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William Churchill Houston 
 
 1 
 
 J 746-1 788 
 
 "QROFESSOR OF MATHEMATICS AND NATURAL 
 ^ PHILOSOPHY AT THE PRINCETON COLLEGE, 
 CAPTAIN OF INFANTRY IN THE WAR OF THE 
 REVOLUTION, DEPUTY SECRETARY OF THE CON- 
 TINENTAL CONGRESS, MEMBER OF THE LEGISLA- 
 TURE OF NEW JERSEY, AND ALSO OF THE CONTI- 
 NENTAL CONGRESS, AND A DELEGATE TO THE 
 CONVENTION WHICH FRAMED THE CONSTITUTION 
 OF THE UNITED STATES. HE WAS ALSO CLERK OF 
 THE SUPREME COURT OF NEW JERSEY, AND AN 
 EMINENT LAWYER. 
 
 By THOMAS ALLEN GLENN 
 
 [PRIVATELY PRINTED] 
 NORRISTOWN, PA., MDGCCGIII 
 

 VAT, C- . 04- o u->©C«'>^- 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 In the following pages an attempt has been made 
 to preserve the memory of one of those men, who, by 
 their untiring and unselfish efforts, made the Independ- 
 ence of our country possible, and who crowned their 
 labors by bestowing upon it a constitution which has 
 always been acknowledged by the most eminent states- 
 men of every land to be the most perfect and splendid 
 one ever devised. 
 
 It is to be deeply regretted that the story of 
 the life of William Churchill Houston must be told 
 from a very few remaining records and letters. 
 What has been gathered, indeed, is the result of 
 years of labor by his descendant and namesake, Wil- 
 liam Churchill Houston, Esq., of Philadelphia. If. 
 however, the meagre data here presented will assist in 
 preserving the memory of an ardent and untiring pa- 
 triot, who, like Washington, refused to despair when 
 the clouds were darkest and when confronted by difii- 
 culties which appeared to many unsurmountable, and 
 will bring additional light to bear, from sources of in- 
 formation now unknown, not only upon his career, but 
 also upon those of his compatriots, the purposes of this 
 work will be accomplished. The thanks of the author 
 are due to Hon. Garret D. V. Vroom, and Foster C. 
 Griffith, of Trenton, N. J., for valuable assistance in 
 the compilation of this work. 
 
 Thomas Allen Glenn. 
 WynneTvood, Pa. 
 
BOYHOOD AND COLLEGE DAYS. 
 
 William Churchill Houston, the son of Archibald 
 and Margaret Houston, was born about the year 1746. 
 There is no reason for doubting the definite statement 
 that the exact place of his birth was in the "Sumter 
 District," in South Carolina. Here, on Bull creek, 
 his kinsman, Dr. William Houston, the friend and 
 partner of Henry AlcCulloch. the land speculator, 
 and a man of considerable prominence and influence in 
 both of the Carolinas, owned a large plantation. 
 
 His father. Archibald Houston, however, appears 
 among the first settlers in the county of Anson, subse- 
 <^|uently Mecklenburg, North Carolina, and it was in 
 this locality, celebrated as the place from whence that 
 very remarkable document, the JMecklenburg Declara- 
 tion of Independence, emanated,* that William 
 Churchill Houston passed his youth, and here, also, 
 under the austere tutelasfe of those earlv Scotch and 
 
 *Tije author of the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence 
 was Ephraim Brevard, M. D., Houston's class-mate at Princeton. 
 
 Captain Jack, who had married William Churchill Houston's 
 sister. Margaret, was the messenger who carried this Declaration 
 io the Congress. Hunter, in his "Sketches of Western North 
 Carolina." says: 
 
 "At the Convention of Delegates in Charlotte on the 19th and 
 20th of May, 177.5. Captain James Jack was one of the deeply inter- 
 ested spectators, and shared in the patriotic feelings of that ever 
 memorable occasion. He was then about forty-three years of age 
 — brave, energetic and ready to engage in any duty having for its 
 object the welfare and independence of his country. After the 
 passage of the patriotic resolutions, elsewhere given in this vol- 
 ume, constituting the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, 
 Captain Jack, for his well-known energy, bravery and determina- 
 tion of character, was selected to be the bearer of them to Con- 
 gress, then in se.=sion in Philadelphia." 
 
Scotch-Irish, who raised their rude school-houses upon 
 the extreme margin of the frontier, he received that 
 earher training which so well prepared him for the 
 career that in after life he elected to follow. 
 
 The family from which these Houstons sprang 
 was of Scotch ancestry and bore a name long dis- 
 tinguished in the annals of the Lowland of that coun- 
 try for learning, patriotism and valor, and, like a ma- 
 jority of their fellow countrymen, its members were 
 stern and uncompromising adherents of the Presbyte- 
 rian Church. 
 
 Archibald, the father of William Churchill Houston, 
 first appears upon the records of North Carolina in 
 1753, in which year he received a patent of land 
 within the county of Anson, and he afterwards, in 
 1764, patented five hundred additional acres, then in 
 the bounds of Mecklenburg, and acquired other lands 
 adjacent. He was a planter of importance and wealth, 
 superior in education and intelligence to many of his 
 neighbors, and he survived his distinguished son, dy- 
 ing in the county of Cabarras, which had been formed 
 out of Mecklenburg, which, in turn, had been erected 
 out of Anson, in the year 1805, at a very advanced age. 
 
 A wilder land than that in which William 
 Churchill Houston was born cannot well be pictured. 
 In South Carolina, the Indians at that time were both 
 numerous and dangerous. The English, as yet, had 
 effected but little foothold beyond scattered settle- 
 ments along the coast, and those more adventurous 
 planters who had forced their way inland were still 
 struggling desperately with impenetrable forests, im- 
 passable swamps and hostile natives. 
 
To the westward, where afterwards were smiling 
 farms, lay the hunting ground of the savage Chero- 
 kee, at certain seasons of the year a di'eary waste of 
 water and underwood, and further westward still lay 
 a trackless primeval forest through which, genera- 
 tions before, De Soto had chopped his way to glory 
 and death. At the time of Houston's boyhood the 
 Cherokee Nation and neighboring tribes were fre- 
 quently at war with the settlers and always with each 
 other. Here Cherokee, Creek and Choctaw murdered 
 one another with fiendish ingenuity and unfailing reg- 
 ularity. 
 
 James Adair, an adventurous hunter and trader, 
 thus describes a journey which he made through this 
 country in 1747. In his journal under that year he 
 writes : 
 
 "Many of the broad, deep creeks that were almost 
 dry when I went down, had now far overflowed their 
 l)anks, ran a rapid rate, and were impassable to any 
 but desperate people. When I got within forty miles 
 of the Chickasaw, the rivers and swamps were dreadful, 
 by rafts of timber driving down the former, and the 
 great fallen trees floating in the latter, for near a mile 
 in length. Being forced to wade deep through cane- 
 swamps or woody thickets, it proved very troublesome 
 to keep my fire-arms dry, on which, as a second means, 
 my life depended ; for, by the rewards of the French, 
 some enemies were aKvays rambling about in search 
 of us. 
 
 "On the eastern side of one of the rivers, in taking 
 a sweep early in a wet morning, in quest of my horses, 
 I discovered smoke on a small piece of rising ground 
 in a swam]), pretty near the edge ; I moved nearer, 
 from tree to tree, till I discovered them to be Choc- 
 taws creeping over the fire. I withdrew without be- 
 ing discovered, and apprehended no danger, as at the 
 
worst I could have immediately inswamped and se- 
 cured a retreat with my trusty fire-arms and taken 
 through the river and the broad swamp, which then 
 resembled a mixed ocean of wood and water. I soon 
 observed the tracks of my horses, found them and set 
 off. At the distance of a hundred yards from the river 
 there was a large and deep lagoon, in the form of a 
 semi-circle. As soon as I swam this and got on the 
 bank, I drank a good draug-ht of rum ; in the middle of 
 the river I was forced to throw away one of my belt 
 pistols and a long French scalping-knife I had found 
 where the Choctaws killed two of our traders. When 
 I got on the opposite shore I renewed my draught, 
 ptit my fire-arms in order, and set up the war-whoop> 
 
 "I had often the like scenes till I got to the Chicka- 
 saw country, which was also all afloat. The people 
 had been saying a little before I got home, that, should 
 I chance to be on the path, it would be near fifty days 
 before I could pass the neighboring deep swamps. 
 
 "As I had the misfortunte to lose my tomahawk, 
 and wet all the punk in my shot pouch, by swimming 
 the waters, I could not strike fire for the space of three 
 days, and it rained extremely hard during that time.'' 
 
 Adair gives other interesting accounts of similar 
 adventures during succeeding years. 
 
 That part of North Carolina, Anson county, into 
 which Archibald Houston removed, was, in some re- 
 spects, wilder than the Sumter District, where he had 
 first settled. It is true that there were few swamps, 
 but the land was much more rugged and rocky, the 
 danger from the Indians as great, and this region also 
 abounded in all kinds of wild creatures. A.lways the 
 panther, wildcat, wolf and bear might be found without 
 seeking, and the deadly rattlesnake basked in numbers 
 on each stony hill. Deei were abundant, and on pas- 
 
5 
 
 tures not far distant might be heard at times the thun- 
 der of galloping herds of buffalo. 
 
 We must suppose, therefore, that young Houston 
 was equally expert with the rifle as with the axe, for 
 these accomplishments went hand in hand in the edu- 
 cation of the frontier lad of that day. The family of 
 the pioneer, indeed, depended equally upon both for 
 food, shelter, and often for life. 
 
 But amid these wild surroundings the Scotch set- 
 tler was careful that his children should have as nearly 
 as possible the same advantages of education that he 
 himself had enjoyed. 
 
 As William Churchill Houston was appointed a 
 teacher in the Princeton Grammar School immediately 
 upon his matriculation at the College of New Jersey, 
 it is evident that he must already have acquired a clas- 
 sical education of no mean order, and also have been 
 well schooled in mathematics and in English literature. 
 
 It cannot, indeed, be questioned that the facilities 
 for rudimentary education in North Carolina were, in 
 the days of Houston's boyhood, equal, if not superior, 
 to those existing in any other of the colonies at that 
 time. 
 
 "This," says an authority, "was due entirely to 
 the influence of the Scotch and Scotch-Irish immigra- 
 tion. 
 
 "From the arrival of these immigrants dates the 
 impulse for the establishment of schools throughout the 
 State. It is to the Presbyterian Church that North 
 Carolina owes the establishment of her first classical 
 schools, and during the second half of the eighteenth 
 century the history of education in this state is insep- 
 
arably connected with that of this denomination. Rev. 
 erend Dr. Rumple, in writing of this period, says: 
 'And so the Presbyterian Church of this age has re- 
 garded it as indispensable to her welfare to maintain 
 schools where her sons should learn to read the Latin 
 tongue, the language of Western Christianity, and the 
 Greek, in which the New Testament was written, as 
 well as the mathematics and the liberal sciences — the 
 'Trivium' and the 'Ouadrivium.' 
 
 "About 1745 the New York and Pennsylvania 
 Synods of the Presbyterian Church began to send mis- 
 sionaries to North Carolina. Numerous churches 
 were established, and in every instance a school was 
 planted by the church." 
 
 "Almost invariably," says Foote, "as soon as a 
 neighborhood was settled, preparations were made for 
 the preaching of the Gospel by a regular stated pastor, 
 and wherever a pastor was located, in that congrega- 
 tion there was a classical school — as in Sugar Creek, 
 Poplar Tent,* Centre," and other places. 
 
 It was in one of these primitive, but well equipped 
 schools, either at Sugar Creek or Poplar Tent, but 
 probalily the latter, as nearest to his home, that Wil 
 liam Churchill Houston commenced his studies. 
 
 ♦William S. Harrie, in his "Historical Sketch of Poplar Tent 
 Church," writes: 
 
 "Hezekiah J. Raich, Benjamin Patton, Robert Harris. Zac- 
 cheus Wilson, John Phifer, and David Rees, ministers, elders and 
 members of ihis church, were signers of the Declaration of In- 
 dependence at Charlotte, May 20th, 1775. (Mecklenburg Declara- 
 tion of Independence.) William Churchill Houeton^ of New Jer- 
 sey, was a native here to the manor born — educated in part in 
 the log-cabin academy of Poplar Tent. He graduated at Prince- 
 ton in 1768 — was elected professor of mathematics and natural 
 philoeophy in that renowned institution in 1771, resigned in 1783. 
 He devoted himself to the profession of law and illustrated a 
 Eplendid career as a lawyer and etateeman in his adopted state." 
 
"In North Carolina, as in several other States," 
 says Charles Lee Smith, "the higher education owes 
 its first impulses to the Presbyterian Church and 
 Princeton College." 
 
 Presbyterian missionaries, graduates of Princeton, 
 sent to this State in the first half of the eighteenth cen- 
 tury by the Pennsylvania and New York Synods, 
 gathered the scattered families of their faith into 
 churches, and by the side of the church was planted a 
 classical school. For more than half a century Prince- 
 ton influence was predominant in North Carolina. 
 Many of the leading divines, teachers, and politicians 
 were alumni of that institution." 
 
 One of the first of Princeton's sons to make a 
 home for himself amid the roughness and perils of a 
 newly settled part of North Carolina was the Reverend 
 Hugh McAden, of the class of 1753, a native of Penn- 
 sylvania, who came as a missionary in 1755, and was 
 one of the first organizers of the Presbyterian church 
 in the Southern States. 
 
 Following him came Alexander Martin, a native 
 of New Jersey, who became Governor of the state, 
 Reverend Alexander McWhorter, class of 1757, 
 Samuel Spencer, class of 1759, a native of North Caro- 
 lina, Joseph Alexander, class of 1760, Reverend John 
 Close, class of 1763, Waightstill Avery, class of 1766, 
 a native of Connecticut, afterwards first Attorney Gen- 
 eral of the state, and many others. 
 
 Of these it was probably Joseph Alexander who 
 directed Houston to Princeton, and there can be no 
 doubt that he personally prepared him to enter that 
 college. 
 
8 
 
 Alexander was born near Charlotte, in what is 
 now Cabarras county, within a short distance from 
 Houston's home, and graduated from Princeton in 
 the class of 1760. He immediately returned to his 
 native state and began teaching at Charlotte. In 1766 
 he opened a large classical school at Sugar Creek, call- 
 ed Alexander's Academy. 
 
 A near neighbor of the Houston family and a 
 man popular as a teacher in that locality, he was in- 
 strumental in shaping young Houston's career and 
 was, perhaps, the first to remark his extraordinary 
 predilection for study. It was, indeed, Joseph Alex- 
 ander who prepared for Princeton Houston's class- 
 mate Thomas Rees, and these boys had been raised 
 upon adjacent plantations. 
 
 There are several traditions which have been 
 handed down to us regarding the commencement of 
 Houston's course at college, and the reason for his 
 separation, at this early age, from home ties. 
 
 One of these, which has been often printed, states 
 that his father was a Quaker, and, not approving of 
 higher education, but finding his son determined to 
 become a professional man, presented him with a horse 
 and fifty pounds in money and sent him from home to 
 seek his fortune, thus practically disinheriting him. 
 We know, of course, that Archibald Houston was not 
 a member of the Society of Friends, nor was that So- 
 ciety opposed to education, but, on the contrary, en- 
 couraged it in every possible way. A horse and 
 money, however, were absolutely necessary for a jour- 
 ney to Princeton, and so this part of the story seems 
 probable enough, and is, moreover, interesting as indi- 
 
eating what it cost in those days to send a boy to col- 
 lege. 
 
 There is no reason, however, to think that young 
 Houston and his father were not on the most friendly 
 terms. We must, therefore, suppose that the project 
 was much talked over and finally decided upon, 
 the necessary money given hiin and a horse provided 
 
 And so he journeyed. With a stout horse under 
 him he rode straight northward through the forest, 
 leaving farther and farther behind him, at every stride 
 of the brute he bestrode, the home, scenes and friends 
 of his boyhood days — and he had bidden these fare- 
 well forever. His father's house, the clearings in 
 which as a child he had played, and where later as a 
 lad he had toiled, the live stock which he had helped 
 to raise — ^the colts, the oxen, the sheep, and the sheep- 
 dogs — all of these he was never again to see. 
 
 Before him stretched for hundreds of weary miles 
 an almost unbroken wilderness, dotted only occasional- 
 ly by the rude cabins and half-cleared plantations ot 
 those thrifty countrymen of his, the hardy Scotch and 
 Scotch-Irish pioneers. Beyond these miles the river 
 of the mighty Powhatan — the James — rolled in sol- 
 emn grandeur to the sea, and after that another stretch 
 of country, more civilized, but as yet thinly settled, 
 and then, at last, across the sands and pines of New 
 Jersey, lay Princeton. Nor was the path without 
 grave dangers. Indians in the pay of the French still 
 penetrated the settlements, and lawless men, half 
 traders and wholly thieves and murderers, abounded 
 everywhere. To accept shelter for a night at an out- 
 lying cabin might be courting certain death, and the 
 
lO 
 
 alternative was to sleep in the open and take chances 
 with prowling Indians and wild beasts. 
 
 Had Houston kept a journal of this trip and had 
 set down an account of his feelings on leaving home, as 
 well as the incidents of travel, it would now, doubt- 
 less, be interesting reading. Knowing the man, how- 
 ever, as we do — knowing his unflinching determination 
 and strong self-reliant courage, it cannot be imagined 
 for one single moment that either thoughts of home 
 or friends caused him to swerve one inch from the way 
 he had taken, or lay one hesitating and detaining hand 
 upon his horse's bridle-rein. 
 
 He came, indeed, from a race accustomed for cen- 
 turies to hew its own way — and often that way led far 
 from a home — a people, who, when they once set 
 about a task did it with all their might — a people whose 
 ambitions were never satisfied and to whom each suc- 
 cess in life meant but a stepping-stone to something 
 higher — each failure a lesson well learned and not for- 
 gotten — a people who would cheerfully sufifer and 
 starve for years — if suffering and starving would ulti- 
 mately assist to attain their most cherished wish. They 
 feared God in their own peculiar way, it is true, but 
 they feared nothing else on earth, with the stubborn 
 characteristics of the race from whence he sprang, 
 Houston rode straight onward to the success that 
 awaited him — the success that awaits all who take the 
 trouble to achieve it. 
 
 The recommendations which he carried to Presi- 
 dent Finley, doubtless from Joseph Alexander, must 
 have been exceptionally strong, and, moreover, fully 
 justified by an examination, for he was at once ap- 
 
IX 
 
 pointed a teacher in the Grammar School, and the mo- 
 ney which he received for this work must have mate- 
 rially assisted him in the continuance of his studies, 
 and in addition to this enabled him to lay the founda- 
 tion for the position of Professor of Mathematics and 
 Natural Philosophy in the college which, as we shall 
 see, was tendered to him upon the completion of his 
 course. 
 
 At Princeton, Houston was confronted with con- 
 ditions which were new, and, because of his early sur- 
 roundings and the freedom of frontier life, must have 
 been at first very disagreeable and irksome to him. 
 The unconstrained and comparatively easy career of a 
 student, as we know it now, was then a thing unheard 
 of, and the most rigorous discipline was supposed al- 
 w^ays to be observed. In addition to this, menial servi- 
 tude from the lower to the higher class-men was com- 
 pulsory. "In those days," writes one of Princeton's 
 sons, "college life was a little more stately than this 
 irreverent age would be inclined to favor. It must 
 have been a goodly sight to see the President, tutors 
 and students, all seated together in the wide dining 
 room, clad in the scholastic gown, and arranged ac- 
 cording to rank and seniority. They lived very sub- 
 stantially on 'almost all the variety of fish and flesh 
 the country here affords, and sometimes pyes.' At 
 dinner they drank small beer or cider; and supper 
 milk or chocolate. Young gentlemen who chose to 
 indulge in that luxury were occasionally permitted to 
 make 'a dish of tea' in their apartments. At five 
 o'clock in the morning a large horn was blown in the 
 entry, which, as a Freshman of the day sadly remarks, 
 
12 
 
 sounded like the last trumpet. This blast summoned 
 the students to morning prayers. The students were 
 not allowed to leave their rooms without permission 
 except for half an hour after morning prayers or reci- 
 tations, an hour and a half after dinner, and from even 
 prayers until seven o'clock." Is it little wonder that 
 many of the graduates of this time died before their 
 prime, or at least those who attempted to keep such 
 rules. Athletic sports, of course, were not only un- 
 known, but any physical exercise appears to have been 
 frowned upon. The playing of games of hazard, of 
 course, was a matter for especial oversight. A college 
 rule of old Nassau Hall reads : 
 
 "None of the students shall play at cards, or dice, 
 or any other unlawful game, upon the penalty of a fine 
 not exceeding five shillings for the first offence ; for 
 the second offence, public admonition ; for the third 
 offence, expulsion. No jumping, hallowing, or bois- 
 terous noise shall be suffered in the college (meaning 
 also the college grounds and campus) at any time, or 
 walking in the gallery in the time of study. No mem- 
 ber of college shall wear his hat in the college at any 
 time, or appear in the dining room at meal time, or in 
 the hall at any public meeting or knowingly in the 
 presence of the superiority of the college, without an 
 upper garment, and having shoes and stockings tight. 
 Every scholar shall rise up and make obeisance when 
 the President goes in or out of the hall, or enters the 
 pulpit on days of religious worship. 
 
 "Every Freshman sent on an errand shall go and 
 do it faithfully, and make quick return. Every scholar 
 in college shall keep his hat off about ten rods from the 
 President, and five rods to the Tutors." 
 
 Nice rules like these, however, have rarely been 
 kept in any college, or by any boys, since the days of 
 
13 
 
 Athens to the present time, and so it was at old Nassau 
 Hall. Traditions come down to us from the hazy 
 mists of those good old times, of doings in the town 
 the very relation of which should make the old Presi- 
 dents turn over in their graves were it not for the 
 fact that they themselves seem to have been given con- 
 siderably to conviviality, if not exactly on the sly at least 
 without the knowledge and consent of their pupils. 
 Witness a bill rendered to the trustees of the college, 
 for thirty-seven dinners, twenty-three bottles of wine, 
 eight of porter, six of beer, three double bowls of 
 punch extra brewed, and three bowls of toddy. 
 
 But, as we observed, the students had their own 
 times. Washington Irving and Paulding have left us 
 the "Lay of the Scottish Fiddle," in which is pictured 
 an old time scene in Princeton town, at the Nassau 
 Hotel, kept by mine host, Jolne, "as arrant a tavern's 
 keeper as any in Christendom." 
 
 The course of instruction at Princeton at that time 
 is thus outlined by Dr. Finley, then President of the 
 College. He writes : 
 
 "As to the branches of literature taught here, 
 they are same with those which are made parts of edu- 
 cation in the European colleges, save only such as 
 may be occasioned by the infancy of this institution. 
 The students are divided into four distinct classes, 
 which are called the Freshmen, the Sophomore, the 
 Junior, and the Senior. In each of these they continue 
 one year, giving and receiving in their turns those 
 tokens of respect and subjection which belong to their 
 standings, in order to preserve a due subordination. 
 The Freshman year is spent in Latin and Greek Ian- 
 
u 
 
 guages, particularly in reading Horace, Cicero's Ora- 
 tions, the Greek Testament, Lucian's Dialogues, and 
 Xenophon's Cyropedia. 
 
 "In the Sophomore year they still prosecute the 
 study of the languages, particularly Homer, Longinus, 
 etc., and enter upon the study of sciences, geography, 
 rhetoric, logic, and the mathematics. They continue 
 their mathematical studies throughout the junior year, 
 and also pass through a course of natural and moral 
 philosophy, metaphysics, cronology, etc.; and the 
 greater number, especially such as are educating for 
 the service of the church, are initiated into the He- 
 brew. The Senior year is entirely employed in re- 
 views and compositions. They now revise the most 
 improving parts of Latin and Greek classics, part of 
 the Hebrew Bible, and all the arts and sciences. The 
 weekly course of disputation is continued, which was 
 also carried on through the preceding year. They 
 discuss two or three theses a week, some in the syllo- 
 gistic and others in the foretisic manner, alternately, 
 the forensic being always performed in the English 
 tongue." There were also public disputations on Sun- 
 days on theological questions, and once in every month 
 the Seniors delivered original orations before a public 
 audience, and, with the members of the lower classes, 
 were required to declaim from time to time, in public, 
 at the suggestion of the professors. 
 
 Houston has left us no personal narration of his 
 college life. We know, however, that he continued as 
 a teacher in the Grammar School until 1768, in which 
 year, being president of his class, he graduated with 
 the highest honors and was appointed Senior tutor in 
 
15 
 
 the College. A handsome silver medal, presented to 
 him by the Faculty upon this occasion, is still in 
 the possession of one of his descendants. 
 
 His course at the college had been such that he 
 won both esteem and admiration of both the authori- 
 ties and his classmates,* and which he continued to re 
 tain until the end of his life. 
 
 •■"These were: Robert Blackwell, Ephraim Brevard, Elias Van 
 Bunschooten, Samuel Culbertson, Pierpont Edwards, Adlal Os- 
 born, Thomas Rees, D. D., Michael Sebring, Thomas Smith, Isaac 
 Story, Alexander Hill, Hugh Sim, most of whom were afterwards 
 difetinguished in public and private life, and some of whom ac- 
 quired reputations which have become national. 
 
A PROFESSOR AT PRINCETON AND CAP- 
 TAIN IN WASHINGTON'S ARMY. 
 
 The coming to Princeton of John Witherspoon, in 
 the year 1768, was an event which must have exercised 
 an enormous influence over Houston's career, and, m 
 fact, absolutely shaped it, at least from a political stand- 
 point. Houston had but just graduated with high 
 honors, and was occupying the position of Senior 
 Tutor, when the great descendant of John Knox suc- 
 ceeded Finley as President of the College of New Jer- 
 .sey. 
 
 "Although," savs Tyler. "John Witherspoon did 
 not come to America until after he had himself 
 passed the middle line of human life, yet so quickly 
 did he then enter into the sjnrit of American society, 
 so perfectly did he identify himself with its nobler 
 moods of discontent and aspiration, so powerfully did 
 he contribute by speech and act to the right develop- 
 ment of this new nation out of the cluster of dispersed 
 and dependent communities, that it would be altogether 
 futile to attempt to frame a just account of the great 
 intellectual movements of our Revolution without tak- 
 ing some note of the part played in it by this eloquent, 
 wise, and efficient Scotsman — at once teacher, 
 preacher, politician, law-maker, and philosopher. 
 
 Immediately upon his arrival at Princeton we find 
 Witherspoon addressing himself to increase the influ- 
 ence of the College in every department. 
 
 He "brought about an enlargement of the cur- 
 
17 
 
 riculum by the introduction of new courses, particu- 
 larly in Hebrew and French and mathematics; and 
 through his own brilliant example as a lecturer on 
 eloquence, history, philosophy and divinity, he en- 
 couraged methods of instruction far more manly, vital 
 and stimulating than those previously in vogue there." 
 
 In this work he had not only the sympathy, but 
 the active co-operation of Houston, of whom thus 
 early he entertained a high opinion. Thrown into al- 
 most hourly intercourse with a man who immediately 
 became active in the highest sphere of American poli- 
 tics of that day, it is not remarkable that Houston 
 should have elected to follow in his footsteps and in 
 the footsteps of his associates; and, possessing many 
 of the same attributes of birth, education, temperament 
 and ability as his preceptor, have reached a plane, if 
 at least not so high, still as active and as useful in 
 many ways to the Revolutionary cause as Witherspoon 
 himself. 
 
 It was in the spring of 1776 that Witherspoon 
 commenced his political career by taking his seat a-^ 
 a member of the convention for framing the first Con- 
 stitution for New Jersey, and, on the 21st of June, was 
 sent to the Continental Congress, in which body he 
 took his place in time to afiSx his name to the Declara- 
 tion of Independence, which he also voted for. He 
 remained in Congress until succeeded by Houston. 
 
 "At the commencement of 1771," writes MacLean, 
 "there were but twelve graduates; but of these sev- 
 eral attained great eminence, and one of them, James 
 Madison, became the fourth President of the United 
 States." 
 
i8 
 
 The most important measure adopted by the 
 Board at this time was the establishing of the Profes- 
 sorship of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy, and 
 the appointment of Mr. Houston, the Senior Tutor, as 
 the encumbent. The minute relating to this subject 
 is as follows : 
 
 "Pursuant to a plan heretofore concerted for the 
 establishment of learning in this College, as soon as 
 funds should be found to admit of their support, the 
 Trustees resumed the consideration of that measure; 
 and conceiving it to be expedient that a Mathematical 
 Professor, as most immediately requisite, be now 
 chosen in the place of one of the Tutors, proceeded to 
 the election of a Professor of Mathematics and Natural 
 Philosophy, when William Churchill Houston, M. A., 
 now Senior Tutor in the College, was declared to be 
 unanimously elected to that office. It was then re- 
 solved that for the present the salary of the said Mr. 
 Houston, as Professor of Mathematics and Natural 
 Philosophy, be the sum of one hundred and twenty-five 
 pounds proc, and that the Board will hereafter provide 
 for him better support, as their funds will admit and 
 the future situation of the said Professor shall reason- 
 ably require, as it is intended by the Board that the said 
 Professorship shall be permanent in this college for the 
 future." 
 
 This election took place September 25th, 1771. 
 Houston immediately accepted the appointment and 
 conditions. 
 
 Two days after this the Trustees of the College 
 gave an elegant dinner, presumably in Houston's 
 honor. The bill for this banquet, which we have al- 
 
19 
 
 ready referred to, yet remains in the Payne-Henry col- 
 lection in the Princeton library, and reads as follows : 
 
 The Trustees of New Jersey College. Dr. 
 To Wm. Hick. 
 
 1771. Sept. 27. L. S. D. 
 
 To 37 dinners 4 12 6 
 
 To 23 bottles of wine at 5s 5 15 
 
 To 8 bottles porter 16 
 
 To 6 bottles of beer 9 
 
 To 3 double bowls of punch 9 
 
 To 3 double bowls of toddy 6 
 
 To tea for 13 gentlemen 13 
 
 13 6 6 
 
 Below this ft is approved and receipted in these 
 words : 
 
 "The above amount I believe to be juet. 
 
 John Wltherepoon. 
 
 Princeton, 12 Dec. 1771, received of Mr. Seargent the above 
 eum of thirteen pounds and sixpence money, by me, William 
 Hick. 
 
 The breaking out of the Revolution saw Houston 
 still a Professor of Mathematics at Princeton. What 
 part he took in the years leading up to the struggle 
 for Independence, or how far he was influenced by the 
 opinions of his friend and associate Witherspoon, we 
 have no means of knowing, but when volunteers were 
 called for he was among the first to take the field. 
 
 In the minutes of the Council of Safety of New 
 Jersey, under the date of Wednesday, February 28th, 
 we find the following entry : 
 
 "Agreeable to Certificate. 
 
 "Ordered, that the following persons be otficeiTS of a company 
 in the Second Regiment of foot militia in the county of Somerset, 
 under the command of Abraham Quick, Esq., Colonel, viz: Wil- 
 liam Churchill Houston, Captain; Aaron Longstreet, First Lieu- 
 tenant; Zebulon Barton, Second Lieutenant, and James Stockton, 
 Ensign." 
 
 From the use of the words "agreeable to certifi- 
 cate" it would certainly appear that the officers named 
 
20 
 
 had been chosen some time before and were now 
 commanding the company. 
 
 Captain Houston served until the following Au- 
 gust, when he tendered his resignation. The Min- 
 utes of the Council, under date of August 17th, 1776, 
 thus refer to the subject : 
 
 "A letter was received from William Churchill Houeton, cap- 
 tain of a company in the Second Battalion of foot in the county 
 of Somerset, setting forth, that, from his connection with the 
 college in the absence of Dr. Withe.rspoon, and other considera- 
 tions, he cannot pay the due attention to his company, and beg- 
 ging leave to resign hie commission. 
 
 "Ordered, that his resignation be accepted." 
 
 Unfortunately, no complete record of the services 
 of this company commanded by Captain Houston, or 
 of the regiment of which it formed a part, remains. 
 
 The following, taken principally from Stryker's 
 Officers and Men of New Jersey in the Revolution, and 
 from the History of Hunterdon and Somerset Coun- 
 ties, throws, however, some light on the subject. 
 
 At various times during the war New Jersey, by 
 reason of its being continually exposed to the incur- 
 sions of the British and the ravages of the refugees and 
 Indians, found it necessary to embody, as occasion re- 
 quired, a certain quota of volunteers from the militia 
 of the difTerent counties. These men were held liable 
 for duty when needed, not only in this, but in other 
 states. In February, 1776, the Committee of Safety 
 of New York called upon the Provincial Congress for 
 a detachment of militia to assist in arresting Tories in 
 Queens county, Long Island, Staten Island, New- 
 York. Of the several hundred men ordered out for 
 that purpose, Somerset county furnished one hundred 
 (about three companies). Another detachment was 
 
21 
 
 ordered out February 15, 1776, to proceed to New 
 York. 
 
 On June 3d, 1776, the Continental Congress called 
 for thirteen thousand eight hundred militia, the quota 
 of New Jersey being three thousand three hundred. 
 Hunterdon county and Somerset furnished one of the 
 five battalions required in the proportion of five com- 
 panies from the last named county (Somerset). 
 
 On July 1 6th, 1776, Congress requested the Con- 
 vention of New Jersey to supply with militia the places 
 of two thousand men of General Washington's army 
 who had been ordered into New Jersey to form the 
 flying camp. Somerset provided two companies of 
 this call. 
 
 Whether or not the companies of Colonel Quick's 
 command were included for the duties above specified, 
 has not been definitely determined, but it is presumed 
 that they were, and the statement made by Captain 
 Houston that his company needed more attention 
 than he could afford to give it in the absence of Dr. 
 Witherspoon from the College, would seem to show 
 that it had been in active service during some of the 
 above campaigns, and was likely to be soon again 
 called into the field. 
 
 The most interesting, as well as the most import- 
 ant part of Houston's military experience, was, how- 
 ever, during the Trenton and Princeton campaign. 
 
 We have seen that Captain Houston resigned his 
 commission August 17th, 1776. Within a very few 
 weeks after this date all work at the College was 
 abandoned, and the students, upon the approach of the 
 British army, scattered in all directions. Dr. Wither- 
 
22 
 
 Spoon, who had returned temporarily, and Houston 
 were the last of the faculty to remain. It appears that 
 Houston must have been immediately recommissioned 
 a captain, for we find him, on November, 1776, again 
 in a command of a militia company, in which several 
 of the students were enlisted. 
 
 One of these, w^hose name, unfortunately, is, at 
 present, unknown to us, kept a journal of the campaign 
 under Captain Houston, which is here given at length : 
 
 A CAMPAIGN JOURNAL, 
 
 From November 29, J 776, to May 6, 1777. 
 
 On the 29th of November, 1776, New Jersey Col- 
 lege, long the peaceful seat of science and haunt of the 
 Muses, was visited with the melanclioly tidings of the 
 approach of the enemy. 
 
 This alarmed our fears and gave us reason to be- 
 lieve we must soon bid adieu to our peaceful Depart- 
 ments and break off in the midst of our delightful 
 studies ; nor were we long held in suspense. Our worthy 
 President deeply affected at this solemn scene, en- 
 tered the hall where the students were collected, and in 
 a very affecting manner informed us of the improba- 
 bility of continuing there longer in peace ; and after giv- 
 ing us several suitable instructions and much good ad- 
 vice very affectionately bade us farewell. Solemnity 
 and distress appeared almost in every countenance. 
 Several students that had come five and six hundred 
 miles, and just got settled in College, were now obliged 
 under every disadvantage to return with their effects 
 or leave them behind, which several, through the im- 
 possibility of getting a carriage at so confused a time, 
 were obliged to do, and lost their all. As all hopes of 
 continuing longer in peace at Nassau were now taker 
 away, I began to look out for some place where I might 
 
23 
 
 pursue my stdies, and as Mr. J. Johnson had spoken to 
 me to teach his son, I accordingly went there and 
 agreed to stay with him till spring. Next day I sent 
 my Trunk and Desk to his house and settled all my 
 business at College. On Sunday evening Gen. Wash- 
 ington retreated from Brunswick. I then went to 
 Johnson's, and having now no hopes of remaining there 
 was preparing to send my things farther out of the 
 way, but we had not been long talking, before the 
 press men came for Mr. Johnson's wagon and horses, 
 and with much difficulty we put them ol^ for this time ; 
 soon after they came again, when we had but little 
 hopes of keeping the wagon and horses ; but knowing 
 unless we got off our things while we had our wagons, 
 they must necessarily fall into the Enemy's hands, 1 
 took the opportunity while the press men were debat- 
 ing with Mr. Johnson, and took the wagons out of th.^ 
 stable and went ofi with them into the woods, and 
 though they ran after me, they neither found me nor 
 the horses. After they were gone we packed up our 
 things, I carried them by hand to the woods where we 
 had concealed the wagons. Near Daybreak we got 
 all the things ready to move, and drove to Amwell, 
 where we arrived a little before sundown. December 
 3d I returned to John Drake's, where Mr. Johnson 
 waited my return. The same day we rode to Prince- 
 ton, and finding that part of our men made a stand 
 there I returned to Drake's, hoping the Enemy would 
 not advance farther than Brunswick. As I was un- 
 Avell at this time, I staid at Drake's till Friday, 6th, then 
 rode with Mr. Johnson to his house, staid all night ; 
 next day, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, the Enemy 
 came on towards Princeton, and had got as far as 
 Kingston when we set off to Drake's house. In an 
 hour and ^ after we left the house the Enemy were 
 paraded before the door. Next day we went to Am- 
 well and put up at Jacobus Johnson's. I continued 
 here a week and was treated exceedingly kind. Wed- 
 
24 
 
 nesday, December i8th, I went over the River to join 
 Longstreet's Company, found the Company and came 
 back to the River with them the next Day, thougli I had 
 not joined. The sun set just as we marched from the 
 River after crossing, I marched with them till some time 
 after, then took the road to Johnson's, missed my way 
 some miles, got home next day about ten in the morn- 
 ing. Next day I went to near Princeton within half 
 a mile of the Enemy, got a Gun and Accoutrements. 
 As it was bad traveling I sprained my ankle this day. 
 
 Next day, Sunday, I came back to Amwell, intend- 
 ing on Monday to go over the River. But as the Am- 
 well militia were at this time coming back over the 
 River, I, through persuasion, staid and enlisted in the 
 Amwell Battalion. December 24th, Went off immedi- 
 ately with the scouting party, Capt. Houston's. Took 
 our Lodgings in the neighborhood. My ankle was 
 very painful and the bottoms of my feet blistered so 
 as some times while walking to make me cry out. I 
 went to bed after midnight, and before I was up nexr 
 morning a large body of the Enemy from Princeton 
 was in the neighborhood and by the house where I 
 lay asleep ; but did not stop at it. As we sat down to 
 breakfast, tidings of the Enemy came, they were plun- 
 dering a neighboring house; eleven of us, as there 
 were no more of our body near, went immediately after 
 Ihem, but when we came to the house they had just 
 gone. We then went to our main body and followed 
 them to John Hunt's, from whence they had been gone 
 ^ an hour. In their march they took some of our men 
 prisoners. We then came back to Parker's. It was 
 a severe, stormy day, and I was very wet and lame, 
 and having orders where to meet next day, I came 
 through the storm to Jacobus Johnson's,' where I 
 staid that night and felt better in the morning, and set 
 off to meet the Company. Went to the old Meeting 
 house, from whence most of the Battalions had just 
 gone in Sleds. My ankle now grew very painful, stil! 
 
25 
 
 I followed on two miles, and from there rode in a sleigh, 
 six mile s to the Battalion. In the afternoon we 
 marched lo miles around about road to the River. 
 That night I lodged with part of the Company at Mr. 
 Oakham's ; but my ankle was so swelled and painful 1 
 could not march with them in the morning, and staid 
 till I recruited. Being recovered, I set on Wednesday 
 morning to look for the Battalion. Came that 
 evening to Benjamin Johnson's, where part of the 
 Company staid all nig'ht. Next morning, we marched 
 to Penny Town, drew Rations and marched some miles 
 further towards Trenton, and took Lodgings that 
 night. Set out early next morning, towards Trenton, 
 till sun ^ an hour high, when we heard the Engage- 
 ment begin towards Princeton ; we then immediately 
 marched back to Penny Town waiting some time for 
 Intelligence. Made two or three movements and lay 
 in wait sometime in the woods, for the Enemy; but 
 they, having got intelligence of us by some Tory, re- 
 turned another road, and so escaped us, we then came 
 to Levy Hart's, took Lodgings, and cooked provisions. 
 I laid about 3 hours with my blankets on cords. At 3 
 o'clock, set out for Penny Town, after a round-about 
 march we came to the field where the Battle was 
 fought. Had a most dismal prospect of a number of 
 pale mangled corpses, lying in the mud and blood. I 
 felt gloomy at the awful scene. Returned in a rough, 
 tedious march tO' Hopewell. Such unpleasant march- 
 ing occasioned my ankle to swell again and grow pain - 
 ful. I, this night staid at Thomas Drake's. Next day 
 went with the Company to Penny Town to take some 
 hides, &c., from Cochran's. Came back to Hopewell 
 that night, next day to Hart's. In the evening set ofif 
 again with a party to Penny Town, I was pilot to lead 
 them the nighest way through the woods, got in about 
 bed time. I lodged this night at Mrs. Hamilton's, the 
 rest of the Batallion came in next day. We were here 
 employed to take care of the Stores taken from the 
 
26 
 
 Enemy. I was appointed to take care of a Lieut. 
 wounded in the late action, tended him till Friday 
 night, when he died. The night we received orders to 
 march to join Gen. Washington. Most of this Battal- 
 lion went off early next morning. I was appointed 
 Lieut, (protempore) to take some prisoners to Tren- 
 ton. Had orders to press 2 waggons and horse to 
 ride. Set off with 4 men for my Guard. Took 10 
 regulars, 2 Hessians, and two Tories, delivered them 
 to Major Vance at Trenton. Returned the same night 
 towards Amwell with my Guards and horse next day 
 (Sunday) came to Jacobus Johnson's, staid all night, 
 came next day to Flemingtown where the Company 
 had orders to meet. Lodged at John Hevilon's. 
 Next day in the afternoon we marched from Fleming- 
 town to Reddingtown ; but here we met with an Ex- 
 press from G. W. ordering us to go towards Bound- 
 brook along Raritan, and took our lodgings about Di- 
 ken's Mills. Next morning marched on to the place 
 appointed. Our Company took Lodging at Mr. Sam- 
 uel Queman's on Thursday, Jan. 16. Here we con- 
 tinued until Saturday, i8th ; we were then obliged 
 to move our Quarters to give place to the Light horse 
 and took our Quarters at Mr. Van Nostrand's. Staid 
 here in peace till Monday morning, we then received an 
 Alarm and were ordered to march to Boundbrook, 
 we arrived there between 11 and 12, then hearing thai 
 the Enemy was plundering at Millstone, we immedi- 
 ately marched for that place, being joined by a consid- 
 erable body at Boundbrook, we marched on till we 
 passed Raritan Bridge, hearing several Cannon fired, 
 while on the way. After crossing the Bridge, the Bat- 
 tallion I was in was taken off for the left wing, I cross- 
 ed Millstone, some distance below the Bridge, wading 
 through the water, more than knee deep. We imme- 
 diately marched towards the road, and fired upon the 
 Baggage Guard, who were retreated that way. They 
 immediately left horses, wagons and plunder, and re- 
 tired with the greatest precipitation. The main body 
 
2^ 
 
 of the Enemy lay just over south of the Bridge. Be- 
 fore we crossed the River below, our main Body began 
 the Attack at the Bridge with one Field piece and made 
 the Enemy give way. They continued their fire upon 
 the Enemy some time. Our wing, after driving the 
 Baggage Guard, pursued on and flanked the Enemy. 
 After a short engagement, finding ourselves greatly 
 overpowered with numbers, we received General Or- 
 ders to retreat, having had i man killed and 2 wounded, 
 and we had taken 2 of the Enemy prisoners. We then 
 retreated back to the River, lest our retreat should be 
 cut ofif. But finding the Enemy did not pursue, we 
 rallied again, with as many of our men as we could col- 
 lect, and marched on towards the Enemy the second 
 time ; but when we came in sight of them, they got 
 possession of an eminence in the end of a clear Field, 
 with one or more Field pieces and poured down their 
 Grape shot upon us briskly. Then finding it in vain 
 to attack them with our little Body under so great a 
 disadvantage, we immediately retreated back and most 
 of our men went over the River up into a clear field, 
 to where our main Body had by this time collected. 
 They all formed again, and came round over the 
 Bridge, to take off the plunder. While the main Body 
 were there forming and coming round, 6 of us that 
 remained, thinking our main Body was quite gone off, 
 set to taking off the Baggage wagons by hand, down 
 to the River. We had got off 2 with a great number 
 of Bags, Chains, &c., and were going back for the 3d 
 when our main body came up, and soon took off the re- 
 mainder. We then all came off with our plunder, to 
 Head Quarters. In this Engagement I could learn 
 of but 3 men killed, besides wounded and prisoners. 
 Though the Enemy had laid their scheme well to get 
 a great quantity of plunder, yet fortunate for us, they 
 were sadly disappointed. They sent 400 men in the 
 morning to Boundbrook, to decoy our army from 
 their other party who were plundering at Millstone, 
 that they might have time to get off their plunder, Af- 
 
38 
 
 ter showing themselves a short time at Bound brook, 
 they went off, but where I have not heard. 
 
 Our army got so timely to Millstone that by what 
 I can learn we got ^ of the Enemy's wagons, and 
 plunder ; we took several of their English wagons, and 
 others, likewise a great number of new Sacks of wheat, 
 flour, meat, Horses, Cattle, sheep. Hay and several 
 other Articles, which we found scattered every way 
 along the streets and through the Vi'oods, where they 
 had thrown them away, in their haste. Some of the^r 
 horses, in the fright, run their wagons against trees, 
 broke through their gears and got off. Tuesday, next 
 morning about lo o'clock, we were again alarmed and 
 our men marched towards Boundbrook, and after each 
 party had exchanged a few Cannon shot, went off. 
 Our men all came home without receiving the least 
 damage ; but we heard afterwards that one of our Can- 
 non shot killed four of the enemy. Another party of 
 the Enemy that day took a considerable quantity of 
 plunder from near Millstone. The remainder of this 
 week, we lay undisturbed in our quarters. Sunday, 
 Jan. 26th, in the afternoon, we were alarmed and march- 
 ed down to Raritan Bridge, then hearing the Alarm 
 w^as false, we marched back again to Quarters. The 
 cause of this Alarm was that some of our out Guard 
 had fired upon a small party of Hessians, who had 
 come ('tis thought) to disturb them. After this Alarm 
 we remained quiet in our Quarters till Wednesday, 
 Feb. 5th, having no other duty to attend but the Gen- 
 eral's and the Ammunition Guard. This night we 
 were ordered to march at 11 o'clock with the rest of 
 Gen. Dikinson's Brigade and went within ^ mile of the 
 Enemy's Quarters. The roads were now excessively 
 muddy, so that we were over Shoes in mud and water ; 
 but towards morning it grew very cold and froze veri 
 hard. The design of this march was to take off the 
 horses, wagons, fat Cattle and Sheep from the inhabit- 
 ants to prevent the Enemy from getting any advantage 
 
29 
 
 of them. We g-ot off a quantity of these Articles, and 
 marched back (the road being now frozen hard) to 
 Head Quarters. When we got home most of us were 
 wearied and stiff, and our feet sore. We took some re- 
 freshments and rested about 2 hours, I being very 
 weary and drowsy, had laid down and got in a sound 
 sleep, when we were again alarmed to go and meet the 
 Enemy, who were advancing towards Raritan. We 
 immediately marched down to Raritan Bridge and 
 there waited till our light horse came in, who brought 
 us word that the Enemy had been up as far as Cov- 
 hoven's, had taken and destroyed a great quantity of 
 grain and hay, drove off a great number of Cattle and 
 were gone back. We then all came back to Quarters, 
 and rested in peace that night. Saturday, Feb. 8th, 
 while we were parading in the morning we were alarm- 
 ed and ordered to march immediately to Raritan 
 Bridge, where we soon arrived, and marched to near 
 Millstone, then meeting the main Body of our men re- 
 turning we marched back to the Bridge, and waited 
 for some orders. While we lay here, we heard several 
 Cannons fired towards Boundbrook, as we thought. 
 Our General and some of the light horse were gone 
 that way for intelligence, when they returned we were 
 ordered to march down and cross Millstone. After we 
 had crossed it near ^ a mile, we got intelligence by the 
 Brigade Major that Gen. Warner with his Brigade was 
 engaged with a party of the Enemy (in which he 
 thought himself a sufficient match) at the pines 2 miles 
 below Boundbrook. We then returned to the Bridge 
 where we were dismissed. It now began to rain, and 
 we arrived wet and weary at Quarters, about Dusk. 
 General Warner's party, this day, killed 4 of the 
 Enemy, without receiving any damage on his own side. 
 After this several Skirmishes happened near Quible 
 Town and Woodbridge, between our people posted 
 near these places and some Foraging parties of the 
 Enemy ; but our troops along the Raritan lay for some 
 
30 
 
 considerable time undisturbed with little apprehension 
 of an attack from the Enemy, as we were pretty strong'. 
 But as a considerable number of the New England 
 Troops, who lay at Boundbrook, had completed their 
 time by the I2th of March, refused to stay longer; and 
 marched immediately home, we were left very 
 naked and much exposed to the Enemy, who (we had 
 the great reason to believe) would make a sudden ex- 
 cursion to some part of our Quarters, as they were 
 very much in want of Forage, and the drying weather 
 now very much favoring such a design. We accord 
 ingly kept ourselves in constant readiness to meet 
 them, whenever they should come out, the General hav- 
 ing in the orders of the 19th of March addressed the 
 Officers and Soldiers very spiritedly and politely on 
 that occasion. Gen. Dickinson left us March 15, after 
 having politely returned his thanks to the Officers in 
 his Brigade for their spirited conduct, and cheerful 
 compliance with his Orders. Gen. Heard took his 
 place i6th of March. Under Gen. Heard's Command 
 we remained peaceable for some time, our Guards pay- 
 ing the strictest attention to their Duty, by which 
 means several disaflfected persons were taken up, who 
 would otherwise have done much mischief. As the 
 discharging of the N. England Troops left an im- 
 portant pass very naked (an advantage the Enemy 
 would doubtless avail themselves of if not prevented) 
 our Battallion was ordered to march down and take 
 post 2 miles below Boundbrook (the 4th of April), 
 there to supply a picket Guard just upon our lines, not 
 far from the Enemy's pickets. About this time our 
 new relief was coming in. Our Quarters tolerably 
 good, but our Duty very hard. At this time all the 
 Troops in town did not exceed 300. In this state we 
 continued undisturbed till Sunday, 13, when early in 
 the morning we received a very sudden and unfortu- 
 nate attack from the Enemy ; they came up ('tis 
 thought) near 3,000 strong, in 2 Divisions, the one 
 
31 
 
 coming the main road from Brunswick to Boundbrook, 
 and after a short firing, drove our picket stationed on 
 that road ; the other came up the south side of the Rar- 
 itan and by the help of pilots came (undiscovered by 
 our Guards) a considerable distance above the Town, 
 then forded the River and marched down the road to 
 the General Quarters. The General fortunately es- 
 caped, with only the clothes on his back ; they imme- 
 diately plundered the house ; took our 3 field pieces 
 from before the door, and most of the Artillerymen, 
 then drew their Left wing to northward of the upper 
 part of the Town, in order to surround it : the other 
 party had by this time gone up to the lower end of the 
 Town, and had some time kept up a warm fire upon 
 our men, in the half-moon Battery, who behaved 
 with great spirit, not knowing that the Enemy had 
 possession of the upper part of the Town. After a 
 short firing the Enemy drew their right wing by hill, 
 forded the Millstone, some distance above, then march- 
 ed up back of the Town in order to join the left wing 
 of the party from the upper part of the Town, and 
 thereby to have the whole Town surrounded, but for- 
 tunately for us, before their wings eflfected this junc- 
 tion, our Troops in the Battery received orders to re- 
 treat, which they did with the loss of only 3 or 4 killed, 
 and as many wounded, and escaped to the mountain. 
 As our Battallion lay some distance from the Town, 
 below the mountain, we did not receive the alarm till 
 the Enemy had got possession of the Town. We im- 
 mediately' mustered and marched towards the Town, 
 till we came in sight of the Enemy, at one of our Bat- 
 teries, then finding we were too late to help our men 
 in the Town (if they had been there) we marched 
 along under the mountain towards the upper part of th-.^ 
 Town, when we fell in with Gen. Lincoln, and the 
 Troops that had returned from the Town, and we all 
 marched together to the top of the mountain, then di- 
 vided to secure 2 passes in the mountain. As the 
 
32 
 
 enemy had not yet reached our Quarters, 12 of us 
 came down in sight of them, and brought oflf our Bag- 
 gage. We had not lain long on the mountain before 
 the Enemy all left the Town. We then marched into 
 the Town, and staid 2 hours without taking Quarters, 
 when 2 Battallions of enlisted Troops came in, and 
 brought 2 Field pieces with them. We then put out 
 strong Guards, the rest went to Queenston. In this 
 Skirmish we lost 5 or 6 killed, 4 wounded, and between 
 30 or 40 prisoners ; 3 Field pieces, and considerable 
 baggage. 4 of the inhabitants of the town were 
 killed. After this we remained peaceable for some 
 time. 
 
 April 26th Our Battallion was ordered to march 
 to Morristown to join Gen. Heard, who had marched 
 with part of his Brigade 2 days before. When we 
 came to Morris, we were ordered on to Pompton. 
 where Gen. Heard was stationed. We marched on 
 some distance from the Town and took Lodgings. 
 Next morning proceeded on to Pompton, arrived there 
 near sunset, took Lodgings, then were ordered, next 
 morning, to Paranuis. Drew provisions and ammuni- 
 tion and got some miles on this day. Next day, Tues- 
 day, April 29th, about 10 o'clock we arrived at Para- 
 mus, took Lodgings near the Church. I lay with part 
 of the Battallion at Mr. Bogert's. This day moved to 
 Capt. Hopper's, this day sent out a Scout, who had a 
 small Skirmish with the new recruits, and returned 
 next day, Sunday, May 4th, our times being up, we set 
 out for home, Arrived on Monday, about 10 o'clock 
 at Morristown, where I staid, and the Battallion con- 
 tinued homewards. On Thursday, I set out on horse- 
 back to Flemington, Robinson's Ferry, Amwell and 
 Princeton, and returned on Tuesday to Morristown. 
 I staid at my Mother's waiting for the Company till 
 Friday, then set out on foot, and travelled to Pomp- 
 ton, where I waited for the men till Saturday night, 
 when they came in ; I then took charge of them, this 
 
33 
 
 being- the 17th day of May. We continued at Pomp- 
 ton at Mr. Bartolofs till May 27th, having had our 
 Company and Capt. McCtillough's joined into a party. 
 Then we were ordered down to Paramus. The Com- 
 pany set off this day; but as the Brigade Major had 
 gone home 4 or 5 days, I was appointed to serve in his 
 place till his return. On the 28th the Major returned, 
 and the 29th I went to Paramus, found the Company 
 stationed beyond the Guards. On Sunday we were 
 removed within Guards to Sebriske's, this day being 
 the 1st of June, Col. Frelinghuysen came to this place, 
 and took the Command, in the room of Col. Steward, 
 who was at this time ill with the small Pox. Col. Fre- 
 linghuysen commands this post till June 19th, in which, 
 time we had several Scouts towards Bergen, and took 
 several articles from the Tories and some of them were 
 disarmed. On the loth day of June, 210 of the Green 
 coats (though our first accounts were more than three 
 times that number) came up to Hackensack. We soon 
 got the word of it, and sent down our Light horse, who 
 exchanged a few shots with them, and returned. This 
 we were told afterwards put the Enemy in great con- 
 sternation. When our Light horse returned the Of- 
 ficers went to consult what was best to be done, and 
 as we had but few men, it was agreed we should make 
 a feint retreat, which we did, about 10 o'clock in the 
 Evening, in such a manner that the whole neighbor- 
 hood thought we were actually retreating. We had 
 agreed to march towards Pompton, then take a by 
 road, and proceed within 4 miles of Hackensack, to 
 an advantageous station, where by an Express we had 
 requested Gen. Heard to meet us, with his party from 
 Pompton ; but the road was so exceedingly rough, the 
 night dark with rain, thunder and lightning, that we 
 got not so far as expected. We took shelter for this 
 night in a large Barn ; In the morning, as Gen. Heard 
 did not join us, and as near 100 of our men's times 
 were out. who now refused to march down and meet 
 
34 
 
 the Enem)^ we were obliged, being but an inconsider- 
 able handful, to march back again, to our Station, 
 where we arrived about ii o'clock. June I2th We 
 marched our little Body down to Hackensack, think- 
 ing some of those Green Coats might be lurking about, 
 not far from that place, waiting for an opportunity to 
 attack us^ which we were resolved this day to give 
 them, if they were there. We marched from Hacken- 
 sack to the new Bridge, and took Quarters this night. 
 At 2 o'clock in the morning we all marched off to Para- 
 mus. Sunday, June 15th, We sent out a Scout of 
 about 30 men, down to the English Neighborhood, 
 having had strait intelligence that the green Coats 
 were to be this night in those parts, express horses, 
 wagons, &c. The Scout having taken 2 Tories, ar- 
 rived there the same night. Next morning at 10 
 o'clock as they were fixing them with the Guards ready 
 to march home to Quarters, they were fired upon by a 
 party of the Enemy which was so sudden and unex- 
 pected that it threw them into confusion, and although 
 the 2 Officers behaved with the greatest activity and 
 spirit, it was impossible to recover them and form 
 them in rank, and well it was they did not, for, had 
 they not escaped as they did, they would in a few min • 
 utes have been all surrounded. Several of our men 
 fired, and it was thought did some execution, 3 of our 
 men were missing, till 2 days afterwards, when they 
 all returned. Monday, June i6th. We received Orders 
 to march our whole Battallion to Pompton where we 
 arrived, about 9 o'clock in the Evening. At Pompton 
 we staid 2 days. This day, June 19th, we received 
 Orders to march down to the lines. We marched at 
 Sunrise, and took Quarters this night, below Morris- 
 town ; Next day, came in to Bullion's Tavern, where 
 we took Quarters, waiting Orders. The Enemy had, 
 some days before this, removed from Brunswick to 
 Millstone, near the Court house, and it was thought 
 would make an attempt for Philadelphia; This roused 
 the Militia of all the neighboring counties, and they 
 
\ 
 
 35 
 
 turned out with such spirit as will do them honor to 
 the latest ages. Never did the Jerseys appear more 
 imiversally unanimous to oppose the Enemy ; they 
 turned out Old and young, great and small, Rich and 
 poor ; Scarcely a man that could carry a musket was 
 left at home. This soon struck a panic into the Enemy, 
 for they could scarcely stir from their Camp, but they 
 were cut off. They then fled with the greatest haste 
 to Brunswick ; but the Militia pursued them so closely 
 and so warmly, that they made no stay here. On Sun- 
 day morning, June 22d, they were driven out of the 
 Town, and chased near to Amboy by the spirited Mi- 
 litia in conjunction with a small party of the English 
 Troops. The Enemy, when they left Millstone and 
 Brunswick, burnt several houses, strangled almost to 
 death 2 or 3 women, and behaved in the most cruel, 
 barbarous manner. After the Enemy where driven 
 from Brunswick, our Army took possession of the 
 Town, and such of the Militia as were called out upon 
 this Alarm, were discharged. Wednesday, June 25th, 
 part of Militia at Bullion's Tavern were discharged 
 and part ordered to march next day for Pompton, 
 which they did. Thursday, June 26th, the Enemy 
 came out with their wdiole Body from Amboy and pro- 
 ceeded to Westfield, where they plundered and de- 
 stroyed every thing before them, and distressed the In- 
 habitants in a manner before unheard of, but before 
 they returned to Amboy numbers of them were cut off 
 by part of our Army, and some Militia. They return- 
 ed to Amboy, and on Monday Evening, June the 30th, 
 1777, they all left Amboy and went to Staten Island. 
 
 The foregoing narrative gives an interesting ac- 
 count of the duties performed by the New Jersey Mi- 
 litia preceding and subsequent to the battles of Tren- 
 ton and Princeton, and indicates that Captain Hous- 
 ton's Company was on the right flank of Washington's 
 
36 
 
 army at the latter battle, arriving on the field, however, 
 when the British were in full retreat. 
 
 A better understanding of some statements in the 
 journal will be assisted by the following brief, but 
 clear and very accurate account of the battle of Prince- 
 ton, by Francis B. Lee: 
 
 "Washington," writes Lee, "not only to lend en- 
 couragement to the reviving spirits of his countrymen, 
 but likewise to pursue his advantage, recrossed the 
 river at McKonkeys Ferry in advance of the troops, 
 and entered Trenton. Until January 2d, 1777, 
 in that village, his headquarters were in the house of 
 loyalist Major John Barnes, near the Assanpink 
 Creek. Fearing the advance of the British from New 
 Brunswick, he moved to the True American Inn on 
 the south side of the stream. Upon its banks he con- 
 centrated his troops, a delay having been caused by 
 floating ice rendering their passage extremely difficult 
 and fatiguing. The Pennsylvania Militia, under Gen- 
 erals Mifflin and Cadwalader having crossed the Del- 
 aware, Mififlin with eighteen hundred men was posted 
 at Bordentown, while Cadwalader, with an equal num- 
 ber of soldiers occupied Crosswicks. 
 
 In the meantime General Cornwallis, joining 
 General Grant at New Brunswick, left that town with 
 eight thousand troops, whose advance was met by 
 General Fermoy taking position at Five Mile Run on 
 the first day of the year 1777. Upon the second day 
 Cornwallis forced back this detachment as well as 
 troops sent to support the slowly retreatingAmericans. 
 
 Fighting desperately between Lawrenceville and 
 Trenton, the Militia and line were driven to the rising 
 
37 
 
 ground south of Assanpink Creek, which the British 
 did not attempt to cross. Had they done so Wash- 
 ington and his army would have been scattered 
 through the southern portion of New Jersey, as the 
 Delaware was impassable by reason of ice, 
 
 A council of war called that night in the Douglass 
 mansion was one of the most eventful in the history of 
 the Revolution. To turn the left flank of the enemy, 
 strike a blow at the small garrison at Princeton, and 
 seize the British stores at New Brunswick was decided 
 upon. By increasing his guards and perfecting his 
 defences the American commander made a feint of pro- 
 tecting his position at all hazards. Suddenly at mid- 
 night of the 3d of January Washington, having bright- 
 ened his campfires, marched eastward to Allentown and 
 towards Cranbury. Thence moving across the coun- 
 try, early morning found the Americans directly south 
 of Princeton, General Washington having detailed 
 General Mercer to destroy the Stony Brook bridge, 
 breaking communication with Trenton. 
 
 The British garrison at Princeton was small, con- 
 sisting of the Seventeenth, Fortieth, and Fifty-fifth 
 Regiments and three companies of light horse. In 
 obedience to commands the Seventeenth and Fifty- 
 fifth, the Seventeenth being under the command of 
 Charles Mawhood, had left Princeton to re-enforce 
 Cornwallis at Trenton. 
 
 Mercer failing to destroy the bridge, Mawhood 
 had passed over Stony Brook unaware that Mercer 
 lay upon his flank and rear. Discovering his situa- 
 tion, Colonel Mawhood turned his troops toward 
 
38 
 
 Princeton, and a short but decisive struggle took place 
 for control of the rising land east of the stream. 
 
 Charged by British bayonets the Militia retreated 
 through an orchard, leaving upon the field their gal- 
 lant commander. General Mercer, mortally wounded, 
 stabbed with seventeen thrusts. 
 
 Here, however, Mawhood found himself in the 
 face of the American army, where unable to hold his 
 position the British retreated toward Princeton. Mak- 
 ing but a feeble show of resistance in the town, and oc- 
 cupying for a brief time Nassau Hall, the main build- 
 ing of the College of New Jersey, the British regiments, 
 thoroughly disorganized, sought safety in flight 
 across the Millstone towards New Brunswick. 
 The Seventeenth Regiment was also scattered, and the 
 Stony Brook bridge was destroyed as the rear guard 
 of Cornwallis, which had heard the firing at Maiden- 
 head, appeared." 
 
 Although Houston was disappointed in not taking 
 an active part in the battle of Princeton, coming on the 
 field at three o'clock in the afternoon, it appears 
 from the journal that his company was afterwards, on 
 several occasions, actively engaged with the enemy, 
 and the company also, for a time, served as General 
 Washington's Headquarters guard whilst at Morns- 
 town. 
 
 In addition to his service in the field, Houston 
 was, during a considerable period of the Revolution, 
 a member of the Council of Safety of New Jersey, is 
 mentioned as being present at many of its most im- 
 portant meetings, and for a time served as Treasurer 
 of that body. 
 
DEPUTY SECRETARY AND MEMBER OF 
 THE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 
 
 The enlistment of Captain Houston's company in 
 the service of the United States expired March 6th, 
 1777, but many of the company appear to have re- 
 mained in the service of the State for a longer period, 
 and, therefore, probably volunteered to serve three 
 months longer. Houston, however, returned to civil 
 life almost immediately after the date of the expiration 
 of the first period of enlistment, although there was, 
 doubtless, a delay of some days in making up his mus- 
 ter rolls and turning over his command. 
 
 On March 22d, 1777, Congress ordered that a Sec- 
 retary's office be established, and also the office of 
 Deputy Secretar}% the latter to receive a salary of 
 eight hundred dollars per year. There were also to 
 be clerks appointed, as assistants to the Secretary and 
 Deputy Secretar}^ as need might be, at a salary of four 
 hundred and eight dollars per year. 
 
 Upon the 25th day of March, 1777, Congress 
 "proceeded to the election of a Deputy Secretary, and 
 the ballots being taken, Mr. William Churchill Hous- 
 ton was elected." 
 
 It was provided by the Act that the "Secretary, 
 Deputy Secretary were to well and faithfully to ex- 
 ecute the trust reposed in them, in their respective 
 capacities, according to their best skill and judgment, 
 and to disclose no matter, the knowledge of which 
 
40 
 
 shall be acquired in consequence of such their office, 
 and which they shall be directed to keep secret." 
 
 The position thus entrusted to Houston was one 
 of the greatest importance, and a very large part of 
 the correspondence usually accredited to Thomson 
 must during the time Houston held the office have 
 passed through his hands. 
 
 Charles Thomson was first chosen Secretary of 
 the Continental Congress in the month of Septem- 
 ber, 1774, Peyton Randolph being at that time Presi- 
 dent, and he continued to hold that office until the 
 end. The Congress which originally appointed him, 
 however, always held the foremost place in his affec- 
 tions, and it was his firm opinion, often expressed, 
 that as years rolled around the body degenerated. Of 
 Thomson's estimate of the first Congress, there can be 
 little comment, and he is supported in his judgment 
 by no less a keen observer than the great Pitt, who 
 wrote : 
 
 "I must declare and avow, that in all my reading 
 and study — and it has been my favorite study : I have 
 read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the 
 master Statesy of the world, — that for solidity of rea- 
 soning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusions, 
 under such a complication of circumstances, no 
 other nation or body of men can stand in preference to 
 the General Congress at Philadelphia." 
 
 ''No longer," says Thomson, "did America exhibit 
 the appearance of rival colonies, piquing themselves 
 on separate rights, and boasting the relative advan- 
 tages of different charters, and different constitutions ; 
 all such sentiments were buried in oblivion." 
 
4' 
 
 At the time of Houston's appointment as Deputy 
 Secretary, an element of the Congress of 1775 remain- 
 ed, but it was even then fast deteriorating. 
 
 Of the respective duties of the Secretary and Dep- 
 uty Secretary some uncertainty exists. Dr. Frieden- 
 wsld, however, has given us a very clear account of 
 the personal work of Charles Thomson. 
 
 "The Journals of Congress, with some very few 
 exceptions, are entirely in the handwriting of Thom- 
 son. He seems to have been present at every ses- 
 sion. The series of the archives of Congress very 
 properly begins with what he termed the 'Rough 
 Journal,' beginning with the proceedings of September 
 5th, 1774, and ended with the entry of March 2, 1789, 
 and was probably written while Congress was sitting, 
 the entries being made directly after each vote was 
 taken. It is contained in thirty-nine small foolscap 
 volumes. The second of the series is a fair copy of the 
 Rough Journal from September 5, 1775, to January 
 2d, 1779, in ten volumes folio. From this copy it is 
 stated in a record in the Bureau the Journals were 
 printed ; and such portions as were deemed secret were 
 marked or crossed by a committee of Congress — not 
 to be transcribed. This explanation will account for 
 the two Public Journals. The Rough Journal should 
 be regarded as the standard. There is also the secret 
 Domestic Journal, "1775 to 1787," and others. It will 
 be seen from the above that the Journals of Congress 
 were kept by Thomson personally, and by him tran- 
 scribed ; but the nature of his other work detail, from 
 1774 to 1884, can only be conjectured. Even Harley, 
 after a most careful search, has given us but a few 
 pages to cover this part of Thomson's life. 
 
4i2 
 
 Of the nature of Houston's duties whilst Deputy 
 Secretary a little clearer glimpse has been aflforded us. 
 
 Among his labors was the transmission of the 
 resolutions of Congress to the several States, and to 
 individuals, and of these a number bearing his sig- 
 nature as Deputy Secretary of Congress, of which one 
 addressed to General Washington, are extant.* 
 
 *The following instances of William Churchill Houston's ser- 
 vices as Deputy Secretary of Congress, are noted, as indicating 
 some of the duties performed by him whilst in holding that of- 
 fice. 
 
 Saturday afternoon, 14 June, 1777. 
 Sir:— 
 
 Am directed by Congress to transmit you the enclosed reso- 
 lution of this day, and 
 have the honor to be 
 with all respect, 
 Your most obedt. 
 h'ble servant, 
 
 WILLIAM CH. HOUSTON. 
 Directed, 
 
 His Excellency the President, of The, Hon'ble the Vice Presi- 
 dent of Council, State Pennsylvania. 
 
 RESOLUTION OF CONGRESS, 1777. 
 
 In Congress, 14 June, 1777. 
 RESOLVED, 
 
 That Major General Arnold be authorized to take upon him 
 the command of all the militia now at Bristol and on every other 
 part of the River Delaware to the Eastward of Philadelphia, 
 which have been called forth into service by a requisition of the 
 twenty-fourth day of April last, and that he be authorized to dis- 
 pose of himself, and the troops under his command in such a 
 manner as he shall deem best adapted to promote the publick 
 service. 
 ORDERED, 
 
 That a Copy of this Resolution be sent to the President and 
 Supreme Executive Council of the State of Pennsylvania for their 
 concurrence. 
 
 Copy from the Journals of Congress. 
 
 WILLI A.M CH. HOUSTON, Dep. Sec. 
 PENNSYLVANIA ARCHIVES, 1st SerieB. 
 Vol. 5, page 492-3. 
 
 In Congress, 29 July, 1777. 
 RESOLVED, 
 
 That an enquiry be made into the reasons of the evacuation 
 of Ticonderoga and Mount Independence, and into the conduct of 
 the General -officers who were In the Northern department at the 
 time of the evacuation. 
 
43 
 
 He had charge, also, of a great part, if not at one 
 time almost all, of the correspondence on particular do- 
 
 That a committee be appointed to digest and report the mode 
 of conducting the enquiry. 
 
 JULY 30. 
 RESOLVED, 
 
 That Major-General St. Clair, who commanded at Tlconderoga 
 and Mount Independence, forthwith repair to Head-quarters. 
 
 AUGUST 1. 
 RESOLVED, 
 
 That Major-General Schuyler be directed to repair to Head- 
 quarters. 
 
 That General Washington be directed to order such General- 
 officer as he may think proper, immediately to repair to the 
 northern department, to relieve Major-general Schuyler in his 
 command there. 
 
 That Brigadier Poor, Brigadier Patterson, and Brigadier 
 Roche de Fermoy be directed to repair to Head-quarters. 
 
 AUGUST 3. 
 RESOLVED, 
 
 That General Washington be directed to order the General 
 whom he shall judge proper to relieve General Schuyler in his 
 command, to repair, with all possible expedition, to the northern 
 department, giving him directions what number of the Militia to 
 call in from the States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, 
 Connecticut, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. 
 
 That notice be immediately sent to the Executive powers of 
 the said States, and that they be earnestly requested to get the 
 Militia in those parts of their respective States most contiguous 
 to the northern department, ready to march at a moment's warn- 
 ing; and to send, with all possible expedition, such parts of them 
 as the General commanding in the northern department may re- 
 quire, to serve till the 15th of November if not sooner relieved 
 by continental troops, or dismissed by the commanding officer of 
 the department, and be entitled to continental pay and rations. 
 
 That the commanding officer in the northern department 
 have discretionary power to make requisitions on the states afore- 
 said, from time to time, for euch additional numbers of the Mili- 
 tia to serve in that department as he shall judge necessary for 
 the public service. 
 
 Whereas it is represented to Congress that General Washing- 
 ton is of opinion that the immediate recall of all the Brigadiers 
 from the northern department, may be productive of inconveni- 
 ence to the public service, 
 RESOLVED, 
 
 That the order of Congress of the first day of this month re- 
 specting the said Brigadiers, be suspended until General Wash- 
 ington shall judge it may be carried into effect with safety. 
 Copy from the Journals. 
 
 WILLIAM CH. HOUSTON, D. Sec. 
 By order of Congress, 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK, Pres't. 
 
44 
 
 mestic subjects, and of the printing in the newspapers 
 of such information of an interesting and encouraging 
 nature, as it was deemed wise by Congress to be made 
 pubHc. It also appears that for a time he had par- 
 tial charge of the printing of the Journals themselves. 
 He was thus actively engaged in the affairs of Con- 
 gress in the Fall of 1777, and he accompanied that 
 body in its hasty flight when Cornwallis moved upon 
 Philadelphia from the head of Chesapeake Bay. 
 
 Like Thomson, Houston preserved none, or very 
 few, of his public papers. That his duties as Deputy 
 Secretary were many and miscellaneous, and that they 
 were faithfully and satisfactorily performed, we know, 
 but of much of their detail we are, and will always, 
 perhaps, remain entirely ignorant. 
 
 The winter of 1778 found Houston again at his 
 post as Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philos- 
 ophy at Princeton, but he was serving as Deputy Sec- 
 retary of Congress in December, 1778, and in this 
 year he was elected to the Assembly of New Jersey,* 
 and was re-elected the following year. 
 
 STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Copies of Resolutions of Congreea, etc., signed by William 
 Churchill Houston, as Deputy Secretary, are to be found in Penn- 
 sylvania Archives, First Series, Vol. 5, pages 283-286 (April 1st to 
 7th, 1777), page No. 359 (June 11th, 1777), page 367 (June 14th, 
 1777), page 493 (July 29th, 1777), page 494 (Aug. 4th, 1777), page 
 513 (Aug. 12, 1777), page 527 (Aug. 15th, 1777), and page 575 (Sept. 
 3, 1777). There is also extant a document so signed as late as 
 December, 1778. 
 
 ♦Letter from John Witherspoon to William Churchill Hous- 
 ton, whilst the latter was serving in the Legislature: 
 
 Philadelphia, Sept. 16, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir:— Receive enclosed an extract from the minutes of 
 Congress relating to New Jersey. We have not copied the reso- 
 lution itself as you must have it. I believe there is not another 
 state which has its sense in its own words ou the records of 
 Congress the most having generally had only instructions to their 
 
45 
 
 Here he exhibited that energy and patriotism 
 in pubHc affairs which ever marked his career, and he 
 began to give especial attention to the monetary con- 
 dition of the country, then beginning to become alarm- 
 ing, even to the most sanguine. His disinterested 
 zeal for the success of the American cause, and his 
 unshaken conviction of a final successful issue of the 
 conflict, attracted to him the attention of many of the 
 leading men of his day, whose friendship he continued 
 to enjoy during the remainder of his life. 
 
 William Churchill Houston's career in the Conti- 
 nental Congress commenced at Philadelphia, Friday, 
 July 9th, 1779, he having been duly elected for that 
 year. The Journals of Congress state that on Friday, 
 July 9th, 1779, Mr. Houston, a delegate for New Jersey, 
 attended and produced the credentials of his appoint- 
 ment, which were read. He took his seat the same day, 
 and voted in the affirmative to a resolution "That the 
 executive powers of each state be earnestly requested 
 instantly to make the strictest inquiry into the conduct 
 of every person within such state respectively em- 
 ployed.'"' 
 
 From this time on he was most regular in his at- 
 tendance, and took a leading and very active part m 
 all proceedings of that body, serving on many import- 
 members. I have no news. It begine to be believed that the 
 enemy are to leave New York and it is thought to be with a view 
 of going to the West Indiee. The arrival of the August Packet 
 alone will make that definitely certain. My compliments to Mrs. 
 Houston. 
 
 I am, dear eir, your most obedient and humble servant, 
 
 JNO. WITHERSPOON. 
 
 Endorsed on the back: 
 To 
 
 Willm. C. Houston, Esq., 
 Princeton. 
 
46 
 
 ant committees, notably War, Foreign Affairs, the 
 Postal Service and Finance. In the latter subject he 
 was especially interested, and he was most careful to 
 transmit, from time to time, to the Governor of his 
 State detailed accounts of those public matters, which, 
 to use his own words, were "the most material occur- 
 rences in the progress of business of Congress." Of 
 these letters, those which have been preserved extend 
 from October 5th, 1779, to June 5th, 1780, and are all 
 addresed to Livingston. 
 They are here given in full : 
 
 To Governor Livingston: 
 
 Philadelphia, October 5th, 1779. 
 
 Sir : I am sorry that it has not been in my power 
 to command as much time as I should have wished to 
 employ in giving a distinct account to the legislature 
 of the most material occurrences in the progress of 
 business since I came to Congress. 
 
 It is certainly the duty of every person in public 
 trust to make those from whom he derives his appoint- 
 ment acquainted with the manner in which he exe- 
 cutes it, that they may be able to decide how far he ful- 
 fils or deceives their expectations, and to form, at any 
 time, a clear estimate of his character. Next to want 
 of fidelity I look upon the neglect of giving due infor- 
 mation to his constituents, the greatest crime in a pub- 
 lic man. 
 
 The principal intention of this is to point at a 
 question, which, from accidental circumstances, has 
 acquired a magnitude and importance above what, 
 simply considered, it was entitled to. 
 
 A question which has excited much inveteracy 
 and ill-blood in Congress, and not a few speculations 
 and suspicions abroad. I mean the recall, or rather 
 
47. 
 
 the suppression of Mr. Arthur Lee, Commissioner of 
 the United States at the Court of Madrid. 
 
 I have carefully read over the papers and attended 
 to every feasible means of unbiased information rela- 
 tive to this question, and I tliink I have done it with a 
 temper divested of prejudice. The result is this : I 
 take Mr. Arthur Lee to be a man of jealous and sus- 
 pecting, difficult disposition ; trusty, capable and in- 
 dustrious. Indefatigable above others in procuring 
 and transmitting intelligence; accurate and frugal in 
 expenses and money matters ; simple, severe, and re- 
 publican in his manners, so much so as to be thought 
 by many sour and inimical. This I take to be his 
 character ; and in many essentials I am not afraid tc 
 call him equal to any person Congress ever employed 
 in a similar capacity in Europe. The story hawked 
 about that his indiscretions prevented the Court of 
 Spain from treating with him I cannot think believed 
 by those who propagate it, as that conduct in the Span- 
 ish ministry is ascribable to different reasons which 
 must strike every person at once who has the least 
 knowledge of the state of matters as they respected 
 that power. But admitting he was the best qualified 
 and most meritorious man on earth, is it not my duty 
 to vote for removing him when the funds of Congress 
 are absolutely wasted, and the public business is not 
 only retarded but stopped by unavailing altercations 
 concerning an individual ? 
 
 When a general ofifers up a forlorn hope to save 
 an army, the alternative is dreadful ; but the principle is 
 defensible and the practice of it often necessary. 
 
 I confess that in a republic, where approbation, 
 honor, and praise, more than money and emoluments, 
 are the reward of faithful services, such things ought 
 to be admitted with reluctance and caution ; yet still 
 they may not be always avoidable. But, further, 
 should it turn out to be a fact, that France was doubt- 
 ful of him and that Spain hestitated, it mattered not 
 
48 
 
 how good a man he was, one every way inferior, if 
 free from such exception, would have been preferable 
 for the purpose of treating. 
 
 The real cause of delay being now removed, it is 
 to be hoped the gentleman who succeeds Mr. Lee 
 will be successful. As I would ever wish to be simply 
 just, but at the same time to do what is best, all things 
 considered, I have no other request than that this state 
 of facts may be remembered another day, when time 
 will throw light upon what is now dark, prejudice will 
 be extinct, and the means of judging fairly will come 
 within the reach of all. Into what course of conduct, 
 or to what lengths of crimination, resentment may im- 
 pel this unfortunate man, I am excused from surmis- 
 ing. Whether, as many have done, he will adhere to 
 the part he has taken in spite of what he may think 
 ill-treatment ; or whether, as many have also done, he 
 will transfer himself to a situation, where he will expect 
 more attention, does not belong immediately to the 
 present decision : at least, I have taken the liberty to 
 throw it out of tlie balance. At all events I am happy 
 this troublesome affair is ended, and I hope it will 
 never arise to disturb the counsels of America more. 
 Subjects of contention and animosity are retiring one 
 after another, and unanimity reviving in Congress 
 where it is so essentially necessary. 
 
 Trifles have had their day, and a long one it has 
 been ; matters of moment have a claim to this, and that 
 it may not only be longer, but perpetual, I am per- 
 suaded it is the ardent wish of every honest man. 
 Upon reviewing what I have written, a suspicion oc- 
 curs that the above representation may imply a reflec- 
 tion on the conduct of some of my colleagues, which is 
 far from my meaning, as it would be repugnant to jus- 
 tice. The time is not the same, other circumstances 
 also disagree ; on the contrary, I must declare that I 
 think their situation hard and undeserved. 
 
 The whole train of the transaction I can trace 
 
49 
 
 minutely. To the quartet from whence the accusa- 
 tions have originated, the motives which inspired them 
 and the instruments which have been employed for 
 their circulation, I am not a stranger, nor am I sur- 
 prised at anything thus far. 
 
 But that their fellow-citizens should entertain 
 impressions unfavorable to those they once thought 
 well of, and not call for an investigation of their con- 
 duct, or suspend their opinions till an explanation 
 should be had, may perhaps be a matter of some dis- 
 couragement. 
 
 If the gentlemen know what is alledged to their 
 charge, I am astonished they do not apply for an op- 
 portunity of justification. 
 
 Certainly if I should ever be of importance enough to 
 be found fault with, I should expect the liberty of ex- 
 plaining facts and motives ; after that it is the part of 
 an honest man to submit in silence to the judgment of 
 these who have a right to pass upon his conduct. 
 
 I enclose sundry papers marked from No. i to 5, 
 which I have met with since I came to this place, and 
 which I have copied for the sight of such gentlemen 
 of the Legislature as may think it worth their trouble 
 to read them. 
 
 They relate to a matter which was before the Leg- 
 islature at their last sitting previous to the present. 
 One, if not more of them, is on the files of the Assem- 
 bly. They may be of use on some future occasion, 
 but my principal object in copying them is to com- 
 municate the noble and dignified sentiments of the 
 commander-in-chief, and to give some idea of the dif- 
 ficulties he has to encounter. 
 
 If ever any man deserved gratitude and confi- 
 dence he does, and more especially as his modesty 
 will never allow him to be sated with the former, nor 
 his goodness of heart to abuse the latter. 
 
 His letter marked No. 2, is an example in its 
 kind. It is necessary that I give you the trouble 
 
so 
 
 communicating to the House the substance of this 
 lengthened letter. I have no idea they will have pa- 
 tience to go over the whole. 
 
 I am, with due respect, your obed't and h'mble 
 servant, 
 
 William C. Houston. 
 
 Philadelphia, November I2th, 1779. 
 To Governor Livingston : 
 
 Sir: In may last I was under a misconception rel- 
 ative to the embargo law of the state of Pennsylvania. 
 I find that by a transient attention to it I accidentally 
 mistook for an act a bill printed in the Pennsylvania 
 Packet for public consideration, and which did not 
 pass. The embargo now in operation here is not con- 
 ditional but absolute as ours. It is my duty to notice 
 the mistake, lest it should be instrumental in giving 
 impressions unfavorable and unjust. 
 
 Every day brings me fresh uneasiness respecting 
 the supply of the general treasury. The expectation 
 of Count D'Estaing's visiting our coasts in this quar- 
 ter has created a flood of expense, and the means of 
 defraying it are narrowing fast. If the taxes for the 
 present year are not fully and punctually paid in, every- 
 thing but hope holds up discouraging prospects. All 
 the states must see the necessity of exertion, and 1 
 dare believe New Jersey will not be behind the fore- 
 most. The close of this campaign is set down for the 
 era of reformation in the percentage departments, to 
 say no more, and especially if we are so fortunate as 
 to carry through a limitation of prices. Afterwards, 
 it is to be confided, expenditures will be much less. 
 
 As for the payment of the taxes for 1780, I men- 
 tioned in my last that it was hardly to be imagined 
 any monthly assessment or collection could be made 
 in our state, though if it were practicable it has its 
 advantages. It is rather to be supposed that the Leg- 
 
51 
 
 islature will lay the amount in two or three payments, 
 and collect the taxes for support of government along 
 with one or all oi them. I have before mentioned the 
 case of two payments. If three are preferred, being 
 one million twelve thousand five hundred pounds, each 
 payment, they come, at equal intervals, the first of 
 February, May and August. The Legislature may 
 also probably consider whether taxes are not more 
 easily paid in the spring than in the summer, and lay 
 more at that season. There would also be another 
 advantage in this policy, the money will probably be 
 more wanted at the time these taxes are calculated to 
 begin than towards the middle or latter end of the 
 year. 
 
 There is one clear and obvious principle on which 
 all taxation ought to be rested, and if it could be laid 
 as a ground-work, and extend through our tax-laws, 
 payment would not only be practicable, but light and 
 easy ; it is that every man be called upon to pay in 
 exact proportion to his ability, all things considered. 
 The practice of this principle, I confess, can never hz 
 obtained precisely, but it is a point of perfection to 
 which laws may be directed, and to which they may 
 continually more and more verge. The nearer an 
 assessment approximates to this, the more just it is. 
 Why is it not proper to estimate every part of the 
 whole aggregate estate, be the kind of property what 
 it may, according as it is of use and emolument to the 
 owner or possessor, and all acquisitions currently aris- 
 ing from advantages and opportunities? This maxim 
 is practiced upon in some of the States, and compre- 
 hended in the short description of taxing a man ac- 
 cording to his family. 
 
 The whole debt of the Union does not amount to 
 one hundred dollars a head, and if set ofif on the scale 
 of strict justice would not perhaps to the poor be 
 more than the price of three or four days' work on a 
 taxable. Our State, it would seem, has always been in 
 
52 
 
 the custom of taxing lands too deeply, and there are 
 many kinds of property and sources of wealth and in- 
 come which have never paid anything. I enclose for 
 the perusal of such as are curious, and have not seen 
 it, the case of the sloop Active, which has produced a 
 dispute between Congress and the state of Pennsyl- 
 vania. The nature of this case will be plainly collected 
 from the printed proceedings of the Court of Admiralty 
 before which it was tried. I mention what further is 
 necessary to give an adequate idea of the cause of dif- 
 ference. In the Court of Admiralty the jury gave one- 
 fourth to the insurgents and three-fourths to the libel- 
 lant, and another cruiser in sight at the time of the 
 capture. From the decision, which is said to be 
 wholly on matter of fact, the insurgents appealed. The 
 Court of Appeals decreed the whole to them, and di- 
 rected the Judge of Admiralty of the state of Penn- 
 sylvania to see their sentence executed. The Judge 
 refused, as the law by which the maritime court is es- 
 tablished in that state allows an appeal on matters of 
 law only, and does not permit the facts found by a jury 
 to be re-examined. Much law ammunition has been 
 spent on the occasion, and the difference is not yet 
 adjusted. Certain it is that by the resolutions of Con- 
 gress of 1775, an admiralty jurisdiction say, the facts 
 shall be established by a jury. Lawyers say there is 
 this distinction between trials by jury and trials by wit- 
 nesses, that in the former case the facts found are not 
 re-examined, in the latter they are. Our law for erect- 
 ing a Court of Admiralty, allows an appeal in all cases 
 whatsoever, but it must be acknowledged that an ap- 
 peal on matter of fact from the verdict of a jury has not 
 a good sound. And yet juries are too often worse 
 qualified to decide in maritime causes than any other. 
 You have also a report of the commissioners ap- 
 pointed by General Washington in April last to set- 
 tle a course for the exchange of prisoners with the 
 commissioners of General Clinton. It has been alreadv 
 
53 
 
 published in the newspapers. It is with pleasure 
 I also send an extract from the general orders of the 
 commander-in-chief of 29th July last. The virtues of 
 this amiable man as a citizen are no less conspicuous 
 than his spirit and perseverance as a soldier. To- 
 morrow will be published, by order of Congress, the 
 news from the southward. You will hear it with 
 concern. The raising of the siege of Savannah is not 
 so much to be regretted in itself as the consequent ex- 
 posure of a large extent of country, the inhabitants of 
 which must unavoidably suffer before succor can ar- 
 rive to them. Let us however remember what has 
 so often happened, that confidence is the road to dis- 
 appointment, and where our prospects are least prom- 
 ising from thence success often comes. Nesquam des- 
 peranduni est de Republica. 
 
 I am, sir, with due regard, your obed't, h'ble ser- 
 vant, 
 
 William C. Houston. 
 
 To Governor Livingston: 
 
 Philadelphia, November 22d, 1779. 
 Sir : Enclosed you have the result of the delibera- 
 tions of Congress on the representation of the 7th ul- 
 timo respecting a general limitation of prices. We 
 beg leave to say that with attention to the interests of 
 the Union in general and the State in particular, and 
 also to the convenience of the Legislature, we have 
 left no means untried to give success and dispatch to 
 the business. The Legislature, we flatter ourselves, 
 will be disposed to overlook any defects in the plan 
 recommended by Congress compared with the scope 
 and tenor of their representation, when they reflect 
 that different States as well as individuals, however they 
 may coincide in the main substance of a measure, 
 vary often in their ideas on particular parts, and also 
 when they are informed that what wc have now the 
 
54 
 
 pleasure to transmit has passed with a great degree 
 of unanimity. For the sake of this and greater expe- 
 dition, policy dictated to concede a little. From ap- 
 pearances we think ourselves justified to say that the 
 measure recommended will in all probability be uni- 
 versally adopted throughout the Union. The date of 
 commencement is more distant than could have been 
 wished, but when the remoteness of some of the States 
 is considered, as also that many of the Legislatures are 
 not sitting, and that the limitations ought to take place 
 at the same time everywhere, it could not well be gain- 
 sayed. Other arguments also have been urged, tending 
 to show that this bill gives fuller el^cacy to the measure, 
 by giving people an opportunity to provide against 
 losses and disappointment to their essential prejudice 
 The ratio of prices to those current formerly, though 
 by many thought too large, is set at a limit which we 
 hope will produce an easy turn to the tide of deprecia- 
 tion, and make a further reduction in due time more 
 natural and practicable. 
 
 We have the honor to be, with all respect, your 
 obed't h'ble servants, 
 
 Jno. Witherspoon. 
 
 Nath. Scudder. 
 
 John Fell. 
 
 William C. Houston. 
 
 His Excell'y The Governor and 
 Speaker of the Assembly 
 New Jersey. 
 
 Phild'a, 20th Deer., 1779. 
 Sir: It is with reluctance I trouble you once and 
 again on the critical situation of affairs at this time. 
 To cast round and examine the risques and difficulties 
 which start up every where has a tendency to send the 
 mind in every direction for succor. A treasurv 
 without money and an army without bread, is reallv 
 alarming. I have already observed that the failure 
 
55 
 
 of supplies in the staff departments is unexpectedly 
 great ; but so it is, and the question now is, the most 
 immediate means of providing against the worst con- 
 sequences. In a prospect so embarrassed there is still 
 however hope and encouragement, because the 
 means are among us, and the mode of providing and 
 applying them to the exigency is not impracticable ; 
 and when the well being, not to say existence, of our 
 cause depends upon it, importunity will be forgiven 
 and every exertion made. 
 
 The Commissary General is now here. I have 
 conversed with him fully. I write on the evidence of 
 his positive declarations, that his supplies are exceed- 
 ingly small, and what he has cannot possibly get to 
 camp in season to prevent an absolute want of bread. 
 That the army is already at short allowance every- 
 where; in many places totally destitute. It is no* 
 worth while to stand discussing causes when the ef- 
 fect is taking place and the moment calls for interposi- 
 tion. I do not, therefore, want at present to trouble 
 the Legislature with explanations, but do earnestly 
 entreat, that long as they have been together, they will 
 not rise till measures are taken to secure an immedi- 
 ate competent supply of flour, as far as it can pos- 
 sibly be had, and till a plan is adopted to draw forth 
 all the State can spare aftervv^ards. In the request 
 which went from Congress some days since, I could 
 not but be of opinion the quantity was rather large, 
 though it was not disproportionate to what was as- 
 signed to some others ; however the Legislature can 
 pretty well determine this point. It is to be expected 
 that what has always happened on similar occasions, 
 will again be the case, that many who can spare will 
 not, some for one reason others for another. Im- 
 pressment has therefore become necessary, and in such 
 connection, if in any, is justifiable. It is confessed 
 to be an evil, but the less of the two. If the Legisla- 
 ture cannot tarry to complete an adequate plan, the 
 
56 
 
 Consitution of the Executive is such that, one would 
 think, the best citizen may feel himself perfectly secure 
 in trusting it even much farther, were it necessary, than 
 an extent like this which involves a little personal 
 property only. The inconveniences which attend the 
 appointment of agents in every county would seem 
 to make four or five active, intelligent men preferable 
 before the largest number. Nor would this prevent 
 the fullest efforts of the disinterested and publick 
 spirited everywhere, or abstract from the use of their 
 services. I am not capable to determine whether, at 
 this time, it would be best to put a stop to the conti- 
 nental purchasers, though I suppose they are as num- 
 erous as ever, and do as little good and receive as high 
 commissions. There is at the same time a danger 
 from a competition of prices. The allowance for the 
 flour till the first of February will probably be at the 
 current, or however a generous price, lest complaint 
 and discouragement should take place ; and perhaps 
 a prospect of a falling rate will induce a readier sup- 
 ply. This representation has hitherto been confined 
 to flour, but I beg leave to mention that meal is not 
 likely to be more plentiful, though there is a little 
 quantity more immediately within reach. Perhaps 
 sufficient for some weeks without resorting to the salt- 
 ed which is also dispersed and scanty. From the 
 Commissary General I learn, that no considerable pur- 
 chases are making, his deputies being out of cash. 
 I mention this as it may perhaps be thought advisable 
 to pay a little attention to it also. 
 
 It is unnecessary to detain you further than to ex- 
 plain a little more in detail why so much dependence 
 is unavoidably placed on New Jersey, and this inter- 
 ference most immediately requested. New York is 
 nearly drained, not to mention that large detachments 
 of the army are in that State ; the Assembly of Penn- 
 sylvania are not together, nor could they be convened 
 much, if any sooner, than the time to which they stand 
 
57 
 
 adjourned, and the Executive are not vested with 
 power adequate to the object ; as to the suppHes 
 bought up in the adjacent States, they cannot be trans- 
 ported so as to reach the army in season, still less so, 
 the navigation of the Delaware being already inter- 
 rupted. In the Southern Quarter a Post will be 
 wanted for the Troops marching that way. 
 
 I enclose the Resolutions of Congress of the 4lh 
 and ly instant, which have probably already reached 
 His Excellency the Governor from the President. 
 Nearly all the radical principles are adopted for a 
 change oi those systems which have long been ob- 
 noxious to the people. I cannot but hope that the 
 alternative will be approved and useful. 
 
 I have only further to beg indulgence for the lib- 
 erties I have taken, with a sincere intention to do what 
 I thought w^as right. 
 
 Am, Sir, your obed't Serv't, 
 
 Wm. Ch. Houston. 
 
 To Governor Livingston: 
 
 Philadelphia, May 22d, 1780. 
 Sir : I have the honour to enclose for the use of the 
 Legislature a Boston paper of the 8th inst., which I 
 have this day received by post, containing the act of 
 the Legislature of the State of Massachusetts bay on 
 the proceedings of the i8th March last relative to 
 finance. I think it my duty to communicate every- 
 thing on this subject which comes to my hands, as to 
 me the matter appears of the most indispensable im- 
 portance; but shall not detain further upon it, having 
 already explained myself pretty fully. I only beg leave 
 to observe that if I had not thought the interest of the 
 State deeply concerned, I should not have been ex- 
 plicit, especially since I have heard that a variety of 
 sentiments prevails among those who are certainly 
 capable of judging. This has aroused my caution, but 
 
5« 
 
 upon a careful review of the whole subject, and exam- 
 ination of all I have read and heard, I must still ven- 
 ture to say that something is necessary to be done, and 
 that no expedient appears to me so promising and ad- 
 visable, every circumstance considered, as the one now 
 in question. By communicating the several acts as I 
 receive them, I do not expect that the Legislature will 
 be so much influenced by example as assisted in fram- 
 ing a law in the subject. It may indeed be matter of 
 encouragement that the measure is elsewhere adopted, 
 but as one State cannot be injured by adopting it be- 
 fore another, but rather the contrary, there can be no 
 objection to take early rank in this instance. 
 
 I have heard it alleged that these resolutions in- 
 volve a breach of faith. Though no such thing ap- 
 pears to me, yet if by any construction it is inferred, it 
 will probably operate to induce the Legislature to leave 
 out the comparison between specie and the present 
 bills, and retain only that between the latter and the 
 new bills to be emitted. How far this will be an effec- 
 tual provision I pretend not to determine, the conse- 
 quences may be examined, and it is of the highest mo- 
 ment to weigh them. 
 
 Lest it should escape the recollection of the Legis- 
 lature, I take the liberty to mention that the embargo 
 act continued the 25th of December last in consequence 
 of a recommendation of Congress of the 15th of the 
 same month was limited to the first of April last. The 
 expected events of this campaign, the present state of 
 provisions, the prospects of the coming crop, far from 
 being so favorable as could be wished, all conspire to 
 urge the propriety of reviving and continuing that act. 
 The matter was lately agitated in Congress, but as no 
 instance of exportation was known, except from Del- 
 aware, and it was said the embargo was in force in the 
 other States, a resolution was extended no further than 
 Delaware. We did not mention New Jersey, because 
 there was no doubt the Legislature on adverting to the 
 
59 
 
 circumstances above mentioned would take the neces- 
 sary measures. 
 
 The State of Pennsylvania has applied to Congress 
 for direction with respect to the propriety of receiving 
 the certificates given in the staff departments in the 
 payment of taxes. As I see the highest probability 
 the measure will be approved and recommended, I 
 take the liberty to apprize the Legislature. I see no 
 prospect of any other answ^er to the address and rep- 
 resentation of the 15th of March last, and am of opm- 
 ion that time need not be lost in waiting to hear from 
 Congress. No means in the power of the delegates 
 of the State have been omitted to obtain some other 
 mode of discharging the debts due to the inhabitants, 
 and avoiding the necessity of resorting to this expedi- 
 ent, but without effect. 
 
 The proceeding of Saturday last you have ere now 
 received. I doubt not the President has suggested the 
 propriety of secresy, for though these things are nois- 
 ing abroad, they are surmises without information. 
 I speak particularly of the contents of the letter. The 
 occasion is highly interesting, and the improvement of 
 it may be attended with the most happy consequences. 
 
 I have the honour to be your Excellency's most 
 obedient and humble servant. 
 
 William C. Houston, 
 
 To Governor Livingston : 
 
 Philadelphia, Sunday, June 4th, 1780, 
 12 o'clock at noon. 
 Sir : A Mr. William Finnie from Williamsburg, in 
 Virginia, is just arrived in town, and brings the follow- 
 ing intelligence. That when he as at Baltimore, in 
 Maryland, on his way to this place, a number of letters 
 came to sundry persons there, from Richmond, the 
 capitol of Virginia, informing that Charlestown capit- 
 ulated on the I2th ultimo. The news is mentioned to 
 
6o 
 
 come by an express from Governor Rtitledge of South 
 Carolina to Congress, who was ordered to call on his 
 route and deliver dispatches to Governor Nash of 
 North Carolina, and Governor Jefferson of Virginia. 
 This is supposed to be the reason that he has not yet 
 reached Philadelphia. No particulars are mentioned. 
 The speculators, whose riders travel day and night 
 on such occasions, generally precede the publick ex- 
 presses. By a letter of 31st ultimo from General 
 Washington, I find the capture is credited at head- 
 quarters. What to say against report so confirmed i 
 am at a loss. The probability certainly is against us. 
 Nothing but ofificial certainty remains to be expected. 
 If the event has taken place we may hourly expect this, 
 as the express cannot be far off, unless some extraor- 
 dinary accident has befallen him. I do not like to be- 
 lieve bad news, but we ought to be prepared for it. 
 
 The reflections which first present themselves are, 
 that no greater stroke has befallen vis since the com- 
 mencement of the war, and none which has required 
 more active, thorough exertions to recover and repair 
 it, than this will. It is not said on what terms the gar- 
 rison capitulated, but in all likelihood they cannot be 
 more favorable than prisoners of war. Their service 
 is lost to us, probably for the campaign. The finances 
 evidently mending, will be thrown aback, and without 
 a speedy execution of the system of i8th March, per- 
 haps return to wilder disorder than ever. No subject 
 whatever requires more attention, for money will be 
 more necessary than ever. The effect upon the army, 
 as well as upon the people, will t6o probably be dis- 
 piriting, especially at first; but may be directly 
 opposite, after a little reflection, if the publick move- 
 ments can all be made to draw together, and no chasm 
 or derangement happen before their thoughts and 
 views have time to collect and accommodate them- 
 selves to the exigency. Bold councils are the best ni 
 precarious times. I would submit to the Legislature 
 
6i 
 
 whether if this intelHgence turns out fact, it would not 
 be best to vest in the Governor and Privy Council, or 
 a greater quorum if more proper, powers suited to the 
 cast of the occasion. The capture of Charlestown and 
 the arrival of a French fleet, should it happen, both 
 rec|uire it. The utmost reach of the powers of tlie 
 State will be necessary in a model which can be speedy 
 and effective in execution, either to provide against 
 great evils or to attempt great objects. The Legisla- 
 ture of Pennsylvania, which adjourned last Thursday, 
 before this news appeared in any shape, considering 
 the greatness of the crisis, empowered the Executive 
 to proclaim and establish martial law in case of neces- 
 sity, during the recess of the Assembly, for limited 
 periods. The Assembly has adjourned to September 
 next. A special council composed of members of both 
 Houses might be more agreeable to many, but I say 
 nothing of the form, only have taken the liberty to say 
 thus much concerning the thing itself. A correspond- 
 ence between such body and the delegates in Congress 
 for the State, might be of great use to the State, should 
 the Legislature be unanimous in adopting the measure 
 so as to give it weight with the people at large. 
 
 It also occurs that early and effectual attention 
 ought to be paid to the State, and preparation of the 
 militia. Great part of the enemy's troops will return 
 to New York immediately on the reduction of Charles- 
 town, though if they knew their true interest they 
 would all leave New York and go to the southward. 
 In the event of their coming back, their disposition to 
 mischief is too well known to believe that they will be 
 pacific toward New Jersey. It is not a far sought re- 
 flection that this disaster, though great, it not matter 
 of despondence. Mortals see not futurities, and who 
 can say that Heaven does not mean this to precede 
 something more important to us than it is to the 
 enemy. Things much more unexpected have hap- 
 pened. 
 
62 
 
 Tlie enemy must commit themselves on the ocean 
 before they can appear at New York. Perhaps it is 
 best ; history and experience say, that young nations 
 as well as men, are less able than those of riper age, 
 to bear that prosperity which is not dashed with some 
 sharpness of misfortune. These things fulfil the end 
 of God's government, where partial evil is general 
 good. We pity our sufifering brethren, but no man 
 despairs of the republick. 
 
 I am your Excellency's very obedient servant. 
 William C. Houston. 
 
 To Governor Livingston : 
 
 Philadelphia, June 5th, 1780. 
 
 Sir : You will receive enclosed two resolutions of 
 Congress which have doubtless already gone from the 
 President in the ordinary course of communication. 
 But as papers sometimes miscarry, thought it not amiss 
 to repeat them. That relative to deserters will certain- 
 ly be of moment, should any French troops or the 
 troops of any allied or co-operating power, ever be 
 landed on the American shores for the purpose of giv- 
 ing assistance in the prosecution of the war. The 
 laws relative to desertion will easily be extended to se- 
 cure and return them. This is not only the duty of an 
 ally, but it is our interest in many respects and no ob- 
 jection that I know of can be taken to it. 
 
 The other, relative to the defence of the interior 
 frontiers against the incursions of the savages is im- 
 portant to us. I understood, when lately at Trenton, 
 that there was a bill before the Legislature for embody- 
 ing a number of militia to protect the upper settle- 
 ments. That no hesitation may hereafter be made 
 relative to the allowance of continental pay and rations 
 it would be well to take the step New York has taken, 
 and obtain the approbation and engagement of Con- 
 gress or the commander-in-chief, — either will be suf- 
 
63 
 
 ficient. Every one must be convinced of the necessity 
 of supporting the settlements over the mountains ; for, 
 if they are obHged to remove, double if not treble the 
 number of men will be necessary to secure the country 
 against impressions, and after all it will not be so ef- 
 fectually done in this as in the other mode. 
 
 The post established in Ulster will be of advantage 
 in the general protection, and the Legislature will be 
 able to determine in what degree we may be benefited 
 by it. In the resolutions of 4th April last is men- 
 tioned the body of men to which this of the ist inst. 
 refers. 
 
 I have the honor to be, with due regard, your 
 Excellency's very obedient h'ble servant, 
 
 William C. Houston. 
 
 It was in 1779 that Houston is credited with having, 
 with Robert Morris and Livingston, made himself re- 
 sponsible for the sum of £7000, to clothe the Conti- 
 nental troops. A brief sketch of him by Cooley thus 
 refers to the incident : 
 
 "In 1779, the troops of the State in the Continental 
 Army continued to be in a most destitute condition, es- 
 pecially with regard to pay and clothing, and a touching 
 appeal was made by the ofhcers, at the same time set- 
 ting forth their grievances. During the recess of the 
 Legislature, the necessities of the troops became so 
 urgent that three individuals — Gov. Livingston, Robert 
 Morris and William Churchill Houston — interposed 
 for their relief, and requested the treasurer of the State 
 to furnish the commissioners of clothing any sum not 
 exceeding £7000, to supply clothing, for which they 
 would be responsible, if the Legislature would make 
 no appropriation." 
 
64 
 
 During the session of 1781, Houston devoted 
 himself largely to a discussion of financial questions, 
 methods of increasing the revenue, preparing the 
 budgets for the appropriations of the Army, Navy and 
 Civil affairs. 
 
 In January, 1781, he wrote "Detached Thoughts 
 on the Subject of Money and Finance," which has 
 never been printed, and gives us rather an interesting 
 view of his peculiar treatment of a subject which, 
 at that time, was occupying the attention of some 
 of the greatest minds of this country, both in and out 
 of Congress. This paper is preserved in the collection 
 of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and reads 
 as follows : 
 
 DETACHED THOUGHTS ON THE SUBJECT OF MONEY AND 
 
 FINANCE. 
 
 In modern times the money and finance of a state are matters 
 of so great consequence that too much attention cannot be paid 
 to them. 
 
 Perhaps the reason why many mistakes are committed on this 
 subject is, that people do not study it in the proper train. They 
 take up the middle instead of the beginning. Every man is a 
 financier at once, without thought or experience, except that of 
 an hour. There is but one way of comprehending any art or sci- 
 ence, fully and that is by beginning with the rudiments and first 
 principles, and proceeding to truths and operations lees evident, 
 but demonstratively deducible from them. 
 
 When the intrinsic value of money does not bear a just pro- 
 portion to the uume.rary, everything is set at loose. All trans- 
 actions of dealing become dangerous and no degree of foresight 
 can ascertain how far the evil extends. 
 
 All reasoning upon the subject of circulating mediums and all 
 calculations upon the sufficiency of them, are suspicious, if any 
 thing more is meant than that, other circumstances being alike, 
 when money will not purchase as much in one place as in another, 
 there is, comparatively speaking, too much of it in the place 
 where it purchases less and vice versa. An equilibrium is the 
 natural tendency of money, as well as of water, and is alwayii 
 desirable. 
 
 Therefore, bringing money into a State by borrowing from 
 another, unless it will buy more in the borrowing Slate, other 
 circumstances being alike, than in the leading one, is wrong. 
 
 What are we to understand by a medium of trade, or an ado- 
 
65 
 
 quate circulating medium? If there Is a given sum of silver in 
 any state and a bushel of wheat sells for eight pennyweights of 
 it, is not this as sutficient a medium, as double the sum, sixteen 
 pennyweights of which will then buy a bushel of wheat? If not, 
 leave things to themselves, and they will soon find their level. 
 Restraint is always fatal and operates against its own views. 
 
 When the supreme authority of a State orders the citizens to 
 receive money at a price superior to its real value, the operation 
 is injurious and the risk is dreadful on account of the confusions 
 which must infallibly ensue. It is better, both for the State and 
 individuals, to have recourse to extraordinary taxes and contribu- 
 tions to support the public exigencies. 
 
 Too little money may be an evil, but too much is perhaps a 
 greater; because a redundancy destroys one of the essential quali- 
 ties of money, namely, that it should be so scarce as to be sought 
 after at the value which the authority of the government has 
 placed upon it. 
 
 Industry, not money, is the riches of a nation. Spain has 
 more mines, at least works more, than any other State; yet Spain 
 is not rich. Money is got principally by mining and not by agri- 
 culture or manufactures; but did individuals get it by industry 
 and the community by taxes, both would be richer. The planter's 
 farm and the manufacturer's shop is a better mine than any in 
 Peru. 
 
 Paper circulation is a delusive wealth, as far as it is not the 
 representative of deposited coin. It is an anticipation upon an 
 uncertainty, that is, upon the future industry of the community, 
 and an excess of it destroys that very industry which ought to be 
 its foundation. 
 
 Paper money in the American States was introduced and be- 
 came fashionable in consequence of British oppressions. Their 
 acts for the prohibition of manufactures and the regulation of 
 trade, constantly kept the balance so deep against us that no 
 money, which would pass in any other country, could stay among 
 us. Were trade open and unmolested, as it will be at the con- 
 clusion of the Yvar, if the issue be successful to us, paper currency 
 would be unneccessary. No trading country is better calculated 
 to do without it. 
 
 Therefore it must be the beet policy to draw all the paper 
 money out of circulation at as early a period as possible. It 
 ought to be doue gradually and regularly, and, in this way, the 
 sooner the better. The measures of government ought to be 
 pointed at this object and not to lose sight of it till it is completed. 
 If there is not coin enough in the country for what is called a 
 medium of trade and intercourse, there will be a sufficiency before 
 the paper bills are all cancelled, let that event come as rapidly as 
 it may. 
 
 The way to keep the expenses of a war at a low amount, is 
 to use nothing but real money; there is nothing else about the 
 value of which people in general are at all times nearly agreed. 
 
 All transactions of government ought to be fair and open, but 
 especially those which relate to money and finance ought to be so. 
 Were it ever conceded that there may be subjects and occasions 
 in government, in which a little sleight of hand for the public 
 good, might, perhaps, be in some degree, pardonable, nothing of 
 money and finance can, by any means, be reckoned among them. 
 
66 
 
 It may be said in many caeos, tut in none with more propritly 
 than in this, that there are principles and impressions which 
 operate secretly and insensibly; all classes of people act uniformly 
 upon them, many apparently without recolle.cting or even uiider- 
 efanding anything about them. As in the growth of vegetables the 
 effect is visible, bat the operation of the cause is both impercepti- 
 bio and myeterioue. 
 
 W. C. HOUSTON. 
 January ISth, 1781. 
 
 On the 24th of September, 1781, Houston was 
 elected by Congress Controller of the Treasury, he 
 having been previously nominated by Elias Boudinot, 
 but shortly after, October 13th. in a letter to that body, 
 he declined the honor, upon which another ballot was 
 cast and James Milligan was chosen in his place. In 
 the meantime, April, 17S1, he had been admitted to 
 the practice of the law. 
 
 "As a lawyer he was learned, and at the very 
 threshold of his professional life attached the princi- 
 ple that he would never, in any circumstances, suffer 
 himself to be engaged in a cause of the justice of which 
 he was not conscientiously satisfied. This necessarily 
 limited the extent of his practice, but is an example 
 which commends itself." 
 
 He had, for some time, thought of retiring from 
 Congress. As early as March 20th, 1780, Dr. With- 
 erspoon writes to a friend in Scotland : "I have now 
 left Congress, not being able to support the expense 
 of attending it. Professor Houston, however, our 
 Professor of Mathematics, is a delegate this year ; but 
 he tells me he will certainly have to leave it next No- 
 vember. I mention this circumstance to confirm what 
 I believe I wrote you formerly, that members of Con- 
 gress, not only receive no profit from that ofBce, but 
 I believe, five out of six of them ; if not more, are great 
 
67 
 
 losers in their private affairs." Patriotic considerations, 
 however, had induced Houston to remain until 1781. 
 
 (bn the 28th of September of that year he was ap- 
 pointed clerk of the Supreme Court of New Jersey, 
 which office he held until his death. He now returned 
 actively to the duties of his professorship, which, how- 
 ever, he resigned in 1783, and devoted himself entirely 
 to his profession, and political duties, although he 
 continued a connection with the college, serving con- 
 tinuously as Treasurer of that institution. 
 
 He was appointed Receiver of Continental Taxes 
 in 1782 and continued to hold that ofifice until 1785. 
 
 After resigning his professorship in the College 
 of New Jersey he became one of the founders and one 
 of the first stockholders of the Trenton Academy. 
 Shortly after his admission to the bar of New Jersey he 
 had been appointed one of the Commissioners named 
 by Congress to settle the dispute between Pennsylvania 
 and Connecticut regarding the Wyoming lands, the 
 other Commissioners being William Whipple, Wel- 
 colm Arnold, David Brearley and Cyrus Grifitin. The 
 Commission held its sessions at Trenton from Novem- 
 ber 1 2th to December 30th, 1782, and its decision, 
 which was in favor of the State of Pennsylvania, and 
 from which there was no appeal, was so brief and clear 
 as to startle those interested. It has passed into his- 
 tory as "The Trenton Decree." 
 
 Mr. Houston delivered many addresses on law at 
 Princeton, and there are also extant several of his opin- 
 ions in various cases, given at Trenton, also a number 
 of speeches made before the New Jersey Legislature. 
 They mostly consist of lengthy legal questions, 
 
68 
 
 and quotations from authorities here and in England 
 on points of constitutional law. One of these is an ad- 
 dress on "Whether the Liberty of the Press ought to 
 extend so far as to justify the Publishing of the name 
 of a Person, with strictures on his conduct, by an 
 anonymous author, or with a fictitious signature," 
 which was delivered at Trenton, 24 March, 1784, and is 
 here given as an example of his exhaustive research in 
 the treatment of such subjects. 
 
 WHETHER THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS 
 OUGHT TO EXTEND SO FAR AS TO JUS- 
 TIFY THE PUBLISHING OF THE NAME 
 OF A PERSON, WITH STRICTURES ON 
 HIS CONDUCT, BY AN ANONYMOUS 
 AUTHOR, OR WITH A FICTITIOUS SIG- 
 NATURE. 
 
 The English Law Doctrine of Libels is so naked- 
 ly absurd that it is a matter of surprise they should 
 persist in it. To see such enlightened sages of the 
 law as Hobart, Hawkins, Blackstone or Bacon strug- 
 gling at the awkward uphill task of showing that a 
 Libel is not the less culpable for being true, nay that 
 truth is an aggravation of crime, cannot but fill us with 
 a kind of indignant sorrow. From the instances which 
 have come to the knowledge of the public, we have 
 good reason to believe that American courts and 
 juries entertain very different sentiments, and view 
 the Liberty of the Press and the Doctrine of Libels 
 through the just medium of common sense ; and prob- 
 ably their ideas are nearly similar to those of the an- 
 cients upon these subjects. With our venerable pro- 
 genitors the Falsehood or Malice of a Libel, constituted 
 the essence of its crime, and the forms of indictment 
 ior this offence, which were in use centuries ago, use 
 
69 
 
 the words false, scandalous and malicious. In our own 
 country, if a judgment may be formed upon the appar- 
 ent principles and impressions of the people at large, 
 nothing would' be considered as a Libel unless intention- 
 ally false and palpably malicious. These two ingredi- 
 ents make the scandal, and the scandal is the crime 
 and, if anything is settled among us as law in this 
 case, it comports with what I have now mentioned. 
 
 Most of the constitutions of the several States in 
 the American Union lay it down as a fundamental prin- 
 ciple of Government, that "The Liberty of the Press i.i 
 essential to freedom and ought to be strenuously sup- 
 ported." Some of them go so far as to add this ex- 
 pression, "and ought not to be restrained." The 
 words have a great latitude and generality, but the 
 meaning is perfectly good. It seems to intend that 
 the common and general law of every State make* 
 provision for the redress of any wrongs which can hap- 
 pen in this respect, by allowing damages according 
 to the demerits of each case, and rendering the printer 
 liable to an action instead of the author, if the name of 
 the latter is concealed. 
 
 But will any person say that a writer is not justi- 
 fiable in writing, nor a printer in printing and publish- 
 ing anything but what he knows to be true? This 
 would not only destroy the Liberty of the Press, but 
 the Press itself, and at once shut up the avenue of en- 
 quiry and discussion, the best and most usual means 
 of finding out the truth. To establish such a doctrine 
 would be to require universal knowledge in men of 
 these descriptions, and to make infallibility indispens- 
 ably necessary to their professions. Certainly proba- 
 bility is a sufficient ground for them, or in other words, 
 they are only to avoid intentional falsehood, and the 
 emotions of malice. To deny a man the liberty of act- 
 ing where he may entertain any doubt, or to be at any 
 uncertainty, is to stop and render him a statue. The 
 Doctrine of Law is very different from this, which al- 
 
76 
 
 lows us to undertake a thousand doubtful things; if 
 we are right it is well, if not we must suffer the con- 
 sequences of our mistakes ; but it is ten times better 
 for ourselves as well as others, that we should do this 
 than not act at all. 
 
 Some, however, may perhaps go thus far, and then 
 halt and distrust upon what appears to be very plain 
 and easy ground. They will allow that all this is right 
 and pertains to the Liberty of the Press ; but then a 
 writer ought not to mention nor a printer to publish 
 the name of any person, while that of the writer is not 
 given. I cannot persuade myself that this opinion 
 will bear reflection and examination. When any class, 
 profession or general description of men are to be 
 animadverted upon, no names need be mentioned ; 
 there can be no necessity for it, and if there could, it 
 might not be practicable. But there are thousands 
 of instances in which individuals, single characters, 
 persons or officers of whom there may be but one of 
 the sort, are to be designated and made the subject of 
 remark. What is to be done? Either names or some- 
 thing that will, with equal certainty, point out the per- 
 son meant, must be used ; otherwise we speak not to 
 be understood, which is idle and useless, not to say 
 ridiculous. Will it then be said that a description 
 which will identify the person may be used, but not 
 the name? The English law itself, wrong-headed as 
 it is upon the subject of Libels, does not go as fa*- 
 as this ; but explodes the idea of distinction. It is as 
 culpable, say the decisions, to describe the person or 
 persons, who are the subject of this charge, as to name 
 them, because the effect is the same ; certainly then, on 
 the other hand, it must be as proper and right to use 
 names as description, which in the end cannot but 
 amount to the same thing. It is a mark of reason and 
 philosophy to distinguish where there is a real differ- 
 ence, and perhaps not less so to regard distinctions 
 where there is no difference. 
 
71 
 
 But the matter being conceded, if so it should hap- 
 pen to bC;, that there is no difference, in any material 
 respect, between the use of names, and descriptions, 
 as above stated, it is then said that if the names are 
 used those of the writers ought also to appear. This 
 is ipso facto begging the question. I never heard 
 any person deny that it is right to publish under a fic- 
 titious signature. All that is contended is, that when 
 this is the case, the name of the person, who is the sub- 
 ject of remark, ought not to be made use of. But we 
 have seen before that there is no difference between 
 making use of his name and describing him. It is 
 then the turn of a feather whether a real or a fictitious 
 name be placed at the bottom of a publication. Is it 
 one whit to the merits of the question in the thing 
 which is submitted to the thoughts and enquiry of the 
 public, whether the writers name be John or Joseph? 
 But little do we consider how exactly it is the same to 
 destroy the Freedom of the Press and to say that a 
 writer ought not to sign a fictitious name. Could this 
 doctrine once be established that writing under a fic- 
 titious signature is wrong, unlawful and ought to be 
 suppressed, it would require little logic to prove that 
 the Liberties of the people were no more. 
 
 W. C. Houston. 
 Trenton, 24 March, 1784. 
 
 Houston joined with others in procuring for John 
 Fitch, the steamboat inventor, the ofifice of Deputy 
 Surveyor. After the treaty of peace with England, 
 the question of how the lands northwest of the Ohio 
 should be disposed of was mooted in Congress. It 
 was thought they would be sold to pay the debts of 
 the Confederacy. Fitch was now a land jobber, and 
 supposed that a good operation might be made by a 
 pre-survey of the county, so that when the Land Of- 
 fices were opened warrants might be taken out im- 
 
72 
 
 mediately for choice tracts. He found no diffi- 
 culty in forming a company to forward such an enter - 
 prise. It was composed of Dr. John Ewing, Rev. 
 Nathaniel Irwin, Wm. C. Houston, Jonathan Dick- 
 inson Sergeant, Stacy Potts, of Trenton, and Colonel 
 Joshua Anderson, of Bucks County, Pennsylvania, 
 These gentlement put £20 each in a fund to pay ex- 
 penses. John Fitch showed a rough model of his 
 steamboat to Dr. John Ewing, provost of the Univer- 
 sity of Pennsylvania, who gave him a letter to Hous- 
 ton, dated Aug. 20th, 1785. In this letter Dr. Ewing 
 says : "As you are a gentleman of knowledge in these 
 matters, I make no doubt of his receiving your patron- 
 age so far at least as to give him an opportunity of lay- 
 ing his scheme before Congress." 
 
 The letter of Dr. Ewing to Houston was de- 
 livered to the latter a day or two after it was written, 
 at his house in Trenton. Houston, not being a 
 member of Congress at that time, enclosed the recom- 
 mendation of Dr. Ewing to Lambert Cadwalader, 
 then a delegate for New Jersey, accompanying it with 
 a letter of his own in the following terms : 
 
 "Trenton, August 25, 1785. 
 
 "Sir: I have examined the principles and con- 
 struction of Mr. Fitch's Steamboat and though not 
 troubled with a penchant for projects, cannot help ap- 
 proving the simplicity of the plan. 
 
 "The greatest objections to most pretensions of 
 this sort are, the delicacy and complication of the ma- 
 chinery. This does not seem liable to such objections, 
 as to the moving force of the whole, we know very well 
 that the power of steam is beyond conception, it is 
 everything but omnipotent, and almost that. 
 
71 
 
 "The model is plain, and you will at once form a 
 judgment of its probable general effect. The differ- 
 ence produced by standing or running water is to be 
 more attentively considered. I enclose you Dr. Ew- 
 ing's letter. He is certainly an able judge in these 
 cases, and I cannot help expressing a wish that it may 
 be practicable to do something toward procuring an 
 experiment. The person who offers it you know. He 
 is a man highly deserving, as modest, ingenious, enter- 
 prising and of good morals. 
 "I am sir, 
 '•&c., &c., 
 
 William C. Houston. 
 "Honorable L. Cadwalader, Esqr." 
 
 In October, 1784, Houston was again elected to 
 Congress, serving until October 28, 1785. 
 
DELEGATE TO THE CONSTITUTIONAL 
 CONVENEION OF 1787. 
 
 Of the many and various honors bestowed upon 
 Houston, the greatest, perhaps, was his appointment 
 as one of the delegates from New Jersey to the Con- 
 vention of 1787, which framed the Constitution of the 
 United States. The part which he took in that Con- 
 vention has never, until now, been clearly established, 
 and the absence of his name from the original draft of 
 the famous Act has led either to a misrepresentation of 
 his political convictions, or the excuse that ill health 
 not only prevented his signing, but also hindreed his 
 attendance during the sessions, and it has been sup- 
 posed that for one reason or another he took no active 
 part whatever in the deliberations of that body. 
 
 "The Act which was signed at Philadelphia on 
 September 17, 1787," says Hampton L. Carson, in 
 his "History of the Celebration of the One Hundredth 
 Anniversary of the Promulgation of the Consitution 
 of the United States," "was not so much a sudden crea- 
 tion, an inspired fact of that memorable year, as it was 
 a logical growth out of many years of thoughtful and 
 painful experience. The principles of that nationalized 
 union which the Constitution accomplished had already 
 been stirring in the breasts of the wise and the patri- 
 otic for three generations." 
 
 If, indeed, we go so far back in the history of 
 the American people for a dawning of "the principles 
 of nationalized Union," perfected by the Constitution, 
 
7S 
 
 we may well search still further back, and find, amid 
 the moldy archives of a half-forgotten people, in those 
 utterances and arguments urged for self-government 
 which have for ages been advanced by various states- 
 men of different nations at different times, and in many 
 tongues, the element from which were forged, in 1787, 
 the most splendid act that ever emanated from any con- 
 vention, either in this or any other country. 
 
 Supposing, however, that ignoring the earlier and 
 crude plans of Franklin and others, we view the Con- 
 stitution as an act simply and primarly, the direct result 
 of the Revolution, we must also remember that, from 
 the very beginning of the struggle, it had been consid- 
 ered by the wisest of our statesmen of imperative im- 
 portance that a permanent confederation of the States 
 should be effected at the first possible moment. 
 Thomas Paine, as early as January, 1776, wrote: "We 
 have every opportunity and every encouragement to 
 form the noblest, purest Constitution on the face of 
 the earth." In these sentiments he was seconded by 
 no less a patriot than Washington himself. 
 
 As years went by the need of concentration of 
 power became more urgent. The States were begin- 
 ning to assume for themselves sovereign rule, and this 
 power was strengthened and guarded more jealously 
 as time passed. Congress, indeed, was only the ad- 
 viser of the States, and its acts could be annulled part- 
 ly or entirely by any of them. What authority Con- 
 gress possessed, however, it guarded religiously, en- 
 trenching itself as much as possible in the knowledge 
 that it was the highest executive body then existing 
 in the country, and the dignity thus self-bestowed it 
 
ye 
 
 was difficult to induce it to surrender. This, more 
 than other reasons, is given for delay of an act so long- 
 suggested by many of the purest and most partiotic 
 men that Congress had ever included in its sessions. 
 
 The Confederation of 1781, indeed, was a loni^ 
 stride in the right direction, and was received through- 
 out the country in the most enthusiastic manner. It 
 was, however, but a temporary measure, weakly con- 
 structed, and it soon ceased to command either the re- 
 gard or respect from any one or of any State. In the 
 meantime commerce suffered, the business of the coun- 
 try was paralyzed and its money worthless. 
 
 "The general situation of the country in the summer 
 of 1786," writes Hampton L. Carson, "was de- 
 plorable. From a careful report made to the 
 Count de Vergennes, in September of that year, 
 it appears that the condition especially of New Eng- 
 land was sufficient to impart a sentiment of despair. 
 The common masses of the people, driven by distress, 
 demanded the emission of paper money for their re- 
 lief. Massachusetts had seen its prodigious evils in 
 other States and refused it. These people then took 
 arms and dispersed the courts, demanded their aboli- 
 tion, and that of the State Senate, and cried out for a 
 new emission of paper, and other wild objects from 
 which they imagined relief would come. In New 
 Hampshire three hundred mutineers assembled to 
 break up a court of justice, and intimidated their legis- 
 islature. Many of the people of Connecticut made 
 efforts for the abolishment of debts and the dissolu- 
 tion of the courts. Hundreds of farms were then of- 
 fered for sale for the payment of taxes ; and specie was 
 
71 
 
 so scarce that they hardly brought one-tenth of then 
 value." 
 
 The situation, indeed, was not only deplorable, 
 but alarming and appalling. The losses, by reason oi 
 the great and unsecured issuance of paper money, had 
 caused the greatest suffering, not only amongst the 
 poor, but amongst those who before the Revolution 
 had been substantial farmers, merchants and bankers. 
 Those who from the first had publicly opposed the 
 war, and those who from motives of personal or finan- 
 cial safety had been silent to the world, but really ad- 
 verse to the cause, now began to agitate a discontented 
 people, and clamor loudly for a monarchy ; nor would 
 it have taken considerable time to have placed the 
 country in civil strife. In New England, as we have 
 seen, the people were already rising under arms, and 
 in every State were hundreds of desperate men whose 
 late service in the Revolution made them a capable 
 and formidable power. These men were asking for 
 bread. 
 
 A member of Congress from Virginia wrote at 
 this time to Washington : "We are all in dire apprehen- 
 sion that a beginning of anarchy with all its calamities 
 has approached, and we have no means to stop the 
 dreadful work." He ends by suggesting that Wash- 
 ington use his influence with the masses of the people 
 to quell the disorder, to which Washington character- 
 istically replies : "Influence is no government." 
 
 Amid this disorder, however, there were still left, 
 undismayed, many of those calm minds which had 
 brought the Revolution to a successful issue, and who 
 had never abandoned their firm belief in the final sue- 
 
78 
 
 cess of an independent nation, and in the future wel- 
 fare of their country. 
 
 As a preliminary step, at the suggestion of some 
 of these men, the Virginia Legislature, in January, 
 1786, passed a resolution proposing a convention of 
 delegates from all of the States. "To take into con- 
 sideration the trade of the United States ; to consider 
 how far a uniform in their commercial regulations 
 may be necessary to their common interest and their 
 permanent harmony ; and to report to the several 
 States such an Act, relative to this great object, as, 
 when ratified by them, will enable the United States 
 in Congress efifectually to provide for the same." 
 
 The Virginia Commissioners finally fixed the first 
 Monday in September following as the time, and An- 
 napolis as the place for the proposed convention. New 
 Jersey was the first State to signify approval and to 
 appoint commissioners, her delegates being Abraham 
 Clark, William Churchill Houston and James Schuur- 
 man. Pennsylvania, Delaware and New York were 
 also represented, but the other States either failed tc 
 appoint commissioners, or the latter, if appointed, 
 failed or refused to attend. The delegates present at 
 the Annapolis Convention, after some deliberation, 
 agreed to a report to Congress (drawn by Alexander 
 Hamilton) "expressing their unanimous conviction 
 that it might essentially tend to advance the interests 
 of the Union if the States by which they were respec- 
 tively delegated would concur, and use their endeavors 
 to procure the concurrence of the other States, in the 
 appointment of commissioners to meet at Philadel- 
 phia on the second Monday of May following to take 
 
79 
 
 into consideration the situation of the United 
 States ; to devise such further provisions as should ap- 
 pear to them necessary to render the Constitution of 
 the Federal Government adequate to the exigencies of 
 the Union ; and to report such an Act for that purpose 
 to the United States in Congress assembled as, when 
 agreed to by them, and afterwards confirmed by the 
 Legislatures of every State, will efifectually provide for 
 the same." 
 
 On the 25th of February, 1787, Rufus King, of 
 Massachusetts, who at first had opposed such a con- 
 vention, introduced a favorable resolution before Con- 
 gress, which was adopted, and the Legislatures of 
 those States which had not already done so (except 
 Rhode Lsland) appointed delegates. It was natural 
 that in the appointment of delegates by New Jersey, 
 William Churchill Houston, now one of her favorite 
 sons, and the intimate of Livingston, Witherspoon, 
 Clark, Brearley, Paterson and Boudinot, should have 
 been selected. He had, indeed, risen to a very high 
 position in the practice of the law, as well as in States- 
 manship. 
 
 The following are exact copies of the proceedings 
 of the Assembly and Council of New Jersey, both in 
 the matter of the appointment of delegates to the An- 
 napolis Convention, in September, 1786, and that held 
 in Philadelphia, in May following, and wdiilst the lat- 
 ter was in session : 
 
 Votes of Assembly, 1786 (New Jersey). 
 Minutes and proceedings of the Joint Meeting. 
 March 21, 1786. 
 
 The Council and Assembly met at the house of Mr. Drake in 
 Trenton, when the following gentlemen were appointed Commis- 
 
8o 
 
 Bioners to meet the Com mi S3 Ion ere of the other states upon com- 
 mercial and other matters, to wit: 
 
 Abraham 
 
 William C. 
 
 James Schuuri 
 
 nailers, lo wii: 
 Clark, ] 
 
 d. Houston, > EfiQUlres. 
 huurman, J 
 
 November 23. 1786. 
 
 David Bearley, "| Esquires, were elected Commissioners 
 
 William Paterson, I to meet the Commissioners of the 
 William C. Houston, }■ other states at PhiladeJphia, in May 
 John Neilson, ! next, on Commercial and other Mat- 
 
 J ters. 
 
 May 18, 1787. 
 
 The Council and Assembly met at the house of Mr. Hutchin, 
 in the City of Burlington. 
 
 His Excellency William Livingston and Abraham Clark, Esqs., 
 were elected Commissioners to meet the Commissioners of the 
 other states at Philadelphia, on Commercial and other Matters. 
 June 5, 1787. 
 
 The Council and Assembly met at the Court House in the City 
 of Burlington. 
 
 Jonathan Dayton, Esquire, was elected a Commissioner to 
 meet the Commissioners of the other States at Philadelphia, on 
 Commercial and other Matters. 
 
 Votes of Assembly (New Jersey), 1786. 
 
 November 24, 1786. 
 
 Resolved, That the Honourable David Brearley, William C. 
 Houston, William Paterson and John Neilson, Esquires, Commis- 
 eioners appointed on the Part of this State, or any three of them, 
 be, and they are hereby authorized and empowered to meet such 
 Commissioners as have been or may be appointed by the other 
 States in the Union at the city of Philadelphia, in the Common- 
 wealth of Pennsylvania, on the second Monday in May next, for 
 the Purpose of taking into consideration the State of the Union as 
 to trade and other important Objects, and of devising such further 
 Provisions as shall appear to render the Constitution of the fed- 
 eral Government adequate to the Exigencies thereof. 
 
 Ordered, That Mr. Anderson do carry the said Resolutions to 
 the Council for Concurrence. 
 
 Resolved, That the Treasurer be directed to pay to any three 
 of the Commissioners of this State appointed to meet the Com- 
 missioners of the other States in the Union upon Commercial and 
 other Matters, the Sum of Four Dollars per Day for every Day 
 they or either of them shall be employed in this Service, upon Ac- 
 count by them to exhibit upon Oath, certifying the Time they 
 have been so employed. 
 
 Message from the Council by Mr. Ogden. 
 
 Council Chamber, November 24, 1786. 
 
 The Council having taken into Consideration the Resolution 
 of the House of Assembly, empowering the Commissioners to 
 meet at Philadelphia in May next, on Commercial Matters, &c. 
 . . . and also the resolution . . . relative to directing the 
 
8i 
 
 Treasurer to pay to any three of the Commissioners of this state, 
 appointed to meet the Commissionere of the other States, Four 
 Dollars per Day, &c. 
 
 State of New Jersey. 
 
 To the Hon. David Brearley, William Churchill Hous- 
 ton, William Paterson and John Neilson, Esqrs., 
 Greeting: 
 
 The Council and Assembly, reposing especial 
 trust and confidence in your integrity, prudence, and 
 ability, have, at a joint meeting, appointed you, the said 
 David Brearley, William Churchill Houston, Willian) 
 Paterson, and John Neilson, Esqrs., or any three of 
 you, Commissioners, to meet such Commissioners as 
 have been, or may be, appointed by the other States in 
 the Union, at the city of Philadelphia, in the Com- 
 monwealth of Pennsylvania, on the second Monday ni 
 May next, for the purpose of taking into consideration 
 the state of the Union as to trade and other important 
 objects, and of devising such other provisions as shall 
 appear to be necessary to render the Constitution of 
 the Federal Government adequate to the exigencies 
 thereof. 
 
 In testimony whereof, the great seal of the State 
 is hereunto affixed. Witness, William Livingston, 
 Esq., Governor, Captain-general, and Commander-in- 
 chief in and over the State of New Jersey, and terri- 
 tories thereunto belonging. Chancellor and Ordin- 
 ary in the same, at Trenton, the 23d day of No- 
 vember, in the year of our Lord 1786, and of our Sov- 
 ereignty and Independence the eleventh. 
 
 WILLIAM LIVINGSTON. 
 
 By his Excellency's command. 
 
 Bowes Reed, Secretary. 
 
82 
 
 The Convention was called to meet May 14th, 
 1787, at Philadelphia, at which time some few of the 
 delegates, including Houston, were present. The Con- 
 vention proceeded immediately to postpone its sessions 
 until May 25th, on which day it convened with General 
 Washington in the chair, a quorum of the States being 
 present. On that day Houston, with the other dele- 
 gates, presented his credentials and took his seat. 
 There is every reason to believe that from this time 
 on he was in constant attendance. 
 
 On June 4th the Legislature of New Jersey passed 
 a resolution, showing that he was then in Philadelphia 
 and at that time engaged in the work of the Conven- 
 tion, and the following, from the Archives of New Jer- 
 sey is here presented as evidence of his services to 
 this time : 
 
 June 4, 1787- 
 
 The Speaker laid before the House a Letter from 
 the Delegates representing this State in the Conven- 
 tion now sitting at Philadelphia, desiring a Sum of 
 Money may be paid them for the Discharge of the 
 Proportion of the Expense of Stationary and other 
 contingent Expenses of the Convention ; whereupon, 
 
 Resolved, That the Honourable David Brearley. 
 William Churchill Houston, and William Paterson, 
 Esquires, or either of them, be, and they are hereby 
 authorized and empowered to draw on the Treas- 
 urer for a Sum not exceeding Thirty Pounds, to defray 
 this State's Quota of the general Expenses which may 
 accrue in the course of the Convention ; and such 
 Draught, accepted and paid by the Treasurer, shall 
 be deemed a sufficient Voucher for so much of the pub- 
 lick Monies in his Hands. 
 
 Ordered, That Mr. Whilden do carry the said 
 Resolution to the Council for Concurrence. 
 
83 
 
 June 5, 1787. • 
 
 Message from the Council by Mr. Holmes. 
 
 Council-Chamber, June 5, 1787. 
 
 Ordered, That the Council having taken into Con- 
 sideration the Resolution from the House of Assem- 
 bly, relative to authorizing the Honourable David 
 Brearley, William Paterson and William Churchill 
 Houston, Esquires, or either of them, to draw on the 
 Treasurer for any Sum not exceeding 30 Pounds, &c. 
 
 Resolved, That the House do concur therein. 
 
 On the same day Jonathan Dayton was added to 
 the delegation, as appears by the following from the 
 minutes : 
 
 June 7, 1787. 
 
 Resolved, That the Honourable Jonathan Dayton 
 be appointed a Commissioner on the Part of this State, 
 in Conjunction with his Excellency William Living- 
 ston, the Honourable David Brearley, William Church- 
 ill Houston, William Paterson and Abraham Clark, 
 Esquires, to meet such Commissioners as have been 
 appointed by the other States in the Union, for the Pur- 
 poses m.entioned in a Resolution of the Legislature of 
 the 19th May last; and that the Treasurer be directed 
 and authorized to pay to the said Jonathan Dayton, 
 Esquire, the same pay as is allowed to the other Com- 
 missioners appointed on the part of this State, upon 
 producing his Account in the same Manner as is di- 
 rected by a Resolution of the Legislature of the 26th 
 November, 1786. 
 
 Ordered, That Mr. Starke do carry the said Res- 
 olution to Council for Concurrence. 
 
 Council Chamber, June 7, 1787. 
 The Council having taken into consideration the 
 Resolution from the Plouse of Assembly, relative to 
 appointing the Honourable Jonathan Dayton, Es- 
 
" A 
 04 
 
 quire, Commissioner, and directing the Treasurer to 
 
 pay him the same as allowed the other Commissioners, 
 
 Resolved, That the House do concur therein. 
 
 On Tuesday, July 17th, Houston was still in at- 
 tendance, and is credited in the "Debates on the Fed- 
 eral Constitution" with a motion, in conjunction wath 
 Gouverneur Morris, to postpone the consideration of 
 the words, "For the term of seven years," which mo- 
 tion w'as carried in the affirmative. 
 
 It was Houston, also, who moved to strike out of 
 the proposed draft of the Constitution the clause which 
 made a President of the United States ineligible for a 
 second term, which motion was seconded by Sherman, 
 and espoused by Morris, who declared that "the ineli- 
 gibility proposed by the clause, as it stood, tended 
 to destroy the great motive to good behavior, the hope 
 of being rewarded by a reappointment. It was say- 
 ing to him 'make hay while the sun shines.' On the 
 question under consideration of striking out as moved 
 by Houston_, it passed in the affirmative. Hampton 
 L. Carson, for some reason, credits this motion to 
 Morris and ignores Houston." 
 
 On Monday, July 23d, v/e find that Houston and 
 Spaight moved conjointly "that the appointment of the 
 executive by Electors chosen by the legislators of the 
 States" be reconsidered. Houston debated this mo- 
 tion, and urged "the extreme inconvenience and the 
 considerable expense of drawing together men from 
 all the States for the single purpose of electing the 
 Chief Magistrate." 
 
 On the follov/ing day, the appointment of the Ex- 
 ecutive being reconsidered, Houston moved that he be 
 
85 
 
 appointed by the National Legislature, instead of by 
 Electors appointed by the State Legislature. 
 
 He again debated the question, and dwelt chiefly 
 on "the improbability that capable men would under- 
 take the services of Electors from the more distant 
 States." The motion, however, after some further 
 debate, was lost, being strenuously opposed, especially 
 by Gerry. 
 
 Evidence can also be produced to show that he 
 continued to attend during the months of August and 
 the early part of September. 
 
 It is not our purpose to present here, however, the 
 details of Houston's work in the Convention, but mere- 
 ly to indicate that he was present throughout its ses- 
 sions, and, with the other members of the Commission 
 from New Jersey, attended with diligence and zeal 
 to the work intrusted to him. Nor do we intend to 
 enter into the conduct of the Convention from day to 
 day. All that has been told, and well told, by many 
 historians. 
 
 The Convention closed its labors on September 
 i/th, 1787, and the engrossed draft of the Constitu- 
 tion, as approved, was then signed. Houston's name, 
 however, is not attached to that document. The prin- 
 cipal reasons given for this omission are, first, that he 
 was ill and not able to sign, and, secondly, that he was 
 not in accord with some of the sections included in the 
 Act and declined to afifix his signature. Both of these 
 reasons are known to be erroneous, and the most 
 simple explanation is that all of the Commissioners of 
 each State were not required to sign. 
 
 The following" is the report made by the Commis- 
 
86 
 
 sioners from New Jersey to the Legislature of that 
 State that their work on the Constitution had been 
 completed : 
 
 THE COMMISSIONERS Appointed by joint 
 meeting of the Legislature to meet Commissioners of 
 the other States in the Union, at the City of Philadel- 
 phia, in the Month of May last, for the purpose of tak- 
 ing into consideration the State of the Union, &c., beg 
 leave to report to this honorable House, that in pursu- 
 ance of their appointment they met the Commissioners 
 of eleven of the other States in Union at Philadelphia, 
 and thereupon entered upon the business of their ap- 
 pointment. 
 
 That the Commissioners so convened did after 
 long and serious deliberation & with no small dif- 
 ficulty, finally agree upon a plan for the Government 
 of the said United States, which together with the 
 other Acts of the Convention were by them transmit- 
 ted to the honorable the Congress of the United States. 
 Copies of the same are hereunto annexed. 
 
 All which are, by your Commissioners, most 
 humbly submitted to this honorable House. 
 
 Trenton, 25th October 1787. 
 
 IVil Livingston. 
 
 David Brearley. 
 
 W. C. Houston. 
 
 Jona. Dayton. 
 
 [A printed copy of the Constitution appended, signed by Liv- 
 ingston, Brearley, Paierson and Dayton.] 
 
 It will be noted that Paterson, who signed the Constitution, 
 failed to sign the report to the Legislature, William Churchill 
 Houston signing in his stead. 
 
 It will therefore be seen that William Churchill Houston is en- 
 titled to rank among the signers of the Constitution even though 
 his name is not attached to the original document. 
 
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87 
 
 The Assembly. 
 October 26, 1787. 
 
 His Excellency William Livingston, and the Hon- 
 ourable David Brearley, William Churchill Houston 
 and Jonathan Dayton, Esquires, Commissioners ap- 
 pointed by Joint Meeting to meet Commissioners of 
 the other States in the Union, at the City of Philadel- 
 phia, in the Month of May last, for the purpose of tak- 
 ing into Consideration the State of the Union, &c., re- 
 ported to the House, that in Pursuance of their Ap- 
 pointment, they met the Commissioners of eleven other 
 States in the Union at Philadelphia, and thereupon 
 entered upon the Business of their appointment. 
 
 That the Commissioners so convened, did, after 
 long and serious Deliberation, and with no small Dif- 
 ficulty, finally agree upon a Plan for the Government 
 of the said United States, which, together with the 
 other Acts of the Convention, were by them transmit- 
 ted to the Honourable the Congress of the United 
 States, in the Words following: [Here follows the Con- 
 stitution^ 
 
 Upon the termination of his work in the Con- 
 stitutional Convention Houston returned to Trenton, 
 where he now resided, and resumed his interrupted 
 law practice and his duties as Clerk of the Supreme 
 Court, continuing in these occupations with his usual 
 energy and fidelity until the following spring. 
 
 And now, at the age of only about forty-two years, 
 before many men have yet arrived at the prime of their 
 life, the work of William Churchill Houston was fin- 
 ished. 
 
 He had been a professor of Mathematics and Nat- 
 ural Philosophy in the College of New Jersey at a 
 very early age, and a few years later had been 
 chosen a member of the Continental Congress, serving 
 several terms. He had fought beside Washington 
 and had spoken in debate with Jefiferson, Dickinson, 
 
88 
 
 Adams, Hancock and Madison. His intimate knowl- 
 edge of finance had led to his selection as Controller 
 of the Treasury, which position, on account of his 
 many other duties, he had been forced to decline. 
 
 As a lawyer he had, indeed, been eminently suc- 
 cessful and many important cases intrusted to him, 
 both of a public and private nature, he had skillfully 
 and successfully prosecuted. The crowning event of 
 his brief, but brilliant and useful life, however, had 
 been his selection as one of the delegates from Ne\A' 
 Jersey to the Constitutional Convention of 1787, and 
 we have shown by documentary evidence, that in that 
 Convention he took an active part. Whatever may 
 have been his reason for not affixing his name to that 
 historic document, it is certain that he was not only 
 zealous for its completion, but was also largely instru- 
 mental in its ratification, and that he, with the other 
 delegates from New Jersey, reported its consummation 
 to his own State, and under his own signature. 
 
 During the course of his whole life he had en- 
 joyed the sincere and beneficial friendship of some of 
 the greatest scholars, statesmen and soldiers of his 
 day ; but he has left us but a few lines of writing for all 
 of his life's work. If he had lived another score of 
 years he might, indeed, like Jefferson and Madison 
 and Adams, risen still higher in the ranks of the pa- 
 triots, or, like Charles Thomson, once his fellow-secre- 
 tary of Congress, have died unrewarded and forgotten 
 As it happened, however, death claimed him in pros- 
 perity. Overwork, apparently, had shattered his not 
 too vigorous constitution, and consumption laid its 
 fingers upon his throat. Feeling that the end was ap- 
 proaching his thoughts moved from business cares 
 and the affairs of state to his old home in the South, 
 and he set out to visit it again before he died. Arriv- 
 
89 
 
 iiig at Frankford, a few miles from Philadelphia, he 
 was taken extremely ill and repaired to an inn kept by 
 Mr. Geisse, on the Frankford road, where he suddenly 
 and unexpectedly expired on August 12th, 1788. His 
 body was removed to Philadelphia, and, the next 
 morning, he was buried from the house of a relative, 
 Mr. Sergeant, on Arch street. 
 
 The interment was made in the burial ground of 
 the Second Presbyterian Church, Rev. Ashbel Green 
 ofificiating. 
 
 The Second Presbyterian Church, at that time, 
 was at the northwest corner of Arch and Third streets. 
 It was a brick building, the foundation of which was 
 laid in May, 1750, and the edifice was torn down soon 
 after 1836. Rev. Asbel Green was pastor of this 
 Church from the year 1787. This distinguished Pres- 
 byterian divine had been a pupil of Houston's and had 
 graduated from Princeton College in 1783, and in 1803 
 was elected to the Professorship of Theology in that 
 institution. 
 
 It is uncertain whether Houston was buried in 
 the ground immediately adjoining the Church or in 
 the graveyard belonging to the Second Church on 
 Arch street, above Fifth. Both of these grounds 
 were leveled and built upon about 1836, and some of 
 the bodies removed to a common place of interment. 
 His precise resting place, therefore, as well as that 
 of many other distinguished sons of Princeton, is not 
 now known. 
 
 In person, Houston, says one of his biographers, 
 "was tall and slender, dignified and graceful, extreme- 
 ly intelligent, grave, serious and uniform. His style 
 of speaking was clear, calm, free from excitement, like 
 
90 
 
 a gentle flowing stream without a ripple or tumult, and 
 yet by its simplicity, truth and earnestness, seldom 
 failed to produce conviction." No portrait of him is 
 believed to be extant. 
 
 William Churchill Houston married Jane, daugh- 
 ter of Rev. Caleb Smith, of St. George's Manor, Long 
 Island, and Martha, his wife, daughter of Rev. Jona- 
 than Dickinson, President of Princeton College. She 
 di^d in 1796, aged 41 years, and is buried in the Law- 
 renceville Cemetery. They had two sons, George 
 Smith and William Churchill, and three dauhgters, 
 Elizabeth, Louisa Ann and Mary. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 NOTE ON THE HOUSTON FAMILY.— This family derived 
 its surname from the parish of Houston in Renfrewshire. "That 
 the family of Houston, originally assuming their surname from 
 a place long since called Kilpeter (now Houston), has been a 
 great antiquity in those parts, doth appear from unquestionable 
 documents, and derive their descent from Hugo de Padvinan, 
 who obtained a grant of the barony of Kilpeter from Baldwin 
 of Bigger, Sheriff of Lanark, in the reign of Malcolm the IV, 
 whereupon his descendants assumed appellations (from) their 
 hereditary lands; which barony continueth with them in the 
 male line to this day." This Hugh de Padvinan was a witness 
 to the foundation Charter of Walter, High Steward of Scot- 
 land, to the Abbey of Paisley, 1160. His son, Reginald, obtained 
 a charter of the lands of Kilpeter in Stathgrife, and was succeeded 
 by Hugh living 1225. "From these ancient barons of Houston," 
 says the same writer, "descending to the reign of King James 
 the 11. that Sir Patrick Houston of that Ilk, departing this life 
 anno, 1450, was buried in the chapel of Houston, where there is 
 a fair monument to the memory of him and his wife." She was 
 Mary Colquhoun, who died 1456. 
 
 Sir Peter Houston, a grandson of this Patrick, was in the 
 battle of Flodden and was there killed, who, having married 
 Helen, daughter of Sir John Schaw, of Sauchy, had numerous 
 issue. Sir Ludovick Houston of this family married Margaret, 
 daughter of Patrick Maxwell, of Newark, by whom he had Pat- 
 rick Houston his successor, George Houston of Johnson and 
 several daughters. Ludovick died in 1662. Patrick, his son, who 
 died in 1696, having married Anne, daughter of Lord Bargany, 
 had issue, Sir John, Patrick, William, James and Archibald 
 Houston, and three daughters, and is suposed to have been the 
 ancestor of the South Carolina famliy. Another branch of this 
 family settled in Georgia. 
 
 Archibald Houston, the father of William Churchill Houston, 
 died in 1805 in Cabarras county. His will bears date 10th of May, 
 1800. His first wife was named Margaret, and his second, Agnes. 
 His children were: Archibald, William Churchill, Margaret, 
 Elizabeth, Rachel, Ann and Grace. 
 
 Archibald Houston became a very prominent man in politi- 
 cal life in North Carolina. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Adair, James 3 
 
 Alexander, Joseph 7, 8, 10 
 
 Andexson, Colonel Jcehua 72 
 
 Arnold, General (Benedict) 42 
 
 Arnold, Welcolm 67 
 
 Avery, Waightstill 7 
 
 Balch, H. J 6 
 
 Barnes, Malor John 36 
 
 Bartolof, Mr 33 
 
 Barton, Lieut. Zebulon 19 
 
 Blackwell, Robert 15 
 
 Bogert, Mr 32 
 
 Boudinot, Elias 79 
 
 Brearley, David 67, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83 86 
 
 Brevard, Ephralm, M. D 1,15 
 
 Brown, Isaac V 90 
 
 Cadwalader, General 86 
 
 Cadwalader, Lambert 72, 73 
 
 Carson, Hampton L 74, 76, 84 
 
 Clark, Abraham 78, 79, 80, 83 
 
 Clinton, General 52 
 
 Close, Rev. John 7 
 
 Cochran 25 
 
 Cornwallls, General 36, 37 
 
 Culbertson, Samuel 15 
 
 Dayton, Jonathan 80, 83, 86 
 
 D'E.staing, Count 50 
 
 De Fermoy, Brig. Gen Rochei 43 
 
 De Soto 3 
 
 Dickinson, General 28, 30 
 
 Dickineon. Jonathan 72, 79, 90 
 
 Drake, John 23 
 
 Drake, Thomas 25 
 
 Edwards, Pierpont 15 
 
 Ewing, Dr. John 72, 73 
 
 Fell, John 54 
 
 Fermoy, General 86 
 
 Finley, Dr 13, 16 
 
 Finnie, William 59 
 
 Fitch, John 71, 72 
 
 Frelinghuyisen, Colonel 33 
 
 Franklin 76 
 
94 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Grant, General 36 
 
 Green, Rev. Ashbel 89 
 
 Griffin, Cyrus 67 
 
 Hamilton, Mrs 25 
 
 Hancock, John 43 
 
 Harley 41 
 
 Harris, William S 6 
 
 Hart, Levy 25 
 
 Heard, General 30, 33 
 
 Hevilon, John 26 
 
 Hill, Alexander 15 
 
 Holmes, Mr 83 
 
 Hopper, Captain 32 
 
 Houston, Archibald 1, 2, 4 
 
 Houston Family. (See appendix.) 
 
 Houston, George Smith 90 
 
 Houston, Margaret 1 
 
 Houston, William 1 
 
 Houston, William Churchill. Birth of, 1; early education, 5; 
 goes to Princeton, 8; professor at Princeton, 16; Captain 
 of Infantry, 19-24; Deputy Secretary of Continental Con- 
 gress, 39; Member of Legislature of New Jersey, 44; 
 Member of Congress, 45; chosen Controller of the Trea- 
 sury of United States, which he declines, 66; Clerk of 
 Supreme Court of Nev\' Jersey, 67; Collector of Conti- 
 nental Taxes, 67; Commissioner, 67; Assists Fitch, 72; 
 Delegate to Annapolis Convention of 17S6, 74; Delegate 
 to Constitutional Convention of 1787, 79-86; Death of, 
 89, 90. 
 
 Houeton, William Churchill, Jr 90 
 
 Hunt, John 24 
 
 Irving, Washington 13 
 
 Irwin, Nathaniel 72 
 
 Jack, Captain James 1 
 
 Jack, Margaret 1 
 
 Jefferson, Governor 60 
 
 Johnson, Benjamin 25 
 
 Johnson, Jacobus 23, 24 26 
 
 Jolne 13 
 
 King, Rufus 79 
 
 Knox, John 16 
 
 Lee, Arthur 47, 48 
 
 Lee, Francis B 36 
 
 Lincoln, General 31 
 
 Livingston, Governor 46, 50, 53, 57, 58, 62, 63, 79, 80, 81, 86 
 
 Longstreet, Lie.ut. Aaron 19 
 
 MacLean 17 
 
 McAden, Rev. Hugh 7 
 
 McCullough, Capi 33 
 
 McWhorter, Alexander 7 
 
95 
 
 PAGS 
 
 Madison, James 17 
 
 Martin, Altxander 7 
 
 Mawhood, Colonel 37, 38 
 
 Mercer, General 37, 38 
 
 Mifllin, General 36 
 
 Milligan, James 6S 
 
 Morris, Gouveneur 84 
 
 Morris, Robert 63 
 
 Nash, Governor 60 
 
 Neilson, John 80, 81 
 
 Oakham, Mr 25 
 
 Oeborn, Adlai 16 
 
 Paterson, William 79, SO, 81, 82, 83 
 
 Patterson, Brig. General 43 
 
 Patton, Benjamin 6 
 
 Paulding 13 
 
 Phifer, John 6 
 
 Phillips, Horace G 90 
 
 Pitt 40 
 
 Poor, Brig. General 43 
 
 Potts, Stacy 72 
 
 Powhatan 9 
 
 Queman, Samuel 26 
 
 Quick, Colonel Abraham 19, 21 
 
 Randolph, Peyton 40 
 
 Reed, Bowes 81 
 
 Rees, David 6 
 
 Rees, Thomas, D. D 8, 15 
 
 Rumple, Dr 6 
 
 Rut ledge. Governor 60 
 
 Schuyler, Major G-eneral 43 
 
 Scudder, Nath 54 
 
 Schuurman, James 78, 80 
 
 Sebring, Michael 15 
 
 Sergeant, Mr 89 
 
 Sherman 84 
 
 Sim, Hugh 15 
 
 Smith, Rev. Caleb 90 
 
 Smith, Thomas 15 
 
 Stark, Mr 83 
 
 St. Clair. General 43 
 
 Steward, Colonel 33 
 
 Stockton, Ensign James 19 
 
 Story, Isaac 15 
 
 Stryker, Adjutant General, N. J 20 
 
 Thomson, Charles 40, 41, 44-88 
 
 Tyler 16 
 
96 
 
 PAOK 
 
 Warner, General 30 
 
 Washington, General 26, 35, 37, 42, 43, 52, 60. 77 
 
 Whilden, Mr 82 
 
 Whipple, William 67 
 
 Wilson, Zacheus 6 
 
 Witherspoon, Dr. John 16, 17, 19, 21, 44, 45, 54, 66, 79 
 
 Van Bunschooten, Eliae 15 
 
 Van Nostrand, Mr 26 
 
 Vance, Major 26 
 
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