arrests, imprisonments, depor- 
 tations of rebels and sympathizers, the 
 brealcdown of the Asqulth Government, 
 the operation of martial law, and the ac- 
 cession to power and high Cabinet posts 
 of such men as Sir Edward Carson and 
 Bonar Law, who were solemnly cove- 
 nanting but three years ago to shed their 
 blood against the operation of a sta- 
 tute of Parliament, and have gone not 
 only unpunished, but rewarded by place, 
 honor, and power. 
 
 "The proposed Irish Convention, If con- 
 ducted with deliberation, permitting ev- 
 ery element represented the fullest lati- 
 tude of expression and freedom of speech, 
 will bring together these opposing ele- 
 ments, with the gaze of the world upon 
 them. Heat and antagonisms will soften 
 under full expression, discussions be- 
 tween sessions, the play of mind on 
 mind, the recognition of the sincerity of 
 the purposes of each group, the realiza- 
 tion that Unionists and Nationalists are 
 serving the Empire in unity on the bat- 
 tlefield, and the thousand little factors 
 which will permit reason and sense to 
 replace antagonism and opposition as 
 men are thrown more and more in con- 
 tact with each other. 
 
 "That the Irish problem is before them 
 for solution, that they have the oppor- 
 tunity to solve it and begin a new career 
 for Ireland now, that Irishmen have 
 succeeded in all parts of the world in 
 governmental and other tasks of mag- 
 nitude, that settlement means speedier 
 peace in Europe and a new era for Ire- 
 land, will all contribute to influence the 
 mass of the convention after the first 
 heats and flashes have been given full 
 play. 
 
 "Discordant elements in a convention 
 in South Africa finally came out of the 
 convention with a constitution which 
 solidly united the various groups in 
 those colonies and in the former Orange 
 BYee State and Transvaal Republic, so 
 that in this great war, the vast majority 
 of the former enemies of Great Britain 
 served her cause in the field and in the 
 administration nobly and well. 
 
 "Discordant elements in our own Con- 
 stitutional Convention of 1787, with 
 Rhode Island failing to take any part, 
 through jealous fears, finally united in a 
 framework of government, which we 
 proudly call our Constitution, and our 
 people have remained united except in 
 
 the great struggle of 1861-65; have ab- 
 sorbed many races since, and have suc- 
 ceeded in keeping government stable. 
 Can Solve Problem. 
 
 "There is every hope that the Irish 
 convention can and will solve the prob- 
 lem of an Irish Government. Great 
 Britain has at last confessed what th« 
 world has been long able to see — that she 
 cannot govern Ireland. 
 
 "Ireland, despite the rancors of the 
 groups, is a nation. Geographically and 
 ethnically, the people are a true nation. 
 They are one of the oldest in Europe. 
 The capacity of the Irish has been so 
 often shown, in nearly all of the great 
 avenues of achievement open to men, 
 that the world may rely upon them to 
 solve their own problem, if they are but 
 given free hand to do so. That they can 
 and will do so is the belief of every sym- 
 pathizer with Ireland." 
 
 Justice Peter A. Hendrick's statement 
 is published below in full: 
 
 Justice Peter A. Hendrick. 
 
 "We Americans have a vital interest 
 in a just solution of the Irish question. 
 The American people do not approve, 
 nor have they ever approved, of the man- 
 ner in which England has governed Ire- 
 land. We believe that all governments 
 should be based on the consent of the 
 people governed. 
 
 "Ireland is a nation distinct from Eng- 
 land — as distinct as Hungary is from 
 Austria. It is a small nation. It has 
 been governed heretofore by force and 
 in defiance of the will of her people. 
 Americans naturally look with suspicion 
 on any proposition of the English Gov- 
 ernment in relation to Ireland, and there 
 will never be cordial relations between 
 the American people and the English 
 Government until such time as England 
 manifests an honest purpose to grant to 
 the Irish people the right to govern 
 themselves. 
 
 Ensland's Sincerity. 
 
 "If, however, the English Government 
 is in earnest in its present proposition to 
 grant self-government to Ireland, and 
 if it is honest in its expressed desire to 
 leave the form of that government to be 
 determined by the Irish people, and if It 
 allows the Irish people to convoke a con- 
 vention which shall honestly represent 
 the will of the people, and if it will put 
 
 17 
 
in force the scheme of government adopt- 
 ed by a convention so composed, then 
 America will believe that at last Eng- 
 land la granting some measure of justice 
 to Ireland. Whether or not the present 
 proposal Is honest, or whether it Is an- 
 other subterfuge to deceive and to trifle 
 with the people of Ireland and the world 
 at large, remains to be seen. It is not 
 strange that many doubts of the sin- 
 cerity of the English Government are 
 openly expressed in this country. 
 The Americau Idea.. 
 
 "The American thought would be that 
 the delegates to the proposed convention 
 should be elected by the people; that the 
 delegates so assembled should be free to 
 choose their own oflicers and free to dis- 
 cuss the proposed form of government. 
 Those delegates, according to the Ameri- 
 can idea, should be elected by all the 
 communities of Ireland and a majority 
 of the delegates should determine the 
 form of government. If, however, it 
 should appear that the English Govern- 
 ment dominates or endeavors to pre- 
 scribe the character of the delegates, or 
 to dominate in any way the deliberations 
 of the convention, the results, whatever 
 they may be, unless satisfactory to the 
 Irish people themselves, will not be ac- 
 cepted in this country as an evidence of 
 England's good faith. 
 
 "Any action which would indicate that 
 the English Government is stajidlng be- 
 hind a small minority of the people for 
 the purpose of over-riding the will of 
 the great majority, will stamp the whole 
 proposition as insincere and misleading. 
 If a free convention, the delegates to 
 which are elected by a free expression of 
 the will of the Irish people, shall adopt 
 a form of government for Ireland, and 
 the English Government will see that 
 that form of government is put into op- 
 eration in Ireland, then American opin- 
 ion will be satisfied. If not, the talk of 
 the solicitude of England for the rights 
 
 of small nations, which is so largely dis- 
 trusted in this country, will be regarded 
 as another instance of England's bad 
 faith. Let us hope for the best — a free 
 convention and the enforcement by Eng- 
 land of the free expression of the will of 
 the majority. 
 
 Rlgrht of a People to Rule. """- 
 
 "America has the deepest interest in 
 the proper solution of this question. We 
 are now engaged in common with the 
 Allies, of which England is one, in a 
 war which, from our viewpoint, is a 
 war for the perpetuation of democratic 
 government — of the right of the people 
 to rule themselves, as distinguished from 
 the right of the Government to rule the 
 people. There is our interest, and if any 
 ally, by its action, refuses to coincide 
 with our ideals in that regard, but is 
 prosecuting the war for its own selfish 
 purposes, the American people will not be 
 slow to understand, and any cooperation 
 with such a nation will cease upon the 
 accomplishment of the purposes for 
 which America is now at war. 
 
 "I have said that it is of the highest 
 importance to America that the Irish 
 question be justly settled. Practically 
 one-fifth of our population is of Irish 
 birth or extraction. The citizens com- 
 posing that element have the respect and 
 good-will of the whole mass of their fel- 
 low citizens. It is to the mterest of 
 America that the rights of a email na- 
 tion which is so closely allied to us in 
 uood-will and deeds should have justice, 
 especially when our citizenship of Irish 
 birth or descent has contributed so vast- 
 ly toward our freedom, and toward the 
 foundation and the preservation of our 
 Government, and has contributed so 
 largely to the development of our coun- 
 try. At this present moment every 
 American knows that every American 
 citizen of Irish birth or of Irish descent 
 will unhesitatingly lay down his life for 
 the welfare of America." 
 
 18 
 
(June 1, 1917) 
 
 IRISH CONVENTION 
 MUST LOOK TO FUTURE 
 
 Has Nothing to Do with 
 Past, Says J. D. Crimmins 
 
 ADVISES SOBER DiSCUSSlON 
 
 Irish People Assured by Irish-Ameri- 
 can^ of Continued Interest and 
 Support in This Country — Fullesi; 
 Possible Representation of All 
 Classes Is Favored. 
 
 That final settlement of the Irish ques- 
 tion depends upon the democratic selec- 
 tion and complete freedom of action of 
 delegates to the proposed convention, is 
 the consensus of opinion expressed by 
 Irish-Americans in the Evening Post to- 
 day. The success of Lloyd George's plan 
 rests with Lloyd George, according to 
 one statement, "if the only matter at 
 issue is the adjustment of differences 
 which have arisen in Ireland under, and 
 because of, alien rule." The convention 
 should, it is said, ignore the past and 
 look only to the future. The service of 
 Ulstermen is needed, it is held, in the 
 rehabilitation of South Ireland. 
 
 These statements were made in answer 
 to a challenge issued by Capt. W. J. M. 
 A. Maloney in the Evening Post of May 
 24 that American opinion on the Irish 
 question be put on record in order to 
 clarify diverging views and hasten a final 
 settlement. He urged that answers to 
 the follow'ing questions would give the 
 desired information: 
 
 (1.) Are you In favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 (2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as eqmtable as is consistent with 
 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by Its decisions? 
 
 (3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted? 
 
 Jobn D. Crimmins'ct Tlefrs. 
 
 To Capt. Maloney's questions, John D. 
 Crimmins, of 624 Madison Avenue, made 
 the following reply: 
 
 First question — Yes. 
 
 Second question — Yes. 
 
 Third question — Most heartily, yes. 
 
 "The impression," said Mr. Crimmin.s, 
 "I have received from speaking on the 
 Irish problem with many, many people, 
 particularly conservative American-Irish 
 who are sincere in their hopes and efforts 
 for Ireland's welfare, is this: We all 
 hope that the proposed convention will 
 be held and that the exigencies of to-day 
 will be discussed conservatively. It is 
 not with the past the convention will 
 have to do, but with the future welfare 
 of Ireland and her people. We pray 
 that there will be a happy and satisfac- 
 tory conclusion to the work of the con- 
 vention, and that it wiU result in the 
 establishment of a Parliament in Dub- 
 lin. 
 
 "The Irish people at home may be as- 
 sured of the continued interest of those 
 of the Irish race in this and other coun- 
 tries. I think I carry the opinion of 
 many who believe in the wisdom and 
 statesmanship of John Redmond and his 
 associates." 
 
 Stephen McFarland's VieTva. 
 
 Stephen McParland, president, New 
 York Municipal Council of the United 
 Irish League, made the following state- 
 ment: 
 
 "We who have always argued that Ire- 
 land can only be governed properly when 
 she governs herself are naturally pleased 
 when it is proposed that Irishmen shall 
 be asked to agree upon an Irish Constitu- 
 tion. If it were clear that this is to be 
 what the average newspaper reader as- 
 sumes it to be ; if the solution of the Irish 
 problem were really being turned over to 
 the Irish people, we would await develop- 
 ment with complete confidence in the out- 
 come. 
 
 "With the information now at our dis- 
 posal, we are naturally anxious to leam 
 whether Ulster is willing to enter the con- 
 
 19 
 
vention. That anxiety proceeds not from 
 any eagerness to subject Ulster to any 
 rule that would be unwelcome to her 
 people, but from quite the contrary mo- 
 tive. The hope of Irish Nationalists has 
 always been that when the time came for 
 self-government the people of Ulster 
 would bring to the service of the country 
 those business qualities which have 
 reached a high state of development 
 among them when similar development 
 has not been possible in the rest of Ire- 
 land. The prime objection to partition 
 is that these capable Irishmen would be 
 shut off from participation in the work 
 of rebuilding the Irish nation. 
 Support Redmond. 
 
 "Those of us who have always had, and 
 still have, the highest regard for Mr. Red- 
 mond and the fullest confidence in his 
 patriotism and statesmanship, are glad to 
 note that he seems to look for good to 
 come of the proposed convention. We 
 realize that he has been deceived before, 
 and are apprehensive that he may be de- 
 ceived again, but when he is ready to 
 risk an attempt to get an Irish settle- 
 ment of the Irish question we are stead- 
 fastly behind him. 
 
 "What we hope is that, under the 
 prompting of America, England will hon- 
 orably recognize the military assistance 
 she has had from 500,000 men of Irish 
 blood in this war, and that since America 
 has come in on the side of the Allies, in 
 the name of democracy, England will 
 abandon her policy of disposing of Irish 
 difficulties as if the Irish were only a 
 little better than Hottentots, and will 
 allow this convention to be really Irish, 
 knowing, as English public men well 
 know from experience, that Irishmen, 
 whether at home or abroad, are capable 
 of handling the most complex problems 
 and disposing of difficulties with fairness 
 and justice to all the interests involved. 
 
 "We in this country are confident that 
 if the appeal made to Ireland by Lloyd 
 George fails, it will be because of other 
 than Irish reasons, and that it will not 
 fail if the only matter at issue is the 
 adjustment of differences which have 
 arisen in Ireland under, and because of, 
 alien rule." 
 
 Father Fay Hopetul. 
 
 In answering Captain Maloney's ques- 
 tions, the Rev. Father Sigourney W. Fay, 
 
 Newman School, Hackensack, N. J., 
 wrote : 
 
 "As to the first question, I should say 
 I cannot see how any one of Irish blood 
 could refuse to answer it in the affirma- 
 tive. Our whole contention for the past 
 seven hundred years has been that if 
 the English would let us alone we could 
 settle our own difficulties. If it is ap- 
 parent that the chance of settling our 
 difficulties is to be given to us I am 
 whole-heartedly for taking" it. 
 
 "To the next question I should desire 
 also to answer in the affirmative, pro- 
 vided that the exigencies of war are not 
 themselves to destroy the autonomy of 
 the convention. This matter will never 
 be settled until every section of Irish 
 opinion is allowed to express itself fully 
 and freely in the presence of every other 
 section of Irish opinion. In the past, 
 one set of Irishmen have been played 
 off against another. 
 
 "As to the third question I should say, 
 most assuredly, if the convention is truly 
 representative in every sense, and if 
 what they agree upon is put in force 
 by the British Government every Irish- 
 man in Ireland should abide by that de- 
 cision, and every Irish-American should 
 loyally cooperate for the new govern- 
 ment of Ireland as far as his duty to 
 his own country, the United States of 
 America, permits him to do so. 
 
 "There are the strongest reasons for 
 believing that the English people are at 
 last convinced of the necessity of doing 
 ju.stice to the people of Ireland, that the 
 matter, therefore, depends now upon 
 the ability and willingness of Irishmen 
 to cooperate with one another, and any 
 section of the Irish people which holds 
 out against the rest of the country to 
 its own particular shibboleth will earn 
 for themselves the unenviable reputation 
 of having been the final destroyers of 
 their country." 
 
 John D. Moore's Views. 
 
 John D. Moore, of 26 Cortlandt Street, 
 a consulting engineer, for four years 
 State Conservation Commissioner, who is 
 national secretary of the Friends of Irish 
 Freedom, expressed the following opinion : 
 
 "It is beginning to sink into the con- 
 sciousness of the American people that 
 it is England, and not Ireland, which is 
 on trial in the matter of this convention. 
 
 20 
 
The people of this country have declined 
 the invitation to lose all patience with 
 the Irish people and condemn them 'as 
 absolutely unreasonable' if the conven- 
 tion plan fails to accomplish the purposes 
 which Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Red- 
 mond have in mind. With us, not only 
 direct election of officials, but also their 
 direct nomination, is held everywhere 
 to be a fundamental of democracy, and 
 our people are strongly inclined to sym- 
 pathize with the rejection by the Irish 
 Republican element of the proposal to 
 submit their national fate to the dictum 
 of a hand-picked convention. 
 
 "As the chief spokesman for the Allies, 
 England has been insistently preaching 
 the cause of democracy. Yesterday in 
 Ottawa Mr. Balfour said that the British 
 Empire had 'staked its last dollar on de- 
 mocracy.' The American people are look- 
 ing to England and expecting her to ap- 
 ply the principles of democracy to Ire- 
 
 dune 2. 1917) 
 
 IRISH QUESTION 
 A WORLD AFFAIR 
 
 More Opinions from Men 
 Who Are Interested 
 
 BRlTiSH PROPOSALS CRITICISED 
 
 Secret Proceedings of Proposed Con- 
 vention, and Appointment of a 
 Chairman by Government Do Not 
 Meet with Approval — Justice ISIin- 
 tnm, of New Jersey, Gives His 
 Views- 
 
 In the comments made to-day for the 
 Eveninff Post regarding the forthcoming 
 Irish convention, three proposals of 
 Lloyd George, the British Premier, are 
 criticised — the secret proceedings, the ap- 
 
 land. In brief, they want England's 
 words translated into action. 
 
 "America has proved her sincerity in 
 this war, which she entered 'for the 
 rights of nations great and small, and 
 for the privilege of men everywhere to 
 choose their way of life and of obedience.' 
 and 'to make the world safe for democ- 
 racy.' She is giving of her men, her 
 money, and everything that men can 
 make and money can buy. A great many 
 of our citizens realize that countless men 
 of Irish blood will be found in the armies 
 and in the fleets of the United States, 
 and unless England permits the early 
 settlement of the Irish question, these 
 Irish soldiers and sailors will be fighting 
 for democracy everywhere except in the 
 land from which they themselves have 
 sprung. This is a political absurdity so 
 patent as to be repulsive to the Amer- 
 ican idea of a square deal." 
 
 pointment of a chairman by the Govern- 
 ment, and the selection of representatives 
 by the British Government. Universal 
 franchise for the election of delegates; 
 open sessions, and the election of officers 
 by the delegates are advocated. 
 
 The questions suggested by Capt. W. J. 
 M. A. Maloney in his challenge to Irish 
 sympathizers in America to put them- 
 selves on record, appeared in the 
 Eveninff Post May 24, and are as follows: 
 
 "(1.) Are you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 "(2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as equitable as is consistent with 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by its decisions? 
 
 "(3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted?" 
 
 JiMtlce James F. Mlntnrn. 
 
 James F. Minturn, of Hoboken, Justice 
 of the Supreme Court of New Jersey, 
 replied to the questions as follows: 
 
 "(1.) As an American I can entertain 
 but one view regarding an Irish conven- 
 tion, and that is the view enunciated in 
 our Declaration of Independence, to the 
 effect that all political power Is derived 
 from the people, and that no country is 
 
 21 
 
legally entitled to govern another without 
 the consent of the governed. 
 
 Ireland's Fate in Balance. 
 
 "President Wilson quite recently in his 
 message to the Powers has reiterated 
 these truisms. It is to be assuned, there- 
 fore, that no peace terms will be con- 
 summated in any conference of Powers 
 in which we shall participate, without 
 an insistence upon our part of these 
 fundamental humanitarian principles of 
 American political philosophy, applicable 
 equally to Ireland, to Belgium, and to 
 Poland. The Irish right to independence 
 cannot be controverted by any consistent 
 American capable of understanding his 
 own country's ideals. 
 
 "If the Irish people, however, upon a 
 free and open referendum, are willing to 
 accept less in view of the present exi- 
 gency — for instance, such a system of 
 self-government as has been conceded to 
 Canada, Australia, and South Africa — 
 that modicum of national right should be 
 accorded to them. England has found 
 that treatment expedient, and to her ad- 
 vantage in those instances, and that ex- 
 perience, aside from the inherent justice 
 of the compromise, should recommend it 
 to her in the case of Ireland. 
 
 "(2.) The second inquiry requires only 
 the remark that, when the people of Ire- 
 land indicate their satisfaction in any 
 properly constituted convention, with 
 the system of compromise that shall be 
 adopted, we Americans will have no 
 cause to complain. Ireland's c?se is the 
 case of America only because it is the 
 case of humanity; and when the Irish 
 people shall have settled their age-long 
 grievance in a manner satisfactory to 
 themselves, the worries and troubles of 
 America as well as of humanity will be 
 correspondingly lessened and solved. 
 
 "(3.) If to this consensus of Irish opin- 
 ion the Briti.sh Parliament will accord the 
 recognition that the voice of a people is 
 entitled to receivp, and transmxite it into 
 law, the Irish problem, in my iudgment, 
 will be solved, and America, as well as 
 humanity, will rejoice." 
 
 Rlcliard F. Dalton's Opinion. 
 
 Richard F. Dalton, treasurer of the 
 New York Architectural Terra-Cotta 
 Company, of Long Island City, writes as 
 follows: 
 
 "Speaking as an Irishman by birth and 
 as an American by training, I should be 
 
 most heartily in favor of 'a convention of 
 the Irish in Ireland determining the plan 
 of the future government of Ireland.' 
 
 "According to American ideals, such a 
 convention would be composed of repre- 
 sentatives chosen by the universal 
 franchise of the men and women of Ire- 
 land; it would be convened in open ses- 
 sion; it would select its own otlicers, and 
 continuing its deliberations in the full 
 light of the world's view — for, let it be 
 borne in mind, that the Irish question 
 has become a world question — it would 
 accord with the best principles of de- 
 mocracy, and its decisions would com- 
 mand the respect and the abiding loyalty 
 of Irishmen everywhere. 
 
 "But I see absolutely no present pros- 
 pect of such a convention, in so far as 
 the proposals of Mr. Lloyd George are 
 concerned. Rather, I see a palpable ef- 
 fort of the present British Ministry to 
 placate American public opinion, and to 
 square with our declaration of purpose in 
 entering the war, by ostensibly present- 
 ing to the Irish people an opportunity to 
 settle their own affairs, the while making 
 perfectly sure that no request forthcom- 
 ing from the convention shall be unwel- 
 come from an English viewpoint. 
 
 "It would appear from his second inter- 
 rogatory that Capt. Maloney rather gen- 
 erously bounds the equities of the pro- 
 jected convention by the present exi- 
 gencies of war. 
 
 "Most assuredly neither the Irish at 
 home nor the Irish abroad will abide by 
 the so-called decisions of a •"■onference 
 to be held in secret session under the 
 chairmanship of a Crown appointee, a 
 conference to be very largely composed 
 of hand-picked men upon a basis of rep- 
 resentation apparently carefully arranged 
 between the British Prime Minister and 
 certain alleged leaders who do not in fact 
 represent Irish sentiment fairly. 
 
 "This statement may appear severe, but 
 even the most cursory examination of the 
 cabled dispatches will disclose that the 
 Irish politicians with whom Lloyd George 
 is negotiating at this time have one and 
 all lost the conception of Ireland a nation. 
 They enter the conference with the major 
 premise of Ireland's maintenance as an 
 integral part of the British Empire fixed 
 as an axiom which admits of no discus- 
 sion. Separation may be broached, to be 
 sure, but any such suggestion must be 
 brushed aside. Meanwhile, the British 
 
 22 
 
Premier himself admits that Ireland is 
 seething- with discontent, and the recent 
 elections strike home the fact that a ma- 
 jority of the manhood of Ireland has gone 
 Sinn Fein— that the policy of Pearse and 
 his compatriots of Easter week stands 
 approved, and that the aspiration and the 
 purpose of the Irish in Ireland continues 
 
 (June 4, 1917) 
 
 IRISH PEOPLE ASK 
 FOR SQUARE DEAL 
 
 More Views of the Pro- 
 posed Convention 
 
 FIRE CHIEF KENLON'S OPINION 
 
 Monsignor James W. Power, of All 
 Saints Roman Catholic Church, and 
 Robert E. Ford, Editor of the "Irish 
 World," Also Tell How They Be- 
 lieve Question Should Be Settled. 
 
 Additional comment on the proposed 
 convention for the settlement of Ireland's 
 difficulties comes to the Evening Post 
 to-day in the form of letters from John 
 Kenlon, Chief of the New York Fire De- 
 partment; Monsignor James W. Power, 
 rector of All- Saints' Roman Catholic 
 Church, Madison Avenue and 129th 
 Street, and Robert E. Ford, editor of the 
 Irish World, and Prof. Robert Ellis 
 Thompson. 
 
 The position of Irish-Americans and 
 other friends of Ireland is being clarified 
 by the response to Capt. W. J. M. A. 
 Maloney's invitation to put their views 
 on record. The statements published be- 
 low are in answer to Capt. Maloney's 
 questions, which appeared in the Evening 
 Post on May 24 as follows: 
 
 "(1.) Are you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining: the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 to be absolute independence— an Irish Re- 
 pubUc. 
 
 "Irishmen of every generation for four 
 hundred years have sacrificed their hves 
 that Ireland might be free. Surely their 
 claims cannot be bartered by a convention 
 hmited by 'the present exigencies of war' 
 and other considerations." 
 
 "(2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as equitable as is consistent with 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by its decisions? 
 
 (3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyaUy and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted?" 
 
 Fire Chief John Kenlon. 
 
 John Kenlon's opinions follow: 
 "We have been told that this is to be 
 an Irish convention, and that the fitness 
 of the Irish for self-government will be 
 judged by the manner in which they re- 
 spond to the invitation from Great Brit- 
 ain to frame a Constitution for them- 
 selves. Those of us who have a high 
 opinion of the capacity of Irishmen wiU 
 not object to be judged by the result of 
 this test, provided that what is reported 
 as an Irish convention is really that and 
 not something else. 
 
 "This time last year Mr. Lloyd George 
 presided over an abortive Irish confer- 
 ence. Later on it was shown that even 
 if the two main sections of Irish opinion 
 had agreed there were outside influences 
 ready and apparently able to destroy the 
 agreement. If that sort of thing is pres- 
 ent at this time Irishmen are not ready 
 to take the blame for failure if the con- 
 vention fails. If a real Irish convention 
 formulates a policy it is almost certain 
 to be one that the Irish people as a whole 
 will approve, and the more generous the 
 safeguards for minorities the more cer- 
 tain it will be of acceptance. 
 
 "Men and women of Irish blood consti- 
 tute the backbone of the democracy of 
 America. American democracy is the 
 oldest and purest on earth. We went into 
 this world conflict "to save democracy 
 everywhere," but particularly to save the 
 democracy of Great Britain. We believe 
 British democracy is fighting for the 
 rights of small nations, but we also feel 
 
 23 
 
that the British Tory is not animated by 
 any such noble purpose; he is still the 
 ■ame old bird, the apparent change in his 
 plumage comes not through the blood, 
 but rather from external causes due to 
 the refining chastisement of three years 
 of terrible war. 
 
 "It has been said that 'Ireland paid the 
 price of Liberty without getting it.' If 
 this is an Irish convention it is likely 
 to succeed, and we will all abide by the 
 decision of the Irish people; If it is con- 
 trolled by influences which have decreed 
 its failure in advance, as happened last 
 year, we will not accept the blajne for 
 Ireland or for Irishmen. 
 
 "We say to the democracy of Great 
 Britain, we are in no mood to be jobbed; 
 it will be well if they see to it that their 
 Premier and his Cabinet are on the level 
 in their dealings with Ireland." 
 
 statement by Monsigmor PoTver. 
 
 Monsignor Power's statement follows: 
 
 "Partition of Ireland is not to be 
 thought of. The democracy of America is 
 out with a pledge to save and redeem 
 smaller and weaker nationalities. Only the 
 other day in Arlington our President, Mr. 
 Wilson, came out with the proclamation, 
 'America is born to save mankind.' The 
 spirit of American democracy sits brood- 
 ing over a warring world and the signs 
 are hopeful that when peace comes back, 
 all the nations, big and little, will enjoy 
 fullest measure of human liberty, their 
 'inalienable right to life, liberty, and the 
 pursuit of happiness.' This is the glori- 
 ous outlook, the spirit of American de- 
 mocracy, widespread throughout the 
 world, holds out to all the people of the 
 oppressed nations that have been robbed 
 of their natural rights of liberty and 
 human freedom. 
 
 •'Ireland looks to America for her sal- 
 vation and her liberty, and she hopes 
 by the pressure of American public opin- 
 ion voiced by our President that she 
 will be saved from the disastrous measure 
 of proposed partition. 
 
 "America herself fought the great Civil 
 War, in the 'sixties, to save the nation 
 from the inevitable ruin and destruction 
 that the secession and partition of the 
 Southern States would surely bring about. 
 Her great state«nen and soldiers talk- 
 ed, and fought on many a hard fought 
 battlefield of the late Civil War, until 
 
 this political heresy of partition was kill- 
 ed and buried. 'E pluribus unum' was 
 the motto around which the democracy 
 of free America rallied, and to that call 
 we have the unanimous response of 100,- 
 000,000 free men, happy in possession 
 of their inalienable rights of 'life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness.' Daniel 
 Webster woke the nation to a spirit of 
 high enthusiasm when in his speech on 
 the Union, he rang out the immortal 
 words; 'Union forever, one and indi- 
 visible.' 
 
 "The Saviour of mankind never uttered 
 a more profound truth than when He 
 said, 'A kingdom divided against itself 
 must fall.' It was on this iproflound 
 truth our great Lincoln took his stand, 
 and held himself immovable until the 
 nation was firmly planted on the rock 
 of unity, where, with the blessing of 
 heaven, she stands impregnable and un- 
 assailable against every foe from within 
 or without. This is the point: If great 
 America, with her broad dominions, 
 could not afford partition or division, and 
 spent blood and treasure against every 
 attempt to effect it, how can a little na- 
 tion like Ireland think of surviving the 
 cruel blow that would inflict the open 
 wound of partition, from which her life 
 blood would ebb away against all at- 
 tempts to stanch the flow? 
 
 "Irishmen all the world over trust the 
 fair spirit of American democracy against 
 so great an outrage as the partition or 
 division of the Irish nation, after her 
 centuries of thrilling struggles to con- 
 serve unbroken 'the spirit of the nation.' 
 
 "Secondly, as to the convention and its 
 convocation, again Irishmen look to 
 America for their partem and model for 
 imitation. Let it be representative, and 
 thoroughly so, after the manner of the 
 Lincoln ideal of a convention, 'by the 
 people, from the people, and for the peo- 
 ple.' A convention other than such as 
 this would be a mockery to men or wo- 
 men with the crudest notions of liberty 
 or the rights of free men. What would 
 the revolutionists in 1776 say to the sug- 
 gestion from an English Premier of a 
 convention such as Lloyd George sug- 
 gests to the Irish nation to consider, a 
 convention whose chairman King George, 
 with gracious condescension, would be 
 kind enough to send them, with Instruc- 
 tions as to ways and means, aims and 
 
 24 
 
purposes of the convention and all its 
 agenda and final decision and determin- 
 ation ? 
 
 "Such a suggestion was never offered, 
 and had it been the answer was before- 
 hand in the defiant words of the fear- 
 less Patrick Henry, when the rafters in 
 the old Court House of Virginia rang 
 out the challenge that thrUls us yet, with 
 the immortal words, 'As for me, give 
 me liberty or give me death.' The Irish 
 nation has her Patrick Henrys, and to- 
 day they are legion of that race and 
 nation, who, rather than attend a con- 
 vention cramped, cribbed, and confined 
 by 'exigencies,' would akaken the 
 echoes of that call for liberty and cry, 
 'Give us liberty or give us death.' The 
 Irish question is not to be settled by a 
 convention where exigencies of any na- 
 ture will hinder full, free discussion by 
 the freely and fairly elected and appoint- 
 ed delegates of all grades and classes of 
 the nation, and where the rule of Ameri- 
 can democracy, of the majority to govern 
 and decide all procedure and final issue, 
 is not the accepted programme before 
 the convention opens. 
 
 "As to the third point, all free-thinking 
 Irishmen look upon the proposed con- 
 vention as nothing else than a pitfall, an 
 insidious scheme by which their last con- 
 dition would be much worse than their 
 first. The historic oppressor of Ireland 
 is in a suppliant mood just now, and the 
 men who are responsible for the g\aidance 
 and high ideals of American democracy, 
 in her mission of mercy to the oppressed 
 of the smaller nations of the world, can, 
 if true to American traditions, so direct 
 that the proposed convention will be a 
 convention of free men, in whose deliber- 
 ations all may participate and by wihose 
 decisions all can abide. This is the de- 
 vout hope of Irishmen at home and of 
 American sjonpathizers here, and both 
 alike justly think that America in her 
 broad and generous spirit would only be 
 paying a debt of gratitude in return for 
 the blood and treasure poured out on the 
 battlefields of America by the Irish of 
 every generation to the last endeavor 
 in the sacred cause of liberty and Ameri- 
 can democracy. 
 
 "I can see no diflSciilties as to a con- 
 vention such as many Irishmen may ob- 
 ject to as barring their way to attend- 
 ance and participation, and they are the 
 
 questions of religion and the rights of 
 the minority in that regard. This diffi- 
 culty is imaginary more than it is real. 
 The question eliminates itself, and, again, 
 in American fashion, by a constitutional 
 guarantee of Uberty of conscience offer- 
 ed and accepted as a condition before 
 the convention lopens. This religious 
 question is the bugbear and bogey of 
 Ulster. Honest men, even Protestants 
 who know the Irish people at home and 
 here, know well there is no such thing 
 as intolerance in the Catholic mind or 
 heart towards their Protestant neighbors 
 at home, and less so here. 
 
 "My testimony, that a Catholic priest, 
 is too much ex parte to be accepted, but 
 hear what James Stephens, the well- 
 known author and man of letters, has to 
 say in his latest book, and on that very 
 topic, when he writes: 'There is no re- 
 ligious intolerance in Ireland except that 
 which is political. I am not a member 
 of the Catholic Church and am not in- 
 clined to be the advocate of a religious 
 system which my mentality dislikes, but 
 I have never found real intolerance 
 among my fellow countrymen of that re- 
 ligion. I have found it among Protestants. 
 I will limit that statement, too. I have 
 found it among some Protestants, 
 but outside of the north of Ireland there 
 is no religious question.' (P. 136, "The 
 Insurrection in Dubhn.') 
 
 "Three-fourths of the population of Ire- 
 land are Catholic and if intolerance pre- 
 vailed among them how is it that for 
 over two hundred years all their national 
 leaders have been Protestant. Here they 
 are in succession: Lucas, Molyneaux, 
 Swift, Flood, Curran, O'Connell, Butt, 
 and Parnell. Of these nine, there was 
 only one Catholic, Daniel O'Connell. How 
 far he tolerated clerical interference in 
 Irish politics all know from the famous 
 incident of his rebuke to Monsignor Qua- 
 rentotti, vice-president of the Roman 
 Propaganda, when he declared he was 
 willing to take his theology from Rome 
 but his politics he would be as pleased 
 to have from the Grand Turk. So we 
 can easily see how little real fear there 
 need be for a Protestant in the matter of 
 things pertaining to the civic and tem- 
 poral interests of the nation. Besides the 
 list of names already quoted, we have 
 Wolf Tone, Robert Emmet, Thomas 
 Davis, and a host of others all Protes- 
 
 25 
 
tants and trusted and devoted leaders of 
 Catholic Ireland. So at best or worst 
 this religrious intolerance is a northern 
 nursery tale worked into credulous and 
 overwrought imagrinations of ignorant 
 and bigoted sections with all the nota- 
 bilities of brigands, thugs, titans, and 
 Jack the Giant Killers that children fear. 
 If the innocent people of Ireland, 
 C3atholics, and Protestants alike, could 
 rid themselves of the politicians, Catho- 
 lics and Protestants, too, question of 
 nationhood and convention would be a 
 matter of simplest procedure, and if 
 American democracy will only extend the 
 protecting hand of her guidance we all 
 feel assured that the day-dawn of Irish 
 liberty and nationhood is nearer than we 
 think, and in our generation the man 
 may be living who in an Irish convention 
 or Irish Parliament will address a free 
 people and say as Grattan said once be- 
 fore: "Spirit of Molyeux, spirit of Swift, 
 your genius has prevailed. Ireland is 
 now a nation, and bowing to her august 
 presence, I say "Esto perpetua". ' This 
 time, in the second spring of Ireland's 
 freedom, in the second birth of her lib- 
 erty the appeal will not be to the spirits 
 of Molyneux or Swift, but the man of 
 the hour will exclaim: 'Spirit of Ameri- 
 can democracy, your genius has prevail- 
 ed. Ireland is now a nation and bowing 
 to her august presence, I say "Esto per- 
 petua". ' " 
 
 Editor of Irish World. 
 
 "Your inquiry," said Robert E. Ford 
 in his statement, "is essentially why the 
 Irish World does not support Mr. Lloyd 
 George's scheme of a 'convention' to set- 
 tle the Irish question. That can easily 
 be explained. A convention which would 
 meet with our approval and that of the 
 Irish people must be a free one. Mr. 
 Lloyd George purposes to call a packed 
 one. Do you believe the case of Ireland 
 would get a fair hearing at a conven- 
 tion whose members were chosen by the 
 British Government, whose president was 
 an Englishman, and whose proceedings 
 were to take place in secret? Wie do not. 
 Tet that is what Mr. Lloyd George of- 
 fers." 
 
 Prof. Robert Bills Thompnon. 
 
 Prof. Robert Ellis Thompson, of the 
 Irish. World, puts the situation clearly in 
 last week's issue. He says: 
 
 with disestablishment 'Of the garrison 
 church, with the land, with railroads, 
 with coast survey, and with provision 
 for the poor, Ireland has had her own 
 policy to urge upon the Imperial Par- 
 liament. In every case action has been 
 taken because the Irish people have 
 pressed for action; and in every case the 
 Irish plan has been truncated with the 
 purpose to conform it to English ideas 
 and English interests. 
 
 "On the great problem of the consti- 
 tutional relations of the two countries 
 England originated nothing but the ac- 
 cursed Union of 1801, which is the root 
 of Irish misery and discontent. The three 
 plans for dealing with that — O'Connell's 
 'Repeal,' Butt's Home Rule, and Parnell's 
 more complex programme — all have orig- 
 inated with Irishmen, who did not offer 
 vague ideas, but worked out definite 
 schemes for the future of the country. 
 England's additions to the list have been 
 free trade, the poorhouse, Protestant as- 
 cendency, famine, and forced emigration. 
 
 "Mr. George proceeds: 'The Govern- 
 ment proposes that Ireland shall try her 
 own hand at framing a plan. This method 
 has succeeded in Canada, Australia, and 
 
 "Does he [Sir Horace Plunkett] think 
 that out of a packed conference of this 
 kind there can come any result which 
 will satisfy the Irish people? Does he 
 not see how carefully England keeps 
 the meeting in hand, lest something 
 should come out of it that will not suit 
 her imperial and industrial interests? Ire- 
 land's responsibility at this moment Is 
 to refuse any and every such contrivance 
 to keep Ireland in subjection to British 
 interests. . . . 
 
 "Premier George exalts his scheme as 
 a new departure, in that it casts upon 
 Ireland the duty of saying what is to be 
 done. 'Hitherto Great Britain has un- 
 dertaken all the construction; Ireland all 
 the criticism. Once Irishmen are con- 
 fronted with the problem, they will give 
 due weight to the obstacles and diflS- 
 culties.' 
 
 "Historically the statement is untrue, 
 Ireland has furnished every programme 
 for the amendment of Irish wrongs, and 
 England has taken from her every pro- 
 gramme and has handed it back after 
 cuttinj: away the really valuable part. In 
 dealing with Catholic emancipation, with 
 public education, with the tithe system, 
 
 26 
 
South Africa, and I cannot help thinking 
 that what has been accomplished there 
 can be achieved in Ireland.' But were the 
 dominions set up by conferences of nom- 
 inees of the London Government, meeting 
 behind closed doors? The conference 
 which met at Quebec, October 10, 1864, 
 was composed of delegates from the prov- 
 inces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, 
 Upper and Lower Canada (now Quebec 
 and Ottawa), chosen by the legislatures 
 of those provinces. The same course was 
 taken in forming the Etominion of Aus- 
 tralia and that of South Africa. Why 
 should Ireland be treated differently? 
 Wthy should the future be determined by 
 a 'convention of notables' selected by Mr. 
 George and his associates in England, in- 
 stead of representatives chosen by the 
 people? 
 
 The Q,aestion of Finances. 
 
 "Is Mr. George prepared to put Ire- 
 land into the position of one of the three 
 great dominions, which have been form- 
 ed within the British Empire. Par 
 from it. Those dominions have treasur- 
 ies independent of that in London. They 
 levy what taxes they please to fill those 
 treasuries, and they impose what duties 
 they please upon British and other im- 
 ports, both for revenue and for the de- 
 velopment of their domestic industries. 
 The Home Rule bill already passed for 
 Ireland conveys to the London Treasury 
 every penny collected as taxes or duties 
 in Ireland, and doles out to Ireland What 
 an English board thinks she should have 
 to pay the expenses of government. 
 Would Canada or Australia endure that 
 arrangement? But Mr. George hints that 
 whatever other changes the new plan 
 may introduce, that is not to be touch- 
 ed. He expressly states that whatever 
 the Dublin Government might spend, 
 would have to come back to it from 
 the British Treasury, and that precau- 
 tions would be taken to prevent its get- 
 ting too much. 
 
 "Behind this statement lies the as- 
 sumption, resented by Irish Unionists, as 
 well as Nationalists, that Ireland is not 
 a paying country, and that Great Brit- 
 ain must contribute to the costs of gov- 
 erning her. It is the most impudent 
 of the pretences used to bolster up the 
 claim of right to rule the country. Ire- 
 land — as was shown by the commission 
 of the British Parliament appointed to 
 
 the democracy of England on the Irish 
 question. It was largely through these 
 efforts that the burning question emerged 
 from chaotic darkness into the light of 
 practical politics. 
 
 "Meeting the English people half way 
 we even consented to accept half our 
 claim, viz.: Home Rule, not, be it under- 
 stood, as a final settlement, for, as Par- 
 nell said. 'No bounds can be set to the 
 march of a nation,' but as a first instal- 
 ment — a step in the right direction. 
 
 "Passing over the years of anxious 
 waiting, the innumerable disappointments 
 as obstacle after obstacle was placed in 
 Ireland's path to freedom, the failure on 
 several occasions of the Home Rule act 
 to materialize, we come to the year 1914 
 — the year of dashed hopes. On Septem- 
 ber 18 of that year the King of England 
 set his signature to what has been char- 
 acterized as 'the meanest definition of 
 a nation's rights that the wit of man 
 could frame' — a Home Rule act which 
 did not give the people of Ireland the 
 powers enjoyed by any board of county 
 supervisors in the State of New York. 
 
 "The American people will find it hard 
 to credit the fact that the Irish World 
 and the majority of the Irish people de- 
 investigate the matter — has been paying 
 millions into the British Treasury, for 
 which she gets no return whatever. So 
 of the outlays made to aid the tenants 
 to become owners of their bits of land. 
 It is constantly assumed that the Brit- 
 ish Treasury advances this money, and 
 that it is a gratuity to Ireland to in- 
 duce her to give up agrarian agitation. 
 Not a penny of it has any such source, 
 nor have the old-age pensions establish- 
 ed in Ireland at the same time as in Eng- 
 land and Scotland. From this beginning 
 we may infer how far Mr. George will 
 go in tolerating the imposition of duties 
 upon English wares for the development 
 of Irish manufactures." 
 
 "The Irish World for almost half a 
 century has devoted its energies to the 
 cause of Irish freedom, to aid that sa- 
 cred cause, no sacrifice on its part, or on 
 that of its readers throughout the world, 
 has been too great. Tens of thousands of 
 dollars were raised through its columns 
 to further the movement for the libera- 
 tion of Ireland. The Irish World led in 
 the great educational movement which 
 had for its object the enlightenment of 
 
 27 
 
cided in good faith to accept even this 
 emaciated act. But the American people 
 will find it still harder to believe that this 
 poor miserable 'definition of a nation's 
 rigrhta' was arbitrarily placed in abey- 
 ance until the end of the war and that it 
 was proposed to saddle it with an amend- 
 ment by which the curse of partition 
 could be laid upon Ireland. 
 
 "Reviewing the Irish situation of the 
 past decade, it is apparent that the Lib- 
 eral Government used the Irish to 
 strengthen their own position. They had 
 to appear to give something in return 
 for Irish support, but, at heart, they no 
 more wished Irish freedom than did the 
 Tories. The Liberals, indeed, were quite 
 willing that the Tories should make It 
 'impossible' for them to carry out their 
 promises. It must be clear now to the 
 most unthinking that the Carson move- 
 ment and the Curragh mutiny were stag- 
 ed with at least the tacit approval of 
 the Liberal Government. Witness the 
 freedom with which over a long period 
 Carson was allowed to import arms from 
 Germany, and the instantaneous order 
 against importation on the formation of 
 the Irish Volunteers. Witness again the 
 complacency with which the overriding 
 of the order by the Carsonites was re- 
 ceived by the authorities, and the furious 
 and cowardly massacre of the women and 
 children of Dublin after the landing of 
 arms at Howth. Witness, also, that the 
 mutiny at the Curragh was approved by 
 the highest officers in the army, that not 
 one was punished, and that shortly after- 
 wards all were promoted or otherwise re- 
 warded. 
 
 "Consequently, it became clear to the 
 Irish World, as to the Irish people in 
 general, that England had not reversed 
 her policy toward Ireland, and that per- 
 haps constitutionally she is incapable of 
 reversing it. Ireland, from the English 
 standpoint, Is not an allied country, is 
 not a partner, is not even destined tc 
 be either. She is but a possession. A 
 dangerous one. Ireland must forever be 
 starved and humiliated, for England 
 fears that, with prosperity, Ireland might 
 insis tupon and be capable of taking her 
 rights. Ireland, therefore. Is not even in 
 the position of India. She is not a vas- 
 sal to be exploited; she is a potential 
 enemy to be crushed. This has been the 
 position of England ever since, under the 
 
 28 
 
 Tudora, she reached out for imperial 
 power. England aimed then, as she aims 
 now, at being mistress of the seas. The 
 control of Ireland is necessary for the 
 attainment of that ambition. To control 
 Ireland, England believes it to be neces- 
 sary to crush her. 
 
 "The time, however, is past when Eng- 
 land arbitrarily can decide the destiny 
 of the Irish nation. Though she may 
 not be aware of it, the supreme question 
 already has been taken out of her hands 
 and the martyred patriots of Easter 
 Week, 1916, and their republican succes- 
 sors in Ireland to-day have placed it in 
 the safe keeping of the United States and 
 of those allies of England who are 
 pledged to the principles of self-govern- 
 ment for small nations. Resting secure 
 in this knowledge, the Irish people look 
 forward to the not distant day when 
 emancipated Ireland will take her right- 
 ful place besides self-governing Belgiunv, 
 Poland, Servia, and Greece." 
 
 (June 5, 1917) 
 
 TWO VIEWS OF THE 
 IRISH PROBLEM 
 
 Nationalist Praises the At- 
 titude of Redmond 
 
 THINKS HE HAS SHOWN WISDOM 
 
 Mrs. Hanna Sheehy Skeflington, Wid- 
 ow of Editor Who Was Killed in 
 Revolt, Says that Irish Question 
 Must Be Solved on International, 
 Not British Party, Lines. 
 
 Nationalist and Republican opinions 
 are contrasted In statements made to- 
 day by Irish-Americans for the sym- 
 posium on the proposed Irish convention. 
 A follower of Redmond believes that his 
 party has taken the proper step in ac- 
 
cepting the proposal of Uoyd George for 
 an Irish convention, while a separatist 
 distrusts the offer, because it precludes 
 the consideration of a complete divorce 
 from England. 
 
 Capt. W. J. M. A. MaJoney, who raised 
 the issue in the Evening Post of May 24 
 by challenging Irish-Americans to put 
 themselves on record, offered the follow- 
 ing questions to cover the proposed con- 
 vention : 
 
 (1.) Are you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 (2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as equitable as is consistent with 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by its decisions? 
 
 (3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted? 
 
 Views of Dr. Josepli F. Brennan. 
 
 Dr. Joseph P. Brennan, a Commission- 
 er of Education, says that he has con- 
 fidence in the Irish people and their 
 accredited leader, John E. Redmond. Dr. 
 Brennan is the president of three Irish 
 societies — the Irish-American League, 
 the Westmeath's Men's Association, and 
 the Parnell branch of the United Irish 
 League — ^and vice-president of the Mu- 
 nicipal Council, United Irish League. He 
 says: 
 
 "I am certainly in favor of a conven- 
 tion of the Irish in Ireland determining 
 the plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land, and as an Irishman and a United 
 Irish League man, I believe in supporting 
 any policy that may be prescribed by the 
 majority of the Irish people. 
 
 "This has been my policy since I have 
 been able to take an active part in Irish 
 politics, because I have absolute confi- 
 dence in the good judgment of the Irish 
 people and their accredited leader, John 
 E. Redmond. 
 
 "I deplore the unwise attitude of men 
 three thousand miles away who are en- 
 deavoring to dictate to Ireland and her 
 representatives the policy they should 
 pursue. We here in America should be 
 the auxiliaries of our people at home, not 
 their dictators, because it is quite evi- 
 dent they are more competent to judge 
 than we are; nevertheless, they wiU wel- 
 
 come, I am sure, our suggestions and 
 friendly advice. 
 
 "Mr. Redmond has accepted the conven- 
 tion proposition and believes in the equi- 
 table eflScacy of its proposed x"epresenta- 
 tive feature, because Mr. Redmond wants 
 to give a fair hearing to the elements 
 opposed to him, as well as to those in 
 favor of him and the policies which he 
 represents. The elements opposed to him 
 are not as numerous as they appear on 
 the surface. For instance, the enlight- 
 ened Irishman knows that the Sinn-Fein, 
 the Clan-na-Gael, and the Republican are 
 all one and the selfsame people, and 
 under their various titles have been op- 
 posed to him and the constitutional 
 movement for more than a quarter of a 
 century, despite the fact that they have 
 accepted the Gladstone Home Rule bill, 
 which was in every respect inferior to 
 the present one. which they so vocifer- 
 ously denounce. 
 
 "The Irishmen under the above titles 
 now opposed to Redmond were, together 
 with the Orangemen and Unionists, al- 
 ways opposed to majority rule in Ire- 
 land; therefore, their opposition at this 
 particular time is nothing new. How- 
 ever, I am inclined to believe that the 
 seriousness of the problems now con- 
 fronting them will be sufficient to unite 
 them with the majority in forming a 
 plan of self-government for their beloved 
 country. 
 
 "Ireland, on a promise, has more than 
 kept faith with England. Will England 
 now keep faith with Ireland, and will 
 she, out of deference to American opinion 
 and the success of the present war, make 
 a serious effort to do justice to Ireland 
 and settle the question of Irish national 
 autonomy even at this late date, in a 
 manner satisfactory to the majority of 
 Irishmen and cogently encouraging to 
 her allies in this desperate conflict be- 
 tween the forces of corruption and tyran- 
 ny and the forces of morality and liberty 
 — between autocracy and democracy? 
 
 "Ireland has given indisputable evi- 
 dence of her sincerity. WUl England 
 evince a similar spirit toward Ireland? 
 This is the question England must an- 
 swer, and the one that will determine the 
 future action of Ireland. 
 
 "Whatever will be accepted by the ma- 
 jority of Irishmen and endorsed by our 
 representatives will be acceptable to me. 
 
 29 
 
Mrs. Sheehy Skeffincrton. 
 
 Hanna Sheehy SkefBnglon, widow of 
 the Irish editor, F. Sheehy Skeffing-ton, 
 who was illegally executed in the Easter 
 rebellion of 1916, by Captain Bowen- 
 Colthurst, later found g-uilty of murder, 
 but committed to an insane asylum, tele, 
 g-raphed the following statement from 
 Butte, Mont.: 
 
 "With reference to Captain Maloney's 
 questions to Irish in America, regard- 
 ing their attitude to the proposed con- 
 vention on the future government of Ire- 
 land, in my opinion, Ireland would stul- 
 tify herself by being a party to any such 
 convention. 
 
 "It is being convened, not by Ireland 
 herself, but by Great Britain, who will 
 have a determined voice in its ingredients. 
 -■Buia ^ipa^^iuip-B J8A03J0UI 'iBsodoad aqj, 
 nates, not from any desire to meet Ire- 
 land's just demands and satisfy her cry- 
 ing grievances, but rather from Great 
 Britain's necessities and the exigencies 
 of the war. In nominating the conven- 
 tion Great Britain reserves her veto. If 
 the convention were to stipulate for an 
 independent Irish repubUc, such a de- 
 mand would be ruled out as not consistent 
 Vi^ith war exigencies. 
 
 "The progressive party is Ireland— the 
 so-called Sinn Fein party— has already 
 wisely decided not to enter the conven- 
 tion, and claims, instead, that Ireland 
 be represented at the peace conference 
 where her case could be properly dealt 
 with as an international one by a jury 
 of the nations. What would be Belgium's 
 answer if Germany proposed a conven- 
 tion on similar lines to decide her claim? 
 Ls it likely that Belgium would be satis- 
 fled with such a solution? We claim for 
 Ireland no less and no more than Bel- 
 gium is accorded. Our problem is no 
 domestic one, but international, and its 
 solution must be accordingly on interna- 
 tional, not on purely British, lines." 
 J. B. Mnlcahy, of Batte. 
 
 The following statement was author- 
 ized by J. B. Mulcahy, editor of the 
 Butte, Montana, Independent: 
 
 "1 certainly favor a convention of the 
 Irish in Ireland to devise a scheme of 
 government for that country, the dele- 
 gates to that convention to be elected by 
 the full adult vote, male and female, of 
 all Ireland without let or hindrance 
 from any English source whatever, 
 either as to the persons to be elected 
 or the decisions of the convention. A 
 free convention thus constituted will be 
 truly representative and in touch with 
 the wishes and hopes of the people, and 
 cannot fail to express the national will 
 — a bold and fearless declaration of in- 
 dependence of, and complete separation 
 from, England by a tremendous ma- 
 jority. 
 
 "As the unselfish champion of small na- 
 tions and the ardent standard bearer of 
 democracy and civilization, I cannot 
 doubt that if the Irish people should so 
 decide, England would then declare 
 herself ready to furl her flag, to with- 
 draw her troops, and to abdicate her 
 usurped powers in Ireland and permit 
 the men and women of that island to 
 direct its destinies in accordance with 
 their own genius and desires. England 
 claims this much for Belgium, Servia, 
 and Rumania; will she contend that Ire- 
 land is entitled to any less? 
 
 "The manhood of Ireland will never 
 permit the claim of the Crown to Inter- 
 fere with the selection of delegates to 
 the convention, with the choice of its 
 chairman, or the power to veto its de- 
 cisions. Such a convention would be but 
 a mockery and Irishmen either in Ireland 
 or without her shores, would regard 
 it and its decisions with scorn and 
 contumely, and as utterly devoid of 
 popular sanction and entirely at va- 
 riance with those lofty principles of 
 democracy for which England is now 
 so valiantly contending. By all means 
 let us have a full, free, and unfettered 
 convention of the Irish people at home, 
 and I for one will loyally and unequivo- 
 cally support the enactments of any gov- 
 ernment that may spring into existence 
 as a result of its reasoned deliberations." 
 
 30 
 
(June 6, 1917) 
 
 IRISH KNOW HOW TO RULE, 
 SAYS JOHN E.MILHOLLAND 
 
 HIS OPINION ON THE PROPOSED 
 CONVENTION. 
 
 People, He Says, Should Be Allowed 
 to Elect Their Own Delegates — 
 Question of Excluding Ulster. 
 
 John E. Milholland, a former New York 
 newspaper man and for many years 
 prominent in political and social reforms, 
 commented to-day on the proposed Irish 
 Convention for the Evening Post's sym- 
 posium. Born of Catholic and Protest- 
 ant parentage of Ulster origin, and him- 
 self a Presbyterian, Mr. Milholland has 
 taken an active part in the movement 
 for Home Rule, whether led by the 
 Protestant Parnell or the Catholic Red- 
 mond. "The Irish people," said Mr. Mil- 
 holland, "will never be satisfied with 
 anything less than a free, independent 
 government. The exclusion of Ulster 
 from the operations of Home Rule would 
 be a bad thing for the country, but worse 
 for Ulster." 
 
 Mr. Milholland's statement was made 
 iii answer to the challenge of Capt. W. J. 
 M. A. Maloney, appearing in the Eve- 
 ning Post May 24, that Irish-Americans 
 put their opinions on record. Captain 
 Maloney asked the following questions: 
 
 (1.) Aie you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future government of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 (2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as equitable as is consistent with 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by its decisions? 
 
 (3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, wiU you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted? 
 
 Favors an Irish Convention. 
 
 Mr. Milholland expressed his views as 
 follows: 
 
 "Certainly I favor an Irish convention 
 to consider Home Rule, and that at the 
 
 earliest possible moment. What man or 
 woman of Irish blood does not? But is 
 this what is now proposed? If it be, I 
 fail to see it. All I find set forth is a 
 proposition on the part of Mr. Lloyd 
 George that a hundred or more estimable 
 gentlemen, English, Welsh, and Scotch, 
 as well as Irish, come together at West- 
 minister, and in the shadow of "Big Ben" 
 discuss Irish affairs. 
 
 "Much good may come from such a dis- 
 cussion. The possibilities are great; but 
 to speak of such a gathering, whatever 
 be its outcome, as representative of the 
 Irish people in a comprehensive sense, in 
 the sense that we understand national 
 conventions to be over here, is manifestly 
 quite beside the meaning of the term. 
 To suppose the findings of such a group 
 would have any iiltimate binding force 
 upon the Irish masses seems absurd, for 
 it would be a plain violation of demo- 
 cratic fundamentals. 
 
 "Mr. George's intentions may be, and I 
 think they are, the very best — 'for I 
 never can forget his past record, nor the 
 splendid, courageous fight he made at 
 the risk of his life against the iniquitous 
 Boer War — ^but the people of Ireland 
 have not delegated him nor anybody else 
 to pick out their spokesmen, and I do not 
 believe that they will surrender this pre- 
 rogative to him or through him to any 
 body of men in the British Isles. Why 
 should they? Have they not already 
 demonstrated their capacity for self-gov- 
 ernment? Their representatives in Lon- 
 don have been a determining factor in 
 Parliament for twenty years, and who 
 will deny that their influence has been 
 almost invariably on the side of sound 
 progressive legislation ? 
 
 "Their County Councils — the first prac- 
 tical instalment of Home Rule — have 
 worked successfully throughout all four 
 provinces. They have been efficient, eco- 
 nomical, and, if there be one authenti- 
 cated case where the Catholic majority 
 has oppressed the Protestant minority, or 
 abused power, I have yet to hear about 
 it. Ireland prospers and has always pros- 
 pered just in proportion as her people 
 have been free to manage their own af- 
 fairs. The country then goes forward 
 along strong, healthy lines, free from 
 internal dissensions and that friction 
 which can be invariably traced to out- 
 side interference. 
 
 31 
 
"Having demonstrated their ability to 
 take care of themselves, why not let 
 them do so? Why should they not be 
 trusted to elect their own delegates? Why 
 not have a real national convention made 
 up of the people's own choice; made up 
 of men who will really represent the 
 Protestants and the Catholics, the Estab- 
 lished Church, and the Nooi -Conformist, 
 the Presbyterian and the Freethinkers, 
 yes, even those who do not think very 
 much at all? Such a convention would be 
 in keeping with the very genius of the 
 Irish people. They love bold experiments. 
 Great ideas attract, fascinate them. They 
 are only at their very best when called 
 upon to do something daring, unprece- 
 dented, provided it appeals to the very 
 noblest in their nature, which ia essen- 
 tially idealistic, combined with a practi- 
 cal ability that makes the race absolutely 
 unique, a phenomenon yet to be account- 
 ed for in human history. 
 
 Is a Home Ruler, He Says. 
 
 "Of Ulster stock. Catholic and Protest- 
 ant combined, and with ancestors who 
 defended Derry, as well as Limerick, who 
 fought at Boyne Water, some on one 
 side and some on the other, I myself, a 
 Presbyterian, somewhat intensive, have 
 been a Home Ruler from the first time 
 I visited Ireland more than forty years 
 ago. I was in the movement when it was 
 led by the Protestant, Parnell; I am in 
 it now with increased devotion under the 
 banner of the Catholic. Redmond, whose 
 mistakes are of the head, not of the heart, 
 and I say without hesitation, from a life- 
 long study of the question, that the Irish 
 people will never be satisfied with any- 
 and the nullification of all national hopes 
 thing less than a free independent gov- 
 ernment, and I say, furthermore, that., 
 left to themselves, unhampered by the 
 interference of outside politicians. Home 
 Rule would be carried, even in Protestant 
 Ulster, excepting possibly Antrim, Down, 
 Derry, and Armagh, and even there the 
 vote wotild be very close for, as things 
 are at present, nearly 40 per cent, of the 
 voters are for Home Rule in these four 
 counties that I have named, and a fair 
 poll will show it, and far more. 
 
 "The exclusion of Ulster from the oper- 
 ations of Home Rule would be a bad 
 
 thing for the country, but worse for 
 
 Ulster. It would mean its ultimate ruin, the English Government 
 
 32 
 
 and aspirations, the emphasizing of de- 
 nominational lines forever. It must not 
 be. Why, even in Derry County, more 
 than 40 per cent, of the population are 
 Catholics. In Londonderry City between 
 55 per cent, and 60 per cent, of the popu- 
 lation are Catholics. In County Down 
 nearly a third are Catholics, and even in 
 Belfast itself almost 25 per cent, are of 
 that faith. Why should these people be 
 excluded from the operations of a great 
 new national government to which they 
 would be devoted. It is all wrong. 
 
 "Oh, yes, I am quite familiar with the 
 general argument that Ulster represents 
 the wealth, the progress, the business 
 energy of the country, and all that sort 
 of thing. Mr. Clark, of Belfast, rings 
 the changes on this again in his inter- 
 view published by the World the other 
 day. But the facts are against him. 
 Belfast, the heart of Ulster, suffers by 
 comparison with Dublin. According to 
 the Treasury returns, Dublin's gross an- 
 nual value of property exceeds eleven 
 million pounds, while Belfast is less than 
 six milhon four hundred thousand, and 
 Dublin's income tax, three hundred and 
 sixty thousand pounds, is more than one 
 hundred and fifty thousand pounds in 
 excess of that of Belfast. 
 
 "Ulster's ratable value, per head of the 
 population, is more than a pound above 
 that of Connaught, but it is only five 
 shillings per head above that of Munster, 
 and actually nearly one pound per head 
 below that of Leinster. Munster, which 
 represents the extreme South, actually 
 produced in 1912 nearly three million five 
 hundred thousand more pounds in crops 
 than Ulster. Munster's progress and 
 prosperity are not generally appreciated. 
 The late James J. Hill once told me, after 
 a visit there, that he considered South 
 Ireland's dairy system the most thor- 
 oughly developed in all Europe. 
 
 Ulster's Politicians Called Clever. 
 
 "There is, however, one claim to su- 
 periority that must be conceded to Ulster. 
 Its politicians are the cleverest to be 
 found in the whole island. They are 
 men of absolute nerve; their audacity 
 is unparalleled. The world has had an 
 illustration of that that makes men still 
 wonder. Sir Edward Carson, the ac- 
 knowledged leader, led a revolt against 
 
 He visited 
 
Germany, had an audience with the 
 Kaiser, and, according to uncontradicted 
 reports, obtained what he wanted in the 
 way of firearms. He made no attempt 
 to conceal either his intent or his move- 
 ments. His army drilled openly. He 
 defied the Government. Yet he was never 
 arrested, nor called to face any charge 
 whatever, though his acts seemed trea- 
 sonable in the highest degree. Instead 
 of going to prison ite was called to the 
 Cabinet, and to-day is a dominating fig- 
 ure in the Government that he swore to 
 oppose, if necessary, with his life. 
 
 "Sir Roger Casement, attempting, as he 
 firmly believed, to do something in be- 
 half of all Ireland, also went to Germany; 
 also established relations with the Kais- 
 er; also obtained firearms. He was sent 
 to the scaffold, although the civilized 
 world protested his fate. 
 
 "How these two incidents illustrate the 
 political qualities of the majority and 
 the minority, and how in the light of 
 Carson's activities, the question of Ul- 
 ster's oppression in the event of Home 
 Rule, becomes a veritable absurdity! 
 
 "The people of Ireland demand Home 
 Rule. Behind them in this demand stand 
 the people of England, Wales, Scotland, 
 Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the 
 United States, and the fair-minded peo- 
 ple of every nation throughout the earth. 
 Those who lead the opposition against 
 this righteous reform are those whose 
 forefathers voted against the emancipa- 
 tion of the Catholics, the emancipation 
 ot the Jews and the Non-Conformists; 
 they voted against popular suffrage, 
 against death duties, and every form of 
 taxation that distributed the burden. 
 
 "They who oppose Home Rule to-day 
 are those who voted against the Labor- 
 ers' Act in Ireland, against the Plural 
 Voting bill, against the bill to give com- 
 pensation for improvements and disturb- 
 ance of tenants in houses and shops; 
 they were against the Small Landown- 
 ers' bill for Scotland; the Evicted Ten- 
 ants' bill; against Lloyd George's famous 
 budget; against the minimum wage, the 
 Trades' Union act, against, yes, even 
 against that concession of Home Rule 
 to the Transvaal which has made South 
 Africa one of the great fighting forces 
 for England in this war against Ger- 
 many. 
 
 "What Home Rule has done for South 
 
 33 
 
 Africa it would do with a thousand times 
 more significance, not only in the in- 
 terests of Ireland itself, but in the in- 
 terests of the British Empire and civil- 
 ization. This is so manifest to every 
 competent student of the subject that 
 further prolonged opposition based upon 
 prejudice, stupidity, and traditional 
 hatred seems unthinkable. It would cer- 
 tainly seem fared oal, were it not so 
 fraught with tragic possibilities. 
 
 "Let us have, by all means, a real Irish 
 national convention. Let us have it 
 right away. Let Mr. George's conference 
 arrange the details of it on broad, gen- 
 erous lines. Then his conference will 
 not be in vain, and the convention will 
 be a blessing to the human race. 
 
 "Let us have an Ireland again free and 
 independent ! 
 
 (June 7 1917) 
 
 BOSTON'S MAYOR WANTS 
 NO IRISH CONVENTION 
 
 JAMES M. CURLEY CALLS BRITISH 
 PROPOSAL AN "INSULT." 
 
 A Protestant Irishman Believes 
 Statesmen of England Have a Great 
 Opportunity to Settle Question. 
 
 James M. Curley, Mayor of Boston and 
 a former Congressman and member of 
 the House Committee on Foreign Affairs, 
 is one of the contributors to-day to the 
 symposium of the Evening Post on the 
 proposed Irish convention. The opinion 
 of a Protest,ant of North Ireland appears 
 in the statement of J. Campbell Thomp- 
 son, a lawyer of this city, whUe James 
 K. McGuire, general contractor, of 220 
 West 42nd Street, and an ex-Mayor of 
 Syracuse, also sets forth his views. 
 
 The symposium is the result of a call 
 to Irish-Americans to put on record their 
 opinions on the convention proposed by 
 Premier Lloyd George, the challenge hav- 
 ing been issued by Capt. W. J. M. A. 
 Maloney on May 24, when he suggested 
 the following questions: 
 
(1.) Are you in favor of a convention 
 of the Irish in Ireland determining the 
 plan of the future g-overnment of Ire- 
 land? 
 
 (2.) If that convention be arranged on 
 a basis as equitable as is consistent with 
 the present exigencies of war, will you 
 abide by its decisions? 
 
 (3.) If the British Parliament legalizes 
 these decisions, will you loyally and 
 whole-heartedly cooperate with the Irish 
 Government thus constituted? 
 
 Mayor Cnrley In Oppoaltion. 
 Mayor Curley thinks that the proposed 
 convention is an insult to the intelligence 
 of the Irish people. He says: 
 
 "The history of English negotiation, 
 either in the matter of Catholic emanci- 
 pation or Home Riile, is one long chap- 
 ter of broken promises and violated 
 pledges on the part of the English Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 "In view of past history, it is impos- 
 sible tc conceive, by any stretch of the 
 imagination, a fulfilment of the present 
 agreement to accept whatever decision 
 might be arrived at through a conven- 
 tion of the Irish people. 
 
 "A government that honors and ele- 
 vates Sir Edward Carson for substantial- 
 ly the same character of offence for 
 which it executes Sir Roger Casem^^nt 
 cannot be depended upon to act either 
 with honor or equity on the only demand 
 which the people of Ireland are justified 
 in presenting at the present time; name- 
 ly, the independence of Ireland. 
 
 "To deny independence to Ireland is 
 equivalent to repudiating the proposition 
 that the present war is being waged to 
 maintain and safeguard the integrity of 
 small nations. 
 
 "Democracy, aa Americana understand 
 it, means a Government representing the 
 will of the majority, and government 
 other than by the will of the majority is 
 not democracy, and enforcement of 
 minority rule by the power of brute force 
 alone is anarchy. 
 
 "To require the people of Ireland to 
 convene under circumstances that render 
 impossible a unanimous decision is to in- 
 sult their intelligence. 
 
 "While the immediate granting of in- 
 dependence to Ireland might prove of- 
 fensive to a few millions of persons of 
 Irish blood throughout the world, it would 
 be hailed as courageous, magnanimous, 
 
 and just by more than 20,000,000 of peo^ 
 pie of Irish blood and by hundreds of 
 millions of lovers of liberty, whose re- 
 spect for Irish character and valor is 
 heightened by the knowledge that for 
 more than 700 years they have striven, 
 for independence, wi^h never a thought 
 to run up the white flag in token of sur- 
 render of an ideal for the preservatioa 
 of which they have endured privation, 
 famine, and penal servitude, and given 
 up their lives." 
 
 Irish Politics and Religion. 
 
 Campbell Thomson thinks that poli- 
 tics is at the bottom of Ireland's religious 
 differences. His statement follows: 
 
 "As a Protestant born in the North of 
 Ireland and a Trinity College man, I speak 
 with conviction that the religious differ- 
 ence between the Noi-th and the South 
 is as a political iesue fanned and kept 
 aJive by politicians for political purposea 
 No doubt there was rancor in the past, 
 but in the light of to-day's intelligence 
 there is a great broadening of toleration. 
 "The Irish Protestant and the Irish 
 Catholic are in Ireland good neighbors 
 and in America the best of friends. If 
 political conditions in Ireland were chang- 
 ed, there would not be any religious ques- 
 tion. The Protestant and Catholic are 
 equally proud of being Irishmen, and if 
 they had a country would be equally 
 loyal to it. ' Why waste time and court 
 uncertainty by proposing a convention, 
 when there can be conferred a similar 
 system of government to that which ex- 
 ists in Canada and Australia? 
 
 "The difficulties in the way of doing so 
 are magnified, and if any exist, they 
 should be swept aside in presence of 
 the urgent necessity for solidarity of all 
 parts of the British Empire. Not only 
 would such a measure accomplish imme- 
 diate results in Ireland, but, in my opin- 
 ion, would be of the utmost importance 
 to the cause of the Allies in America. 
 
 "Undoubtedly it is true that the prin- 
 ciple of the Protestants, Wolfe Tone, Em- 
 met, and Davis — that is, complete inde- 
 pendence for Ireland — has a firm hold 
 upon the minds and imaginations of the 
 people of Ireland, and is espoused by 
 the active and energetic men of the race 
 in America. But if under present cir- 
 cumstances that be impracticable, I am 
 satisfied that the patriotism of the men 
 in Ireland and America would incline to 
 
 34 
 
the practical, provided it secured to the 
 people of Ireland a full measure of free- 
 dom to control their own internal af- 
 fairs and develop their resources of in- 
 dustry and commerce. To all loyal ad- 
 herents of the British Empire this would 
 be preferable as tending to consolida- 
 tion of the Empire rather than smoulder- 
 ing rebellion and eventually possible dis- 
 ruption. 
 
 "To accomplish this, an opportunity is 
 now presented, and if it is not availed of 
 by the statesmen of JSngland, a fearful 
 responsibility will rest upon them." 
 James K. McGnlre. 
 
 James K. McGuire, who was vice- 
 chairman of the Democratic National 
 Committee in the campaign of 1900, and 
 the author of several well-known books 
 dealing with the economic side of Irish 
 life, writes as follows: 
 
 "I have no faith in the labors of any 
 Irish convention which fails to consider 
 the advantages to Ireland of separation 
 from England. The economic claims of 
 Ireland are submerged too much in the 
 discussion over politics and religion. The 
 stress of war has made us think more 
 of the political framework than the eco- 
 nomic pressure to which the Irish people 
 are subjected by the British connection. 
 
 "The Ulster Unionist taunts the native 
 Irish with their poverty, ignorance, and 
 superstitious piety, their lack of training 
 or success in business, or their alleged 
 domination by the priests of Ireland. 
 
 "In poverty and distress the unfortu- 
 nate people have no sympathetic advisers 
 in sight but their priests, and in the long 
 night of Irish history the help and com- 
 fort of the clergy was the tie that binds. 
 Access to the land in Ireland is making 
 the Munster or Leinster farmer as 
 thrifty, sober, and prosperous as the Ul- 
 sterman. The natives were driven from 
 the Ulster plantations by invading 
 armies, their lands were divided among 
 the soldiers, they were deprived of edu- 
 cation. Naturally they are backward in 
 progress and utilitarian things, but time 
 and freedom develop all Celts. We are 
 told that the native Irish have no talents 
 for business or administration, and that 
 successful Irish emigrants are Scotch- 
 Irish. That claim appeared to be true 
 years ago when the native Irish landed 
 in our land without money, education, or 
 business training. But their children. 
 
 under the light of freedom and oppor- 
 tunities for advancement and knowledge, 
 these children of Irish peasants often 
 become foremost in many lines. 
 
 American Inclusti'Ial Leaders. 
 
 "There is Mr. Farrell, head of the 
 world's greatest industry, the United 
 States Steel Corporation. Farrell is an 
 old Connaught name, signifying "man 
 of science." They were driven from their 
 lands in 1689. There is Mr. Ryan, of 
 the Ryans of Tipperary, head of our 
 largest copper industry. Brady, Kelly, 
 Grace, Daly, Banigan, and many others 
 achieve marked business success which 
 destroys the claim that Irish business 
 talent is confined to a corner of Ulster. 
 Give the new generation a chance and 
 they will make good. 
 
 "The Home Rule act is a travesty as 
 a measure of Irish freedom. Under its 
 terms Ireland is forbidden from making 
 tariffs, like Canada or Australia, to pro- 
 tect young industries. The proposed 
 Irish ParUament is to have no control 
 over merchant shipping, docks, harbors, 
 coinage, patents, and slight control over 
 land purchase and certain vital finances. 
 
 "After considerable study of Irish prob- 
 lems and relations with England, I am 
 satisfied that, while the two countries 
 might be friends to the benefit of both, 
 their destinies are to be solved only by 
 complete separation, with an independent 
 form of government for Ireland. The 
 object of the union of Ireland with Eng- 
 land is to make the former country a 
 feeding-ground for the English industrial 
 classes. This policy prevents the devel- 
 opment of Irish resources. This long 
 neglect has left untouched many natural 
 resources, so that Ireland, in her soil, 
 is one of the richest small nations in the 
 world. She has cheap water-power in 
 abundance, coal, great peat deposits, from 
 which gases should be generated. Eng- 
 lish coal is selling at $16 per ton in Dub- 
 lin, while the dried peat that competes 
 with coal is selling for $4 per ton in 
 Germany. The Irish bogs utilized could 
 furnish the cheapest light and fuel in 
 the kingdom. 
 
 "To be saved to the world as a nation, 
 to preserve her art, language, literature, 
 music, and poetry, to be made strong and 
 prosperous, to be saved to the world and 
 arrested from national decay and death, 
 
 35 
 
Ireland must have a free Constitution 
 and an Irish Parliament created by the 
 people of Ireland and responsible only 
 to the people." 
 
 David Starr Jordan.* 
 
 Dr. David Starr Jordan, chancellor 
 emeritus of Leland Stanford University, 
 and for many years the active head of 
 that great institution of learning-, made 
 the following interesting statement: 
 
 "The visit of Lord NorthcUffe to this 
 country, as head of the British War 
 Mission, will be worth watching. Dr. Jor- 
 dan believes, in view of the political sit- 
 uation in England. The Chancellor ex- 
 plained that Lord Northcliffe represents 
 the new wing of the "anti-democratic" 
 rulers of England, while Mr. Balfour, 
 whom he succeeds, represents the older 
 anti-deHttocratic faction. The war, accord- 
 ing to Dr. Jordan, has brought these two 
 groups — otherwise natural rivals — to- 
 gether, with the result that the Asquith 
 regime is ended and the Balfour-North- 
 cliffe combination holds the whip hand. 
 Anti-Democrats Rule E^ngland. 
 
 "But the great danger in England to- 
 day is the feeling among the people 
 against this anti-democratic element 
 now in control," he said. "Never since 
 the mid-Victorian era has there been a 
 time when the control of the Govern- 
 ment in England was vested in such un- 
 democratic leaders as those represented 
 by Balfour and Northcliffe. Were it not 
 for the war, these two factions would 
 be at each other's throats, and once the 
 war is ended both are destined to lose 
 their power and the old democratic re- 
 gime, as tyipified In Asquith, will return 
 to power." 
 
 Largely on account of the influences 
 now in control of the English Govern- 
 ment, the latest move to establish home 
 rule in Ireland will fail, Dr. Jordan be- 
 lieves. He is one of those who look upon 
 the whole agitation with suspicion. The 
 
 much-discussed Irish convention, he 
 said, was "dignified but futile — almost 
 farcical." 
 
 "It ends in nothing, and is expected 
 to end in nothing," he went on. "In plain 
 United States, is a talk-fest — nothing more. 
 It is just as if we tried to settle the ne- 
 gro problem in Georgia by calling a meet- 
 ing of delegates from all over the coun- 
 try. A semi-official convention of hand- 
 picked delegates from England and Scot- 
 land and Ireland is not the way to solve 
 the Irish problem. 
 
 Delegates Sbonld Be Elected. 
 
 "The only successful Irish convention 
 will be one in which all the people of 
 Ireland have an equal chance to select 
 representatives, choose their own presid- 
 ing ofiicer, and draw up their own Con- 
 stitution, subject to its conformity with 
 the unwritten Constitution of England." 
 
 Asked whether he thought the Irish 
 were fitted to make their own Constitu- 
 tion and govern themselves. Dr. Jordan 
 cited Lincoln's remark that there never 
 was any people good enough to govern 
 another people against its will. 
 
 "Democratic government does not 
 mean good government," he continued. "It 
 means giving the people an opportunity 
 to practice. And that is the basis of goo(? 
 government. If the people don't have 
 that opportunity, then somebody else 
 does the governing, and does so in his 
 own interest. Every imperialistic gov- 
 ernment is unjust and selfish, and there- 
 fore temporary. 
 
 "The present controlling forces in Eng- 
 land are absolutely undemocratic. The 
 test of their democracy will come in the 
 recognition of Irish home rule, which 
 means the liberation of a repressed na- 
 tionality." 
 
 *Dr. Jordan is not of Irish blood — he is prob- 
 ably of English extraction — but this statement by 
 him is reprinted for the reason that it appeared 
 as part of a general interview in the Evening Post 
 of .Tune 7th and states the views of an eminent, 
 unbiased American. 
 
 36 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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HARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 021 377 743 9 
 
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