E 
 
 (oil 
 
 PEACE-JUSTICE-ECONOJMY. 
 
 EEMAEK8 
 
 HOK COLUMBUS DEL ATO, 
 
 SANDUSKY, OHIO, AUGUST 24, 1871. 
 
 THE POLICY AND CONDUCT OF THE ADMINIS- 
 TRATION. 
 
 1=1 
 
 WASHINGTON 
 
 1871. 
 
Class L^^U 
 
 Book iHA^ 
 
PEACE-JUSTICE-ECONOMY. .\ 
 
 EEMAEKS 
 
 OF 
 
 HOK COLUMBUS DELA:f(0 
 
 SANDUSKY, OHIO, AUGUST 24, 1871. 
 
 THE POLICY AND CONDUCT OF THE xVDMIXIS" 
 
 TRATIOX. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
 P\ 1871. 
 
,1133 
 

 Fellow -citizens of Ohio : 
 
 A representative democracy, where suffrage is universal, must alwaj'S 
 be controlled by i)ublic opinion. 
 
 The only authoritative and. final announcement of public opinion is 
 from and through the ballot-box. 
 
 To prepare for this conclusion, to give it authority and render it as 
 intelligent and accurate as human infirmity, passion, and prejudice will 
 permit, it is our habit, before election, for each party to present fully to 
 the people its policy. This should embrace its principles, with the ways 
 and means by which they are to be executed and carried into effect. 
 
 Mutual investigation and criticism by each party of tlie policy and 
 principles of the other is a necessity of our system and form of govern- 
 ment. 
 
 This is well. You would not have it otherwise, for by this method the 
 attention of the people is constantly fixed, not only upon parties, but 
 upon individuals in authority, who are exercising the powers incident to 
 administration; and parties and individuals are thus admonished that 
 the approbation or condemnation of the sovereign people awaits them, 
 according to the approval or disapproval of the policy of parties by 
 the people. 
 
 It is necessary, therefore, that we have parties ami discussions, and 
 that the conflicts of parties be finally adjudicated and decided by the 
 sovereigns of the nation ; and woe to them who rebel against such decis- 
 ion, no matter whether slaveholder or philanthropist, for such rebellion 
 is treason, and such parties are traitors; and none can pardon fully and 
 entirely except the people, who have been offended. 
 
 The absolution of the people is as indispensable to remove the bloody 
 guilt of traitors and their accessories as the waters of Jordan were to 
 heal the leprosy of Xaaman; and let it, therefore, be said to them, "Go 
 and wash" in this fountain "seven times," if you will, "and thou shalt 
 be clean." 
 
 In addressing the citizens of Erie County to night, I do not deem it a 
 work of supererogation to refer to the history of the great ideas and 
 principles which have formed the issues between political parties for 
 the past years. On these great jirinciples the republican party was 
 foumled, the war was successfully fought, the rebellion defeated, tlie 
 rebels and traitors yanquished and scattered to the four winds, slavery 
 
crnslieil and abolished, and four millions of human beings liberated 
 from bondage and made citizens and voters. 
 
 This history, so familiar to you and the people of Ohio, is the record 
 of the republican party, and comprises the conscience and statesman- 
 ship, and nmy be said to be the very genius of the American people, their 
 Government and institutions. 
 
 This record is a noble one. Who is not proud of it 1 It will forever 
 be that chapter in the history of Christian civilization most encouraging 
 to the republican statesman and philanthropist, and to all those who 
 love their fellow-man, and desire him to enjoy the rights and privileges 
 of self-government and free institutions. 
 
 ACCESSION OF THE KEPUBLICAN PARTY TO POWER, AND ITS DUTIES 
 
 AND OBLIGATIONS. 
 
 The republican party came into power in 18G1, just in time to save 
 the national aifairs of this country from an extensive and well-matured 
 scheme of treason. Stripped hj conspirators of all ready means of re- 
 sistance to their plot to overthrow the Government, it appealed at once 
 to the i^eople and to the loyal States for aid. By them alone it was 
 enabled to accomplish the mighty and almost marvelous results to 
 which I have referred within the space of four years. This work hav- 
 ing been so perfectly an<l sublimel}' accomplished, the republican 
 party found itself charged with the most delicate and difficult political 
 legacy ever bequeathed to any party since governments were known. 
 
 It was the work of restoration and reorganization. It was the duty 
 of bringing order out of chaos. 
 
 That differences of opinion should arise among friends in accomplish- 
 ing this great work, was not only natural, but unavoidable. That dis- 
 comlited rebels and their sympathizers should embarrass, impede, and 
 denounce this work, however performed, was to be expected. But that 
 it should have been embarrassed, at the very threshold, by the assassi- 
 nation of that noblest work of God, that great and good man, the lirst 
 and only choice of a free people — Abraham Lincoln — was not reckoned 
 possible, until the traitorous assassin made it an accomplished fact. 
 
 The re[)ubli(;an party, however, standing upon a righteous cause, 
 and sustained by an omnipotent and ever-present Power, met all these 
 dilUculties with a sublime comi)osure and resolution ; and, as if purilied 
 by fire, like Moses on Sinai, announced to the world the Freedmen's 
 Bureau bill, the civil rights bill, and the thirteenth, Iburteculh, and 
 lifteeuth amendments to the Constitution. 
 
 By these noble measures our limdamenlal law abolishes slaver^', 
 establishes uni\"ersal emaucipatiou, prt>\ ides citizenshij*, and i)rotects 
 equally the privileges and inimuuilies of all, without distinction on 
 ac'-dunt of race or color ; and liirllicr, it guaraidees the \alidity ol' the 
 jiulilic debt, including bounties and [leiisions to tlie soldiers of the 
 
United States, invalidates all obligations incurred in aid of rebellion, 
 and all claims for the loss or emancipation of slaves. 
 
 The annals of history furnish no record like this since the foundations 
 of the world were laid. 
 
 And yet, during each and every step in the progress of the republican 
 party, and during all the work of reconstruction, everything thus 
 accomplished was opposed and denounced violently, and without miti- 
 gation, by the defeated rebels, and their ofteuer defeated liieuds, the 
 democratic party, as illegal, unconstitutional, and A^oid. 
 
 Yery suddenly and very receatly, however, a change has "come o'er 
 the spirit of their dream," and if they do not ''depart," they take a 
 " new departure." Let us see what this new departure is and whither it 
 leads. 
 
 Those honest people, citizens of this country, as much interested in 
 the public welfare as you and I, who have been following the leadersliip 
 of rebels and the democratic party for the past ten years of great 
 events and great republican achievements, ought to pause and candidly 
 consider what this new departure is and what it signifies. It is in fact 
 but a penitential confession of political sin — a recantation of party 
 heresy. It is an admission, of record, that the democracy and ri'bels 
 have been wrong, blindly wrong, since the war, at least. It is a procla- 
 mation to their followers and the world that the amendments to the 
 Constitution, securing freedom and justice, and advancing the civiliza- 
 tion of the world, are right, and that they have hitherto willfully and 
 wrongfully opposed those great republican measures. It is true, they 
 do not put it in this phrase precisely, but it comes to that at last. They 
 sugar-coat and disguise the confession by saying, "We accept the situa- 
 tion," and call it a new departure by professing to cease waging open 
 opposition to accomplished facts and established propositions which they 
 have long resisted, and which now it is deemed expedient to acquiesce 
 in oidy because it seems idle and impotent longer to fight against the 
 expressed and reiterated will of the people. 
 
 Is this a party with which to intrust the Government, and to hazard 
 again the public welfare, if not the very existence of the Union itself? 
 
 An experienced and prominent leader of that ])arty in a neighboring 
 State, who is willing to be the presidential candidate of the party at the 
 next election, referring to the new departure, is reported to have said: 
 "We must make the tiglub upon living issues. It is folly to be always 
 going back to dead issues. AVe must take things as we find them. I 
 think the great mass of the democratic party realize this fact." Let us 
 commend his discretion, and hope that many of those of the South who 
 engaged in rebellion have reached a similar conclusion. Let us hope 
 that hereafter they will take things as they find them, es))e(ially the 
 inevitable, and those immutable laws foumled in the nature of things, 
 as well as the Constitution. But as to the "livinu; issues" of this c;;n- 
 
(lidate, what are they? Opposition, I presume, in the future, as it has 
 been in the past, to all measures proposed by the republican party. 
 
 With this understanding of the "new departure," I shall not be sur- 
 prised to ^ee the democracy taking itself off every two years for a long 
 time to come. 
 
 Let me say to these gentlemen, it is not so important what the age of 
 your issue is, or whether it be old or new, dead or living, as that you 
 place yourselves on the side of right and justice on public questions, some- 
 thing which, in my judgment, the democrats have studiously avoided 
 for the last fifteen or twenty jears. 
 
 UNFINISHED WOEK OF THE REPITBLICAN PARTY. 
 
 I have spoken of the difficult legacy left to the republican party by 
 the southern rel>ellion and its consequences, and have attempted to 
 8how how well that portion of the legacy comprised in reconstruction 
 has been executed. 
 
 This work may be said to have been principally accomplished at the 
 date of the incoming of the present administration. But the work of 
 ix^construction was not the only difficult part of this difficult duty. There 
 was likewise the reforming of the civil service, corruption and malver- 
 sation in office, w Inch had been stimulated, fostered, and encouraged 
 1)V the iiei'.sonal policy of him who came to be Chief Magistrate through 
 the assassination of his predecessor. Let it be distinctly understood, 
 always, that the republican party is neither responsible nor to be held 
 to answer for the acts and policy of the President to whom I allude, for 
 during his whole administration there was an unceasing contest between 
 the President and the republican party. It is a matter of fact and of 
 history that the sympathy, encouragement, and counsel of the demo- 
 cratic i)arty, were extended to him as soon as it was discovered that he 
 could be used, as a willing tool, to o])pose and embarrass the republican 
 Xiarty and its measures. 
 
 The correction of abuses which were thus fastened upon the i)ul)lic 
 service at the close of the Avar, the rigid ciifdi-cenuMit of the laws of the 
 nation, and especially those for the collection and disl)urscment of the 
 public revenues, and the proi)er management of the public debt, are 
 other i)ortions of the legacy leftby the slaveholders' rebellion, to the 
 reiiublieaii party, and coming within the duties i»f the present adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 AVith what lalutr and fidelity these duties havi' been discharged, I 
 shall attempt to prove with brief statements of facts. 
 
 INTKHNAL IJEVKNTE. 
 
 Duiing tlie year bsdS, in wliicli the last administration exeicised full 
 exeeutive power, witli an excise of two dollars per gallon upon spirits^ 
 of i'orty eents per jiouiid u[)oii toltaeeo. <tf two and a hidfaiid tliree cents 
 
per pouiul upon cotton, with taxes upon boots, shoes, clothes, clothing, 
 confectionary, furniture, iron in all its conditions of manufacture, leather, 
 oils, saddlery, sugar, soap, fermented liquors, banks, sales, licenses, in- 
 comes, legacies and successions, stamps, gross receipts of railroads, and 
 a large number of other objects ; the entire receipts from internal reve- 
 nue sources were but 8101,180,564 28. 
 
 With the incoming of the present administration a new tax bill went 
 fully into etfect. By this law the tax on spirits was reduced from 
 two dollars to flfty cents per gallon ; the tax on tobacco from forty to 
 thirty-two cents, and sixteen cents per pound; while all taxes upon 
 cotton, boots and shoes, clothes, clothing, furniture, iron, leather, ma- 
 chinery, oils, saddlery, soap, sugar, and one hundred and five other 
 articles, were entirely removed and the articles nuide free. This reduc- 
 tion of taxation, taking the receipts from these sources during the last 
 administration, was equal to seventy-eight millions. 
 
 The present administration fouud the public credit impaired by the 
 dishonesty and incapacity which pervaded the public service. The 
 public debt was rather increasing than diminishing, with a redaction of 
 receipts from internal taxation. How was the failing credit of the 
 Government to be repaired, its current expenses met, and the debt 
 reduced in the face of this discouraging condition ? This serious and 
 embarrassing question could only be solved by an energetic enforcement 
 of the laws, and a faithful application of moneys collected to the public 
 liabilities. It was done. During the first twelve months of the admin- 
 istration the receipts from internal revenue were $177,457,738 20. and 
 during the first fiscal year $185,235,807 07, notwithstanding the reduc- 
 tions already stated. Without reduction, the amount of receipts from 
 internal sources, on this basis, would have been $203,235,867 07. The 
 tax on s]>irits, during the fiscal 1808, of the last administration, yielded 
 only eighteen millions dollars. The first year of the present administra- 
 tion there was collected and paid into the Treasnry from the same 
 source, fifty -five millions dollars, an increase of thirty-seven millions^ 
 and this on a reduction of seventy-five per cent, of the rate to be col- 
 lected. 
 
 The tax on tobacco at forty cents per pound, during the last adminis- 
 tration, yielded but eighteen millions per annum, wiiile under the pres- 
 ent administration, with the tax reduced to thirty -two and sixteen 
 cents, at an average of twenty-two cents, it has placed in the Tu'jisuiy 
 over thirty one million dollars yearly. 
 
 This conqiarison might be extended through the entire excise list, 
 with a simihir result, though 1 have selected for contrast the two articles 
 presenting the most striking illustration of wastefulness and speculation 
 on the one hand, and an improved economy on the other. 
 
 Thus you will observe that the seventy-eight millions exempted from 
 articles previously taxed has been recovered, and its loss eounterbalanced 
 
8 
 
 by faithfully enforcing the revenue laws, and honestly accounting for 
 the money collected. 
 
 Observe further, that in ISGS, in the last administration, the expenses 
 of the Internal llevenue Bureau were $8,387,793 17, while for the first 
 fiscal year of this administration, the same expenses were reduced to 
 $5,910,410 22, making- a gross reduction of the cost of collecting the 
 revenue of $2,171,382 95. 
 
 I desire here to correct a false impression put forth by democratic 
 speakers of the defalcation of revenue collectors, and the large amounts 
 due from them to the Government. 
 
 The Democratic Congressional Address, issued from Washington in 
 March last, states that twenty-five millions have been thus lost to the 
 Treasury. It needs but a brief explanation to correct this error. The 
 law requires collectors to receipt monthly to assessors for the amounts 
 of the tax lists turued over for collection. The lists thus received and 
 receipted for by the collector are charged against him at the Treasury 
 Department, and so remain charged until accounted for, either by the 
 money collected, or by abatement, as uncollectable, in the settlement of 
 his accounts. The law requires this i^rocess, though the collector resigns 
 or is removed, and the tax lists are in the hands of his successor. Their 
 accounts are, therefore, frequently charged with large sums not collect- 
 able, and for which the Treasury Department does not expect, nor does 
 it desire, to hold them responsible. On final settlement they are credited 
 W'ith all taxes uncollectable, and tlieir liability, which api)eared large on 
 the books of the Treasury, iu fact nuiy have been nothing. 
 
 The frequent delays in settling officers' accounts, owing to deaths, 
 resignations, and removals from oftice, causes this apparant balance to 
 be reported against them. 
 
 From a recent official report, it appears that the cash balances against 
 collectors reach the exact sum of !iJ2,7(J8,3!>7 S',\, less than one-sixth 
 of one per cent, of the internal revenue collections; and these balances 
 are secured by sufficient bonds in penalties amounting to ten millions of 
 dollars. The truth, then, only lacks twenty-three and a half n)ilIions 
 of tlie democratic story. IJut who are these defaulters, and wlujse 
 administrative service did they perform i 
 
 The balances are charged against collectors during their official term, 
 as follows : 
 
 To collectors appointed by President Lincoln .$800, 058 95 
 
 " '' rrcsjdciit .lohnson 1,813, 75() 12 
 
 " " President (irant 01,581 70 
 
 or the yearly excise of one himdred and eighty-five millions of dol- 
 l.us gathered by President (lraiit\s eollcctors, there remaiu but sixty- 
 foiii' thousand live hundred eighty-oiu' (lobars and seventy-six cents not 
 ])ai(i ()\ci' to the Treasury. A\'hether or not this fact will shut the mouth 
 
of complaint and detraction, it shows a decent and unexampled respect 
 for ofticial obligation and accountability not to be found in the financial 
 history of any fornier administration. 
 
 CUSTOMS REVENUE. 
 
 A similar detailed examination and comparison of the revenue from 
 customs, and of the expenses of that branch of the service, will be 
 attended with like results, thus showing the superiority of this admin- 
 istration in all departments of the revenue. The hour Avill not permit 
 a lengthened statement, but I will refer hastily to the subject. 
 
 During the fiscal years 18G7-'0S the receipts from customs were as 
 follows : 
 
 For 1SG7 8170, 417, SlO 88 
 
 For 18GS 164, 404, 51)9 56 
 
 Total for two years 340, 882, 410 44 
 
 During the fiscal years 1870-71 the receipts were as follows: 
 
 For 1870 $194, 538, 374 44 
 
 " 1871 200, 270, 408 05 
 
 showing a net gain in the revenues from customs for the first two 
 years of the present administration over the last two years of the last 
 administration of $59,920,372 05. 
 
 This sum is a little larger than the increase of the debt of New York 
 City by the Tammany administration during the last two years. That 
 increase was but $50,134,139 — a democratic blessing in the guise of debt! 
 
 If it be questioned Avhy my comparison does not embrace the years 
 1808-09 with those of 1870-'71, it is because four months of the fiscal 
 year 1809 are embraced in the collections of this administration. 
 
 But I point you further to the receipts and expenditures of the last 
 administration, from jNfarch 1, 1807, to March 1, 1809, and that of the 
 present administration, from March, 1809, to March 1, 1871. 
 
 This comparison is taken from the official statement of the Secretary 
 of the Treasury, dated April 5, 1871 : 
 
 Total net receipts for two years ending March 1, 1809. .'. . $064, 405, 442 
 Total net receipts for two years ending March 1, 1871 749, 399, 491 
 
 showing an increase of revenue for the first two years of the present 
 administration of $84,994,049, a tolerably handsome saving! 
 
 But to be fully impressed M'ith the force of this comparison you 
 should remember that the rate of taxation had l)een reduced by law 
 during the last two years affecting the gross receipts at least eighty 
 millions of dollars. 
 
10 
 
 The expenditures from March 1, 18G7, to March 1, 1SG9, 
 
 taken from the same official source, were 84-'30, 043, 759 17 
 
 From March 1, 1809, to March 1, 1871 323, 342, 809 9G 
 
 Showing a decrease in favor of the present administra- 
 tion of 12G, 700, 949 21 
 
 When the fact is presented to you that tliis administration, on the 30th 
 July, 1871, during the first two years and five months of its existence, 
 has reduced the public debt the amonnt of $242,128,401, and questi(m is 
 nnide as to how this has been done, under a large reduction in taxation, 
 the answer is ready and satisfactory-. It has been done by strictly enforc- 
 ing the laws and reducing the public expenditures, which, in the first 
 instance, has increased the receipts eighty-five millions, and secondly, 
 has saved to the Treasury one hundred and twenty-six millions, which, 
 faithfully ap[)lied, has been the principal means and source of reducing 
 the great but necessary war debt made to save us as a nation. 
 
 This record is one that you and the republican party and General 
 Grant's administration may be proud of. 
 
 This summary presents conclusive proof of the fidelity of the Presi- 
 dent in carrying out his iH'omises to the people. In his inaugural he 
 said, "It will be my endeavor to execute all laws in good faith, to col- 
 lect all revenues assessed, and have them proi)erly accounted for and 
 economically disbursed. I i\'ill, to the best of my ability, appoint to 
 ofiice those only wlio will carry out this design." 
 
 THE rUBLIC CREDIT. 
 
 The effect of the financial policy of the administration njion the ]iub- 
 lic credit and general financial condition of the country is ecpially as 
 striking and creditable. 
 
 On the 1st of :\larch, 1809, gold was (,uoted at 131 to 1321, and United 
 States five-twenty bonds, of 1802, at 118 to 118i, or about 13 cents be- 
 low the ruling quotations for gold. 
 
 On the 1st of March, 1870, gold was quoted at ll.">'^' and the same 
 class of bonds at 114| to 114i, or one per cent, only below the price of 
 gohl. 
 
 On the 1st of ]\Iarch, 1871, gold was <pioted at 111, and the same 
 bouds at 112.| to 112"J, l)eing tlicn really at a premium of ]| to li,' in 
 gold. And that is substantially the condition of American linance and 
 national securities to-day. 
 
 Our bonds have api>reeiated, and every class of Goveniiiient security 
 is t'ldianced in value in tiie luarUets of the world. This result has only 
 been achieved through a wise and cautious policy. The eyes of Kuro- 
 l>e;iii eajtitalists were tnriu'd hither, subjecting our Tresident and 
 his i)oliey io the most rigid scrntiny. Sceptical as to his ;ibility to 
 
11 
 
 manage such vast interests, and to remler American securities a safe 
 investment, determined at the first sign of taihire to throw back our 
 bonds on the market, the result lias been increased confidence in Ameri- 
 can credit and the purchase of increased quantities of United States 
 bonds, as well as the general advancement of our credit abroad in the 
 same proportion it has appreciated at home. 
 
 This is but a brief summary of republican financial management. 
 
 Contrast it with a specimen of democratic financiering *and see what 
 the people would probably realize from the change which our democratic 
 friends are so anxious to effect. 
 
 DEMOCRATIC FINANCIERING. 
 
 Here, again, I shall draw on the example of Xew York, as practicing 
 the party faith in its most abundant purity. In this elysium of democ- 
 racy, it is understood that systematic aiul magnificent plans have been 
 fostered for securing a national triumph at the next election. It is be- 
 lieved that these plans embrace the raising of large sums of money tliere, 
 which, being expediently used, will enable Tammany Hall to control the 
 democratic nominations and secure the election. That conclusive proof 
 of this corrupt scheme should be so early presented to the people was not 
 expected : and but for the courage and integrity of an able and promi- 
 nent public journalist of Xew York, in exposing the plan, could scarcely 
 have been realized. This scheme contemplates the expenditure by the 
 city officials of large amounts of money ostensibly for work never done, 
 as well as enormous sums for jobs actually" executed. From the amounts 
 thus corruptly disbursed, contractors are to contribute with correspond- 
 ing munificence to the Tammany fund for the purposes of the next presi- 
 dential election. Here is the motive for these enormous and unparalleled 
 frauds, Avithout which it is diflicult to understand how such gross dishon- 
 esty could have been perpetrated. AVith this key, observe the monstrous 
 fact: 
 
 Debt of Xew York City, December 31, 1869 $31, 407, 017 
 
 Debt of Kew York City, April 30, 1871 81, 511, 18G 
 
 Increase of the debt in 28 months 50, 131, 139 
 
 How can this increase be accounted for? For what purpose was this 
 monstrous city exiienditure made? Let us examine the items. 
 For carpenter's work, carijets, and shades in county offices. $5, 6G3, 616 
 For plastering county offices and armories, during eleven 
 
 months 2, 870, 161 
 
 For plumbing and gas-fitting 1, 231, 817 
 
 Paid Ingersoll, Garvey & Miller, one year 8, 321, 955 
 
 This example ought to be sufficient. It illustrates the venality, pec- 
 ulation, and political prostitution which cover the Tammany democ- 
 racy, and render its moral atmosphere and i^resence feculent, obnox- 
 
12 
 
 ions, and infjiinons. Here was paid a larger snm for repairs, carpets, 
 and fnruitnre for connty offices, than the present administration paid, 
 in the same year, for mail transportation thronghout the United States; 
 nearly three times as mnch as the entire diplomatic expenses for two 
 y^ars past ; as mnch as the yearly cost of collecting the cnstoms reve- 
 nne; more than all the miscellaneous expenditures of the Interior 
 Department for either year of the present administration, and more than 
 the entire annual expenses of the Indian Bureau ! Here is a larger 
 snm paid, in eleven months, for plastering than the entire expense of the 
 United States for foreign intercourse during the present administration; 
 and more for plumbing and gas-fitting, in one year, than the expenses 
 attending all the public buildings and grounds in Washington City. 
 There was ])aid more money to three men for such expenditures, in one 
 year, than was paid for the collection of the entire internal revenue of 
 the countr}^ in any year of the present administration ; more tlmn 
 double the expense of the United States courts for two years, and more 
 than 'all the expensesof the Forty-first Congress. 
 
 With such a policy as this transferred to Washington, the democratic 
 
 clamor that the national debt must not be paid off now, would be found 
 
 full of meaning and full of danger. Public credit would fall, and dis- 
 
 . trust of all i)ublic securities be openly avowed. The Government could 
 
 not long survive such mismanagement. 
 
 The people of New York must at once awake to their danger. The 
 present city debt is 880 per cajnta. If their municipal affairs are not 
 improved, their public securities must seriously depreciate, their real 
 estate suffer from the same influence, and that noble city will be given 
 up to the riots, bloodshed, and insecurity instigated by lawless men, 
 and to the pecuniary plunder of the political thieves who are seeking 
 to gain possession. 
 
 KENTUCKY FINANCIERING. 
 
 If it shall be objected that democratic financiering in Xew York does 
 not correctly represent its average ability and integrity, tlien I propose 
 brielly to refer the objector to one other example. Jventucky has 
 never been corrupted by the control or direction of republicans. It has 
 been and is the refuge and asylum of those who, like the Kev. Petroleum 
 y. Nasby, are compi'lled to leave other localities for righteousness sake. 
 I will, therefore, i)resent the condition of financiering in this State as it 
 was recently stated by the republican candidate for governor: 
 
 "The republican part^' charge Die democratic party with Siiuaiidciiug 
 the i)ubli(' money of the State of Kentucky. I desire to say something 
 to you about the State debt. It is a (|nestioii jou are all interested in. 
 I make this statement, and my IVieiid will not disi)ute it. You pay over 
 a million dollars annually for the sujtport of the State goveiinneiit. 
 The slierilfs eollect it, and it is paid into the Stati' treasury. Siiu-e l.S(J7 
 the democialie i»arty has been in power. They have collected this vast 
 
13 
 
 sura of money anuiially and spent it eacli year, and to-day there is not 
 a dollar in the treasury. Not a dollar. They have not only collected a 
 million of dollars annually, but $050,000 from the school fund and spent 
 that, and at the last session of the legislature they passed an act author- 
 izing the governor to borrow $500,000 more out of tlie sinlviiig fund to 
 defray the ordinary expenses of the general assembly. They have col- 
 lected over $4,000,000, and spent every dollar of it ; borrowed $000,000 
 more, and authorized the borrowing of an additional $500,000. I ask 
 my competitor, what have you done with that money ? How have you 
 appropriated it ?" 
 
 LOUISVILLE. 
 
 If this exposition fails to please, I desire to present one more example 
 on this subject. 
 
 The city of Louisville has always been in the hands of the democracy, 
 and their management of the city finances is so ably stated by that 
 careful, able, and reliable gentleman, Edgar Needhani, esq., in a speech 
 recently made in that city, that I deem it best to j^resent a portion of 
 his facts. He says : 
 
 "AMOUNT OF TAXES ASSESSED IN CITY OF LOUISVILLE. 
 
 1802 $373, 557 
 
 1803 454, 590 
 
 1804 407, 318 
 
 1805 509, 559 
 
 1800 807, 288 
 
 1807 998, 438 
 
 1808 1, 007, 172 
 
 1809 1, 081, 177 
 
 1870 1, 380, 013 
 
 " Observe, fellow-citizens, how beautifully j)yog-ressive these figures 
 are. They become ' small by degrees and beautifully less,' only the 
 smallness and the lessness is at the wrong end ; but that doesn't troul)le 
 our democratic speakers a particle, for they have quite as much as they 
 can do to attend to the affairs of the National Government. 
 
 " The State tax for the city of Louisville and county of Jefferson has 
 also increased in about the same ratio. In 1800 the State tax was 
 $123,009 49; in 1809 it had increased to $251,730 00, and in 1870 to 
 $388,208 79. 
 
 "The amount of tax per capita has also largely increased. In 1800 
 the amount of tax (city and State) in Louisville was $8f'jf^ for each in- 
 habitant, but in 1870 the amount had increased to over $17. 
 
 " There are in Louisville about one hundred and twenty-six classes 
 and kinds of business which must pay a license tax ranging from $10 to 
 $500 each. 
 
14 
 
 '« Just as soon as Congress took off a portion of the license taxes the 
 city put them all on again, but a good deal heavier. 
 
 " You can't cut a person's corns in Louisville without paying for the 
 privilege. The Louisville democrats call a corn-cutter a chiro2)odist,aud 
 charge him $10 a year for the use of the name. 
 
 " In this democratic city fortune-tellers and astrologers, who are 
 mostly poor women, must pay a license tax of $200 each, while the 
 wealth}' lawyer is let off with $ LO. The business of the former is said 
 to be immoral, and so the democracy w ill call to their aid the blue laws 
 of Connecticut ; they will suppress what they choose to regard as im- 
 moral tendencies and practices by oppressive taxation. So much for 
 democratic debt and taxation iu the metropolis of the State." 
 
 PUBLIC DEBT. 
 
 Hitherto it has been the policy of the republican party to reduce the 
 public debt as rapidly as the prosperity of the people and the financial 
 interests of the country would ijermit. I believe this to be a wise i^olicy, 
 and hope to see it continued. 
 
 General Grant has wrought to this end, steadily and persistently, with 
 results already shown. It ought to be added that the annual saving of 
 interest on the debt reduced and paid is twelve millions of dollars. This 
 reduction has not been made by the aid of additional taxes, but under 
 a large repeal of taxes. The repeal of eighty millions in February, 1SG9, 
 was again repeated in 1870 by a total reduction of customs and excise, 
 which I now estimate at more than eighty millions. 
 
 If the fidelity, integrity, and economy of the administration enable 
 Congress to make still further reduction in the rate of taxation, and 
 exempt a still larger list of objects, it ought to be done, if it can be with- 
 out impairing the public credit at home and abroad, and without em- 
 barrassing the regular and necessary operations of tlie Government. 
 
 The words of Washington, however, in his last address, on this sub- 
 ject, ought to be remembered and considered : "As a very important 
 source of strength and security, cherish public credit, avoiding the ac- 
 cumulation of debt not only by shunning occasions of expense but by 
 vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debt which unavoid- 
 able wars may have occasioned; not ungenerously throwing upon pos- 
 terity the burden Avhich we ourselves ought to bear. It is essential that 
 you should practically bear in mind that toward the payment of the 
 debt there must be revenue; that to have revenue there must be taxes; 
 that no taxes can be devised which are ]u»t more or less inconvenient 
 and unpleasant ; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable iroui the 
 sehiction of the proi)er objects (which is always a choice of ditliculties) 
 ought to be a dcKjisive nu)tive for a candifl construct ion ot" the conduct 
 of tlu! (joverunu'ut in making it." 
 
 J know there are some good republicans who ha\e serious doubts as 
 to the policy of reducing the debt so ra[)idly during the present genera- 
 
15 
 
 tion. 1 liayc sliown that the reduction already made was from money 
 saved by tlie economy and vigilance of the present administration. 
 Thus far, no one, certainly, ought to object, nor to its continuance on 
 such terms. But if we stop reducing the debt, because, we say, the next 
 generation will be so much more able to pay it, and therefore leave it 
 to them, that generation will, in all probability, be quite as. willing to 
 adopt our example and leave it to their children, and so it may be post- 
 poned from one generation to the next, until, in the end, disasters may 
 overtake the nation before the debt is provided for. Our public credit 
 will thus be seriously impaired, and our prospects of funding the debt 
 at a lower rate of interest utterly overthrown. 
 
 Washington was a far-seeing statesman, almost always correct on 
 great questions of public policy, and it is not yet too late to be guided 
 by his opinions. 
 
 For myself, 1 have to say that I do not desire the too rapid extinguish- 
 ment of the national debt, but I do desire to see its interest promptly 
 l^aid, and its principal steadily and yearly reduced. I am for such tax- 
 ation as will meet these results and the current expenses of the nation. 
 
 Contemidating our vast undeveloped resources, with our present wealth 
 and its natural increasing value, I will venture to predict it an easy task 
 for this nation to preserve its faith and public credit; and that within 
 the next quarter of a century the great public burden, which treason 
 and rebellion forced upon us, will be wholly extinguished. And during 
 all the time the people will be enabled to enjoy such physical comforts 
 and iirosperity as are allotted to no other nation on the globe. 
 
 To this end, and with a due regard for American industry and labor, 
 it is my judgment that the excise and tariff laws ought to be reformed 
 and reenacted in the interests of the people. 
 
 INDIAN POLICY. 
 
 To treat properly the aborigines of this country, who must of neces- 
 sity yield to the advancement and progress of our civilization, has been 
 one of the difficult questions which the Government has had to deal 
 with. Injustice toward the Indian has never been the sentiment or pur- 
 pose of this nation, yet much injustice has been alleged to have been 
 done through the instrumentality of those employed to superintend and 
 provide for the Indian tribes, and to execute such public trusts as were 
 necessarily placed in the hands of agents. 
 
 Quarrels, resulting in war with these savage men, have sometimes 
 been willfully, and often unnecessarily provoked. These quarrels have 
 awakened the natural ferocity and cruelty of the savage character, ren- 
 dering life a warfare on our frontier, and jirovoking the inhabitants to 
 an Indian hostility as implacable as that of the savage's hostility 
 toward us. 
 
 To this may be added the fact that our treaty stipulations have not 
 always been faithfully kept, not for the reason that the Government 
 
16 
 
 failed to provide the uecessaiy supplies, but rather tliat the cupidity, 
 Teuality, aud avarice of agents have frequently prompted the defraud- 
 ing and plundering of these ignorant men. 
 
 The people of this nation have long mourned the existence of this 
 state of Indian affairs, and good men have iirayed, apparently in vain, 
 for the i^roper reuiedj'. 
 
 The Indians, excluding the Alaska tribes, of which little is yet known, 
 over whom the Government now has supervision, number about 288,000 
 souls. They are divided into about 142 different tribes or nations, 
 which are again subdivided into numerous independent branches 
 or bands. 
 
 These are all embraced within seventy-five agencies, under the direc- 
 tion of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, and are located as follows : 
 
 Xortheru superintendency C, 410 
 
 Central superintendency 18, 572 
 
 Southern superintendency 45, 430 
 
 Montana superintendency 19, 335 
 
 Dakota superintendency 27, 921 
 
 New Mexico sui^erintendency '. . . 20, 430 
 
 Colorado superintendencj' 7, 300 
 
 Wyoming superintendency 2, 400 
 
 Utah superintendency 12, 800 
 
 iSTevada superintendency IC, 220 
 
 Idaho superintendency 5, 669 
 
 Oregon superintendency 10, 975 
 
 Arizona superintendency 32, 052 
 
 California superintendency 21, 697 
 
 Washington superintendency 12, 794 
 
 Total 288, 716 
 
 Alaska estimated 75, 000 
 
 There are several other tribes of hostile and unlrieiully Indians com- 
 mon to Xew ]\[exico and Arizona, numbering about 6,000, who have 
 hitherto rel"uscd to have any negotiations with the Government, and 
 between wliom and the settlers there exists a fierce and vindictive hos- 
 tility. 
 
 Looking at this deplorable picture, not sufficiently set forth here to 
 present the whok^ subject, the President, at the very outset of his 
 administration, dt'tcrmincd to try a new Indian ])olioy, which may be, 
 ■with pi upriety, denominated ihc policy of truth, justice, liuoKinity, and 
 jicace. 
 
 Jle at once called together, by authority of Congress, a board of peace 
 (■ommissioiiers, to counsel and assist the Commissioner of Indian Alfairs. 
 ]"'or this board he selected distinguished and philanthropic citizens, who 
 weresctijegated from the partisan strifes of jmlitieal parties. He fur- 
 
17 
 
 tber invited the cooperation of all Christian denominations, and gave to 
 their missionary societies the selection of Indian agents, apitortioning 
 the agencies as eqnally and fairly as possible. 
 
 It is hoped and expected that this i)olic3' will secnre competent and 
 honest agents who desire to promote the pnl)lic welfare, and who will 
 not seek to plunder and defraud the Indian. 
 
 This policy cannot fail to call forth the active cooperation and sym- 
 pathy of Christians, without regard to church or denomination, as well 
 as that of the humane and philanthropic people of the nation, to aid in 
 civilizing, educating, and christianizing these poor, neglected, and be- 
 nighted savages. 
 
 This policy seeks to lift them up and make them better, to turn their 
 eyes, their thoughts, and their hearts toward peace and future happiness 
 and heaven ; to disarm them of their cruel passions and desire for 
 revenge by the power and influence of Him who brought "peace on 
 earth and good will to men." 
 
 The Government has been warranted in this policy, and I trust it will 
 receive from the benevolent and Christian sentiment of the country the 
 further approval and aid so much needed in this work, and which seems 
 to be fairly promised. The benevolent enterprise thus undertaken ought 
 to advance, until the Interior De[)artment may soon be able to announce 
 to the country that all the Indians of the nation have accepted and 
 located on reservations of territory where Christian peoi)le can unite 
 with the Government in promoting their physical and religious educa- 
 tion. 
 
 If I am disappointed in this theory, if this plan proves Utopian merely, 
 I shall nevertheless i^refer to have assisted in the experiment and failed, 
 rather than to have supported the policy of fraud, cruelty, and plunder 
 which has so long been charged against our treatment of these savage 
 men. 
 
 But this new policy has not been a costly experiment. The expend- 
 itures for Indians for the year 1SG9, as appears from official sources, 
 amoiuited to 87, 042, 923 OG 
 
 For the year 1870 3, 407, 938 15 
 
 Showing a decrease, in favor of this administration, of 3, 034, 984 91 
 
 This compares the expenditure of the last tiscal year of the late admin- 
 istration with the first year of the present, remembering that four months 
 of the year 18G9 are embraced in the lirst calendar year of General 
 Grant's adnj in i.st ration. 
 
 While this statement shows a large reduction in expenditures, it does 
 not fully nor clearly represent all the facts. The previous policy em- 
 ployed the Army in a succession of Indian wars, the cost of which being- 
 reckoned by the War Department cannot easily be stated separately 
 from the general expenditures of that Department. 
 
 2s 
 
18 
 
 The Presideut's policy of j^eace has, thus far, saved the Government 
 the costs of war. This accounts for a portion of the great reduction of 
 the present administration in the expenditures of the War Department. 
 The whole extent of this economy is not conveniently shown without a 
 more laborious examination of ofdcial reports than I have been able to 
 make. 
 
 I ought to add here that perfect peace with the wild tribes which 
 refuse to accept of the terras of the Government, and settle upon reser- 
 vations, cannot always be expected. Undoubtedly there are many 
 whose interests lie in future and further conflicts of this sort, manj- who 
 neither expect nor wish to see the policy of peace with the Indians suc- 
 ceed. These combined causes may provoke future wars ; nevertheless, I 
 have an abiding trust that the justice and humanity of this policy, aided 
 by an enlightened Christian sentiment, under the guidance of an overrul- 
 ing Providence, will sustain the Chief Magistrate in this noble reform, 
 sui)porting his uplifted hands and encouraging his spirit till the exper- 
 iment shall be crowned with complete success. 
 
 This subject has been long considered in the mind of the President, 
 and his policy was foreshadowed in the philanthropic and comprehen- 
 sive views briefly expressed in his inaugural address. He says, "The 
 proper treatment of the original occupants of this land, the Indians, is 
 one deserving of careful study. I will ilixor anj- course toward them 
 which tends to their civilization and ultimate citizenship." 
 
 I desire, in conclusion, to say that the results of this policy, after two 
 years of trial, give good ground for hope on the part of its active friends 
 that it will be ultimately successful. 
 
 FOREIGN POLICY. 
 
 Thus far I have been vindicating the domestic poli(;y of the republi- 
 can party and its present head. General Grant, from the broad and un- 
 candid charges of incapacity, inefticieucy, and dishonesty, so unscrupu- 
 lously echoed by the democracy and reechoed by vanquished rebels. 
 No country in the world ever emerged from a war, civil or foreign, hav- 
 ing had such gigantic proportions, and preserved its industry and gen- 
 eral prosperity with such distinguished success. 
 
 No nation emerging IVoiu war ever before cast u])on her rulers such 
 dangerous and diflicult duties to perform. 
 
 Our foreign trade was cut ofl' by the piracy of privateering. Our do- 
 ni('sli(.' trade an<l intercourse, witli the cotton States at least, had i)er- 
 ished. Our credit was seriously threatened l)y the magnilude of our 
 national debt, and tin', currency of the country was at an cuoniious dis- 
 count. 
 
 'J'liis wri'ck was seized l>y llie republican party, and how it has been 
 reconstructed, so far as oui- domestic i)olicy is concerned, I have 
 attempted to sliow : I»ut I eaniiot conclude, with satisfaction to myself, 
 
19 
 
 without alluding to the foreign jiolicy of this administration more in 
 detail. 
 
 Many important questions between oiu'selves and foreign nations were 
 unsettled ; and some of these were full of diffieulty, if not of danger. 
 But, in addition to all this, our relations with Great Britain were most 
 critical and alarming. 
 
 Public sentiment, with great unanimity, held Great Britain respon- 
 sible for the loss of our commerce by the assistance she and her people 
 had given to the rebel government in the work of privateering. 
 
 We also believed, and with apparent cause, that from the commence- 
 ment of our internecine strife, a large portion of that nation, at leasts 
 had sympathized with those who were endeavoring to destroy us. 
 
 As a people we were " nursing our wrath," and were resolved to retal- 
 iate upon our rival enemy upon the first favorable opportunity. 
 
 An unsatisfactory adjustment of these difficulties had been attempted 
 during the last days and amid the exi^iring embers, as it were, of the 
 last administration, the results of which were so distasteful that they 
 were at once repudiated by President Grant, by tlie Senate, and b}' the 
 people. 
 
 This first resolute announcement by the President of the attitude of 
 this Government toward England was, I think, the cause of our subse- 
 (piently successful negotiations. 
 
 There was no threatening, no blustering, but an expression of deter- 
 mination to insist upon our rights. This, also, came from one known to 
 have fixed purposes and a fearless character. Here we paused, and 
 Great Britain reflected, and reflection led to advancements by England, 
 ending, finally, in a treaty which, I think, is one of the noblest achieve- 
 ments of diplomacy that has ever been accomplished by this Gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 A review of the foreignpolicy of this administration reveals a success 
 equally marked and encouraging as that of its domestic policy ; and I 
 desire to invite your attention more particularly to this subject, inas- 
 much as it is but little known among the people what has been accom- 
 plished in that field. It might be sufficient to say in regard to it, in 
 general terms, that it had been in every way successful; that peaceful 
 relations had been established where they did not before exist, and had 
 been maintained and strengthened with all the nations ; but I deem the 
 achievements of our foreign policy in the interests of liberty, peace, and 
 free government so important as to justify a more detailed notice. 
 
 STATE DEPARTMENT. 
 
 In this branch of the service the President has been most ably sec- 
 onded by the calm, dignified, and intelligent statesman who presides 
 over the Department of State, and to whose admirable tact and exten- 
 sive knowledge the country is so largely indebted for the success of 
 
20 
 
 that DepartmeDt. Seldom liave the foreigu relations of the country 
 been so abl}^ and never so successfully managed. The business arrange- 
 ment of the Dei^artment has been thoroughly reformed, and the large 
 arrearages of the precedhig administration have been brought up to 
 date. Ten years of copying and indexing have been completed 
 in the last two years, and the office proper is now a model of order and 
 neatness. 
 
 When the present administration began, among the numerous lega- 
 cies which the i)receding administration had handed down were several 
 unsettled differences with foreign nations, some of which were trouble- 
 some, and even alarming, giving good ground for serious apprehension 
 that they could only be settled by war. 
 
 FOREIGN INTERCOURSE. 
 
 The difficulties with England, which were of long standing, had 
 become so complicated by other questions which our civil war had ori- 
 ginated as to almost preclude any hope of a peccable adjustment. We 
 were also in trouble with Spain over questions arising out of the dis- 
 turbed condition of Cuban aftairs; while the 
 
 FRANCO-GERMAN WAR 
 
 had so interrupted the quiet of the European continent as to demand 
 the utmost delicacy of management to avoid hostile complications with 
 one or tlie other of tlie contending powers. 
 
 That war has fortunately been terminated without any other nation- 
 alities being implicated. Throughout its continuance the American 
 name and the character of our Government have received additional 
 credit and renown through the courage, ability, and liberality of our 
 distinguished representative at the French court. Probably no other 
 representative of our Government abroad was ever before (tailed ui)on 
 to fulfill so difficult a mission, and certainly no man could lune guarded 
 his trust and maintained the rights of his countrymcii more satisfac- 
 torily than did 
 
 :\rR. "WAsiinuiiNE. 
 
 During the entire war, and amid all its fearful ravages, the American 
 flag lloated as the signal of i)n)tecti()n and safety to our i)eoi)lc there; 
 and the fierce passions of the conteiuling forces never led them beyond 
 that degree of resj)ect for the American legation which we are e(|ually 
 ready t(» a(M;or<l to or demand I'rom all i)eoples. Tiie representatives of 
 some fifteen other nations left their posts, through fears of personal vio- 
 lence, in the Fren(!h capital. They all seem to have recognized the 
 fa(;t that under no <'ircumstances M'ould the Anu'rican minister leave 
 liis i>lace, and they turned o\er the business and etfects of their several 
 l)Iaces to him, w ho dieerliillv accepted every res])onsil)ility and cabnly 
 
21 
 
 awaited the return of peace. With tlie details of Lis self-sacrificing 
 labors the country is familiar. It is enough here to say that it was all 
 and more than could have been demanded or expected of any one in 
 his situation. 
 
 SPAIN, 
 
 With Spain our troubles grew out of the seizure of American vessels 
 and injuries to American citizens; troubles which generally lead to most 
 serious results. The decided stand taken by our Government in regard 
 to these occurrences, and the demand for prompt reparation, resulted in 
 the speedy release of the captured citizens and property, and the organ- 
 ization of a commission to adjust claims for indemnity, through which 
 we will eventually be fully reimbursed for all the losses our citizens 
 have sustained. 
 
 W'hile thus demanding justice from the Spanish government, the 
 President was equally determined to award the same to it, and stead- 
 fastly resisted a growing public sentiment which demanded the recogni- 
 tion of the Cuban insurgents, and the eventual acquisition of Cuba to 
 our domain. 
 
 CHINA AND JAPAN. 
 
 With China and Japan we have preserved peaceful relations, while 
 other nations have had serious troubles with them. The latter nation, 
 following the example of the former, has invited one of our citizens to 
 reside in their country and teach them the arts of Christian civilization, 
 through which our wonderful progress has been achieved. As the 
 lamented Burlingame would have led forth the hoary pagan peo])les 
 in the marvelous light of the new day, so may the people of Japan be 
 taught all of good there is in our political system, and realize therefrom 
 all the blessings which we enjoy. 
 
 ITALY. 
 
 With the new Italy we have concluded a treaty, in which we suc- 
 ceeded in having incorporated the principle that, during war between 
 that luition and our own, the property of the private citizen of either 
 country, not contraband of war, shall be exempt from seizure or cap- 
 ture on the high seas, or elsewhere, by the naval or military forces of 
 the other. This principle, when generally recognized, as it must be 
 before many years, will terminate all privateering or licensed piracy 
 during war, and is a long stride in civilization. It is a doctrine most 
 strenuously contended for by Dr. Franklin, and, through his efforts, 
 incorporated into the treaty of 1785, but never since recognized be- 
 tween any other governments until now. 
 
 W^ith England and Austria, two of the great powers, we have con- 
 cluded naturalization treaties, whereby the naturalized American citizen 
 
22 
 
 is protected by his citizenship wherever he may sojouru. lu former 
 years this principle was contended for by us with both those coun- 
 tries, but never before has it been conceded by them. 
 
 But the crowning act of the administration, and one which will live 
 in history when the former military achievements of its chief actor will 
 have become dimmed by time, is 
 
 THE TREATY OF WASHIIJ^GTON 
 
 between our Government and that of Great Britain. When Milton 
 wrote — 
 
 " Peace hath her victories 
 No less renowned than war," 
 
 he must have had in mind just such splendid victories as this. The 
 conchision and ratification of this treaty oti'er a subject for the most 
 hearty cougratulations of our people, and of all civilized nations the 
 world over. ■ Tbe accomplishment of so important an object has added 
 another laurel to the brow of the modest hero who presides over the 
 Government, and marks him the wise statesman who before was known 
 to the world only as a skilful soldier. 
 
 General Grant's quiet but determined resistance to the former pro- 
 posed settlement of the Alabama difliculty, known as the Johnson 
 Clarendon Treaty ; his immovable opposition to any settlement which 
 did not involve the acknowledgment by Great Britain of the great out- 
 rage she had i)ermitted against us by the escape of the Alabama; his 
 calm forbearance under the bluster of England, and of the many impa- 
 tient and hot-blooded politicians in this country who would have pre- 
 cipitated a war ; his patient waiting for the sober second thought of 
 both countries, which resulted, as he had all along confidently predicted, 
 in a full recognition of tlie justice of our demands — these are some of 
 the evidences of true statesmanship which cannot be controverted. 
 His sagacious intellect and strong common sense cut through all the 
 ingenious sophistry of political diplomatists, and his entire belief in the 
 ultimate .justice of the result of public dis(;ussion enal)led him to await 
 (piictly and patiently, tuitil criticism had exhausted itself, and the 
 people should see the question as he had been able to see it from the 
 beginning. 
 
 lie saw, furthermore^ that the settlement of all our troubles with 
 Great Britain would destroy a lingeiing hope of the rebels, who, so long- 
 as there were any unsettled diflerences between the two countries, saw 
 in the prospect of a war their opportunity to renew their rebellion with 
 greater cham-es of success. 
 
 When Great Britain, in ]\Iarch, lS(;t>, offered the Johnson-Clarendon 
 Treaty as her ultimatum on the Alabama question, and darkly inti- 
 mated a dread alternative, she found lunself confronted by a new i)hase 
 ol\iVmericaii statesmanship, in the person of our then just inaugurated 
 President, who (piielly told hei- that luttliiiig short of a full confession 
 of wrong ill Hie preface to a settlenuMit would he accepted by this 
 
23 
 
 Governmeut; but that we were ready to meet ber, cbeerfuUy aud 
 promptly, whenever she came in a proper spirit. In this, as in every- 
 thing else. General Grant did not multiply words; his yea was yea^ aud 
 bis nay, nay ; nor could diplomacy or bluster, at home or from abroad, 
 move him from his i)ositiou. He whose equanimity was undisturbed amid 
 the thunders of Vicksburg and the horrors of the Wilderness was not 
 likely to be intimidated by words ; and Great Britain recognized the fact 
 in her own good time, by volunteering the admission that she had 
 u-ronged us during our struggle, aud that she regretted it. 
 
 This is au admission which, I am informed, was never before made by 
 the English government. It was rightfully made, and is highly credit- 
 able to that powerful nation; and when made, it opened the door at 
 once to friendly negotiations. It disarmed us of much proper ground 
 of complaint, and led to a happy and peaceful solution of all compli- 
 cations. 
 
 It should long be remembered in America, as I presume it will be in 
 Great Britain. 
 
 The Treaty of Washington settled in the most satisfactory manner 
 five questions of difference between the two countries, any one of which 
 was a sufficient cause of war, as such questions are generally viewed 
 by nations, aud it secured from Great Britain the full and frank admis- 
 sion of the correctness of our position regarding the whole Alabama 
 question, which must result in the adoption of the American theory 
 among all civilized nations iu the future. 
 
 The five questions brought before the commissioners were : 
 1st. The Alabama claims. 
 2d. The fisheries. 
 
 3d. The San Juan boundary and the island of San Juan. 
 4th. The claims of British subjects against the Uuited States growing 
 out of damages to them during our war. 
 5th. The navigation of the St. Lawrence River. 
 
 In addition to these, the treaty also embraced the settlement of liberal 
 terms of reciprocity between the United States and Canada, which can- 
 not but prove advantageous to both. 
 
 The Anglo-Saxon race — two nations of which have so long and so suc- 
 cessfully maintained and widened the forms of constitutional govern- 
 ment — has just cause for ijride in the great advance which has been 
 made in the satisfactory adjustment of long-standing and bitter differ- 
 ences, in a spirit of candor and justice. It is the advance from the bar- 
 barous code dueUo to a new and civilized code, soon to be everywhere 
 recognized, wherein neither party demands anything that is not reason- 
 able, and both are ready to yield every point which ought not to be 
 denied. 
 
 The most encouraging evidence of the exact justice and propriety of 
 the treaty is the cordial approval which it has received from the most 
 intelligent and liberal men of both imtions, and the hostility to it of the 
 
24 
 
 reactionary element in each. Grave democratic Senators, ever consist- 
 ent in their sympathy with the rebellion, and with all the eagerness 
 with which they hailed the firing upon Sumter and the escape of the 
 Alabama, opposed the ratification of the treaty here, while their worthy 
 coadjutors on the other side did the same thing in the British Parlia- 
 ""pmentx/ 
 
 Butthe great party of liberty, of justice, and of humanity initiated 
 the treaty here, and our overtures were promptly met and aided bj' the 
 efforts of such men as Briglit and Thomas Hughes and Goldwin Smith, 
 and others of our stanchest friends, who subsequently acquiesced in 
 the settlement. 
 
 This treaty constitutes an additional, and the strongest bond of 
 symiDathy between the two nations, which, if we are true to our own 
 interests, will never be disturbed. It is a tie which the disloyal factions 
 of both countries will seek in vain to divide. It forms an era in civil- 
 ization, and if the plan of settlement can be generally introduced among 
 nations, it would seem to render war in future unnecessary. 
 
 I deem it a subject of the warmest congratulation with all republicans 
 that the party which so successfully protected the Union and the liber- 
 ties of the people against the fierce onslaught of aristrocracy and slavery 
 has, in this last signal achievement, lifted the settlement of national 
 differences out of the reach of the barbarous code of arms into a peace- 
 ful atmosphere of arbitration, where all adjustments are made under 
 the dictates of a wise and generous statesmanship, and that he who led 
 our conquering armies in the last settlement under the o'.d code is 
 endowed with a patriotism and sagacity which has enabled him to suc- 
 cessfully conduct the first adjustment under the new, and to trium])hin 
 the latter no less renowned victory of peace. 
 
 SAN DOMINGO. 
 
 This imperfect review of the foreign policy and acts of the adminis- 
 tration would be incomplete were it not made to include the San 
 Domingo (juestion, concerning which so much has been said and written 
 abusive of the administration. Every effort seems to have been made 
 to induce the belief that the scheme for the annexation of the Domini- 
 can part of the island of Hayti, or the acquisition of the bay and i)en- 
 insula of Samana, originated with General (Irant, and that he had used 
 undue nn^ans to elfect those objects. A greater blunder has not been 
 committed, and I wish to show the exact process by which the question 
 was Inonght to its ])resent status. 
 
 it is matter of history that, a§ long ago as 1845, during the adminis- 
 tration of Mr. Tyler, an agent was sent to Uayti to examine the bay of 
 Samana and the adjacent i)ortion of the island, with a view to obtain a 
 foothold there for a naval station. 
 
 Again, during the administration of Mr. Tolk, in 18t0, Lieutenant D. 
 D. I'orter (now Admiial) examined the island for the same purpose, 
 
25 
 
 and made a favorable report. Also, diuiiio- the administratioii of Mr. 
 Pierce, Captain George B. McClellaii made a simihu- survey for the same 
 purpose, and returned a favorable report. 
 
 At this time, and for some years following-, the representatives of 
 Spain, Great Britain, and France opposed the acquisition by us of any 
 rights in the island, tlireatening the people there witli the direst punish- 
 ment if they did not at once forego any such negotiations. 
 
 It was of the utmost importance to Spain to obtain exclusive control 
 of the territory of San Domingo, with the bay and peninsula, as it 
 ^vould give her the absolute control of the entrance to the Caribbean 
 Sea, with all the immense political and military advantages which 
 would result therefrom. But she was compelled to abandon her efforts. 
 In August, 1805, a provisional government was formed, and in the same 
 year uegotiations were resumed with the United States. In January, 
 1867, the Assistant Secretary of State was sent out as a special agent, 
 attended by Eear- Admiral Porter, and invested with ample power to 
 conclude a convention— subject to ratification by the Senate— for ces- 
 sion or lease of the bay and peninsula of Samana, provided it should be 
 found to otter the advantages which were sought. 
 
 Owing- to a prohibition in the Dominican constitution, that g-n-ern- 
 ment could not consent to an absolute sale of territory, but olfered a 
 lease, upon the details of which the parties failed to agree. President ' 
 Johnson, unwilling to relinquish the project, directed, our commercial 
 agent there to accept the terms for a lease which had been rejected by 
 the former agent. No progress being made by the agent for some 
 months, his instructions were revoked. Later in the same year (1807) 
 it was announced that the two powers in the island had entered into a 
 treaty not to alienate any portion of their territory. This was subse- 
 quently found to be an error, but it had the ettect to put a sto[) to our 
 negotiations for a time. Again, however, in November, 1807, the 
 Dominican government sought to renew the negotiations, and they were 
 pending in March, 1808, at the time of the downfall of Cabral and the 
 restoration of Baez. 
 
 This termination of our negotiations g-ave rise to great solicitude on 
 the part of some of our leading men— the disting-uished Massachusetts 
 Senator among- them— lest some European power should obtain posses- 
 sion of the bay, the great importance of which was then conceded by all 
 men Avho had studied the subject. 
 
 In December, 1808, the government of Baez opened negotiations with 
 us for the annexation of the ishmd, and the entire unanimity of the 
 people was assured. This was the situation of the San Domingo (jues- 
 tiou when General Grant was inaugurated. In June, 180!), he appointed 
 Mr. Hunt, of IMiihulelphia, a gentleman thoroughly accjuainted in llayti, 
 to visit the island and make a report upon its resources and the condi- 
 tion of its population. Mr. Hunt accepted the ajjpointment, but was 
 prevented from sailing by a se\ ere attack of illness, and Cieneral Bab- 
 3 s 
 
26 
 
 coclv, of the Army, was appointed in his stead. Under tlie instrnctious 
 given him the latter concluded a treaty for the annexation of the San 
 Domingo territory, and, as an alternative, a convention for the lease of 
 the bay and peninsula of Samana. 
 
 The terms of the treaty requirerl a ratification by the citizens of that 
 country, which was given Avith great unanimity. 
 
 This treaty, it will be remembered, did not receive the ratification of 
 the Senate, and the convention for the lease of the bay and peninsula of 
 Samana is still pending. 
 
 On the 12th of January, 1871, under the authority of a joint resolution 
 of Congress, the President appointed a commission to visit the island of 
 Hayti and make a report of its condition, resources, &c. The selection 
 of this commission was such as to fully satisfy the entire community, 
 and their report more than corroborated everything- the President had 
 said relative to that country. It was elaborate, thorough, and able, 
 setting forth in minute detail everything of interest or importance in 
 relation to the island and its people. 
 
 They said, '-All classes, in all parts ot the republic, were consulted — 
 magistrates and ecclesiastics of every grade, officials, civil and military, 
 citizens of all professions and occupations, in town and country — and 
 everywhere there was a general agreement in the declaration that their 
 - only hope of pernianent peace and prosperity is in annexation to and 
 becoming- part of the people of the United States. They generally de- 
 clare their belief that the strong arm of this republic, taking tliem under 
 protection as part of the nation, would at once end the effjrts and hopes 
 of every seditious revolutionary leader, and establish law, order, and 
 prosi)eiity." 
 
 "In reviewing the whole field of their investigations, looking to the 
 interests of both divisions of the ishind, they are firmly persuaded that 
 the annexation of Santo Domingo to the United States would be hardly 
 less beneficial to the Haytian than to the Dominican people. This ben- 
 efit would arise, first, from the example which would doubtless be 
 afforded of a well-regulated, orderly, and prosperous State ; the great 
 need of that part of the world, and which it has, as yet, never seen. 
 A second, and more direct benefit, would arise from the equitable estab- 
 lishment of a boundary line between the French-speaking and the Span- 
 ish-speaking nations upon that island, and its guarantee by a strong 
 power. This would end the exhausting border warfare which has been 
 one of the greatest ciirses of Ilayti as well as Santo Domingo, and 
 would enable both to devote their energies thenceforward to the cduea- 
 tion of their i)eople and the development of their re^sonrces." 
 
 At this i)oint the subject having passed beyond the coidrol of the 
 President, he transmit tecl the entire (luestion to the Senate, using, in 
 his message, the following hinguage: 
 
 "And now mv task is finished, and with it ends all i)ersoiial solici- 
 
27 
 
 tude upon tlie subject. ]\rydiity being- done, yours begins; and! gladly 
 band over the whole matter to the judgment of the American ])eople, 
 and of their Representatives in Congress assembled. The facts will 
 now be spread before the country, and a decision rendered by that tri- 
 bunal whose convictions so seldom err, and against whose wiil 1 have no 
 policy to enforce." 
 * ******** * 
 
 " In view of the difference of opinion upon this subject, I suggest that 
 no action be taken ai the present session beyond the printing and gen- 
 eral dissemination of the report." 
 
 This is a brief summary of the history of the question, derived from 
 tlie otlicial records of the State Department, and contains facts not 
 generally known to the public. With a full knowledge of all these facts, 
 it must be conceded that the President pushed to a successful issue a 
 jjroject which had engaged the attention of our Executives for years, 
 and the importance of which had been recognized and conceded by the 
 leading men of all i^arties in the country. 
 
 Here the President left the entire matter, transmitting it, w ith all the 
 information he had acquired on the subject, lor the consideration of the 
 l^eople of the country and for the action of the Senate, after having 
 given it a more thorough and candid investigation than it had received 
 from au}^ of his predecessors. During the entire investigation he acted 
 so evidently with an eye single to the advancement of the public interests, 
 and when he had completed his share of the Mork remitted it to the 
 Senate and the country in such a commendable spirit of self abnegation 
 as to utterly disarm all hostile criticism, and compel the approval of the 
 country relative to his management of the entire subject. 
 
 Here it rests for the further consideration of the i)eople and awaiting 
 a final disposition, for, it Mill be remembered, the President declared 
 in his inaugural, "I shall, on all subjects, have a policy to recommend, 
 but none to enforce against the will of the peoi)le." 
 
 Throughout all the dijdomatic negotiations of ourGovernment and upon 
 every important question of dili'ereuce between ours and other nations, 
 the President has been the intelligent, active, moving power, directing 
 the policy, and in many cases advising the details with a comi)rehensive 
 grasp of intellect and a wide range of information upon all the diverse 
 questions which are necessarily involved in such duties ; wliich was a 
 constant source of snri)rise and admiration to those who Avere in his 
 counsels, and often elicited the highest expressions of con)mendation 
 from the representatives of foreign i^owers, who were cognizant of his 
 acts. It was the remark of many of the latter persons that our President 
 seemed able to accon)plisli in the quietest possible manner, and without 
 appearing to do anytliing whatever, what they often failed to etVect in 
 their diplomatic intercourse, save with the utmost exercise oi" their 
 national influence. 
 
28 
 
 EEPUBLICAN DUTY. 
 
 Kepublicans, you ninst never snrreuder ! 
 
 Yon cannot noAV afford to band over tliis Government, witli all its 
 great interests of public credit, official integrity, constitutional lidelity, 
 foreign intercourse, peace witli the Indians, and tbe security of tbe 
 emaucipated race, to the profligate control of Tammany politicians, tbe 
 merciless brutality of tbe Ku-Klux Klan, and tbe rebellious and treasona- 
 ble intent of the followers of Jefferson Davis. Your own security, tbe 
 prosperity of your children, the voice of Christian civilization, and 
 beyond all, your own conscience inspired by the principle of eternal 
 truth, all combine to warn you against such surrender. 
 
 The republican party has not fulfilled its great inission, nor finally 
 executed the great trust which was committed to its hands. It has 
 l^reserved the American Constitution and rebuilt the American fabric, 
 and it demands fijou should give itj tmit it shall have further time to 
 perfect the whole, and secure it, henceforth, from revolution. It is a 
 work that calls forth the spirit and patriotism of the republican partj^ 
 
 It is not for the j^oorly requited task of administration, nor the com- 
 mon ])rivilege of holding office and directing public disbursements that 
 republicans lal)or. Higher and nobler moti^'es inspire them than these. 
 The glory of the nation is at stake. The credit of the nation is iin- 
 periled. The physical prosperity of thp people is directly involved in 
 this demand. The protection of the enuincii)ated race, now secured by 
 the Constitution, is jeopardized by the lawless violence which pervades 
 the South, and demands the continuance of republican rule. 
 
 All-important considerations gather together and demand that you 
 neither sleep upon guard nor surrender to the foe. You will realize this, 
 and continue active and vigilant. Advance your picket defenses close 
 upon tbe enemj , and invade his lines whenever streugth or strategy 
 shall warrant success. So you shall conquer again, and hold for your- 
 selves the country and the public trust which treason and rebellion cast 
 upon you. You can then look proudly back to what your valor has 
 accomi)lished, and look forward with hope to the progress of civilization, 
 the happiness of future posterity, and the present glory of the nation. 
 
 '!2 
 
LIBRARY OF 
 
 CONGRESS 
 
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