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JOHN SEVIER 
 AS A COMMONWEALTH-BUILDER 
 
" One age moves onward, and the next builds up 
 Cities and gorgeous palaces, where stood 
 The rude log huts of those who tamed the wild ; 
 Rearing from out the forests they had felled 
 The goodly framework of a fairer state." 
 
 James Russell Lowell 
 

 
 ^#i^ 
 
 
 flF 
 
 ^ 
 
JOHN SEVIER 
 
 AS A COMMONWEALTH-BUILDER 
 
 A SEQUEL TO 
 
 THE REARGUARD OP THE REVOLUTION 
 
 BY 
 
 JAMES R. GILMORE 
 
 (edmuxd kirke) 
 
 AUTHOR OF " THE REAR-GUARD OF THE REVOLUTION, 11 
 " AMONG THE PINES, 11 ETC. 
 
 MAY 14 1887 \ f 
 
 I 
 
 11<-/ 
 
 „-< 
 
 NEW YORK 
 D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 
 
 1887 
 
MAP (QjJF 
 Places refered to in 
 
 "John Sevier, 
 
 N)e C°mrr|onn?ealth builder. " 
 ?ron\ J\arr\5eY'5 \naa^5 °f T e in e 55 6e " 
 

 
 Copyright, 1S87, 
 B* D. APPLETON AND COMPANY. 
 

 PKEFACE. 
 
 The materials from which this volume has been con- 
 structed have been, in part, the same as those I employed 
 in writing a preceding book upon the same subject, un- 
 der the title of "The Eear-Guard of the Revolution." 
 But this work goes over later and more thoroughly tilled 
 ground than that, and hence I have had for it a wider 
 range of authorities. 
 
 Briefly stated, my sources of information have been, 
 first and primarily, lengthy conversations with Dr. J. G. 
 M. Ramsey, of Knoxville, Tennessee, during which his 
 " Annals of Tennessee " was used somewhat in the man- 
 ner of a text-book — Dr. Eamsey pointing out its inaccu- 
 racies, amplifying its narrative with interesting details, 
 and relating to me such additional facts as he had gath- 
 ered during the nearly thirty years since the writing of 
 his history. He was a man of rare culture and trained 
 intellect, and, by the character of his mind, was pecul- 
 iarly qualified for historical investigation. When I knew 
 him, he had given fifty years of his life to the study of 
 this subject. 
 
vi PEEFACE. 
 
 Next in importance as authorities, I rank the tradi- 
 tions which I gathered, during the years from 1880 to 
 1884, by a systematic inquiry among the descendants of 
 the men whose deeds I have recorded. The descendants 
 whom I met numbered half a hundred, and nearly a 
 score of them were aged men, who, in their boyhood, 
 had personally known Sevier and many of his compatri- 
 ots. Their accounts I have compared carefully with one 
 another, and verified by all the means at my command. 
 It is my sincere conviction that — in the form they are 
 stated in this book — they may be safely accepted as au- 
 thentic history. Among many there is a prejudice 
 against tradition as a foundation for historical writing ; 
 but it should be borne in mind that most history is, and 
 was, originally tradition. By tradition I do not mean 
 rumor, but those carefully treasured accounts of striking 
 events and heroic exploits, in the lives of our forefathers, 
 which are handed down with religious care from father 
 to son in all families having a proper pride in their an- 
 cestry. Upon some such traditions were undoubtedly 
 based all but one of the biographies we have of the great- 
 est character in history ; and my investigations into the 
 present subject have given me a singular light upon the 
 manner in which at least two of those histories, and the 
 introductory portion of another, must have been con- 
 structed. The three synoptic gospels accord wonderfully 
 in their reports of the spoken words of Christ, but they 
 differ considerably as to the circumstances attending 
 some of the important events which they relate. In a 
 
PREFACE. v ii 
 
 similar manner, striking speeches, which in this and the 
 previous volume I have put into the mouths of Sevier, 
 Shelby, and Eobertson, have been repeated to me alike, 
 word for word, by half a dozen separate narrators, while 
 the same persons have differed widely in their narrative 
 of events — in some instances so widely that the accounts 
 can not be reconciled, and I have been obliged to dis- 
 card them all. 
 
 I have also been aided in my understanding of events 
 by visits to all the principal localities I have mentioned, 
 and by mingling freely with the men who are descend- 
 ants of the early settlers, and have inherited many of 
 their great qualities. 
 
 Of written authorities I have, I think, consulted all 
 that bear upon my subject. Among other books, I have 
 carefully examined Albach's "Western Annals"; Mo- 
 nette's "Valley of the Mississippi"; Haywood's "His- 
 tory of Tennessee " ; A. W. Putnam's " History of Mid- 
 dle Tennessee"; Prof. W. W. Clayton's "History of 
 Davidson County, Tennessee"; Francis Baily's "Jour- 
 ney through the Unsettled Parts of North America in 
 1796-1797"; the Rev. T. W. Hume's (Knoxville) "Cen- 
 tennial Address" ; the volumes of the "Columbian Mag- 
 azine" from 1785-1797; a file of the "Knoxville Ga- 
 zette "from 1791-1796 (kindly forwarded to me, across 
 a thousand miles of country, by the Tennessee Historical 
 Society) ; and, in addition, through the courtesy of 
 Prof. Johnson T. Piatt and Addison Van Name, Esq. , I 
 have had access to the very complete collection of Colo- 
 
v iii PKEFACE. 
 
 nial and Kevolutionary newspapers contained in the li- 
 brary of Yale University. 
 
 I have also received essential aid from Mrs. William 
 O'Neil Perkins, of Franklin, Tennessee, who has fur- 
 nished me with very many letters from John Sevier to 
 his son, George Washington Sevier ; various written state- 
 ments of fact by her father, the historian of Middle Ten- 
 nessee ; and other documents that have helped to make 
 the present volume more full and accurate. This lady 
 has the peculiar honor to be the great-granddaughter of 
 General John Sevier, the hero of King's Mountain, and 
 also of General Israel Putnam, the hero of Bunker Hill.' 
 She is also the granddaughter of Colonel George Wash- 
 ington Sevier, and the daughter of Colonel A. W. Put- 
 nam, of Nashville — a pedigree more to be valued than a 
 descent from kings. To her my acknowledgments are 
 strongly due ; and also to the Hon. John M. Lea, the 
 President, and to Anson Nelson, Esq., the Secretary, of 
 the Tennessee Historical Society, for their hearty interest 
 and co-operation in my work ; as well as to the Society 
 itself, for its public indorsement of the accuracy and 
 value of my previous volume. 
 
 And now I beg to say a few words of an explanatory 
 character. In the course of this volume I speak in con- 
 demnatory terms of two enemies of Sevier, Joseph Martin 
 and John Tipton. I have quoted some of Martin's let- 
 ters ; and they are enough to show that he was a treach- 
 erous friend and a self-seeking demagogue. My charac- 
 terization of Tipton is based upon the facts I relate of 
 
PREFACE. ix 
 
 him, every one of which, is abundantly authenticated. 
 My opinion of him accords with that of Dr. J. G. M. 
 Eamsey ; but it is not universal among Tennesseeans. 
 To be assured that I was correct in my estimate of the 
 man, I have sent my manuscript to one of the first ju- 
 rists of Tennessee, who is, no doubt, better acquainted 
 with the history of the State than any one now in it ; 
 and his reply shows that he does not take my view of 
 Tipton's character. He writes : " Tipton was always re- 
 garded as a rough and uneducated, but a brave and 
 honorable man. I know many of the family, and to a 
 man they are courageous and true ; but self-willed, im- 
 pulsive, and imperious. You may be correct in your con- 
 ception of his character ; but, if anybody else than one 
 who had investigated the subject were to write of Tipton 
 as you have done, I should think he had misconceived 
 his character, or, rather, had magnified its objectionable 
 features." I regret that I can not make my views of 
 Tipton accord with those of this gentleman. I differ 
 from him with much reluctance, and only after much 
 questioning of my own judgment; but, while I would 
 "gently scan my brother man," I can not, in the face 
 of incontestable facts, come to any other conclusion 
 about Tipton than the one I have stated in this his- 
 tory. However, if my judgment upon him is too harsh, 
 it will not stand ; and, also, new facts may yet be dis- 
 covered to compel a more favorable view of his char- 
 acter. 
 
 Before I began this book I intended to include in it 
 
x PREFACE. 
 
 an account of the remarkable career of James Robertson 
 
 but I soon discovered that I could not so condense my 
 material as to make that possible. That work, therefore, 
 I have to reserve for another volume. 
 
 This is all I have to say, except that I wish my book 
 were worthier of my subject. It is only as good as my 
 poor ability and the limited time at my disposal have 
 enabled me to make it ; but, just as it is, I commit it 
 to public scrutiny, in the hope that it may awaken an 
 interest in the great character it attempts to delineate, 
 and lead other and abler historical writers to investigate 
 his career, and do more efficient justice to his memory. 
 
 James R. Gilmoke. 
 
 (Edmund Kirke.) 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGK 
 
 The Actors in this History 1 
 
 The thirteen colonies, as characterized by Rev. Hugh Jones 
 in 1750 — Early settlers of North Carolina — Bancroft's report of 
 them — The character of a majority of the people — A better 
 class settled in Wake, Orange, and Mecklenburg Counties — 
 The first trans-AUeghany settlers a different people — Their char- 
 acter and history — Their great achievements largely due to the 
 remarkable character of John Sevier — His early history, and 
 singular ascendency over men. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 The First Secession 19 
 
 No sympathy between North Carolina and the western set- 
 tlers — Condition of the States at the close of the Revolution- 
 Extent of western territory belonging to North Carolina — 
 Powers of Congress under the first Confederation — North Caro- 
 lina cedes her western territory to Congress — Consternation of 
 the western people — Threatened by enemies without and within 
 — Meeting of settlers and call for a convention, which resolves 
 to form a State government — North Carolina repeals the ces- 
 sion act, and concedes the demands of the settlers — The con- 
 cessions not generally satisfactory — Sevier opposes secession, 
 
xii CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 but is borne along with the current — John Tipton an ardent 
 secessionist — His character — The mistake of Sevier — Reasons 
 for his action — State of franklin formed, Sevier elected Gov- 
 ernor, and John Tipton and Joseph Martin left out in the cold. 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 TnE Aboetive Commonwealth 35 
 
 Extent and population of the seceded territory — The task be- 
 fore Sevier — He brings order out of disorder — Establishes a 
 currency — Invites the Cherokees to a treaty — Disaffection of the 
 Cherokees — Unwise effort of Governor Martin to pacify them — 
 Sevier's treaty with them at Dumplin Creek, which secures a 
 large accession of territory — Belligerent manifesto of Governor 
 Martin — Sevier's reply to Governor Caswell — Caswell's letter to 
 Sevier — Prosperity of Franklin — Backwater settlements seek 
 annexation to Franklin — Action of Joseph Martin — He secures 
 the treaty of Hopewell — Its injurious character — " Talk " of the 
 Cherokee king to Governor Caswell — Martin's treachery and 
 betrayal of Sevier. 
 
 CHAPTER IY. 
 
 The Beginning of Troubles 64 
 
 Meeting of the Constitutional Convention — Houston's Utopian 
 Constitution — Tipton's sudden conversion to North Carolina — 
 Sevier proposes the adoption of the North Carolina Constitu- 
 tion — Partial elections authorized by North Carolina — Tipton 
 elected to the North Carolina Senate — Hostilities with the 
 Cherokees — Sevier promptly invades their country — Escapes an 
 ambuscade — General Cocke's conference with the Cherokee chief- 
 tains — Punishment of Indian murderers — The Cherokees sub- 
 dued. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 Fruitless Overtures 85 
 
 Sevier makes overtures to North Carolina — Appoints General 
 Cocke and Judge Campbell commissioners — His letter to Gov- 
 
 •». 
 
CONTENTS. yffl 
 
 PAGE 
 
 ernor Caswell — Letter of Judge Campbell to the same — Address 
 of General Cocke to the North Carolina Legislature — Its ad- 
 verse action — General removal of over-mountain officials. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 The Chosen Alteenative 99 
 
 Danger of war with the Creeks — Co-operation proposed by 
 Georgia, which State appoints Sevier brigadier-general — Letter 
 of Major Elholm — Franklin authorizes a call for volunteers — 
 Statement of the position of Spain — Feeling of Western settlers 
 —Letter from General Clarke to Sevier — From Judge Campbell 
 to Governor Caswell — The whole West ready to secede from the 
 Union — The alternatives before Sevier — He chooses peaceable 
 resistance — His letter to Governor Caswell — Caswell to Sevier — 
 Tipton's turbulent conduct — Peace agreement between Sevier 
 and Evan Shelby. 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 Quaker Guns 126 
 
 Prosperity in Franklin — Fresh disturbances incited by Tipton 
 — Two parties forming — Shelby requests troops from North 
 Carolina — Bledsoe advises the Governor to address the people 
 — Letter from Caswell to Shelby — Sevier urged to make for- 
 cible resistance — Again attempts a peaceable settlement — Gov- 
 ernor Caswell's conciliatory manifesto to the people, which 
 brings about a peaceable dissolution of the Franklin govern- 
 ment — Sevier, however, the real head of the people — Three 
 thousand volunteers answer his summons to aid Georgia — An 
 empty treasury — Sevier arms troops to aid Robertson at his own 
 cost, and contracts debts in so doing — Sevier elected to the Cin- 
 cinnati — Letter to him from Benjamin Franklin — Another at- 
 tempt to conciliate North Carolina — Sevier outlawed — Sevier's 
 negroes seized by Tipton — A Quaker battle. 
 
x i v CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Seviee as an Outlaw 158 
 
 The French Broad people — Hostile plans of Joseph Martin — 
 Offers office to Sevier's captains — Sevier at Greenville, and con- 
 ference with his officers — Advises submission to North Caro- 
 lina — With only two hundred and fifty men he marches against 
 the Cherokees — Contradictory letters of Joseph Martin — Sevier 
 crosses the French Broad ; his route an ovation — Preparations 
 ■for defense — Sevier to the Governor of Georgia — The murder of 
 Kirk's family — Sevier invades the Indian country — Murder of 
 the Cherokee king and chieftains by young Kirk — It more 
 thoroughly arouses the nation — A hand-to-hand fight of five 
 months' duration — The Indians beaten at last, and sue for 
 peace. 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 OvEETHEOW AND TeIUMPH . . . T*** . . .197 
 
 Order for Sevier's arrest issued by Governor Johnston — 
 Judge Campbell refuses to issue the warrant — It is done by Judge 
 Spencer, of North Carolina — Sevier kidnapped, and conveyed to 
 Morganton, North Carolina, to be tried for high treason — Great 
 uprising of the western settlers — Sevier's wife plans his rescue 
 — Tipton in danger of lynch law — Details of Sevier's rescue — 
 Sudden death of Judge Spencer — Great rejoicing over Sevier's 
 rescue — Sevier elected to the North Carolina Senate — Claims his 
 seat of the Legislature — Fracas between Tipton and Colonel 
 Roddy — Eloquent plea of Robertson — Sevier's disabilities re- 
 moved, and he given command of the western milWfer— Elected 
 as the first representative in Congress from the valley of the 
 Mississippi. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Teeeitoeial Goveenment 219 
 
 Disordered state of French Broad settlements — Sevier frames 
 for them a government — Dissatisfaction with North Carolina — 
 She again cedes her western territory to Congress — A territorial 
 
CONTENTS. xv 
 
 PAGK 
 
 government formed — Sevier appointed brigadier-general in the 
 United States army by Washington — A prosperous era dawns 
 upon the western settlers — Settlement of Knoxville — Fort 
 erected — Treaty of Holston, and meeting of Sevier and Robert- 
 son — Sevier builds a cordon of block-houses — Removes with his 
 family to the extreme frontier — Knoxville threatened by the 
 Cherokees — Heroic preparations for defense — Sevier pursues 
 the Indians and defeats them at Etowah. 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 Pioneer Life in 1796 244 
 
 • Henceforth peace and Nolichucky Jack reign upon the border 
 
 — Remarkable achievements of the western settlers — Farm-life 
 among them — No lack of society and social gatherings — Thrill- 
 ing tales of female heroism — Happy ruse of Major Cozby in 
 defense of his family — A backwoods physician — The "Knox- 
 ville Gazette" — Postal service — Frontier traveling — Cowan's 
 store — Scenes at Sevier's inauguration as Governor of Ten- 
 nessee. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The New Commonwealth 270 
 
 Population in Kentucky as compared with that of southwest 
 territory — Meeting of Territorial Legislature — State of Tennes- 
 see formed — Sevier elected Governor — His first message — French 
 Broad settlers — Sevier re-elected — His peace policy subjected 
 to a severe strain — Condition of things as described by Francis 
 Baily — Another treaty with the Cherokees which secures per- 
 manent peace — The savages ever afterward Sevier's friends — 
 Great change in the customs and mode of life on the frontier in 
 consequence of Sevier's full ascendency. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 Closing Years 289 
 
 This book not a history of Tennessee — " Happy are the peo- ^^ 
 
 pie whose annals are vacant " — Sevier six times unanimously 
 
xv i CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 elected Governor and three times Congressman — Fifty-two 
 years in public life, and always a leader of men — His peculiar 
 ru l e — His great popularity — An illustrative incident — Remarka- 
 ble good order of western society — An upright lawyer — Sevier's 
 care for the poor — A message of his — Trouble with Andrew 
 Jackson — Challenged by Jackson to a duel — His poor opinion 
 of Jackson — Sevier's poverty, his simple way of life, his death, 
 amid universal mourning in Tennessee and throughout the 
 West. 
 
JOHN SEVIEE 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE ACTORS 1^ THIS HISTORY. 
 
 The thirteen United Colonies, which in 1783 achieved 
 their independence of Great Britain, were composed of 
 as heterogeneous elements as ever came together for 
 the forming of a nation. Among them were men of 
 every class and nationality, every rank and character, 
 and every variety of political and religious opinion. 
 Writing of them in 1750, the Rev. Hugh Jones, chap- 
 lain to the Honorable Assembly of Virginia, and min- 
 ister of Jamestown, said : "If New England be called 
 a receptacle of Dissenters, and an Amsterdam of relig- 
 ion, Pennsylvania the nursery of Quakers, Maryland 
 the retirement of Roman Catholics, North Carolina the 
 refuge of Runaways, and South Carolina the delight 
 of Buccaneers and Pyrates, Virginia may justly be 
 esteemed the happy retreat of true Britons, and true 
 Churchmen, for the most part, neither soaring too 
 high nor dropping too low ; consequently, it should 
 
JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 merit the greater esteem and encouragement. " His- 
 tory fully confirms the worthy chaplain's characteriza- 
 tion of the various colonies, and it records also the 
 singular fact that early North Carolina, the "refuge of 
 Bunaways," was the first-born daughter of Virginia, 
 that "happy retreat of true Britons, and true Church- 
 
 men." 
 
 Though the Lords Proprietors of the Carolinas in- 
 troduced into the northern colony prior to 1670 several 
 ship-loads of respectable English settlers from Barba- 
 does, and considerable numbers of Swiss, German, and 
 French Protestants came in soon afterward, and some 
 small colonies of Scotch Jacobites directly following 
 the Stuart rebellion of 1745, a large majority of the 
 early settlers of North Carolina were "runaways" 
 from Virginia — either criminals, escaping from justice 
 in the older colony, or "worthless trash," expelled from 
 it because disorderly, and altogether unprofitable in a 
 civilized community. These last were the remnants or 
 descendants of the" servile class who had in former 
 years been imported to work the plantations, and in- 
 dentured to the planters to pay their passage across 
 the ocean. They were Englishmen, but, for the most 
 part, Englishmen who could trace their lineage no 
 further than the prisons and slums of London. Their 
 indentures expired, they found themselves shut out from 
 respectable society by the prejudice entailed by their 
 antecedents ; and the consequence was that the meaner- 
 spirited among them became outcasts, herding together 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. 3 
 
 in the backwoods, and gleaning a wretched subsistence 
 from hunting and fishing ; or, hanging npon the out- 
 skirts of the plantations, living there in filthy cabins, 
 and preying upon the planters' henneries and smoke- 
 houses. The better and more enterprising portion — 
 those who retained some lingering traces of manhood, 
 and had some aspirations for a higher life — emigrated 
 at once to North Carolina, where, being joined by such 
 of the outcasts as were from time to time expelled by 
 the planters, they formed the principal element in 
 what soon came to be known in the vernacular of the 
 period as the "Tar-heel Commonwealth." From a 
 people of such antecedents a model community could 
 not be expected.; and we shall see that the tree bore 
 its legitimate fruit if we glance for a moment at the 
 condition of North Carolina at the time of the Bevolu- 
 tion. 
 
 Bancroft asserts that at this period there was neither 
 law nor lawyers in North Carolina. This, though sub- 
 stantially true, was not so literally ; for lawyers might 
 be found there of the order of Andrew Jackson, who 
 varied a two-years' reading of Blackstone by intense ap- 
 plication to horse-racing and cock-fighting ; and courts 
 could be discovered sitting in taverns and log-hovels, 
 with judges knowing nothing of law or precedent, and 
 coming to their decisions only after close consultation 
 with a whisky-bottle. Judge Lynch was the popular 
 magistrate, and his decrees were usually those of a crowd 
 of hooting and drunken ragamuffins. Until 1703 there 
 
4 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 was not a clergyman in the entire colony, and the first 
 school was opened ~and printing-press established just 
 on the eve of the Eevolution. As a consequence, the 
 people were densely ignorant, few among them could 
 read or write, and disorder and lawlessness everywhere 
 abounded. To a few towns along the sea- coast a mail 
 came once a month from Virginia, but the post-rider 
 never penetrated into the interior. There the people 
 dwelt in thick darkness, having from year's end to 
 year's end no more intelligence from the outside world 
 than could be gleaned from the few travelers who had 
 the hardihood to venture into their wooded solitudes. 
 There was next to no town life. New Berne and Wil- 
 mington, the principal towns, had each a population of 
 less than six hundred. A vast majority of the people 
 occupied small, scattered farms — often unfenced clear- 
 ings in the midst of wide forests, from which the trees 
 had been removed by girdling, and which were culti- 
 vated by negro-labor in a most primitive and wasteful 
 manner. For the farmer himself, however poor he 
 might be, was either too proud or too lazy to work. 
 His time he spent in lounging at taverns, drinking 
 poor whisky, and indulging in "manly encounters" 
 with his neighbors, in which noses were broken, and 
 eyes gouged out by the long finger-nails which he al- 
 lowed to grow, and pared to a point for that express 
 purpose. In aspiration and instinct he was generally 
 but a little above the brute ; and yet he did know 
 enough to dodge his taxes. Law and religion were to 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. 5 
 
 him unmeaning terms, and the chief end of man was 
 to live without work, and keep down the expenses of 
 government. Owing to a coarse diet and brutish habits, 
 these people were poorly developed physically, and they 
 regarded with astonishment the uniformly tall and 
 athletic over-mountain men who marched over their 
 wretched roads to fight the battle they should them- 
 selves have fought at King's Mountain. 
 
 But there were a few grains of wheat in this big 
 bushel of chaff — a few brave spirits, "studious of their 
 rights, bold to avow, and brave to maintain them," 
 whose patriotic acts have cast a gleam of sunlight over 
 the dismal history of Eevolutionary North Carolina. 
 These men were mostly of the foreign element which 
 had settled in Orange, Wake, and Mecklenburg Counties. 
 In resistance to the tyranny of Tryon, they in May, 
 1771, fought the battle of the Alamance, and in May, 
 1775, they issued what is known as the "Mecklenburg 
 Declaration of Independence." These two acts have 
 given North Carolina the name of being the first of the 
 colonies to make organized resistance to British oppres- 
 sion ; while in truth the credit belongs to but a small 
 fraction of the population. A large proportion of the 
 people were what I have described ; and many of them 
 were Tories in the Revolution ; and Tories not from 
 any intelligent idea of the issues at stake, but because 
 all of the better class among them were patriots, and 
 their instincts led them to oppose the law and order 
 element. Impartial history has to record the fact that 
 
6 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 at this period the masses of North Carolina were the 
 pariahs of American society, and the State itself 
 little better than a Botany Bay for the American 
 continent. 
 
 The men who planted civilization beyond the Alle- 
 ghanies were a different order of people. Though set- 
 tled on the soil, and within the jurisdiction of North 
 Carolina, they were not North Carolinians. They were 
 mostly Virginians, belonging either to the gentry or to 
 the sturdy Scotch-Irish and English yeomanry who 
 worked their own plantations. Of this latter class was 
 the body of immigrants whom James Eobertson led 
 over the mountains in 1770 to form the first civilized 
 settlement west of the Alleghanies. They were Virgin- 
 ians who had only shortly before settled in Wake County, 
 and they supposed, when they built their cabins beyond 
 the mountains, that they were again upon the soil of the 
 Old Dominion ; and this was the impression of all the 
 settlers till a number of years afterward. For nearly ten 
 years the immigration continued to be of this class, and 
 almost altogether from Virginia, for no road had yet 
 been opened into Eastern North Carolina, and the 
 hunters' trace across the mountains was well-nigh im- 
 passable ; whereas, from Virginia there was, following 
 the southwestern trend of the valleys, a broad, beaten 
 trail which had been the Indian war-path for many 
 centuries. When a passable road was finally opened over 
 the Alleghanies in 1778, a tide began to set in from 
 North Carolina, but it was of the better class — for it goes 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. 7 
 
 without saying that a man must be possessed of very 
 manly qualities who will deliberately set up his abode 
 where he has to take his life in his hand and face death 
 daily. Still, the larger number of new-comers continued 
 to be from Virginia, and the dominant sentiment was 
 always Virginian, alike on the Holston and Watauga 
 and on the distant Cumberland. With but one exception 
 the trans- Alleghany leaders were all native Virginians — 
 Sevier, Donelson, and the two Bledsoes being from the 
 ranks of the gentry, Kobertson and Cocke from that 
 yeoman class which has given some of its most honored 
 names to English history. The one exception was Isaac 
 Shelby, who was of Welsh descent, but born and edu- 
 cated in Maryland. 
 
 The over-mountain settlers were not fugitives from 
 justice, nor needy adventurers seeking in the untrodden 
 West a scanty subsistence which had been denied them 
 in the Eastern settlements. And they were not merely 
 Virginians — they were the culled wheat of the Old Do- 
 minion, with all those grand qualities which made the 
 name of "Virginian" a badge of honor throughout the 
 colonies. Many of them were cultivated men of large 
 property, and, though the larger number were poor in 
 this world's goods, they all possessed those more stable 
 riches which consist" of stout arms and brave hearts, 
 unblemished integrity and sterling worth. They were so 
 generally educated that in 1776 only two in about two 
 hundred were found unable to write their names in good, 
 legible English. No body of men ever had clearer ideas 
 
A 
 
 8 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 of civil polity or more highly valued the blessings of 
 good government. Order-loving and God-fearing, they 
 lived together for twelve years without so much as one 
 capital crime among them. Shut out by wide forests 
 and high mountain-barriers from civilized law, they 
 made their own laws, and framed for themselves a 
 government which was, with the sole exception of the 
 "Fundamental Agreement," entered into by the "free 
 planters " of New Haven on June 4, 1639 — the first abso- 
 lutely " free and independent " constitution that existed 
 in this country. 
 
 The ruling motive of many of these men — as it is 
 generally of those who seek new fields of enterprise — was, 
 no doubt, the bettering of their worldly condition ; nev- 
 ertheless, I think it true that much the larger number 
 sought in their Western homes not so much worldly 
 wealth as political freedom. They would be beyond the 
 reach of the "red-coated minions of tyranny"; they 
 dreaded less the war-whoop of the savage than the sting- 
 ing insult of the British oppressor. But their leaders 
 were far-seeing men, and they had higher aims than a 
 mere escape from political tyranny. They sought to 
 found in those Western forests a great empire of free- 
 men, and they knew they were clearing the way for a 
 civilization which should overspread the continent. Said 
 Eobertson, while yet the navigation of the Mississippi 
 was controlled by Spain, and all the vast region beyond 
 that river was fast-locked by her mediaeval bigotry, " We 
 are the Advance Guard of Civilization, and our way is 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. 9 
 
 across the continent " ; and to Governor Caswell, Seyier 
 wrote, when the settlers were but a handful, " However 
 inconsiderable the people of this country may appear at 
 this day, reason must inform us that the time is not far 
 distant when they will become as consequential in 
 numbers, if not more so, than most of the Eastern 
 States." 
 
 Under these two leaders, John Sevier and James Rob- 
 ertson, these people had developed a boundless courage, a 
 constant fortitude, a self-devoted patriotism, worthy of 
 the most heroic ages. When only a handful of thirty 
 men able to wield an axe or handle a rifle, they ventured 
 beyond the Alleghanies, and in the mountain-girt valley 
 of the Watauga built their cabins and tilled their fields, 
 encompassed by twenty thousand armed savages, and 
 shut off by a trackless wilderness from all civilized suc- 
 cor. There for five years they held their ground, till 
 they grew to number about two hundred riflemen, and 
 then, under John Sevier, they began a career for which it 
 is hard to find a parallel in history. Outnumbered more 
 than twenty to one, they held for six years the gateways 
 of the Alleghanies against the savage horde which Great 
 Britain had enlisted for the destruction of the colonies. 
 Time and again they met the savage onset, and time and 
 again they beat it back, and carried havoc and death into 
 the very heart of the Indian country. And so well did 
 they guard the mountain-passes that in all these years 
 not one savage band broke through to carry the torch 
 and the tomahawk to the homes of Eastern Carolina. 
 
10 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Their own cabins went up in flames, their own firesides 
 were drenched in blood, and their mothers and wives 
 and children fell before the merciless scalping-knife of 
 the Cherokee, yet they never shrank and never wa- 
 vered, but stood, from first to last, the immovable rear- 
 guard of the Revolution. And not content with this, 
 when the day was at the darkest, when saaboard Carolina 
 was trodden under foot by the red dragoon, and the 
 young republic seemed in the very throes of dissolution, 
 they left their own homes well-nigh unprotected, and, 
 mustering their best and bravest, rushed over the mount- 
 ains to the rescue of their distant countrymen. Making 
 an unexampled march of two hundred miles, they hurled 
 themselves, only nine hundred and fifty strong, against 
 the almost impregnable defenses of King's Mountain, 
 and, in one hour, annihilated the left wing of the army 
 of Cornwallis ! The result, in logical sequence, was 
 Yorktown and American independence. 
 
 Doubtless, the great achievements of the over-mount- 
 ain men were largely due to the remarkable qualities of 
 John Sevier, who was both their civil and military leader. 
 He knew how to achieve great results with slender means, 
 and before Napoleon was born had discovered that prin- 
 ciple of dynamics by which a small body, driven with im- 
 mense force, will deal a heavier blow than a much larger 
 one having only the ordinary momentum. He was a 
 man of great natural endowments, and of a training that 
 peculiarly fitted him to be what he became, the rear- 
 guard of the Revolution, and the guardian and defender 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. H 
 
 of the newly planted civilization beyond the Alleghanies. 
 No other man of equal talents and equal achievements 
 has been so little noticed in American history, and hence 
 it is not amiss to devote a few pages to a consideration of 
 his life and its influence in founding and developing the 
 great empire which has grown up west of the Allegha- 
 nies. 
 
 He was not of the ordinary type of backwoodsman. 
 He was a gentleman born and bred ; and in his veins 
 flowed some of the best blood of the French and English 
 nations. He had the force and fire of the Navarre Hu- 
 guenots combined with the solid Anglo-Saxon elements 
 which have had here, perhaps, their highest expression 
 in our venerated Washington. This peculiar blending 
 of qualities was seen even in his face, which, while in 
 contour and lineament strikingly like that of Washing- 
 ton, had the mobility of feature and delicacy of expres- 
 sion which belong to the French physiognomy. 
 
 He was born in 1745, in the Shenandoah Valley of 
 Virginia, where his father had established himself a few 
 years before as a considerable planter. The place was 
 then on the confines of civilization, and had few educa- 
 tional facilities ; but John was taught the rudiments of 
 learning by his mother, and, an Indian war soon break- 
 ing out, which forced the family to Fredericksburg, he 
 had there the advantage of a good school for several 
 years. The family returned to their frontier home when 
 John was twelve years old, and then he was sent to an 
 advanced school at Staunton, where he remained, an apt 
 
12 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 and ready but not very industrious student, until he was 
 sixteen years of age. From these few years of tuition he 
 acquired as much of an education as was common to 
 young gentlemen of the period — enough to enable him in 
 after-years to be a ready and effective speaker and writer, 
 and to associate on equal terms with the leading men of 
 the country. But he was always better acquainted with 
 men than with books. Study was irksome to his active 
 nature, but the knowledge of men came to him by intui- 
 tion. 
 
 Leaving school before he was turned of seventeen, 
 young Sevier struck out at once in life for himself by 
 marrying a wife, and laying out a township about half a 
 dozen miles distant from his father's plantation. This 
 town, still bearing the name he gave it, is now the beau- 
 tiful village of Newmarket, in the valley of the Shenan- 
 doah, about one hundred and fifty miles northwest from 
 Eichmond. Here young Sevier erected a log warehouse 
 and dwelling, much in the style of a fort, for security 
 was the prime requisite in backwoods architecture ; and 
 in the warehouse he opened a store for the vending of 
 dry-goods and groceries, thereby making his town what 
 its name indicated, the market-center of a wide agricult- 
 ural region. 
 
 Among the young trader's customers were many of 
 the red dwellers of the forest, who came to him for pow- 
 der and lead and the long-barreled rifle. Their eyes 
 were dazzled by the bright array of "stroud," beads, scar- 
 let cloth, and looking-glasses, with which the warehouse 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. 13 
 
 was adorned, and they longed to possess the gorgeous 
 wonders. To their untutored virtue, a few discharges of 
 powder and shot seemed an easier mode of payment than 
 a tiresome getting together of peltries, only to be pro- 
 cured by long and tedious hunting. So, one dark night, 
 they descended upon Newmarket, and attempted to take 
 forcible possession of young Sevier's business establish- 
 ment. The young gentleman had only a half-dozen men 
 with him, but he made such effectual resistance that the 
 baffled savages soon scattered into the adjacent forest. 
 In the morning, a a trail of blood through the trodden 
 undergrowth told the route they had taken ; and, gath- 
 ering a score of his friends together, young Sevier fol- 
 lowed in pursuit of the marauders. After a toilsome 
 march through a pathless forest, he came up with them 
 at their wigwam village, and, not stopping to count their 
 numbers, made so furious an assault upon them that 
 they speedily fled in all directions. Their village was 
 reduced to ashes, and a number of their braves were left 
 unburied among the cinders. 
 
 Thus did this born soldier, when a youth of scarcely 
 eighteen, inaugurate a new system of Indian warfare. 
 Thenceforth, wherever his influence went, it was attack 
 and not defense : not a skulking behind trees and log- 
 fortresses ; but an open forest, a wild halloo, and then 
 the onward rush of the hurricane ! It was by such tac- 
 tics that Sevier became the victor in thirty-five battles, 
 and the most renowned of Indian fighters. 
 
 The Indians naturally objected to a bonfire being 
 
14 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 made of one of their villages at the whim of a white 
 stripling, and they attempted to enforce upon him their 
 law of retaliation. They descended again upon New- 
 market in largely augmented numbers ; but this the 
 young soldier had anticipated, and he was ready to re- 
 ceive them. At the head of about a hundred hardy 
 borderers, he put them again to flight, and he followed 
 up his success by again invading the Indian country, 
 burning their villages, destroying their standing corn, 
 and often defeating bodies of five times his own num- 
 ber. 
 
 His exploits attracted universal admiration, and in 
 time reached the ears of Lord Dunmore, the last royal 
 Governor of Virginia. The Governor at once sought out 
 the young volunteer who had thus taken off his hands 
 the business of chastising the unruly savages. He ex- 
 pected to find him an uncouth backwoods youth, of 
 rustic ways, and the rude speech of the border ; but, in- 
 stead of this, he met a young man of refined aspect, easy 
 and prepossessing manners, and an air of natural dignity 
 that bespoke the born gentleman. The courtly English- 
 man was fascinated with the backwoods 3-outh, and took 
 him at once into favor, showering upon him many marks 
 of distinction, and, among others, in 1772, a commission 
 as captain in the Virginia line — the same corps in w T hich 
 Washington then held the rank of colonel. 
 
 Thus, for about half a dozen years, Sevier fought 
 the Indians with one hand, and with the other dealt 
 out dry-goods and groceries from his warehouse at New- 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. 15 
 
 market — doing the last so successfully that, by the time 
 he was twenty-six, he had accumulated what, for the 
 time and place, was an ample fortune. 
 
 Then, one spring day in 1772, he was invited by oue 
 of his fellow-officers — Captain Evan Shelby, subsequently 
 General Shelby, of the Revolutionary army — to visit him 
 at his cattle -farm of King's Meadows (now Bristol, 
 Tennessee), on the southwestern border of Virginia. 
 Sevier went, and there he heard of a body of adventur- 
 ous pioneers, who, under the lead of James Robertson, 
 had, less than two years before, built their cabins at Wa- 
 tauga, on the western slope of the Alleghanies. Curious 
 to see this handful of settlers, who had thus ventured 
 upon the hunting-grounds of twenty thousand warlike 
 savages, Sevier rode on to the settlement with Evan 
 Shelby and his son Isaac, who afterward became the 
 first Governor of Kentucky. The visit brought him in 
 contact with Robertson, and that fixed his earthly des- 
 tiny. On the instant he decided to cast in his lot with 
 that feeble community beyond the mountains. 
 
 Viewed in the light of human prudence, this act of 
 Sevier's seems the extreme of folly. With wealth al- 
 ready acquired, with devoted friends who were among 
 the most influential men in Virginia, and with every 
 avenue of distinction wide open to him in the older set- 
 tlements, he had within his reach every object that usu- 
 ally attracts the ambition of a young man conscious of 
 commanding talents. But he deliberately turned his 
 back upon this brilliant future, and chose instead a life 
 
16 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 remote from cultivated society, and amid an unexplored 
 forest, where he was sure to encounter hardship and pri- 
 vation, and every peril that waits on civilized man when 
 he comes in daily contact with untamed barbarism. It 
 would be idle to seek his motive for thus throwing away 
 the most coveted objects of ordinary ambition ; but, look- 
 ing at him and events through the lens of a century, it is 
 easy to see that he had found his appropriate life-work ; 
 and that he had been fitted for this work by an excep- 
 tional training — such a training as probably came to no 
 other cultivated man of his generation. There may 
 have been, among the three millions who then peopled 
 the Thirteen Colonies, some other man who could have 
 done what he did, but no such man came to the sur- 
 face of affairs, and hence it is reasonable to conclude 
 that he was a "providential man,*' as have been all other 
 men who have executed great tasks in pivotal periods of 
 human history. 
 
 I have conversed with a number of aged men who 
 knew Sevier well in their boyhood, and they all agree in 
 describing him as possessed of a personal magnetism that 
 was nothing less than wonderful. It was potent with 
 both his friends and his enemies ; felt alike by the court- 
 ly Dunmore and the untamed savage. He fought the 
 Cherokees for more than twenty years, but they never 
 came within the sphere of his presence without casting 
 aside their grievances and grasping his hand as their 
 brother. Once, when he had reduced their nation to the 
 very verge of starvation by burning every stalk of corn 
 
THE ACTORS IN THIS HISTORY. 17 
 
 and ear of grain in their country, their king wrote to the 
 Governor of North Carolina, " Send us John Sevier, 
 for he is a good man, and he will do us right." Though 
 they recognized in him the Nemesis of their nation, they 
 conceiyed for him a fanatical admiration, which at last 
 deepened into a superstitious belief that he was the spe- 
 cial representative of the Invisible. Fighting with him 
 was therefore a struggle with Destiny, and this thought 
 did more for Western civilization than a thousand Deck- 
 ard rifles. 
 
 His magnetism being thus potent with his enemies, 
 we can easily conceive how it came to be irresistible with 
 his friends — those people whom lie had now settled 
 among ; for whom he poured out his wealth like water ; 
 whose homes he watched over with sleepless vigilance ; 
 and whom he soon led in many a desperate battle, 
 crowned always with victory. This magnetism sprang 
 from his overflowing kindliness and goodness of heart, 
 and this it was, with his commanding abilities, which 
 caused him to be recognized from the outset as their 
 leader by these people, and made him, during a long life, 
 the very soul of the Western commonwealth. 
 
 In a previous book * I have tried to trace the career 
 of this remarkable man from his first appearance at Wa- 
 tauga to the close of the Revolutionary struggle. In the 
 present volume I propose to take up the narrative where 
 
 * " The Rear-Guard of the Revolution," D. Appleton & Co., New 
 York. 
 
18 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 it is there left off, and to follow, as well as I can, his 
 course from the Peace of 1783 to the end of his life ; 
 during which period, opposed by North Carolina and 
 unaided by the General Government, he built up a great 
 commonwealth in the very heart of the Western wilder- 
 ness. 
 
CHAPTER IT. 
 
 THE FIRST SECESSION". 
 
 Between - two such peoples as are described in the 
 preceding chapter, there could be no community of 
 feeling ; and this lack of sympathy grew into antago- 
 nism, when the western settlers witnessed the indiffer- 
 ence of North Carolina to their security, her parsimo- 
 nious refusal of all appropriations for their benefit, and 
 the grasping eagerness with which she enforced upon 
 them taxation, and availed herself of the proceeds of 
 their unoccupied lands. They had unwittingly settled 
 upon her territory, and from the outset had regarded her 
 as a step-mother ; and this she proved herself to be by 
 exacting all of a mother's rights, and discharging none 
 of her duties. To this antagonism is mainly to be attrib- 
 uted the first secession which occurred in this country. 
 
 Like all the Thirteen Colonies, North Carolina came 
 out of the Revolution not only impoverished but loaded 
 down with debt. She owed vast sums to her soldiers, 
 and also her proper share of the national obligations, 
 
20 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 which now amounted, in round figures, to forty-two mill- 
 ion dollars, with an addition of about three millions for 
 unpaid interest. A considerable part of this sum was 
 due to France, whose government was then asking for 
 some adjustment which would in time provide for the 
 principal, and at once secure the prompt payment of 
 the interest. France had befriended the country in its 
 utmost need, and the general conscience demanded that 
 something should be done to satisfy its just claims. But 
 what could be done with an empty treasury, and the few 
 worthless cannon and worn-out muskets, which com- 
 prised the total resources of these United States, then 
 just embarked on their great career among the nations ? 
 Various plans were proposed and expedients suggested, 
 and among them was one that the individual States 
 should cede their unoccupied lands to the General Gov- 
 ernment to create a fund to meet the common liabilities. 
 The demand for such lands was active, owing to a large 
 influx of immigration ; and it w r as calculated that they 
 would speedily yield sufficient avails to expunge the na- 
 tional obligations. 
 
 North Carolina at this time held about twenty-nine 
 million acres beyond the Alleghanies — all that region 
 which is now comprised within the great State of Ten- 
 nessee. She had acquired this vast domain without the 
 expenditure of a drop of blood or an ounce of treasure, 
 for all that portion of the Henderson purchase which was 
 south of latitude 36° 30' she had unceremoniously confis- 
 cated on the George III theory that none but a sovereign 
 
THE FIRST SECESSION. 21 
 
 State has any natural right to buy lands of the Indians ; 
 and the remainder, which was not in actual occupation 
 by the Cherokees, had been bought or wrested from those 
 savages by John Sevier and his riflemen, who had fed, 
 clothed, and equipped themselves without a dollar of aid 
 from North Carolina. As the State contained about one 
 ninth of the population of the Union, she was in equity 
 bound for a like proportion of the national debt ; and 
 now was presented to her legislators the opportunity to 
 execute a brilliant financial feat — to discharge her share 
 of this vast indebtedness without withdrawing a dime 
 from her treasury or imposing a dollar of tax upon her 
 tax-loathing people. This her legislators proceeded to 
 do by passing an act in June, 1784, which ceded the 
 whole of what is now Tennessee to the General Govern- 
 ment ; and this they did without so much as consulting 
 one of the thirty thousand or more loyal citizens who oc- \^ 
 cupied this territory, and had freely expended their blood 
 and treasure to secure her independence. Without a 
 word, she thrust them ruthlessly from her door, and con- 
 signed them to a distant Congress, which could afford 
 them neither shelter nor protection. 
 
 For Congress at this time had none of the powers 
 that are requisite for efficient government. The Union 
 was merely a rope of sand ; the thirteen States were 
 thirteen small republics, each one exercising nearly all 
 the functions of sovereignty. The cementing principle 
 between them was mutual protection ; but they had sepa- 
 rate and antagonistic interests that might at any moment 
 
22 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 rend them asunder. When threatened by a common 
 danger, they had stood shoulder to shoulder ; but, that 
 danger passed, there was little to hold them together. 
 Nor was there any general sentiment of nationality 
 among the people. The traveler through the country 
 met a great many Virginians, South Carolinians, and 
 New-Englanders, but very few Americans. To Congress 
 these little republics had delegated a few powers, just 
 enough to entitle them to the name of United States, but 
 not enough to enable the General Government to pre- 
 serve order at home or command respect abroad. Con- 
 gress could contract debts, levy armies, and make agree- 
 ments with foreign powers ; but it could not collect an 
 impost, or force a State to observe a treaty or to contrib- 
 ute a single soldier for the common defense. It had a 
 head, a body, and about ninety bodily members, but the 
 breath of life was not in ii>. It did not even possess the 
 power to protect itself from indignity and insult by its 
 own soldiery, as had been shown a year previously, when, 
 in its "own hired house" at Philadelphia, it was sur- 
 rounded by two hundred and eighty mutinous soldiers, 
 clamoring for the pay which was unrighteously withheld 
 from them by the thirteen little republics. To this inert 
 and powerless body North Carolina bade her over-mount- 
 ain citizens look for security and protection, at the very 
 time when they were in daily danger from a savage 
 enemy, and when she was thrusting upon them a host of 
 her own Tories— desperate, lawless characters, thieves, 
 house-burners, cut-throats, and woman-violators, whom 
 
THE FIRST SECESSION. 23 
 
 nothing but the strong arm of omnipotent law could hold 
 in civilized subjection. Can it be wondered at that, 
 when the tidings crossed the Alleghanies, it aroused a 
 universal feeling of indignant consternation ? 
 
 News in those days traveled slowly. The State capi- 
 tal was more than live hundred miles from Watauga, and 
 the road to it over the mountains was in places so steep 
 and rugged that none but a backwoods horseman would 
 attempt its passage. Nearly thirty days were usually 
 consumed in the journey, and thus it was far into July 
 when tidings of the cession act came to the western 
 settlers. They had no printing-press, and so all news 
 passed among them by word of mouth ; but this flew 
 with the rapidity of lightning. From man to man, from 
 cabin to cabin, from hamlet to hamlet it sped, and every- 
 where it went it kindled a flame of angry excitement. 
 With stern faces but anxious hearts they came together 
 to deliberate upon the situation. They had, they said, 
 asked North Carolina for a Superior Court, to deal with 
 the criminals she was driving among them, and for a 
 general officer with power to rally their militia for the 
 common defense against the daily increasing danger from 
 the Creeks and Cherokees ; and, while the ink upon their 
 petition was scarcely dry, she had answered it by uncere- 
 moniously turning them over to a distant body, com- 
 posed of men whose interests were upon the seaboard, 
 and who knew no more of their condition and necessities 
 than they did of the geography of the moon — nor half so 
 much, if they had chanced to listen to Professor John 
 
24 JOHtf SEVIER. 
 
 Winthrop, of Harvard, who was then the supreme author- 
 ity on earthquakes and lunar mountains. Whenever be- 
 fore did Watauga so much need a strong government ? 
 It was idle to say that the settlers had hitherto governed 
 and defended themselves. They had done this : pre- 
 served order at home when every man was law-abiding ; 
 subdued the Cherokees when small forces would do the 
 work ; and fed and equipped their volunteers when men 
 like John Sevier had full granaries from which to draw 
 their rations. But now a disorderly element was coming 
 among them, and this element, driven out by the set- 
 tlers, was herding with their enemies, augmenting their 
 strength, and increa'sing their hostility. Larger armies 
 were now needed for their protection, and Sevier and 
 others like him had become so impoverished by frequent 
 generosity that they could no longer feed and equip large 
 numbers at a moment's warning. And, if they could, 
 what power had Sevier to call the men together ? His 
 old companions would respond to him promptly ; but 
 would the new-comers answer his summons with the 
 same alacrity ? Had they for him a similar sentiment of 
 fealty ? Would they follow where he led when the foe 
 was twenty to one against them ? It was not likely they 
 would, for he had never marshaled them to victory ; 
 never carried them unscathed through the savage fire, 
 nor saved their homes from burning, and their wives and 
 children from the midnight tomahawk. He had been 
 this people's law as well as leader, and that he would 
 continue to be ; but with this large influx of strange and 
 
THE FIRST SECESSION. 25 
 
 dangerous elements the time had come when even he 
 could not rule without all the forms of civilized govern- 
 ment. North Carolina had cast them off, but they 
 would. form a government of their own, and apply for 
 admission to the Union. With these thoughts stirring 
 in their minds, the settlers came together at Joneshoro. 
 
 They were sober-minded, judicious men, and they de- 
 termined to do nothing in haste, or without the assent of 
 the whole body of the people. Consulting now together, 
 they decided to recommend the meeting of a convention 
 of forty delegates, who should have power to decide upon 
 the course of action to be taken in the circumstances. 
 These delegates should be elected from the three counties 
 into which the district had been divided, and they should 
 not meet until thirty days had passed, that they might 
 have full time to deliberately consider the situation. 
 
 The delegates were elected, and they assembled in 
 convention at Jonesboro, on the 23d of August follow- 
 ing. Among them were John Sevier, Charles Eobert- 
 son, John Bean, Stockley Donelson, Judge Campbell, 
 and others — as true patriots and as worthy men as were 
 to be found in the country ; and there is no ques- 
 tion that they represented correctly the popular senti- 
 ment. They sat with open doors and windows in the log 
 court-house, which — according to the builder's specifica- 
 tions, still preserved — was of "diamond corners, hewn 
 down after being built up, with plank floor, neatly laid, 
 and a justice's bench, a lawyer's and clerk's bar, and a 
 sheriff's box to sit in," and was the first seat of justice 
 
26 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 erected beyond the Alleghanies. This stately structure 
 is now crumbled away, only one solitary log remaining, 
 which a grand-nephew of Sevier has preserved with 
 " pious care " by building it into the wall of a stable! 
 " To what base uses may we come at last ! " 
 
 There was scarcely room within the little building for 
 the forty delegates ; but the outside audience suffered no 
 sort of inconvenience from the cramped condition of 
 their quarters. They had " all out-doors," carpeted with 
 a luxuriant greensward, and roofed with wide-branching 
 oaks and poplars. Fully two thousand had come to- 
 gether, mounted on fleet horses, and clad in linsey 
 trousers and the universal buckskin hunting-shirt; for 
 the country was aflame with excitement, and such 
 another gathering had not been seen there since the 
 never-to-be-forgotten ten hundred and forty rendez- 
 voused at Sycamore Shoals, to be led by Sevier and 
 Shelby on the long march to King's Mountain. 
 
 The convention organized with John Sevier as presi- 
 dent, and then appointed a committee to consider the 
 cession of the Territory to Congress by North Carolina. 
 This committee reported that, inasmuch as North Caro- 
 lina had thrust Watauga out into the cold, it should at 
 once form a State government, and apply for admission 
 to the Union. No precedent existed which these men 
 could follow, for Vermont had not yet been admitted, but 
 had been kept standing, hat in hand, at the door of Con- 
 gress since 1776. This was poor encouragement for Wa- 
 tauga, but the report was unanimously adopted by the 
 
THE FIRST SECESSION. 27 
 
 convention, and then read from the court-house steps to 
 the outside auditory, not all of whom could hear through 
 the open door and windows. It was received with shouts 
 that made the woods ring, and therefore may fairly be 
 considered the voice of the people. The convention 
 then adjourned, after recommending that the people 
 should elect fifteen deputies to decide upon a Constitu- 
 tion, and organize a government for the new State. 
 
 This election took place on the 14th of December, 
 but before it occurred the people over the mountains 
 heard of the steps being taken by Watauga for self- 
 government. The North Carolina Legislature came to- 
 gether in November, and it made haste — at this dis- 
 tance of time, it appears an unseemly and undignified 
 baste — to repeal the act of the previous session. It also 
 gave to the Watauga settlers a Superior Court, having 
 jurisdiction over capital offenses ; and it formed the 
 militia into a brigade, giving the command to John 
 Sevier as brigadier-general. In other words, the horse 
 being stolen, these sapient legislators locked the stable- 
 door. Eequests long refused they suddenly granted, and 
 granted so promptly as to show that they were actuated 
 by a reluctance to losing their grip upon the western 
 counties, and not by any desire to promote their welfare 
 and security. This was apparent to the dullest intel- 
 lect, and it was also seen that this action conveyed no 
 guarantee of any favorable legislation that might be 
 called for by the exigencies of the future. The conces- 
 sions came too late. Had they come earlier, they would 
 
28 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 have met general acceptance ; but now they only served 
 to deepen into contempt the dissatisfaction that had been 
 long growing up toward the older counties. With one 
 solitary exception, this was probably the feeling at this 
 time of every settler upon the Watauga and Holston. 
 
 That one exception was John Sevier. He had been a 
 member of the convention that formed the Constitution 
 of North Carolina, and had himself caused the insertion 
 in its Declaration of Rights of a provision for the crea- 
 tion of a separate State beyond the Alleghanies. This 
 fact shows that he thus early contemplated the creation 
 of an independent commonwealth ; but he now saw that 
 the time for it had not yet arrived. The Watauga Dis- 
 trict was not yet strong enough in numbers and wealth 
 to properly sustain a separate existence. The concessions 
 which had been granted by North Carolina would enable 
 the settlers to restrain the disorderly among them, and to 
 promptly meet their enemies the Cherokees. These were 
 the evils of the moment, and, these provided for, Sevier 
 thought it wisdom to let things go on in their accus- 
 tomed way. He wrote to his friend Colonel Kennedy, 
 who had been a member of the convention, under date of 
 
 " 2d January, l^SS. 
 
 " Dear Colonel : I have just received certain infor- 
 mation from Colonel Martin that the first thing the As- 
 sembly of North Carolina did was to repeal the Cession 
 Bill, and to form this part of the country into a separate 
 district, by name of Washington District, which I have 
 
THE FIRST SECESSION". 29 
 
 the honor to command, as General. I conclude this 
 step will satisfy the people with the Old State, and 
 we shall pursue no further measures as to a new 
 State. David Campbell, Esq., is appointed one of 
 our judges. " 
 
 Sevier also wrote to prominent citizens of Greene 
 County, advising them to take no further action in re- 
 spect to a new government, and he used his personal 
 influence to that end in his own county of Washington. 
 But revolutions, it is said, never go backward. The 
 elections were held in the three counties at the appointed 
 time for the fifteen deputies who were to form the new 
 government. The polls for Washington County were 
 opened at Jonesboro, and, it being the most populous 
 district, a large throng gathered there to participate 
 in the election. Sevier addressed them, stating what 
 had been done by the Legislature of North Carolina, and 
 advising that no further steps should be taken toward 
 erecting a separate government. These men were ac- 
 customed to follow his lead almost blindly, and they 
 would have done so on this occasion had there not "hap- 
 pened to be there a man of Belial, whose name was She- 
 ba, the son of Bichri," who said : " We have no part 
 with North Carolina. Every man to his tent, 
 Israel!" 
 
 This man was one of those restless spirits who seem 
 never entirely happy unless they are in the midst of 
 strife and discord. Profane, foul-mouthed, turbulent, 
 
30 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 and of an irascible, domineering temper, he lacked every 
 quality of a gentleman except personal courage, and that 
 nameless something which comes down in a man's veins 
 from an honorable ancestry. He had the ambition but 
 not the ability to lead, and he could not understand why 
 men should give to Sevier such unquestioning allegiance. 
 He did not know that there is a "divine right " in com- 
 manding talents, exercised unselfishly in a people's serv- 
 ice. He was greedy for office, and a born demagogue, 
 and he had the natural jealousy of Sevier that men of 
 low and yet ambitious minds feel for their moral and in- 
 tellectual superiors. This feeling was deepened into en- 
 mity when he saw himself shut out from positions to 
 which he felt entitled by his own abilities, and the promi- 
 nence of his family ; for he was of good lineage, and 
 bore a name that is honorably mentioned in Southwest- 
 ern history. A younger brother, named Jonathan Tipton, 
 had been second in command to Sevier at King's Mount- 
 ain, and was badly wounded at Boyd's Creek. Two 
 others of his family have given names to counties in Ten- 
 nessee and Indiana. One of the next generation emi- 
 grated to the latter State, and, when but a stripling, was 
 an ensign at the battle of Tippecanoe. Of him it is re- 
 lated that, in the heat of the action, General Harrison, 
 riding by, inquired of the boy, whose features were so 
 begrimed with blood and powder that he could not be 
 recognized, " Young man, where is your colonel ? " 
 "Dead, sir," was the answer. "Your major, then?" 
 "Dead, sir." " Your captain ? " " Dead, sir." "Then 
 
THE FIRST SECESSION. 31 
 
 who commands this regiment?" "I do, sir— Ensign 
 Tipton, Fourth* Indiana." 
 
 This black sheep of the flock — Sheba, the son of Bich- 
 ri — saw now that the sentiment of the whole commu- 
 nity was unmistakably opposed to any further connection 
 with North Carolina, and quickly he seized upon the 
 opportunity to step into the leadership which seemed 
 about to be vacated by Sevier. In an impassioned ha- 
 rangue he urged the people to go on with the election. 
 They did so ; but they did not throw their beloved Noli- 
 chucky Jack overboard. Whether he would or not, they 
 were determined that Sevier should go with them. They 
 elected him one of the delegates to organize the State 
 government ; but, unfortunately, they joined with him 
 this same John Tipton and the Rev. Samuel Houston — 
 men of totally opposite characters, but destined, by act- 
 ing together, to be largely instrumental in overthrowing 
 the Watauga commonwealth. 
 
 And now Sevier made the one mistake of his lifetime 
 — the one to which may be traced all his subsequent mis- 
 fortunes. Seeing that he could not stem the current, he 
 allowed himself to be borne along with it. Had he been 
 Robertson, he would have quietly stepped aside, and let 
 the torrent waste itself in its own wild fury. The force 
 of their passion having once spent itself, these people 
 would have returned to him and to reason. In the ab- 
 sence of any express statement from Sevier*, it is difficult 
 to determine why he did not pursue this course, for he 
 did not lack the moral courage to stand alone, and he 
 
32 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 must have seen that in the changed attitude of North 
 Carolina any further action would be actual rebellion. 
 An easy way to account for his course would be to say 
 that, seeing power about to slip away from him, he 
 promptly changed front and went with the multitude in 
 order to retain his ascendency over them. But we are 
 to judge of character not by one act, but by a whole life, 
 and during his entire career Sevier never sought office. 
 It was always thrust upon him ; and for nearly ten years 
 he persistently set Eobertson — a man much inferior to 
 him in ability — above himself in the councils of Watau- 
 ga. He was pre-eminently disinterested and unambitious 
 — one of the least self-seeking of those great men to 
 whom the world owes the establishment of civil and re- 
 ligious freedom in America. And, had Sevier been am- 
 bitious, he must have known that he was in no danger of 
 permanently losing his control over the men of Watauga, 
 for his ascendency was founded in the very nature of 
 things. From the first they had recognized in him 
 the qualities that made him their natural leader. They 
 knew that he, and only he, could carry them safely 
 through the dangers by which they were environed, and 
 that deserting him would be throwing overboard their 
 pilot when the ship was riding storm-vexed amid the 
 breakers. Moreover, their feeling for him forbade any 
 separation. They had for him a personal attachment, 
 an almost blind devotion, which has seldom been accord- 
 ed to any popular leader. I know of nothing like it in 
 American history. Washington and Jackson were greatly 
 
THE FIRST SECESSION. 33 
 
 beloved, but their popularity waxed and waned, while 
 that of Sevier never knew a moment's diminution. For 
 forty-three years, alike when he was at the head of a 
 great State, and when, a hunted outlaw, fifteen hundred 
 armed men sprang spontaneously to his rescue, he was 
 the idol of the frontier people. Of all this he must have 
 been conscious, and, therefore, we have to seek some 
 other motive for his present action than a fear of losing 
 his hold on power and popular favor. 
 
 Doubtless Sevier felt contempt for .the ruling ele- 
 ment in North Carolina, and disgust at the uniformly 
 selfish and now vacillating policy of its Legislature ; 
 and he may have thought that a firm stand would bring 
 about the separation so much desired by the Watauga 
 settlers. This idea may have had weight with him ; but 
 still I think the main reason for his course is to be found 
 in his strong sympathy with the Watauga people. They 
 were to him as the "bone of his bone and the flesh of 
 his flesh " ; for twelve years he had shared with them 
 storm and sunshine, peril and victory ; and now, when 
 he saw them encompassed with dangers from which only 
 he could extricate them, and heading recklessly upon a 
 dangerous coast, begirt with sunken rocks and treacher- 
 ous quicksands, he determined to stand by the ship and 
 guide it, if possible, into a secure haven ; and, if that 
 were not possible, then to go down in the wreck with 
 those he loved and who so loved him. No other sup- 
 position seems consistent with his character, or sufficient 
 to account for his now going against the convictions of 
 
34: JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 his cool judgment, as expressed in his letter to Colonel 
 Kennedy, and freely announced by him to the people, 
 prior to the election of the deputies. 
 
 The deputies came together, organized a State gov- 
 ernment, and then adjourned, after calling, for the ensu- 
 ing November, another convention to frame and adopt a 
 permanent Constitution. A Legislature was then chosen, 
 which unanimously elected John Sevier as Governor ; 
 and then the wheels of the new State were set in opera- 
 tion. John Tipton's intemperate advocacy of the new 
 order of things had failed to convince the people that he 
 would fitly grace an official position. Consequently, he 
 was left out in the cold, and denied even so much as a 
 seat in the lower branch of the Legislature. A like fate 
 befell one Joseph Martin, another blatant denouncer of 
 North Carolina. These apparently insignificant events 
 had important consequences, as will appear further on in 
 this narrative. 
 
 Sevier had hoped to guide the ship in safety through 
 the breakers ; but could mortal hand do this, when she 
 was storm-beaten from both east and west, and her own 
 crew was in mutiny ? 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE ABOETIVE COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 The territory that was termed in legislative docu- 
 ments "Washington District" comprised the whole of 
 what is now Tennessee, except the country around Nash- 
 ville, at which remote outpost of civilization the heroic 
 Robertson was at this time holding his ground against a 
 horde of savage enemies. But the larger portion of this 
 vast region had in 1784 no other inhabitants than wild 
 beasts and wilder men, and the white settlements in it 
 were restricted to an irregular parallelogram, bordering 
 upon the Holston, Watauga, and Nolichueky, and ex- 
 tending southwesterly from the Virginia line at King's 
 Meadows (now Bristol) to Southwest Point, near the 
 confluence of the Clinch and Tennessee Rivers. And this 
 settled district was but thinly peopled. It contained no 
 large towns, and but few villages. Knoxville was not 
 yet in existence. Greeneville was little more than a log 
 court-house and a log tavern ; and Jonesboro an insig- 
 nificant hamlet of some fifty or sixty log cabins, clus- 
 tered around the unpretending temple of justice which 
 has been mentioned. The people dwelt mostly in isolated 
 
36 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 farm-houses, in the midst of wide forests, or in close 
 vicinity to log " stations " — block-houses encompassed 
 with palisades, in which were a few cabins to house the 
 women and children in case of a hostile invasion from 
 the Indians. Scattered as they were, it is wonderful 
 with what speed the men came together on occasions of 
 sudden danger, either to Jonesboro or to the home of Se- 
 vier on the Nolichucky, the usual places of rendezvous.^ 
 As many as two thousand are known to have assembled 
 within twenty-four hours after Sevier's couriers had 
 sounded the alarm through the territory — so perfect was 
 his system for conveying intelligence, and so fleet were 
 the animals bestrode by those tireless riders. The total 
 population of the district (exclusive of the Cumberland 
 settlements) at this time can not be given with decided 
 accuracy, but, estimating it by the force with which 
 Sevier soon afterward offered to march to the aid of 
 Georgia, it could not have been far from twenty-five 
 thousand. A handful, truly, to set up an independent 
 existence, when surrounded by hostile savages, and op- 
 posed by the great State which then ranked as the third 
 in the Union ! 
 
 It was no easy task that Sevier assumed when, on the 
 1st of March, 1785, he took oath to well and truly ad- 
 minister for three years the office of Governor of the hew 
 State of Franklin. He had to evolve order from rank 
 disorder, and to erect a stable government with the most 
 unstable materials. He had to create a currency when 
 even the wealthy had not enough money to pay their 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 37 
 
 taxes, and the North Carolina " promises to pay " were 
 not worth one cent on a dollar. He had to provide 
 facilities for education, when nothing above a cross-road 
 school-house existed in the country. He had to establish 
 courts and enforce law, when a lawless element, pouring 
 in on the heels of the Eevolution, had flooded every set- 
 tlement, and was stalking unchecked upon every high- 
 way. And he had to organize and discipline a militia, 
 with which to meet the ten thousand Creeks and Chero- 
 kees, who, armed and backed by Spain, were preparing 
 to swoop down upon the territory. In short, he had to 
 enforce law, establish good order, and foil the murderous 
 designs of a great European power, when he was himself 
 acting contrary to law, and in defiance of the constituted 
 authorities of the country. It was a herculean task, but 
 in an incredibly short period, and without the loss of a 
 single life, Sevier accomplished it ; and, in doing so, he 
 displayed a fertility of resource and a wise statesman- 
 ship that entitle him to rank very high as an adminis- 
 trator ; and we are forced to conclude that, if his course 
 had been obstructed by none but outside foes, he would 
 have then established a stable government. 
 
 Within sixty days from the coming together of his 
 Legislature, Sevier had reduced internal affairs to a 
 satisfactory order. He at once established a Superior 
 Court, with David Campbell as chief-justice — the same 
 who had been named for that office by North Carolina ; 
 and he reorganized the militia — now over four thou- 
 sand strong — placing over it William Cocke and Daniel 
 
38 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Kennedy as brigadier-generals, he himself being com- 
 mander-in-chief. Having thns provided for the enforce- 
 ment of law and the defense of the country, Sevier 
 directed the attention of his Legislature to subjects of 
 less pressing importance. At his suggestion it incorpo- 
 rated an institution of higher education, to be presided 
 over by Parson Doak, the pioneer preacher. It was 
 named Martin Academy, in compliment to the Governor 
 of North Carolina, but its title was subsequently changed 
 to Washington College. It was the first institution for 
 classical learning west of the Alleghanies. He also 
 caused acts to be passed levying a tax for the support of 
 the government ; "to determine the value of such gold 
 and silver coin" as was in circulation ; and "to ascertain 
 the salaries " to be allowed the Governor and other State 
 officials. These were fixed at the following magnificent 
 sums : For the Governor, £200 ; for the Judge of the 
 Superior Court, £150 ; for the Secretary of State, £25 
 and the fees of his office ; and members of the Legisla- 
 ture were to receive four shillings per diem. The appoint- 
 ment of all the minor officials was left in the hands of 
 the Governor, and he continued in office all those who 
 held commissions under North Carolina. Thus the 
 passage from the old to the new State did violence to no 
 one, and produced no convulsion. There was, in fact, 
 no alteration in form ; but there was a total change in 
 spirit — an infusion of life into a lifeless machinery, 
 which made it at once a conservator of order and a 
 terror to evil-doers. 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 39 
 
 But no civil government has existed within historic 
 times without a circulating medium, and some standard 
 of value by which to regulate exchanges. Among civil- 
 ized nations the standard is gold and silver, but the North 
 American Indians regarded wampum as money, and 
 Pontiac issued letters of credit upon birch-bark, which 
 were redeemed by the French in hard currency. But 
 gold and silver are sometimes scarce commodities even in 
 civilized communities ; and at such times, while they 
 have remained the measure of value, other articles have 
 of necessity been resorted to as a circulating medium. 
 In 1631 it was enacted in Massachusetts that corn at cur- 
 rent prices should be received in payment of debts, and 
 in 1656 " musket-balls, full bore/' were made a legal ten- 
 der at a farthing apiece. As late there as 1680 the town 
 of Hingham paid its taxes in milk-pails; in South Caro- 
 lina at about the same period the currency was corn, and 
 in North Carolina as late as 1738 it was hides, tallow, and 
 furs ; while in Maryland and Virginia for more than a 
 century the standard of value, as well as the circulating 
 medium, was tobacco. In the latter State it was enacted 
 that the marshal should be paid, for " laying by the heels," 
 five pounds of tobacco; "for duckings," ten pounds; 
 "for pillory," ten pounds ; and during a long period the 
 market value of a wife — good or bad — ruled in that col- 
 ony with wonderful regularity at one hundred and fifty 
 pounds. At the time of the Eevolution the currency of 
 nearly all the colonies was poorly lithographed "prom- 
 ises to pay," printed on dingy paper, by which the 
 
40 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 government treasurer did not so much as agree to pay 
 the sum that was called for by the "shinplaster." One 
 of these, issued by North Carolina, is now before me. It 
 reads simply : " N. Carolina Currency. Half a Dollar. 
 By authority of Congress at Halifax, April, 1776," and 
 in one corner are the figures of a man and a dog, the 
 man discharging a leveled musket, with the motto, "Hit 
 or miss." The thing certainly "hit" somebody, or it 
 would not now be in existence ; but it as certainly made 
 a "miss," if it ever attempted to draw its face value 
 from the treasury of North Carolina. 
 
 It may be .questioned if Sevier, or any of his legis- 
 lators, ever so much as heard of the musket-ball and 
 milk-pail currency of Massachusetts, or of the Virginia 
 mothers who, perhaps, were dear bargains at one hun- 
 dred and fifty pounds of tobacco. These men had prob- 
 ably none of these precedents before them ; but, there 
 being next to no gold or silver in Franklin, they felt 
 the need of some other circulating medium, and they 
 adopted one which had intrinsic value, inasmuch as it 
 could be either worn or eaten, and was, moreover, within 
 the reach of every one who had a strong arm and a good 
 rifle. In the law levying a tax for the support of the 
 government, they inserted this clause : 
 
 " Be it enacted, That it shall and may be lawful for 
 the aforesaid land-tax, and all free polls, to be paid in the 
 following manner : Good flax linen, ten hundred, at three 
 shillings and sixpence per yard ; nine hundred, at three 
 shillings ; eight hundred, two shillings and ninepence ; 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 41 
 
 seven hundred, two shillings and sixpence ; six hundred, 
 two shillings ; tow linen, one shilling and ninepence ; 
 linsey, three shillings, and woolen and cotton linsey, three 
 shillings and sixpence per yard ; good clean beaver-skin, 
 six shillings ; cased otter-skins, six shillings ; uncased 
 ditto, five shillings ; raccoon and fox skins, one shilling 
 and threepence ; woolen cloth, at ten shillings per yard ; 
 bacon, w T ell cured, sixpence per pound ; good, clean tal- 
 low, sixpence per pound ; good, clean beeswax, one 
 shilling per pound ; good distilled rye whisky, at two 
 shillings and sixpence per gallon ; good peach or apple 
 brandy, at three shillings per gallon ; good country-made 
 sugar, at one shilling per pound ; deer-skins, the pattern, 
 six shillings ; good, neat, and well-managed tobacco, fit 
 to be prized, that may pass inspection, the hundred, fif- 
 teen shillings, and so on in proportion for a greater or 
 less quantity." 
 
 "And all the salaries and allowances hereby made 
 shall be paid by any treasurer, sheriff, or collector of pub- 
 lic taxes, to any person entitled to the same, to be paid in 
 specific articles as collected, and at the rates allowed by 
 the State for the same ; or in current money of the State 
 of Franklin. " 
 
 It will be noticed that the closing paragraph provides 
 that taxes might be paid in " current money of the State 
 of Franklin," which shows that this " coon-skin cur- 
 rency " — as it was termed — was merely a temporary ex- 
 pedient, designed for the present relief of tax-payers ; 
 and that Sevier looked forward to the possession of a 
 more civilized circulating medium. This the State soon 
 had — thirty thousand dollars, in silver, issued from the 
 mint of Charles Kobertson — but, nevertheless, the articles 
 
42 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 enumerated did for a time pass current as money. It was 
 at first cpnfidently asserted that this currency could not 
 be counterfeited. But in this its advocates were mistaken. 
 It was mostly of skins, which passed from hand to hand 
 in bundles or bales, from the ends of which the caudal 
 appendages were allowed to protrude, to designate the 
 species of the animal. Before long, acute financiers af- 
 fixed the tail of the otter to the skin of the fox and the 
 raccoon, and thus got the better of the receiver in the 
 sum of four shillings and ninepence upon each peltry. 
 
 The rapidity with which the above-named acts were 
 passed shows not only great unanimity among the legis- 
 lators, but the remarkable ascendency which Sevier had 
 over the frontier people. His word was literally their 
 law, and their absolute devotion to him was what had 
 enabled him to conquer his greatly superior savage ene- 
 mies. Now, with a strong militia organized and em- 
 bodied, he had no fear of the Creeks and Cherokees ; 
 but he preferred peace to war, and, when internal affairs 
 were once set in order, he lost no time in dispatching 
 messengers to the Indian capital, inviting the principal 
 chieftains to a conference, to arrange terms on which 
 the two races might live together in "perpetual 
 amity. " 
 
 In doing this, the new State was about to exercise one 
 of the highest functions of sovereignty ; but it was no 
 more than had been done by nearly every one of the 
 Thirteen Colonies. They had now delegated the treaty- 
 making power to Congress, but at that very moment 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 43 
 
 North Carolina was arranging to hold a treaty with these 
 same Indians. Sevier had no confidence in the ability of 
 its present Governor to secure from them terms that would 
 be advantageous to the Watauga settlers, and he very 
 naturally thought that what would be lawful for North 
 Carolina could hardly be deemed unlawful for Franklin. 
 But, lawful or unlawful, some action had to be taken at 
 once, for the attitude of the Cherokees threatened imme- 
 diate hostilities. It was better to incur the displeasure 
 of Congress than to invite the midnight torch and toma- 
 hawk to every settler's dwelling. A frank explanation 
 might appease the wounded dignity of the Central Gov- 
 ernment ; but no apology would restore wasted fields 
 and burned farm-houses, or gather up the blood that 
 might be spilled in a conflict with the savages. It was 
 these considerations that now induced Sevier to make 
 overtures of peace to the Cherokees. 
 
 The Creeks were in secret league with Spain for the 
 extermination of the settlers, and their allies, the Chero- 
 kees, had been in a chronic state of dissatisfaction since 
 1782, in consequence of the locating of the whites upon 
 lands south of the French Broad and Holston Eivers, 
 which had never been formally ceded to North Carolina. 
 Their king, Old Tassel, the wary but wise and pacific 
 successor to Oconostota, had addressed frequent protests 
 to the Governor of North Carolina against these en- 
 croachments; but they had been practically unheeded, 
 though his Excellency, as far back as February 11, 1782, 
 had written to Sevier : " Draw forth a body of your 
 
44 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 militia on horseback, pull down their cabins, and drive 
 them off, laying aside every consideration of their en- 
 treaties to the contrary." Sevier had not laid aside these 
 considerations, for some of the encroaching settlers were 
 his old companions in arms, who had fought by his side 
 at King's Mountain, and, time and again, protected the 
 settlements from the midnight raids of these same sav- 
 ages. Though an officer of North Carolina, he had given 
 little heed to the Governor's arbitrary command. He 
 had not driven the people off, but had dissuaded them 
 from any further encroachments, and given assurance to 
 Old Tassel that none would be permitted. But this, 
 though the settlers were some miles distant from the 
 Indian hunting-grounds, did not satisfy the Cherokees, 
 who rightly regarded every forward movement of the 
 whites as merely another step toward their own final ex- 
 pulsion from the country. 
 
 This dissatisfaction among the Indians had been but 
 recently inflamed to the pitch of hostile action by the 
 unfortunate killing of Untoola, of Citico, one of their 
 principal warriors, by Major James Hubbard, of the Wa- 
 tauga riflemen. The evidence was that the killing was 
 entirely justifiable, being done strictly in self-defense ; 
 but Hubbard was known among the Cherokees to be the 
 implacable enemy of their race and nation. His whole 
 family had been remorselessly butchered by the Shawnees 
 in Virginia, and, ever since, the one business of his life 
 had been the slaughter of Indians. Though but a young 
 man, he was reputed to have killed more Cherokees than 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 45 
 
 any two men upon the border ; and, inflamed by a spirit 
 of vengeance, he did not always wait for what would be 
 deemed justifiable provocation. Knowing this, the Cher- 
 okees had no difficulty in believing that he was the ag- 
 gressor in the rencounter which had resulted in the death 
 of Untoola. Eevenge — blood for blood — was with them 
 a religious principle, and the whole nation now cried out 
 for vengeance upon the slayer. The infuriated braves 
 were only restrained from going at once upon the war- 
 path by the promise of Old Tassel to lay the matter be- 
 fore the Governor, and by his assurance that his Excel- 
 lency would now not only listen to their complaints, but 
 would speedily take steps to redress this and their other 
 grievances. 
 
 In this the Cherokee king was not mistaken. With- 
 out so much as asking for the evidence against Hubbard, 
 Governor Martin gave orders for his immediate arrest 
 and conveyance over the mountains ; and he also, to ap- 
 pease, it would seem, the wrath of this Indian chief, is- 
 sued a proclamation commanding the instant removal 
 of all settlers upon the lands south of the French Broad 
 and Holston. At the same time he wrote to Old Tassel, 
 stigmatizing these settlers as " bad people," willing to 
 disobey " any law for the sake of ill -gain and profit," and 
 " caring not what mischief they do between the white 
 and red people if they can enrich, themselves" ; and he 
 closed by entreating the wily old savage to be " patient, 
 and not listen to any bad talks which may disturb our 
 peace and good- will : for you may be certain your elder 
 
 6 
 
40 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 brother of North Carolina will do everything in his power 
 to give your minds satisfaction." 
 
 This language Governor Alexander Martin addressed 
 to untutored savages, who would be sure to mistake kind 
 words for weakness ; and his proclamation he directed 
 against several thousand law-abiding citizens, who had 
 settled on those lands in reliance upon a special promise 
 of protection made to them by an ordinance of the North 
 Carolina Legislature in May, 1783. Moreover, the men 
 whom the Governor branded as lawless and "bad peo- 
 ple " were among the best in the territory — men whose 
 daily lives exhibited some of the noblest traits of Ameri- 
 can character, patient industry, indomitable energy, man- 
 ly resolution, and heroic courage. 
 
 The Governor's language was regarded as an out- 
 rageous insult, his proclamation as a flagrant injustice ; 
 and both were deplored because calculated to render the 
 Cherokees more unreasonable in their demands. The 
 Indians were thus assured of the sympathy of their 
 " elder brother of North Carolina," and this might lead 
 them to reject any terms that should provide for the 
 peaceable retention of their homes by the intruding set- 
 tlers. This Sevier well knew ; but he also knew that his 
 name was a terror among the Cherokees, and he counted 
 upon the dread the old king would have of a collision 
 with him, to counteract the effect of the Governor's 
 proclamation. In any event, he should protect the 
 French Broad settlers, and not permit their removal. 
 
 The council was held on Dumplin Creek, near the 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 47 
 
 north bank of the French Broad River, and about ten 
 miles east of the present city of Knoxyille ; and it began 
 on the 31st of May, 1785, only a few days after the 
 adjournment of the Franklin Legislature. It lasted 
 three days, and was attended by a numerous body of 
 chiefs and warriors. When all had assembled, Sevier 
 addressed them. He did not tell them that his old 
 comrades had wrongfully intruded upon their lands, nor 
 did he make any apology or offer any reparation for the 
 killing of Untoola. But he assured the Indians that he 
 desired to live in peace with them, and, says the old his- 
 torian, "in a speech well calculated to produce the end 
 in view, he deplored the sufferings of the white people ; 
 the blood which the Indians had spilled on the road 
 leading to Kentucky ; lamented the uncivilized state 
 of the Indians ; and, to prevent all future animosities, 
 he suggested the propriety of fixing the bounds beyond 
 which those settlements should not be extended which 
 had been imprudently made on the south side of the 
 French Broad and Holston, under the connivance of 
 North Carolina, and could not now be broken up ; and 
 he pledged the faith of the State of Franklin that, if 
 these bounds should be agreed upon and made known, 
 the citizens of his State should be effectually restrained 
 from all encroachments beyond them."* 
 
 The fearless and manly attitude of Sevier had the 
 desired effect upon the Indians. The Cherokees ac- 
 
 * Haywood. 
 
48 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 cepted the situation, and not only ignored the killing 
 of Untoola, and waived the removal of the settlers, but 
 made a cession of a much larger territory than had been 
 already occupied, establishing as the boundary between 
 themselves and the whites the high ridge which divides 
 the waters of the Little Tennessee from those of Little 
 Eiver. For these lands Sevier promised compensation in 
 general terms, dependent, however, upon the good be- 
 havior of the Cherokees, and their faithful observance 
 of the treaty. Thus, by a few spoken words, and the 
 magnetism of his presence, did he reduce the refractory 
 Cherokees to reason, and undo the evil effects of the ill- 
 advised " talks "of the North Carolina Governor. But 
 the wily Old Tassel absented himself from the confer- 
 ence, and was not therefore a party to the treaty. He 
 knew from Governor Martin of the rupture between 
 North Carolina and Franklin, and he sought, by staying 
 away, to keep in a position to repudiate the treaty in 
 case circumstances should render such a course advisable 
 or profitable to the Cherokees. 
 
 As Sevier was about setting out to negotiate this 
 treaty, an angry blast came from over the mountains. 
 It was wind, empty and loud-sounding, but in it was 
 an articulate voice, which gave warning of " breakers 
 ahead" on the course the new State was pursuing. 
 Before the adjournment of the Legislature, Sevier had 
 dispatched an official letter to the Governor of North 
 Carolina, apprising him of the secession of Franklin ; 
 and now came in reply a manifesto from that function- 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 49 
 
 ary, addressed "To the Inhabitants of the Counties of 
 Washington, Sullivan, and Greene." The document is 
 too long to be here quoted, but a few extracts will give 
 its essential features. It began by saying, " Whereas, I 
 have received letters from Brigadier-General Sevier, 
 under the style and character of Governor ; and from 
 Messrs. Landon Carter and William Gage, as Speakers 
 of the Senate and House of Commons of the State of 
 Franklin, informing me that they, with you, the in- 
 habitants of part of the territory lately ceded to Con- 
 gress, had declared themselves independent of the State 
 of North Carolina, and no longer consider themselves 
 under the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the same, 
 stating their reasons for their separation and revolt, 
 among which, it is alleged, that the western country was 
 ceded to Congress without their consent, by an act of 
 the Legislature, and the same was repealed in the like 
 manner." The Governor then went on through four 
 closely printed octavo pages to arraign the western lead- 
 ers for high treason, and to warn the people of the dire- 
 ful consequences that would attend a defiance of the 
 Tarboro Legislators. "The State of North Carolina," 
 he said, "could not suffer treaties to be held with the 
 Indians and other business transacted in a country where 
 her authority and government were rejected and set at 
 naught. . . . Far less causes had deluged states and king- 
 doms with blood. . . . There is a national pride in all 
 kingdoms and states that inspires every subject with a 
 degree of importance — the grand cement and support of 
 
50 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 every government — which must not be insulted." His 
 people had been grossly insulted, the honor of his State 
 "particularly wounded," and "Congress could not coun- 
 tenance such a separation, wherein the State of North 
 Carolina hath not given her full consent ; and, if an im- 
 plied and conditional one hath been given, the same 
 hath been rescinded by a full Legislature. Of her rea- 
 sons for so doing, they [who ?] consider themselves the 
 only competent judges." 
 
 After much of this high-sounding verbiage, the Gov- 
 ernor resorted to threats, as follows : " I know," he said, 
 "with reluctance the State will be driven to arms; it 
 will be the last alternative to imbrue her hands in the 
 blood of her citizens ; but, if no other ways and means 
 are found to save her honor, and reclaim her head- 
 strong, refractory citizens, but this sad expedient, her re- 
 sources are not yet so exhausted, or her spirits damped, 
 but she may take satisfaction for this great injury re- 
 ceived, regain her government over the revolted terri- 
 tory, or render it not worth possessing." The italics 
 are the Governor's own. 
 
 These threats were ill-advised, and the whole docu- 
 ment was poorly calculated to win back the western 
 people to a government which had never afforded them 
 either aid or protection. However, the paper did contain 
 a single paragraph which, had their minds not been in- 
 flamed by passion, might have led the western settlers 
 to more fully reflect upon the consequences of their 
 action. This paragraph was as follows: "By such 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 51 
 
 rash and irregular conduct a precedent is formed for 
 every district, and even every county of the State, to 
 claim the right of separation and independency for 
 any supposed grievance of the inhabitants, as caprice, 
 pride, and ambition shall dictate, at pleasure, thereby 
 exhibiting to the world a melancholy instance of a 
 feeble or pusillanimous government, that is either un- 
 able, or dares not restrain the lawless designs of its 
 citizens." 
 
 Copies of this manifesto were freely circulated in 
 manuscript among the people ; but it appears to have 
 made no general impression. At the moment every 
 one west of the mountains was too much infatuated 
 with a new-born sense of freedom from a hated con- 
 nection, or too much engrossed with thoughts of the 
 pressing danger from the Creeks and Cherokees, to 
 give heed to what seemed idle talk from North Caro- 
 lina. Sevier paid no attention to the document so 
 long as Martin continued Governor ; but in a few 
 weeks Martin was succeeded in office by Eichard Cas- 
 well, a far abler man, and to him Sevier addressed a 
 letter, controverting the positions of his predecessor. 
 In it he denied that he and his people were in revolt 
 from North Carolina. That State, he said, had by the 
 act of cession invited the western settlers to the course 
 they had pursued ; and they had taken it from the 
 necessity to prevent anarchy, and provide against their 
 enemies the Cherokees ; and they fully believed that 
 the acts of North Carolina tolerated the separation. 
 
52 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 And he added: "The menaces made use of in the 
 manifesto will by no means intimidate us. We mean 
 to pursue our necessary measures, and with the fullest 
 confidence believe that your Legislature, when truly in- 
 formed of our ciyil proceedings, will find no cause for 
 resenting anything we haye done. The repeal of the 
 cession act we can not take notice of, as we had de- 
 clared our separation before the repeal. Therefore, we 
 are bound to support it with that manly firmness that 
 becomes freemen." 
 
 Throughout the letter Sevier is dignified, but con- 
 ciliatory. By brief, pointed sentences he overthrows 
 the wordy ranting of Martin — that is, where it can be 
 overthrown — but he takes no notice whatever of the 
 latter's allusion to the danger of secession. This he 
 did not attempt to answer ; probably, because he felt 
 that it could not be answered. That he appreciated 
 the evil that might result from the precedent he was 
 trying to establish, is evident from a reference he made 
 to it two years later — in a letter he wrote to the Gov- 
 ernor of Georgia, wherein he styles secession an ulcer 
 which, if allowed to spread, may at last infect the whole 
 body politic. 
 
 It was fortunate for the Watauga settlers, and fortu- 
 nate also for the country, that Richard Caswell was now 
 Governor of North Carolina. He was one of those rare 
 men — not over-plentiful at any period, and least of all 
 when society has been but recently upheaved by the 
 strong passions of a revolution — who can look on both 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 53 
 
 sides of a question, and, while not forgetting his own 
 rights and obligations, can fully appreciate the circum- 
 stances and necessities of an adversary. Had Martin 
 continued in office, and attempted to enforce his policy 
 of coercion, the most disastrous consequences would 
 probably have followed. Norfch Carolina outnumbered 
 the settlers more than twenty to one, but she had no 
 military leaders, and her wretched " sand-hillers " were 
 no match for the over-mountain men, who would have 
 fought behind their mountain fastnesses, and under the 
 lead of Sevier, who was incarnate victory. The proba- 
 bilities are that Watauga would have been successful ; 
 and her revolt, occurring so early, while the Central 
 Government was as yet but a rope of sand, and the 
 various States were drawn apart by conflicting inter- 
 ests, other revolts would doubtless have followed. Thus, 
 what Sevisr termed the " ulcer" of secession would have 
 spread, till the Union was rent into fragments, and 
 there had been to-day a dozen little republics instead 
 of our one vast and united nation. So, on what seems 
 to us insignificant events hang often great results, which 
 are felt far along the course of time, and over the whole 
 of a continent. In reply to Sevier's letter, Governor 
 Caswell wrote as follows : 
 
 " Kingston, N. C, 11th June, 1785. 
 
 " Sir : Your favor of the 14th of last month I had 
 the honor to receive by Colonel Avery. In this, sir, you 
 have stated the different charges mentioned in Governor 
 
54 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Martin's manifesto, and answered them by giving what I 
 understand to be the sense of the people and your own 
 sentiments with respect to each charge, as well as 
 the reasons which governed in the measures he com- 
 plained of. 
 
 "I have not seen Governor Martin's manifesto, nor 
 have I derived so full and explicit information from any 
 quarter as this you have been pleased to give me. As 
 there was not an Assembly, owing to the members not 
 attending at Governor Martin's request, the sense of the 
 Legislature on this business, of course, could not be had ; 
 and as you give me assurances of the peaceable dispo- 
 sition of the people, and their wish to conduct themselves 
 in the manner you mention, and also to send persons to 
 adjust, consider, and conciliate matters (I suppose) to 
 the next Assembly, for the present things must rest as 
 they are with respect to the subject-matter of your letter, 
 which shall be laid before the next Assembly. In the 
 mean time, let me entreat you not, by any means, to con- 
 sider this as giving countenance, by the Executive of the 
 State, to any measures lately pursued by the people to 
 the westward of the mountains." 
 
 Being thus left unmolested by North Carolina, Sevier 
 had time to attend to the consolidation of the new gov- 
 ernment. Law was at once effectually administered, a 
 few notorious criminals were properly punished, the dis- 
 orderly element was awed into good behavior, and the 
 militia was thoroughly drilled, to be in readiness at any 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 55 
 
 moment to repel an attack from the treacherous Creeks 
 and Cherokees. Under Sevier's mild but efficient rule 
 everything soon went well ; and now for several months 
 it seemed that Watauga had entered upon an unbroken 
 career of peace and prosperity. So successful was Se- 
 vier's administration of affairs that it was not long be- 
 fore the Scotch Presbyterians of the Backwater settle- 
 ments, some of whom had fought by his side at King's 
 Mountain, took steps, under the lead of Arthur Camp- 
 bell, to sever their connection with Virginia, and en- 
 roll themselves under the new Franklin government. 
 Strange as it may seem, the first ripple that disturbed 
 this placid state of things was raised by the distant Cen- 
 tral Government, which now was in session at Philadel- 
 phia. It had thus far turned a deaf ear to the applica- 
 tion of Watauga for admission to the Union ; and it was 
 now to exercise its treaty-making power in a manner 
 both embarrassing and dangerous to the nascent com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 On the 19th of September, 1785, not much more 
 than half a year after the launching of the State of 
 Franklin by the over-mountain Legislature, one Joseph 
 Martin, Indian agent for the State of North Carolina, 
 held a conference with the principal Cherokee chief- 
 tains, in the grand council-house of the tribe at Echota. 
 Squatted on a buffalo -robe by his side was the Old 
 Tassel, while around him, on the ground, or on the 
 cane benches which encircled the dingy but spacious in- 
 terior, were gathered the " head-men " of the Ottari and 
 
56 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Erati Cherokees. These warriors had come together 
 from far and near to hold what in Indian parlance is 
 styled a " talk" with this " head-man " of North Caro- 
 lina ; and this talk, reduced to writing, and dispatched 
 over the mountains, was first to stir the stagnant atmos- 
 phere of North Carolina, and then to arouse a breeze in 
 the great council-house of the Union at Philadelphia — 
 a breeze which should bode no good to the government 
 of Sevier, and to the " bad people" who now, by right of 
 treaty, were peacefully gathering their crops on the south 
 side of the French Broad and Holston. 
 
 This Martin, though an official of North Carolina, 
 had been one of the earliest and most active promoters 
 of the new State ; but somehow, when it came to be 
 organized, he had, much to his chagrin, found himself, 
 like Tipton, left without any official position whatever. 
 This, had he been greedy of emoluments, could not 
 have been a very sore affliction, but he probably cared 
 more for position than profit, for the reason that in 
 the backwoods the possession of money is not a sure 
 passport to influence and consideration. Luckily, how- 
 ever, he had not been so unwise as to cast away an old 
 coat before obtaining a new one ; and now he resumed 
 his former office, and left the new State to go on its own 
 way to destruction. But in these early days of Septem- 
 ber there arose an occasion when, to preserve what little 
 of official position he had, it seemed to Martin necessary 
 that he should help the new government on to its pre- 
 destined consummation. This might involve the be- 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 57 
 
 trayal of bis friends, but that were better than the loss of 
 office under North Carolina. 
 
 Martin had passed the most of the summer among 
 the Cherokees, listening to the grumblings of Old Tassel 
 and the smothered curses of the warriors upon the fast- 
 incoming settlers, who were rapidly filling up the lands 
 recently ceded to Franklin ; but he had uttered not one 
 word of sympathy, encouragement, or remonstrance. The 
 affair he deemed none of his ; he was an officer of North 
 Carolina ; and, as yet, he had no definite intimation of 
 how the recent secession was regarded by its new admin- 
 istration. But early in September there came to Echota 
 the same Colonel Avery who had borne Sevier's letter to 
 Governor Caswell, and he brought to Martin a missive 
 from his Excellency, which he had carried in his pocket 
 ever since the date of the Governor's letter to Sevier. 
 The Governor had heard of Martin's activity in the 
 formation of the new State, and he now asked the Indian 
 agent the pertinent question, if he intended to serve two 
 masters — or rather, in backwoods phrase, if he was at- 
 tempting to ride two horses at once, barebacked, after 
 the Indian fashion. 
 
 The Governor's question alarmed Martin, and he 
 deemed it necessary to do something at once that should 
 assure North Carolina of his zealous allegiance. So, sud- 
 denly, he became sympathetic with Old Tassel, and told 
 him that the existence of Franklin had not yet been 
 recognized by North Carolina ; that, consequently, the 
 
 treaty which Sevier had lately made with the Cherokees 
 
 1 
 
58 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 was no better than waste paper ; and that, if Old Tas- 
 sel should petition the Governor of North Carolina, his 
 Excellency would doubtless order the removal of the 
 " bad people " from the lands south of the French Broad 
 and the Holston. This it was which had led the Chero- 
 kee king to call together the "head-men" of the whole 
 nation, who now were assembled in their great council- 
 house, eagerly listening to this white man, who was tell- 
 ing them by what treacherous diplomacy they might 
 evade the sacred obligations of a treaty, and involve in 
 ruin several thousands of his own race and kindred. 
 The "talk" which resulted from this council, and was 
 dispatched from Old Tassel to Governor Caswell, was 
 as follows : 
 
 " Brother: I am now going to speak to you ; I hope 
 you will hear me. I am an old man, and almost thrown 
 away by my elder brother. The ground I stand on is very 
 slippery, though I still hope my elder brother will hear 
 me, and take pity on me, as we were all made by the 
 same Great Being above ; we are all children of the same 
 parent. I therefore hope my elder brother will hear me. 
 
 "You have often promised me, in talks that you sent 
 me, that you would do me justice, and that all disorderly 
 people should be moved off our lands ; but the longer we 
 want to see it done, the farther it seems off. Your 
 people have built houses in sight of our towns. We 
 don't want to quarrel with you, our elder brother. I 
 therefore beg that you, our elder brother, will have your 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 59 
 
 disorderly people taken off our lands immediately, as 
 their being on our grounds causes great uneasiness. "We 
 are very uneasy on account of a report that is among 
 the white people, that call themselves a new people, that 
 live on French Broad and Nolichucky. They say they 
 have treated with us for all the lands on Little Eiver. I 
 now send this to let my elder brother know how it is. 
 Some of them gathered on French Broad, and sent for us 
 to come and treat with them ; but, as I was told there 
 was a treaty to be held with us by orders of the great 
 men of the Thirteen States, we did not go to meet them ; 
 but some of our young men went to see what they 
 wanted. They first wanted the land on Little Eiver. 
 Our young men told them that all their head-men were 
 at home ; that they had no authority to treat about 
 lands. They then asked liberty for those that were then 
 living on the lands to remain there, till the head-men of 
 their nation were consulted on it, which our young men 
 agreed to. Since then we are told that they claim all the 
 lands on the waters of Little River, and have appointed 
 men among themselves to settle their disputes on our 
 lands, calling it their ground. But we hope you, our 
 elder brother, will not agree to it, but will have them 
 moved off. I also beg that you will send letters to the 
 Great Council of America, and let them know how it is ; 
 that, if you have no power to move them off, they have, 
 and I hope they will do it." 
 
 Of his own personal knowledge, Martin knew that 
 
60 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 this "talk" was a tissue of duplicity and downright 
 falsehood, calculated and intended to deceive, and de- 
 signed to induce such action on the part of Congress as 
 would render homeless, or expose to the tomahawk and 
 scalping-knife, some thousands of men, women, and chil- 
 dren of his own nation and kindred ; and yet he not 
 only permitted this false paper to go forward to the Gov- 
 ernor of North Carolina, without contradiction or re- 
 monstrance, but himself sent it to his Excellency ; and 
 there is good circumstantial evidence that he inspired 
 its lies, and intrigued with Governor Caswell to get him- 
 self appointed by Congress upon the treaty commission, 
 in order the more effectually to accomplish his end, 
 which was the infliction of a vital blow upon the govern- 
 ment of Sevier, a man with whom he had served, and 
 for whom he then and afterward professed the warm- 
 est friendship. With the "talk" Martin dispatched to 
 Governor Caswell the following epistle : . 
 
 " Chota, 19th September, 1785. 
 
 " Dear Sir : Your Excellency's favor of the 17th 
 June, by Mr. Avery, never came to hand until the 10th 
 inst. I find myself under some concern, in reading that 
 part wherein T am considered a member of the new 
 State. I beg leave to assure your Excellency that I have 
 no part with them, but consider myself under your im- 
 mediate direction, as agent for the State of North Caro- 
 lina, until the Assembly shall direct otherwise. I am 
 now on the duties of that office, and have had more 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 61 
 
 trouble with the Indians, in the course of the summer, 
 than I ever had, owing to the rapid encroachments of the 
 people from the new State, together with the ' talks' 
 from the Spaniards and the western Indians." 
 
 Whatever his predecessor had done, Governor Cas- 
 well was not disposed to usurp any of the prerogatives 
 of the General Government. Accordingly, he submitted 
 the "talk" of Old Tassel to Congress, recommending that 
 a treaty should be at once made with the Cherokees, and 
 naming Joseph Martin as peculiarly fitted, by his famil- 
 iarity with those Indians, and his knowledge of the ques- 
 tions in dispute between them and the settlers, to act as 
 one of the commissioners. Congress had for some time 
 contemplated some action in reference to affairs with the 
 Southern Indians, and it now promptly appointed Joseph 
 Martin, of North Carolina ; Andrew Pickens, of South 
 Carolina ; and Lachlan Mcintosh and Benjamin Haw- 
 kins, of Georgia, commissioners to conclude a treaty with 
 the Cherokees. The three last named were men of the 
 highest character, and Hawkins was familiar with the 
 Creeks and more southern Indians ; but none of the 
 four, except Martin, had any special acquaintance with 
 the Cherokees, or any knowledge of their relations to the 
 Watauga settlers. Consequently, the others deferred to 
 Martin's views, and the result was what is known as the 
 treaty of Hopewell, by which all recent treaties were 
 ignored, and the Indian lines were extended so as to 
 cover a large extent of territory which had been ceded 
 
62 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 by the Cherokees to Henderson in 1776, and even por- 
 tions of country which that tribe never claimed, and 
 which had been conveyed to the whites by the Six Na- 
 tions at Fort Stanwix in 1768. A considerable part of 
 the lands recently granted by North Carolina, in pay- 
 ment of the arrears due to her soldiers, was declared to 
 be within Cherokee territory, and it was agreed that they 
 should not be settled upon by the whites. Intending 
 settlers should be warned off, and, if they persisted in 
 settling, "for any such obstinate intrusion, they should 
 be liable to be punished by the Indians as they might 
 think proper." Moreover, the treaty clothed the Chero- 
 kees with judicial and executive powers of a most ex- 
 traordinary character. They might arrest any persons 
 they believed to be guilty of a capital offense, and 
 "punish them in the presence of some of the Cherokees, 
 in the same manner as they would be punished for like 
 offenses committed on citizens of the United States." 
 The treaty, in short, placed the Cherokees upon a par 
 with the most civilized nations, and made Congress the 
 unwitting instrument of the most flagrant injustice to its 
 own law-abiding citizens. 
 
 By this extravagant and needless concession to the 
 Cherokees, some thousands of the loyal supporters of the 
 Government were denied both State and national protec- 
 tion, and left exposed to the savage mercy of a nation of 
 cut-throats, who, despite repeated cessions, could now 
 claim this territory as their hunting-ground. The alter- 
 natives before the settlers south of the Holston and 
 
THE ABORTIVE COMMONWEALTH. 63 
 
 French Broad were now either the abandonment of their 
 homes or a conflict for their possession with the whole 
 Cherokee nation. The last they could not meet without 
 the aid of Sevier, and this he could not give without ar- 
 raying against himself not only North Carolina and the 
 Cherokees, but the General Government of the country. 
 It was probable that the settlers would not abandon their 
 homes ; they were men who had never yet turned their 
 backs upon an Indian ; and it was certain that Sevier 
 would not stand by and see them slaughtered by the sav- 
 ages. What human power, then, could hinder a collision 
 between him and the United States, and his consequent 
 defeat, outlawry, and final ruin ? This was, no doubt, 
 the thought of Martin, and with this thought he must 
 have put his hand to the treaty of Hopewell. 
 
 It was in these circumstances — opposed by established 
 law, betrayed by pretended friends, and on every side sur- 
 rounded by apparently insurmountable difficulties — that 
 Sevier met the convention which, in November, 1785, 
 assembled in the little log court-house at Greeneville to 
 form a permanent Constitution for the State of Franklin. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 
 
 To this convention came John Tipton — Sheba, the 
 son of Bicliri — who had somehow procured himself elect- 
 ed a deputy, and also the Rev. Samuel Houston, pro- 
 genitor, or near kinsman, to that other Sam Houston, 
 who did many brave things, but none braver than riding 
 by the side of Lincoln when he deemed that good man's 
 life in danger on the eve of his inauguration. In the 
 pocket of the reverend gentleman was a ready-made con- 
 stitution, the handiwork of himself and his friends dur- 
 ing the long months which had elapsed since the session 
 of the organizing convention. This Constitution, when 
 Sevier had taken the chair, and a blessing had been asked 
 upon the deliberations of the delegates, the worthy clergy- 
 man proceeded to unroll, asking permission that it might 
 be. read and submitted to the vote of the convention. 
 Permission was readily accorded, for Houston was a man 
 much esteemed — a cast-iron man, of rigid principles and 
 fixed opinions, run in the Scotch Presbyterian mold, but 
 nevertheless holding in solution that kind of salt which 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 65 
 
 keeps this world " sweet and wholesome." How much 
 time was consumed in the reading is not stated ; but it 
 must have been the better part of a day, for the document 
 was longer than the "Westminster Catechism" and the 
 " Thirty-nine Articles " put together, and it was of much 
 the same character. It proposed to run the new govern- 
 ment on theological principles ; and, to secure the purity 
 of its legislative and administrative branches, it provided 
 that no person should be eligible as a representative, or 
 competent to hold any civil office under the new State, 
 who was of " immoral character, or guilty of such flagrant 
 enormities as drunkenness, gaming, profane swearing, 
 lewdness, Sabbath-breaking, and such like ; or who will, 
 either in word or writing, deny any of the following 
 propositions, viz. : 
 
 " 1. That there is one living and true God, the Crea- 
 tor and Governor of the universe. 
 
 "2. That there is a future state of rewards and pun- 
 ishments. 
 
 "3. That the Scriptures of the Old and New Testa- 
 ments are given by Divine inspiration. 
 
 " 4. That there are three divine persons in the God- 
 head, co-equal and co-essential." 
 
 To other sections of a like orthodox character were 
 added many admirable provisions for the promotion of 
 education, the preservation of good order, and the strict 
 enforcement of law and impartial administration of jus- 
 tice ; but the whole was quite as well adapted to the in- 
 habitants of the planet Saturn as to the heterogeneous 
 
66 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 population which then tenanted the trans- Alleghany re- 
 gion. 
 
 An animated discussion followed the reading of this 
 document, in which its advocates exhibited an acrimony 
 altogether unorthodox. They speedily developed the 
 fact that here, in these far-western backwoods, near the 
 close of the eighteenth century, there existed as much 
 intolerant bigotry and ill-directed religious zeal as was to 
 be found in New England at the much earlier period 
 (1674) when the zealots of that region made themselves 
 so obnoxious to their neighbors that the stolid Dutchmen 
 of New York passed a law forbidding all intercourse with 
 the Yankees. The large minority which voted for this 
 Utopian Constitution showed that this intolerant spirit 
 prevailed among a considerable portion of the communi- 
 ty. While the discussion was in progress, the loquacious 
 John Tipton sat in his place as dumb as an oyster ; but, 
 when the decision came to be made, he gave his vote in 
 the affirmative ! Strange that this man, whose daily life 
 was a flagrant violation of some of its prohibitions, 
 should sustain an instrument which would shut him out 
 forever from what he most coveted — official position ! 
 Perhaps, however, he counted on a- much-needed amend- 
 ment of life, or saw in this strong religious phalanx the 
 nucleus of a party which might be arrayed for the over- 
 throw of Sevier, and his own political elevation. What- 
 ever the cause, it is capable of demonstration that, at 
 some moment during this day's session, Tipton was sud- 
 denly converted from a boisterous upholder of secession 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 67 
 
 to a zealous advocate of North Carolina and the old order 
 of things. 
 
 When the voting was over, Sevier arose, and, in a tem- 
 perate and conciliatory address, alluded to the good order 
 and general prosperity which had prevailed during the 
 past year, while the people had lived under the old Con- 
 stitution. The world, he said, was governed too much. 
 Good order, social progress, political prosperity, depend- 
 ed not so much upon a multiplicity of laws as on the 
 proper enforcement of a few good ones. The old laws 
 were good enough ; the trouble bad been in their lax ad- 
 ministration. He was glad to see so large a number zeal- 
 ous for social order and a strict observance of religious 
 duty. Such men were the salt of the earth, shining 
 lights set to show the world the beauty of a spiritual life, 
 and to lead men up and out of a mere natural and 
 animal condition. Without them and their principles 
 modern civilization could not exist ; but he questioned 
 the expediency of bringing religious tenets into a civil 
 constitution. The union of church and state existed in 
 some of the older countries, but it was clearly contrary to 
 the teachings of the Bible and the example of Christ, 
 who had said, " Who made me a judge or a divider over 
 you?" and "Sender unto Caesar the things which are 
 Caesar's, to God the things which are God's." Such 
 things should be left to spiritual teachers; and more zeal- 
 ous, intelligent, and self-devoted men of this class could 
 not anywhere be found than now ministered to the little 
 flock gathered there beyond the mountains. In conclu- 
 
68 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 sion, lie proposed the adoption of the Constitution of 
 North Carolina, with such modifications as would more 
 perfectly adapt it to the condition of the over-mountain 
 people. 
 
 This was done, after considerable discussion, and 
 against the written protest of nineteen of the members, 
 among whom were Samuel Houston, John Tipton, John 
 Blair, James Stuart, and George Maxwell, all of whom 
 were soon to be arrayed in bitter hostility to the Frank- 
 lin government. During the discussion it had been per- 
 tinently asked: " If we adopt the Constitution of North 
 Carolina, why not adhere to the government of North 
 Carolina ? If we are to live under her laws, how shall we 
 be better off when standing alone than when united to 
 her, and secure in the protection she now so abundantly 
 promises for the future?" This idea was the stock in 
 trade of the party which Tipton soon attempted to or- 
 ganize in opposition to Sevier's government. 
 
 For North Carolina had" now outdone the gracious 
 father in the parable. He made haste to welcome the re- 
 turning prodigal ; she had not only gone to meet him 
 when he was yet a great way off, but had sought him 
 out in that far country before he had the remotest 
 thought of returning to the old family mansion. Her 
 Legislature had refused to receive the delegates whom 
 Sevier had appointed to arrange the terms of separation ; 
 it had turned a deaf ear to numerously signed petitions 
 to that end from the people of Franklin, but it soon 
 afterward had passed an act with this preamble : 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 69 
 
 " WJiereas, many of the inhabitants of Washington, 
 Greene, and Sullivan Counties have withdrawn their al- 
 legiance from this State, and have been erecting a tem- 
 porary separate government among themselves, in con- 
 sequence of a general report and belief that the State, 
 being inattentive to their welfare, had ceased to regard 
 them as citizens, and had made an absolute cession, both 
 of the soil and jurisdiction of the country in which they 
 reside, to the United States in Congress ; and whereas, 
 such report was ill-founded, and it was, and continues to 
 be, the desire of the General Assembly of this State to 
 extend the benefits of civil government to the citizens 
 and inhabitants of the western counties, until such time 
 as they might be separated with advantage and conven- 
 ience to themselves ; and the Assembly are ready to pass 
 over and consign to oblivion the mistakes and miscon- 
 duct of such persons in the above-mentioned counties as 
 have withdrawn themselves from the government of this 
 State, to hear and redress their grievances, if any they 
 have, and to afford them the protection and benefits of 
 government, until such time as they may be in a condi- 
 tion, from their numbers and wealth, to be formed into a 
 separate commonwealth, and be received by the United 
 States as a member of the Union : Therefore, be it en- 
 acted," etc. 
 
 The above would seem to indicate that it was not the 
 prodigal son, but the righteous father, who had come to 
 a hopeful repentance. However, a reading of the law 
 which follows this (( Be it enacted " dispels this illusion. 
 
70 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 It provided for a total change in the manner of hold- 
 ing elections in the western counties. It authorized any 
 " three good and honest men " to open a poll, constitute 
 themselves inspectors of election, and return as elected 
 whoever might receive a majority of the votes cast for 
 State offices by the persons then present. This enabled, 
 and it was intended to enable, any ten or a dozen voters, 
 in a voting population of perhaps many hundreds, to 
 come together and elect members of the North Carolina 
 Senate and House of Commons, who, though chosen by 
 an insignificant minority, could claim to represent the 
 entire community. It is not known who originated the 
 measure, but it was evidently conceived in a spirit of bit- 
 ter hostility to Sevier and his government. Its covert 
 malice was worthy of the man whose adroit diplomacy 
 had brought about the treaty of Hopewell ; and it is cer- 
 tain that he was then in attendance on the North Caro- 
 lina Legislature. Alluding to it subsequently in a letter 
 to Governor Caswell, Judge Campbell said: "If it was 
 intended to divide us, and set us to massacring one 
 another, it was well concerted; but it was an ill-planned 
 scheme, if intended for the good of all." 
 
 Then followed a marriage whose bans are forbidden 
 by both reason and Scripture — a union of the God- 
 fearing, upright, but narrow-minded clergyman with 
 the unprincipled demagogue, whom we now style the 
 " pot-house politician " — for the race has not altogether 
 died out in this country. The clergyman had his Con- 
 stitution put in type — sending the precious manuscript 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 71 
 
 all the way to Philadelphia for the purpose — and in 
 pamphlet form it was now circulated everywhere among 
 the godly, with the appended query, " What better 
 are we off than if under North Carolina ? " And, of 
 a truth, they were no better off so far as any Constitution 
 could make them ; for among the laws of North Caro- 
 lina were statutes, as old as 1741, which prohibited 
 drunkenness, Sabbath-breaking, and profane swearing, 
 under a penalty, for each offense, of ten shillings. But, 
 alas ! the major part of the population sinned against 
 these laws daily, and hence they had fallen into desue- 
 tude, for a general tax of a dollar and a quarter per diem 
 would impoverish any rural people in a twelvemonth. 
 
 It is not to be supposed that Tipton circulated many 
 copies of the evangelical Constitution among his bar- 
 room associates ; nevertheless, he used much the same 
 arguments as his clerical coadjutor. Neither found at 
 first many adherents, and they never had any among 
 the more westerly settlers, who were exposed to daily 
 incursions from the Indians, and knew no other salva- 
 tion from border perils than Nolichucky Jack and his 
 riflemen. But in Washington County, among the set- 
 tlers along the base of the mountains, who dreaded a 
 collision with North Carolina, and now seldom saw the 
 face of a Cherokee, they gained a few converts during 
 this winter and the following spring and summer — how 
 many is not known, but enough to secure, under the 
 recent law, a seat in the North Carolina Senate to John 
 Tipton. 
 
72 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 One of Tipton's boon companions was now the Sheriff 
 of Washington County, and he issued, and caused to be 
 posted in several inconspicuous places, a notice for an 
 election of members to the North Carolina Assembly. 
 The paper, which has been preserved in Ramsey's "An- 
 nals of Tennessee," was as follows : 
 
 "July, 19th day, 1786. 
 
 " Advekttsemekt. — I hereby give Publick Notice, 
 that there will be an election held the third Friday in 
 August next, at John Rennoe's, near the Sickamore 
 Sholes, where Charles Robertson formerly lived, to 
 choose members to represent Washington County in the 
 General Assembly of North Carolina, agreeable to an Act 
 of Assembly, in that case made and provided, where due 
 attendance will be given pr me. 
 
 "Geo. Mitchell, Shff." 
 
 In accordance with this notice an election was held 
 at the Sycamore Shoals, where Sevier and his men had 
 gathered, six years before, for their weary march to 
 King's Mountain. How many came together, or what 
 number cast their votes, can not now be ascertained •, 
 but ten ballots were as effectual as ten hundred, and con- 
 sequently John Tipton was elected to the Senate, and 
 James Stuart and Richard White were duly declared 
 members of the House of Commons of North Carolina. 
 Henceforth, therefore, this " man of Belial " was to be in a 
 position to do essential damage to the new government. 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 73 
 
 The fame of Sevier and Shelby had spread throughout 
 the State, but the name of John Tipton had never yet 
 traveled across the mountains. The North Carolina 
 legislators, who knew next to nothing about the western 
 counties, knew absolutely nothing about the new Sena- 
 tor, except, perhaps, that he was a member of a most 
 honorable family. He was plausible of address, and glib 
 of tongue ; they would therefore listen to his opinions, 
 accept for gospel his statement of facts, and thus let 
 their legislation be molded by a man who, caring not a 
 Continental dollar for the good of the people, sought 
 only the overthrow of Sevier and his own advancement. 
 Even Governor Caswell would be influenced by him. 
 That he was is apparent from his letters to Sevier, which 
 are still preserved in the archives of North Carolina. 
 Difficulties, therefore, were to thicken around Sevier ; 
 and, beleaguered as he would be by open enmity and 
 secret conspiracy, by internal discord and external hos- 
 tility, it would be a miracle if he should sustain himself 
 and his new government. But, whether in success or in 
 defeat, he would walk erect, for he was crippled by no 
 unworthy motive, and was sustained by a single desire to 
 be of service to his country. Moreover, and more than 
 all, he had that to lean upon which makes the strong 
 man still stronger — the steadfast devotion of the large- 
 minded and large-hearted woman who for thirty-five 
 years walked loyally by his side. 
 
 It is probable that Sevier attached at first very little 
 importance to the opposition of Tipton and his associates. 
 
74: JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 He was not accustomed to lightly esteem an adversary ; 
 but this man, he must have thought, could have no 
 influence in any right-thinking community. But, what- 
 ever he may have thought of these movements, a more 
 pressing danger now demanded his attention. The 
 Cherokees had gone upon the war-path, and were now 
 making their long-expected raid upon the border settle- 
 ments along the French Broad and Holston. 
 
 By the treaty of Hopewell, as has been stated, the set- 
 tlers south of the Holston and French Broad were ad- 
 mitted to be intruders upon Cherokee territory. They 
 had not yet removed from these lands, and the Creeks, 
 who were now in alliance with Spain for the extermination 
 or driving off of the American settlers, were constantly 
 pressing Old Tassel to make war upon them ; but the old 
 king and his chieftains still held back, from a wholesome 
 dread of Nolichucky Jack and his riflemen. But, in the 
 early days of 1786, the treacherous Indian agent, Joseph 
 Martin, could apprise Old Tassel that the sun of Sevier 
 was about to suffer a sudden eclipse — that North Caro- 
 lina was fixed in the determination not to recognize his 
 government, and that she was about to appoint other 
 officers to command the western militia, which step 
 would render Sevier powerless, and leave the intruding 
 settlers altogether at the mercy of the Cherokees. That 
 Martin did this is not positively known, and I would not 
 picture him any worse than he was. The incontestable 
 truth about this man is bad enough, and sad enough, 
 and calls for no exaggeration. However, this much is 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 75 
 
 fact — that Martin was then among the Cherokees, and 
 the duties of his office brought him into intimate rela- 
 tions with their king ; and that Old Tassel was, about 
 that time, informed of an intended reorganization of the 
 western militia, which did not, and could not, occur till 
 the North Carolina Legislature came together, some 
 months later. Martin was fully informed as to the 
 ■views and intentions of the leaders of that body, and 
 only some person having that knowledge could haye 
 given Old Tassel that information. 
 
 The old king loved peace, but his warriors were 
 impatient of the near neighborhood of the whites, and 
 were smarting under the repeated taunts of the Creek 
 chief McGillivray, who charged them with cowardice 
 because they tamely submitted to the encroachments of 
 the pale-faces. The power of an Indian king in time 
 of war is supposed to be absolute ; but, like such civ- 
 ilized monarchs as are nominally absolute, he is con- 
 trolled, more or less, by the will of his people. So it 
 was that Old Tassel, averse as he was to hostilities, 
 had to see early in July a strong body of his warriors 
 go upon the war-path. For some unknown reason, 
 they did not descend at once upon the encroaching 
 settlers, in defending whom Sevier would have come 
 in conflict with the United States and the Hopewell 
 treaty ; but they fell upon those north of the Holston, 
 in what is now Knox County, who were clearly within 
 treaty lines, and therefore entitled to both State and 
 national protection. They first attacked the house of 
 
76 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 a Mr. Biram, on Beaver Creek, and killed two young 
 men in the neighborhood ; and then they scattered, to 
 spread havoc throughout the settlements. Many of 
 the settlers fell back at once to stations higher up the 
 Holston ; others collected behind hastily constructed de- 
 fenses, in hopes to hold their ground till Sevier could 
 come to their rescue. 
 
 Their messengers found Sevier eighty miles away, at 
 his home on the Nolichucky. He heard the tidings 
 without surprise, for hostile action was daily looked 
 for from the Indians. This might be a mere raid to 
 drive off the intruding settlers, or it might be the 
 signal for an expected general savage uprising along 
 the entire border. Whichever it was, Sevier did not 
 pause to reflect upon it, or to question if he should 
 come in conflict with United States authority. His 
 old comrades were in danger, and that was enough to 
 bring Nolichucky Jack to the rescue. Without stop- 
 ping to call in his militia, he sprang at once into the 
 saddle, and, with only the half-dozen men who were 
 about him, was in a few hours on his way to the 
 border as fast as his fleet bay mare — the nimblest- 
 footed animal in the territory — could carry him. 
 
 The attack had been made on the 20th of July ; 
 and on the 23d, gathering his force as he rode along, 
 Sevier, with one hundred and sixty of his men, was 
 at Houston's Station, midway between Little River and 
 the Little Tennessee, and only twelve miles from the 
 Indian towns on the Tellico. The messengers had 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 77 
 
 ridden eighty miles, Sevier one hundred and ten, mus- 
 tering meanwhile this body of riflemen, within the space 
 of three days ! It was by such celerity of movement 
 that he utterly disconcerted his savage enemies. While 
 they looked for him in one quarter, he was miles away 
 in another — in the Indian rear, or in the very heart of 
 their country. But he never moved without a well-con- 
 sidered plan ; and now as he rode along he heard that 
 the Cherokees were being held at bay by the Holston 
 settlers, posted behind their hastily constructed de- 
 fenses. He knew the men, and, knowing them, felt 
 sure they could hold out till his regular militia had 
 time to come to their rescue. One of his brigadiers, 
 General Cocke, could be thoroughly depended upon. 
 He was the same who had been, in 1776, when a cap- 
 tain of militia, the first to suggest that the one hun- 
 dred and seventy men who held Fort Patrick Henry, 
 should march from behind their log walls to win, in 
 the open field, the battle of Long Island Flats. On 
 his rapid way Sevier sent back word to Cocke to mus- 
 ter a force as quickly as he could, and hasten to the 
 rescue of the settlers. Then he pushed on to Hous- 
 ton's, thirty miles in the rear of the raiding Cherokees. 
 Arrived at Houston's, Sevier gave his men a night's 
 rest, and then he plunged at once with his slender 
 force into the very heart of the Indian country. The 
 war they were visiting upon the homes of the whites 
 he would carry to the wigwams of the Cherokees, and 
 it would go hard if they did not pay for this raid, 
 
78 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 with interest trebly compounded. To appreciate the 
 boldness of this movement, it needs to be understood 
 that the body of raiders now in Sevier's rear numbered 
 not less than five hundred, and that he was advancing 
 in the face of twenty-five hundred active warriors, who 
 would soon surround him, and might ambush every 
 pass by which he could return to the settlements ; for 
 he was entering a mountain-region, covered with for- 
 est, and broken into narrow defiles, where a handful 
 could dispute the passage of a thousand — which defiles 
 were often the only passable route for a body of horse- 
 men. The movement was extremely perilous, and, for 
 any other man to attempt it, would have been the 
 height of temerity. But there seems to have been 
 some magic about Sevier which gave success to the 
 most desperate enterprises ; and he had himself come 
 to believe in his own invincibility. This and other 
 exploits of his would be incredible were they not fully 
 verified as authentic history. 
 
 Leaving the Cherokee villages along the Tellico upon 
 his flank, Sevier forded the Little Tennessee at Island 
 Town, crossed the Tellico Plains, and then, scaling the 
 Smoky Mountains, fell upon what were known as the 
 valley towns, along the Hiwassee. Three of these he at 
 once destroyed, killing fifteen warriors. The rest of the 
 Indians fled panic-stricken into the forest and the neigh- 
 boring highlands, leaving their homes, as they supposed, 
 to certain destruction. But Sevier now held his hand. 
 He had done enough to requite ten to one the raid of 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 79 
 
 the savages, and to deter them from further aggression ; 
 and he never wantonly destroyed lives or property. 
 Besides, prudence demanded that he should make his 
 way out from the savage cordon by which he was encir- 
 cled before the warriors could concentrate and effectu- 
 ally obstruct his progress. 
 
 To give his troops a night's rest, he went into camp, 
 in one of the abandoned Indian villages, sending out 
 trusty scouts to scour the country, and see that it was 
 clear of any body of the enemy. The scouts soon re- 
 turned, reporting that they had struck the trail of a 
 large number of the enemy. Instantly every horse was 
 bridled and every rifleman was in his saddle. Follow- 
 ing the lead of the scouts, they soon struck the Indian 
 trail, which Sevier's experienced eye at once saw was that 
 of fully a thousand men, commanded, as he surmised, by 
 John Watts, the most cunning and daring of all the 
 Cherokee leaders. Sevier knew him well, Watts having 
 once guided him to the destruction of the Chickamauga 
 towns ; and he did not court a conflict with this redoubt- 
 able Indian chief, backed by a force six to his one, and 
 with rugged defiles and mountains a mile high between 
 him and the settlements. The route taken by Watts was 
 the one Sevier would naturally have followed. It led 
 through a narrow ravine where, doubtless, the wily half- 
 breed now lay in wait for the whites, concealed in the 
 forest undergrowth. Sevier divined this, and, turning 
 his horse's head, he led his men back to the encamp- 
 ment. There, setting a strong picket to guard against 
 
80 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 surprise, he gave his weary troop a few hours' rest, and 
 then in utter silence, before the break of day, he led his 
 men, by an unfrequented route, up and over the tall and 
 rugged Unakas, and turned his back upon his enemies. 
 
 This intrepid raid of Sevier into the heart of their 
 country struck terror amoug the Cherokees, and led the 
 marauders along the Hols ton to retreat hastily to their 
 homes upon the Tellico. His end thus accomplished, 
 Sevier led his little force, without the loss of a single 
 man or a single horse, back to the settlements. 
 
 Meanwhile, General Cocke had not been inactive. 
 The messengers of Sevier reached him on the 23d, the 
 day of his own arrival at Houston's Station. Muster- 
 ing at once two hundred and fifty men, Cocke set out 
 without delay to the relief of the Holston settlers ; but 
 hearing of his approach, and of the advance of Sevier 
 into their country, the Indians hastily fled, leaving the 
 settlement to its wonted quiet. Having certain infor- 
 mation that the savages who had killed the two men 
 were mostly from along the Little Tennessee and Tellico, 
 Cocke followed at once upon their trail, determined to 
 demand them from Old Tassel for summary punishment. 
 It was a bold movement, but Cocke was a brave man ; 
 besides, he counted on the dread the Cherokees had of 
 Sevier, and the panic his advance had already spread 
 among the warriors. 
 
 Arriving unmolested at what is still known as 'Chota 
 Ford, six miles from Echota, Cocke sent forward a pris- 
 oner, inviting the chieftains to a conference. This ford 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 81 
 
 is a beautiful spot, fringed with low hills, that are still 
 crowned with gigantic oaks and poplars, some of which 
 have looked down on stirring scenes, for they stood there 
 when 'Chota Ford was the gateway into the Indian coun- 
 try ; when innumerable red warriors waded its broad but 
 shallow stream ; when mounted white men galloped 
 across it to hunt those warriors in their mountain lairs ; 
 and when, at a later time, " Old Hickory " led over it 
 his three thousand Tennesseeans, cutting for them a 
 swath through the forest, still called Jackson's road, 
 straight as an arrow, and broad as any boulevard on the 
 continent. But all these things have passed away, and 
 now 'Chota Ford is as still as a churchyard, except at 
 seasons of high water, when an old negro, crooning a low 
 hymn, ferries travelers over the river at a dime a trip. 
 
 To this quiet spot came the Cherokee chieftains on 
 the 31st of July, 1786, to hold a "talk" with the pale- 
 faces after the Indian fashion. Among them were Old 
 Tassel, Hanging Maw, and other noted warriors, all be- 
 decked in leather breeches fringed with wampum, and 
 their heads crowned with eagle-plumes or the tail of the 
 rooster. Conspicuous by his absence was John Watts, 
 the renowned half-breed, who might still have been lying 
 in wait in that narrow defile beyond the ITnakas — waiting 
 for Sevier, who was now quietly at home with his "bon- 
 nie Kate," in his shady Mount Pleasant, far away on the 
 Nolichucky. 
 
 The Indians were grave, dignified, and taciturn, and 
 their manner indicated that they were not entirely sure 
 
82 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 that John Watts had not at last entrapped the great 
 eagle of the pale-faces. But their bearing made no im- 
 pression on Cocke, who abruptly opened the conference 
 by upbraiding them for their murders and robberies, and 
 their flagrant violation of the treaty with the people of 
 Franklin ; and he added : " We, in plain words, demand 
 from you the murderers who have killed our people ; and 
 all the horses you have stolen from us, and from the 
 people on the Kentucky road and the Cumberland. 
 On these terms we will be brothers with you, and con- 
 tinue so until you do more murder on our frontiers, 
 when we will come down and destroy the town that does 
 the mischief. On these terms we will make peace with 
 you, and be friends. If not, we are warriors. It is what 
 you will." 
 
 To this, straightening up his bent form, with all the 
 air of an Indian king, Old Tassel answered as follows : 
 " Now I am going to speak to you, brothers. We have 
 smoked. The Great Man above sent the tobacco. It 
 will make your hearts straight. I come from 'Chota. I 
 see you. You are my brothers. I am glad to see my 
 brothers, and hold them fast by the hand. The Great 
 Man above made us both, and he hears the talk. They 
 are not my people who spilt the blood, and spoiled the 
 good talk a little. The men that did the murder are 
 bad men, and no warriors. They are gone, and I can't 
 tell where they are gone. They lived in Coytoy, at the 
 mouth of Holston. This is all I have to say. The Great 
 Man above has sent you this white talk to straight your 
 
THE BEGINNING OF TROUBLES. 83 
 
 hearts through. I give you this pipe, in token of a 
 straight talk. I am very sorry my people has done 
 wrong, to occasion you to turn your backs. A little talk 
 is as good as much talk; too much is not good." 
 
 To this Cocke very briefly replied that, as Old Tassel 
 was not disposed to give up the murderers, as required 
 by the treaty, he should take and deal with them him- 
 self. He should go at once to Coytoy, and there, if they 
 desired any further talk, the chieftains might come to 
 him. This ended the conference, and Cocke set out at 
 once for Coytoy, a small Indian village near Southwest 
 Point, where the Clinch and Holston unite to form the 
 broad Tennessee. He had scarcely entered the place, be- 
 fore some of the Holston settlers who were with him rec- 
 ognized two of the savages as being with the party that 
 did the murders. They were at once sent, by well- 
 directed rifle-shots, to the happy hunting-grounds, and 
 then their cabins and other properties were destroyed, 
 and the village council-house, in which the raid had been 
 planned, was sent skyward in smoke and cinders. But 
 no damage was done to other portions of the village, the 
 intention being to impress the Indians that none but the 
 guilty would be punished. 
 
 The ruins were still smoldering when, on the 3d 
 of August, Old Tassel and his principal chiefs entered 
 the village. Among them now was John Watts, who 
 had brought to them tidings of the havoc done by Sevier, 
 and of his escape from the trap which he had laid for 
 him. He and the rest were entirely subdued and crest- 
 
84 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 fallen. It was of no avail to fight the pale-face chief, 
 who moved like the wind and smote like the whirlwind. 
 This they said, and much more that I will not repeat, 
 for before me are the words of Old Tassel : " A little 
 talk is as good as much talk ; too much is not good." 
 Suffice it to say that the Indians agreed to give up the 
 other murderers as soon as they could be secured, and 
 promised to live in perpetual amity with their white 
 brothers. One of Cocke's officers, visiting them not long 
 afterward, reported : " They seem very friendly, and well 
 satisfied we should settle the country ; and they say they 
 will sell us the country to the south of the [Little] Ten- 
 nessee, if we will keep the Creeks from killing them ; or 
 they will leave the country entirely, if we will give them 
 goods for it ; and I am convinced, from their late con- 
 duct, and accounts I have had from them, that the whole 
 country to the Georgia line, on this side of Cumberland 
 Mountain, may be had from them for a very trifling 
 sum." All which might have come to pass, but for the 
 continued and obstinate resistance of North Carolina to 
 Sevier's government. 
 
 Thus the well-directed energy of Sevier and Cocke 
 speedily dispelled the war-cloud which had gathered over 
 the Cherokee nation ; but there still remained the more 
 portentous cloud which overhung the whole frontier, 
 and whose scattered forces McGillivray, at the behest of 
 Spain, was striving to gather into his hand, that he 
 might hurl them, in twenty thousand lightning-bolts, 
 upon all the border settlements. 
 
CHAPTER V. 
 
 FRUITLESS OVERTURES. 
 
 Having now, for a time at least, reduced the Chero- 
 kees to peaceable behavior, Sevier could turn his atten- 
 tion to affairs at home. They were not in an entirely 
 satisfactory condition. The unnatural marriage between 
 roistering ambition and well-meaning bigotry was already 
 producing a progeny of evils, young yet, and incapable 
 of much mischief, but bound to grow — as all evils do — 
 unless strangled in their infancy. How to strangle them 
 was now the question. How could Sevier do this except 
 by conciliating their source of life and strength, the sa- 
 pient Legislature of North Carolina ? 
 
 He had made overtures to that body for a friendly 
 adjustment of affairs at its previous session ; but his mes- 
 sengers had been repulsed, and denied even a hearing. 
 But in the threatening attitude of Indian affairs it was 
 now important that all pending difficulties should be ar- 
 ranged with North Carolina, and hence he determined to 
 send to its Legislature again other messengers — men 
 gifted with both logic and the art of persuasion — in the 
 
86 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 hope of bringing about an honorable adjustment. For 
 the man of logic he chose David Campbell, then holding 
 the appointment of Chief-Justice from both Franklin 
 and North Carolina ; and, for the man of rhetoric, Will- 
 iam Cocke, the same who had recently "persuaded" Old 
 Tassel — for General Cocke could talk as well as fight, 
 and, though somewhat blunt and plain-spoken, could so 
 sugar-coat his words as to make them palatable to any 
 mind not blunted by prejudice or obstinate ignorance. 
 To secure these commissioners greater consideration, 
 Sevier himself addressed Governor Caswell a letter in ad- 
 vance of their departure, the principal portions of which 
 were as follows : 
 
 "Mount Pleasant, Franklin, 28/A October, 1*786. 
 
 " Sie : Our Assembly has again appointed commis- 
 sioners to wait on the parent State, which I hope will 
 cheerfully consent to the separation as it once before 
 did. 
 
 "It gives us inexpressible concern to think that any 
 disputes should arise between us, more especially when 
 we did not in the first instance pray the separation, 
 but adopted our course after what was done by act of 
 your Assembly. We humbly conceived we should do no 
 wrong by endeavoring to provide for ourselves ; neither 
 had we the most distant idea that the cession act would 
 be repealed, otherwise matters might not have been car- 
 ried to the length they are. The propriety of the repeal 
 we do not attempt to scrutinize, but permit us to say we 
 
FRUITLESS OVERTURES. 87 
 
 discover many embarrassments both parties are likely to 
 labor under in consequence of it. . . . 
 
 " I hope your Assembly will take under their serious 
 consideration our present condition, and we flatter our- 
 selves that august body will not submerge in ruin so many 
 of their late citizens, who have fought and bled in behalf 
 of the parent State, and are still ready to do so again 
 should there be occasion. Our local and remote situation 
 is the only reason that induces us to wish for a separa- 
 tion. Your Constitution and laws we revere, and we con- 
 sider ourselves happy that we have had it in our power to 
 get the same established in the State of Franklin, al- 
 though it has occasioned some confusion among ourselves. 
 We do, in the most candid and solemn manner, assure 
 you that we do not wish to separate from you on any 
 other terms, but on those that may be perfectly consist- 
 ent with the honor and interest of each party ; neither 
 do we believe there are any among us who would wish 
 for a separation, did they believe the parent State would 
 suffer any real inconveniency in consequence thereof. We 
 would be willing to stand or fall together, under any 
 dangerous crisis whatever. . . . 
 
 " We can not be of opinion that any real advantages 
 can be obtained by a longer connection. Our trade and 
 commerce are altogether carried on with other States, 
 therefore neither party is benefited on that head ; and 
 whether it can be suggested that the business of govern- 
 ment can be extended from five to eight hundred miles 
 distance, is a matter I leave to your own good sense to 
 
g8 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 judge of ; and, further, it can not be supposed that the 
 inhabitants who reside at that distance are not equally 
 entitled to the blessings of civil government with their 
 neighbors who live east, south, or at any other point, and 
 not one fourth of the distance from the seat of govern- 
 ment, and who enjoy the incomparable advantages of the 
 roads and other easy communications you have on the 
 east of the Appalachians." 
 
 This much Sevier had written, when it evidently oc- 
 curred to him that Tipton, in his seat in the North Caro- 
 lina Senate, would be in a position to throw serious ob- 
 stacles in the way of any negotiation, and he added : " I 
 heartily wish your Legislature had either not repealed or 
 never passed the cession act, for probably it may occa- 
 sion much confusion, especially should your Assembly 
 listen too much to prejudiced persons, though this 
 I have no right to suggest. I fear we may have a 
 sufficient quarrel on our hands without any among 
 ourselves. 
 
 "I am authorized to say that no people can think 
 more highly of your government than those who want 
 the separation, and they only wish it to answer their 
 better conveniency ; but, though wanting to be separated 
 in government, they wish to be united in friendship, and 
 hope that mutual good offices may ever pass between the 
 parent and infant State, which also is my wish and de- 
 sire." 
 
 The Legislature of North Carolina began its session 
 early in November, but it was not till the 30th of that 
 
FRUITLESS OVERTURES. 89 
 
 month that General Cocke could set out on the em- 
 bassy, and then Judge Campbell was confined to his 
 home by sickness. He could not, therefore, accompany 
 Cocke, but, instead, he sent by him to Governor Caswell a 
 letter to be laid before the Assembly. This letter throws 
 so much light upon the condition of things in Franklin, 
 that a portion of it is here quoted. He said: "If we set 
 out wrong, or were too hasty in our separation, this coun- 
 try is not altogether to blame ; your State pointed out the 
 line of conduct which we adopted ; we really thought 
 you in earnest when you ceded us to Congress. If you 
 then thought we ought to be separate, or if you now 
 think we ever ought to be, permit us to complete the 
 work that is more than half done ; suffer us to give 
 energy to our laws and force to our councils, by saying 
 we are a separate and independent people, and we will 
 yet be happy. I suppose it will astonish your Excellency 
 to hear that there are many families settled within nine 
 miles of the Cherokee nation. What will be the conse- 
 quence of those emigrations ? Our laws and government 
 must include those people, or they will become danger- 
 ous ; it is vain to say they must be restrained. Have not 
 all America extended their back settlements in opposi- 
 tion to laws and proclamations ? The Indians are now 
 become pusillanimous, and consequently will be more 
 and more encroached upon ; they must, they will be, cir- 
 cumscribed. 
 
 " It was not from a love of novelty or the desire of 
 title, I believe, that our leaders were induced to engage in 
 
90 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 the present revolution, "but from pure necessity. We 
 were getting into confusion, and you know any govern- 
 ment is better than anarchy. Matters will be different- 
 ly represented to you, but, you may rely on it, a great 
 majority of the people are anxious for separation. Na- 
 ture has separated us; do not oppose her in her work. By 
 acquiescing you will bless us, and do yourself no injury : 
 you will bless us by uniting the disaffected ; and do your- 
 self no injury, because you lose nothing but people who 
 are a clog on your govern ment, and to whom you can 
 not do equal justice by reason of their detached situa- 
 tion." 
 
 The foregoing letters of Sevier and Campbell were 
 duly laid before the Legislature by Governor Caswell, 
 and at the bar of that body— whom, by a great stretch of 
 courtesy, Sevier termed " august" — General Cocke ap- 
 peared early in December. He was given a hearing, and 
 the address he made on the occasion is fully reported in 
 Judge Haywood's "History of Tennessee." It is too 
 lengthy for reproduction here, but a brief synopsis of it 
 can scarcely be omitted, inasmuch as it gives a clear view 
 of the situation of the settlers, as seen by one of them- 
 selves ; and expresses the sentiments of Sevier and of all 
 the best men beyond the Alleghanies. 
 
 General Cocke began by pathetically depicting the 
 situation of his distressed countrymen. He ascribed the 
 separation, as had Sevier and Campbell, to the difficult 
 and perilous condition in which the western settlers had 
 been placed by the act of cession of June, 1784. They 
 
FRUITLESS OVERTURES. 91 
 
 were surrounded by hostile savages, who often commit- 
 ted upon them the most shocking barbarities ; and by 
 the passage of that act they suddenly found themselves 
 without the ability to raise or subsist troops for their 
 protection, " without authority to levy men, without 
 power to levy taxes for the support of internal govern- 
 ment, and without the hope that any of their necessary 
 expenditures would be defrayed by the State of North 
 Carolina, which had then become no more interested in 
 their safety than any other of the United States. . . . 
 These considerations full in view, what were the people 
 of the ceded territory to do to avoid the blow of the up- 
 lifted tomahawk ? How were the women and children 
 to be rescued from the impending destruction ? Would 
 Congress come to their aid ? Alas ! Congress had not 
 yet accepted them, and possibly never would." And, if 
 it did accept of them, it would take time to deliberate 
 upon their situation, and in that time all might be lost. 
 "The powers of Congress were too feeble to enforce con- 
 tributions." Action on the part of the several States 
 would have to be voluntary ; and would they be willing 
 to burden themselves for the defense of a people not con- 
 nected with them by any ties of near kindred ? And, if 
 they gave willing aid, might it not be too limited to do 
 any good ; too tardy to be of any practical service ? 
 What were the settlers to do in such circumstances ? 
 Would common prudence justify a reliance upon such 
 prospects ? Could their lives, and the lives of their 
 families, be staked upon them ? Immediate and press- 
 
92 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 ing necessity called for the power to concentrate the 
 scanty means they possessed to save themselves from 
 destruction. "A cruel and insidious foe was at their 
 doors. Delay was but another name for death ! " They 
 might supinely wait for events, but the first event would 
 be the yell of the savage through all the settlements. 
 Their unpreparedness would be sure to invite attack, for 
 it was the nature of the savage to take sudden advantage 
 of the weakness of an enemy. 
 
 And, he continued : " The hearts of the people of 
 North Carolina should not be hardened against their 
 brethren, who have stood by their side in perilous times, 
 and never heard their cry of distress without instantly 
 marching to their aid. They have bled in profusion to 
 save you from bondage, and from the sanguinary hands 
 of a relentless enemy, whose mildest laws for the punish- 
 ment of rebellion are beheading and quartering. When, 
 in the late war, driven from your homes by the presence 
 of that enemy, we gave to many of you a sanctified 
 asylum, and gladly performed the duties of hospitality to 
 a people we loved so dearly ; and e^ery hand was ready 
 to be raised for your protection. . . . 
 
 ( ' The act for our dismissal was, indeed, recalled in 
 the winter of 1784. What, then, was our condition ? 
 More penniless, defenseless, and unprepared, if possible, 
 than before, and under the same necessity to meet and 
 consult together for our common safety. The resources 
 of the country were all locked up, and where is the record 
 that shows any money or supplies sent to us ? — a single 
 
FRUITLESS OVERTURES. 93 
 
 soldier ordered to be stationed on the frontier, or any 
 plan formed for mitigating the horrors of our exposed 
 situation ? On the contrary, the savages are irritated 
 by the stoppage of those goods which were promised as 
 compensation for the lands taken from them. If North 
 Carolina must yet hold us in subjection, it should at 
 least understand to what a state of distraction, suffering, 
 and poverty her vacillating conduct has reduced us ; and 
 the liberal hand of generosity should be widely opened 
 for our relief from the pressure of our present circum- 
 stances ; all animosity should be laid aside and buried 
 in deep oblivion, and our errors be considered as the off- 
 spring of greater errors committed by yourselves. Far 
 from your hearts should be the unnatural purpose of 
 adding to the affliction from which we have suffered too 
 much already. It belongs to a magnanimous people to 
 give attentive consideration to circumstances in order to 
 form a just judgment upon a subject so much deserving 
 of their serious meditation ; and, having formed such a 
 judgment, to pursue with sedulous anxiety a course suit- 
 able to the dignity of their own character, consistent 
 with their own honor, and best calculated to allay that 
 storm of distraction in which their hapless children have 
 been so unexpectedly involved. If the mother State 
 shall judge the expense of our adhesion too heavy to 
 be borne, let us remain as we are, to support our- 
 selves by our own exertions ; if otherwise, let the 
 means for the continuance of our connection be sup- 
 plied with a degree of liberality that will demonstrate 
 
 10 
 
94 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 sincerity on the one hand and secure affection on the 
 other." 
 
 With these legislators the words of Cocke could find 
 no "fit audience.'' He had urged that the "liberal 
 hand of generosity" should be opened for the relief of 
 the western settlers, who, let it be remembered, had, 
 with their own blood and treasure, acquired every rood 
 of land then possessed by North Carolina beyond the 
 mountains. With grants of some of this land that State 
 had paid the men who had fought for her in the Kevolu- 
 tion, and from sales of the remainder she was daily in 
 receipt of a large revenue. But all this these legislators 
 forgot, or did not care to remember. Before their nar- 
 row minds, besotted by ignorance, there doubtless arose 
 the vision of a standing army, perhaps a thousand strong, 
 supported by North Carolina for the protection of the 
 border. Their sole political maxim was, "Escape your 
 taxes, and keep down taxation," and now they saw that 
 a half-dollar, perhaps a whole one, was likely to be ex- 
 tracted from every one of their pockets. 
 
 But all men, however degraded, have some sense of 
 justice. No human being ever yet committed a de- 
 liberate wrong without inventing for himself, or having 
 invented for him, some sophistical excuse to conceal its 
 enormity from his conscience. These legislators had at 
 hand embodied sophistry and downright falsehood in the 
 "man of Belial," who now assured them that these tales 
 of Indian atrocity were told merely to frighten money 
 out of the State treasury ; that the settlers, though too 
 
FRUITLESS OVERTURES. 95 
 
 feeble to stand alone, were well enough off under the 
 sheltering wing of North Carolina ; that the Cherokees 
 were copper-complexioned Christians — wise as serpents, 
 but gentle as doves — and altogether harmless if their 
 rights were not encroached upon ; and that all that was 
 needed to restore peace, good order, and a delightful 
 state of things among the over-mountain people, was to 
 depose their factious leaders, and put new and loyal men 
 into every civil and military office in the Territory. 
 Some men fit for such positions could be found over 
 there — among whom he may have mentioned himself, 
 Martin, and other of his boon companions — but the 
 larger number might be drawn from among the friends 
 of the legislators in North Carolina. 
 
 A lie may prosper if there is no one by to contradict 
 it, and it accords with the views and inclinations of its 
 auditory. There was no one present to expose these 
 falsehoods, and they were exactly adapted to the sordid 
 views of these legislators. They offered also an agree- 
 able salve to their feebly aroused consciences, and con- 
 sequently these Solons proceeded to trample the truth 
 under foot, and to turn and rend the men who had 
 uttered it. But what they did will best be told by 
 quoting from a letter that Governor Caswell wrote to 
 Sevier. It was as follows : 
 
 "Kinston, 23d February, 1787. 
 
 " Sir : I was favored with your letter of the 28th of 
 October, on the subject of a separate and independent 
 
96 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 government on your side of the Appalachians, which 
 I did myself the honor of laying before the General 
 Assembly. Their resolutions and determinations on 
 that subject, I had nattered myself it would have been 
 in my power to have forwarded you copies of by this 
 time. It must, therefore, suffice that I acquaint you for 
 the present that the Assembly, from the representations of 
 persons from among yourselves, was induced to believe it 
 was proper for the people to return to subjection to the 
 laws and government of North Carolina ; that they are 
 not yet of strength and opulence sufficient to support an 
 independent State ; that they, the Assembly, wish to 
 continue the benefits and protection of the State toward 
 them until such time as their numbers and wealth will 
 enable them to do for themselves. . . . 
 
 "Thus, sir, you have in substance, as far as I recol- 
 lect, the amount of the proceedings of the Assembly, 
 save the appointment of civil and military officers for the 
 three old and a new county ; the brigade to be com- 
 manded by Evan Shelby, Esq. In the civil department 
 Judge Campbell is reappointed ; and the representatives 
 have carried out commissions for the county officers, 
 civil and military. I have not a doubt but a new gov- 
 ernment may be shortly established, if the people would 
 unite, submit to the former government, and petition for 
 a separation. This, I think, is the only constitutional 
 mode, and I firmly believe, if pursued, will be a means 
 of effecting a separation on friendly terms, which I much 
 wish." 
 
FRUITLESS OVERTURES. 97 
 
 More distinctly than the Governor states it, the Legis- 
 lature had declared that all offices, both civil and mili- 
 tary, whose incumbents had exercised authority under 
 the new State, should be considered vacant, and proper 
 persons should be appointed to fill them by the Assembly, 
 and they be at once commissioned by the Governor as the 
 law directed. This removed from office every justice of 
 the peace and every commissioned officer in every regi- 
 ment in the western counties, thus at one blow decapitat- 
 ing Sevier's government and depriving the country of ex- 
 perienced civil officers whom it trusted, and of military 
 leaders under whom it had served for years, and without 
 whom it could not hope to be safe from the murderous 
 incursions of the Cherokees. 
 
 Having done this, the Assembly proceeded to fill these 
 offices with inexperienced men, the most of whom were 
 non-residents, unknown to the people of Franklin, and 
 not a few were worthless characters, appointed through 
 the favoritism of some functionary of North Carolina. 
 Colonels for Washington and Sullivan Counties they 
 made of John Tipton and his creature, George Max- 
 well ; and for a new county — which had been erected 
 and named Hawkins — of one Hutchings, a hair-brained 
 North Carolinian, without the coolness of judgment 
 which might be required by circumstances. 
 
 Thus did North Carolina do her utmost to alienate 
 the affections of the western settlers, and introduce 
 among them such elements of discord as might incite 
 to actual war, which, in the discordant relations then 
 
98 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 existing between the various States, would probably 
 have been attended by wide-spread and disastrous con- 
 sequences. For the evil would not have been confined 
 to that narrow arena. A small fire, carelessly lighted by 
 some idle camper-out, has been known to overspread and 
 overwhelm a mighty forest. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 
 
 The "sufficient quarrel/' to which Sevier referred 
 in his letter to Governor Caswell, was a vast combina- 
 tion which the Creek chief, McGillivray, at the in- 
 stance of Spain, had been, since June> 1784, striving to 
 form among the Southwestern Indians for the extermi- 
 nation of the "Western settlers. Of his hostile designs 
 Sevier had early intelligence, and in May, 1786, he 
 wrote to Governor Telfair, of Georgia, apprising him 
 of the danger. The Governor replied that the Creeks 
 were constantly harassing the Georgia frontier ; that 
 he was attempting to negotiate a peace with them, but 
 was fearful a war was inevitable ; and he suggested that 
 in case of hostilities there should be co-operation be- 
 tween the forces of Franklin and Georgia. To this 
 Sevier cordially assented, and on August 27, 1786, Gov- 
 ernor Telfair dispatched to him commissioners, with 
 his appointment as brigadier-general in the army of 
 Georgia, and a letter in which he represented that it 
 would "be greatly to the success of both armies to 
 beofin their movements at one and the same time," and 
 
100 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 suggesting the 1st of November as the date for march- 
 ing. 
 
 The reception which Sevier gave the Georgia com- 
 missioners may be gathered from a letter addressed to 
 Governor Telfair by Major Elholm, a distinguished 
 Polish officer of Pulaski's Legion, who happened to be 
 then in Franklin. Murray's Grammar was not at that 
 time in existence, and English was not the major's 
 vernacular language ; nevertheless, he expresses himself 
 with sufficient force and clearness. His letter was as 
 follows : 
 
 "Governor Sevier's, Franklin, September SO, 1786. 
 
 "Sir: I does myself the honour to inform your 
 Excellency that your commissioners set out from this 
 the 28th inst., by the way of Kentucky and Cumber- 
 land. They were received very politely by his Excel- 
 lency the Governor, from whose zeal for to assist you, 
 aided by the inclination of the Pranks, I am fully 
 convinced your embassy will meet all wished success 
 by the Assembly of this State, which is ordered to 
 assemble 12th next, by his Excellency's command, in 
 consequence thereof. Several of the inhabitants have 
 waited on the Governor, for to be informed of the 
 contents of the embassy from Georgia. And when 
 being acquainted therewith, it gave me great pleasure 
 to find no other apprehension appeared, but that of 
 making peace with the Creeks without fighting, by 
 which occasion, they said, so favourable a chance for 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 101 
 
 humbling that nation would fall dormant. The Gov- 
 ernor, in order that the Americans may reap a benefit 
 from the dread the Cherokees and Chickasaws feels 
 for the displeasure and power of the Franks, he has 
 dispatched letters to them, offering them protection 
 against the Creek nation, with condition that they join 
 him. 
 
 "Cumberland (Kobertson's colony), it seems, has 
 at this time in contemplation to join in government 
 with the Franks. If so, so much the better, and it 
 would surely be their interest so to do, as they are yet 
 few in numbers, and often harassed by the Indians. 
 
 "Judging from apparent circumstances, you may 
 promise yourself one thousand riflemen and two hun- 
 dred cavalry, excellently mounted and accoutred, from 
 this State, to act in conjunction with Georgia. 
 
 "Governor Sevier has received letters from the prin- 
 cipal men in Cumberland, which inform him of a con- 
 vention held lately at that place, when commissioners 
 were chosen by the people with power for to join with 
 the Franks in their government. 
 
 "Mr. John Tipton's party, which is against the 
 party of the new government, seems deep in decline 
 at present, which proves very favourable to the em- 
 bassy from Georgia." 
 
 The Franklin Legislature came together on the call 
 of Sevier, on the 12th of October, and at once passed 
 an act authorizing the Governor to call out, for imme- 
 
102 JOHI* SEVIER. 
 
 diate service, one fourth of the militia, and to hold 
 the entire force in readiness to repel any attack from 
 the Indians. 
 
 The troops thus called for were at once enrolled, 
 and held in readiness to march on the demand of 
 Georgia; but they were not dispatched immediately to 
 the frontier, because McGillivray promptly disavowed 
 the acts of his marauding followers, and expressed a 
 desire for peace with the Georgians. This proposal 
 was merely a subterfuge to gain time for more effi- 
 cient preparation, and to make certain of the co-opera- 
 tion of the Cherokees. It was so understood by Sevier, 
 who now made ready his entire militia for what was 
 generally believed to be a more formidable w r ar than 
 any that had yet threatened the western settlements. 
 Thus the country remained — in daily expectation of 
 attack from twelve thousand combined Creeks, Semi- 
 noles, and Cherokees — until the ensuing March (1787), 
 and then came to Sevier the already quoted letter 
 from Governor Caswell, which informed him that the 
 Legislature of North Carolina had decapitated every 
 officer of his government, from himself, the highest, 
 down to the lowest civil and military official. This 
 action could not be mistaken. It meant "rule or 
 ruin" to North Carolina or to Franklin, and perhaps 
 to both. Another forward step on the part of Sevier 
 would be downright, defiant rebellion. This he fully 
 understood, and when he took it he was prepared to 
 meet all the consequences of his action. 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 103 
 
 It was a momentous crisis in Sevier's career, and in 
 that also of the nearly thirty thousand people whose 
 well-being and safety depended upon his continuing to 
 be their leader. Only two courses were open to him — 
 either submission or open rebellion ; and that he fully 
 appreciated the gravity of his position is shown by the 
 fact that he took no less than thirty days to decide 
 upon his action. He decided upon rebellion ; but, in 
 doing so, I think it will be seen that he was actuated 
 by the same disinterested patriotism which had so 
 often before led him to hazard his all for the good 
 of his country. 
 
 To judge correctly of his subsequent course, it is 
 necessary to take a brief view of the circumstances by 
 which he was now surrounded. The country was feeling 
 the effects of the Spanish imbroglio which, from 1784 
 to 1796, harassed the Western settlers and endangered 
 the continuance of the Union. A full account of this 
 perilous complication falls more appropriately into a 
 life of Robertson than into one of Sevier, but a brief 
 view of it must here be taken, because it rested with 
 Sevier, more than with any other man, to decide whether 
 the Spanish proposals should be accepted or rejected 
 by the Western settlers. 
 
 For a brief period Spain had shaken off the leth- 
 argy in which she had been sunk for more than a cent- 
 ury. Recalling her former greatness, her able and far- 
 sighted king, Charles III, had asserted for her again a 
 voice among European nations, and he had resolved to 
 
104 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 infuse new life into her vast possessions beyond the 
 Atlantic. To exalt Spain, and cripple the world-power 
 of Great Britain, he had joined with France in aiding 
 the revolted colonies to achieve their independence ; 
 and he had planned the erection of a great empire in 
 America, a new Spain, to extend from the Alleghanies 
 to the Pacific, with New Orleans as its capital and 
 chief port of entry. All the vast region beyond the 
 Mississippi was then Spanish property. Spain also 
 held Florida, and the mouths of the great river, and 
 claimed so much of the territory east of it as is west 
 of the eastern angle of the Gulf of Mexico, and the 
 Hiwassee, Clinch, and Tennessee Eivers — that is to say, 
 nearly all of the present States of Alabama and Missis- 
 sippi, so much of Tennessee as lies west of those rivers, 
 and a considerable portion of Kentucky to its northern 
 boundary on the Ohio. This vast region Charles III 
 designed should be a great mediaeval empire, free from 
 the intrusion of Anglo-Saxon ideas, and a strong bul- 
 wark to Catholic Christianity. He had overlooked 
 the insignificant settlements on the Watauga and in 
 Kentucky ; but the war which crippled Great Britain 
 was no sooner over than he awoke to the fact that, 
 while he had been intent upon crushing one enemy, 
 another had sprung into life — an enemy fewer in num- 
 bers but far more dangerous, because nearer home, and 
 already proclaiming civil and religious liberty at the 
 very doorway of his dominions. 
 
 Instantly the Spanish king prepared to crush this 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 105 
 
 new enemy. To extirpate and drive back the western 
 settlers, he instructed his Governor of Louisiana and 
 West Florida, Don Estephan Miro, to arm the Indians, 
 and incite them to a war of extermination against the 
 colonists : and, to discourage further settlements beyond 
 the mountains, he announced to the United States Gov- 
 ernment that under no circumstances would he consent 
 to the navigation of the Mississippi by the Americans. 
 Thus shut out from the markets of the world, no sane 
 Virginian or New-Englander would think of erecting 
 his domicile beyond the Alleghanies. So Charles III 
 thought, and he was sanguine that twenty thousand 
 native warriors, armed and backed by Spain, would 
 make short work with the handful of heretics who 
 had already ventured beyond the mountains. 
 
 But Charles III had overestimated the strength of 
 his allies, and underestimated that of his enemies. Of 
 these twenty thousand warriors, seven thousand were 
 Choctaws and Chickasaws, who had been won over to 
 the Americans through the friendship for Robertson of 
 Piomingo, the Chickasaw king ; and nearly three thou- 
 sand were Cherokees, who were paralyzed by the pacific 
 disposition of Old Tassel, and a dread of John Sevier's 
 rifles. The remainder of this savage force, namely, six 
 thousand Creeks, two thousand Seminoles, and two 
 thousand Chickamaugas, were, indeed, pledged to the 
 Spanish king by a treaty between Alexander McGilliv- 
 ray, the Creek chief, and Governor Miro, made at 
 
 Pensacola, on June 1, 1784 ; but the Creek chief had 
 n 
 
106 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 ever since feared to meet, without the aid of the other 
 tribes, the combined forces of the settlers. This aid, 
 however, he had hoped, and still did hope, to get ; and 
 meanwhile he was showing his zeal for Spain, and keep- 
 ing alive the spirit of his warriors, by constant raids 
 upon Robertson, who, at one time, with but seventy 
 men, and with never more than a thousand, had for 
 seven years held at bay, or beaten off, these nations of 
 savages. 
 
 And the Kentucky settlements, which in 1779 had 
 numbered only one hundred and seventy-six white 
 men, now (1787) contained a population of not less than 
 thirty thousand souls, and a like number were on the 
 Holston and Watauga under Sevier, and fully seven 
 thousand on the Cumberland under Robertson. Al- 
 lowing for the usual excess of men over women in all 
 new settlements, this population of nearly seventy thou- 
 sand would have furnished at least eighteen thousand rifle- 
 men, not a man of whom would passively submit to be 
 exterminated. They were more than a match for double 
 their number of Indians, and consequently the design 
 of the Spanish king was impossible of execution. 
 
 These facts came at last to the knowledge of Charles 
 III, and then his policy underwent a sudden change 
 from one of hostility to one of conciliation and broth- 
 erly kindness. He sought no longer to exterminate the 
 settlers, but to get them under his control, by inducing 
 them — if he could not otherwise do it — to establish an 
 independent republic between the Alleghanies and the 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 107 
 
 Mississippi, under his protection. This would dismem- 
 ber and weaken the Union, and prevent it ever becom- 
 ing a power great enough to endanger the safety of 
 his North American possessions.^ It would also close 
 forever the western half of this continent to the en- 
 trance of Anglo-Saxon civilization. 
 
 This separation the Spanish king proposed to bring 
 about by showing the colonists the vast advantages 
 they would derive from a Spanish alliance, and by 
 fostering the dissatisfaction which was fast growing up 
 among them toward the seaboard States. To this end 
 he relaxed the rigor of his embargo upon the Missis- 
 sippi, though he exacted such duties on passing and 
 landed produce as would leave all profits in the hands 
 of his underlings. Many of the settlers availed them- 
 selves of this commercial opening, and tested the fact 
 that tobacco, worth at home but two dollars per hun- 
 dred, found a ready market in New Orleans at nine 
 dollars and fifty cents ; and they saw that with such 
 returns their smiling Kentucky and Cumberland valleys, 
 where the "fragrant weed" lay rotting on the ground, 
 would speedily be transformed into a vast El Dorado — 
 aland of the "golden leaf" — if only the onerous duty 
 were once removed. 
 
 Upon this the Western people demanded of Con- 
 gress that it should effect such a treaty with Spain as 
 would give them free trade upon the Mississippi. In 
 answer to this, Congress replied: "We have negotiated 
 to that end since 1784 ; but the Spaniards refuse to 
 
108 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 listen to any proposals for the opening of that river. 
 Its free navigation was ceded to ns by Great Britain, 
 and you have a natural right to it ; but it can not be 
 had without a war with Spain, and for that the coun- 
 try is not now prepared. That point ignored, we can 
 form an advantageous treaty with that nation — one 
 that will revive trade, bring in gold and silver, and 
 thus relieve our national embarrassments. Therefore, 
 the navigation had better be waived for the moment. 
 It is not needed by you at present. You are too few 
 in numbers to require a foreign commerce ; and you 
 have no more surplus coin and tobacco than can be 
 consumed by incoming settlers. When you and the 
 country are stronger, we shall be able to demand and 
 enforce the free navigation of that river." 
 
 The above is, in effect, what the settlers gathered 
 as to the acts and intentions of Congress, and on the 
 heels of it came the report that John Jay, the U. S. Sec- 
 retary of State, had recommended to that body, in secret 
 session, the making of a treaty with Spain, which 
 would concede her right to control the Mississippi, 
 and close it for twenty years to American commerce ; 
 and that seven of the States — only nine being required 
 to ratify a treaty — had voted in favor of this con- 
 cession. 
 
 The tidings excited intense indignation throughout 
 the Western country. Never before had such excite- 
 ment been known there, not even when the savages 
 were pouring in resistless numbers upon the well-nigh 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 109 
 
 defenseless settlements. The settlers saw themselves 
 shut out from the civilized world, and left at the 
 mercy of a foreign nation. With their barns and 
 warehouses filled to overflowing, they had no outlet 
 for their produce. They had a natural right to a 
 route to the sea, and they were now to be denied 
 that right, simply to fill the already plethoric pockets 
 of the Eastern traders. The wrongs which had brought 
 about the revolt from Great Britain were not near so 
 great nor half so galling as these. Was it for this 
 they had fought the Indians, and made in the wilder- 
 ness a highway for freedom — to be themselves bound 
 hand and foot, at the will of the ruffled-shirted gentry 
 on the seaboard ? Such injustice could not and would 
 not be borne. They would throw off their allegiance 
 to the Central Government, set up a government of 
 their own, and, if need were, with their eighteen or 
 twenty thousand riflemen, they would force a passage 
 to the sea. This was the language now heard in every 
 hut and every hamlet from the Watauga to the most 
 remote district in Kentucky. 
 
 And this language was pleasant to the ears of the 
 Spanish king. It was to arouse just this feeling that 
 he had instructed his envoy, Gardoqui, to decline to 
 open to the United States the navigation of the Mis- 
 sissippi ; and quickly he seized upon this opportunity 
 to sever the Western people from the Union. Through 
 Miro he now said to Robertson and other of the West- 
 ern leaders: "We will freely grant to you what we 
 
HO JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 have refused to the trading aristocracy on the Atlantic. 
 We will admit your produce to our ports free from all 
 duty, and give you in perpetuity unobstructed naviga- 
 tion of the Mississippi. We will call off, and, if need 
 be, drive off, the Indians from harassing you. We will 
 release to you all claim that we have to the territory 
 which you occupy ; and we will stand by you like lov- 
 ing brothers, with sword and bayonet and heavy artil- 
 lery, if you will but cut loose from the Eastern shop- 
 keepers, and set up for yourselves a free and independ- 
 ent republic in this glorious valley of the Mississippi." 
 The above is the purport of the declaration of the 
 Spanish king, and we may easily imagine how it was 
 generally received among a people bleeding from the 
 wounds of an interminable savage warfare, and smart- 
 ing under what seemed to them the unmerited neglect 
 and indifference of the General Government. Robert- 
 son had been in frequent correspondence with Miro 
 since 1782. He had reason to consider him a high- 
 toned, kind-hearted Castilian gentleman, who resorted 
 to the employment of savages, not from cruelty, but 
 from state policy ; and he had sought to conciliate his 
 good-will, and mitigate the savage warfare upon his 
 settlement, by giving the name of "Miro District" to 
 the Cumberland region when, in 1783, it was set off 
 from Watauga by North Carolina. The compliment 
 had won for Robertson the decided friendship of the 
 Spanish governor, though it did not induce him to 
 obstruct the policy of his sovereign ; and now, when 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. m 
 
 that policy had undergone a radical change, Robertson 
 was the first to whom it was communicated. By Rob- 
 ertson these proposals were at once forwarded to Sevier, 
 and they came to Sevier just at the time when Governor 
 Caswell apprised him that the North Carolina Legisla- 
 ture had swept both himself and his government from 
 political existence. 
 
 I have not been able to discover Sevier's answer to 
 these Spanish overtures. His subsequent course shows 
 that it must have been a decided refusal ; but the fol- 
 lowing extract from a letter to him from the heroic 
 Elijah Clarke, of Georgia, makes it evident that he was 
 deeply interested in the project of opening the Missis- 
 sippi to Western commerce. Clarke had been Sevier's 
 devoted friend ever since the time when, in 1780, he 
 had found a refuge at his house on the Nolichucky, 
 and now under date of Augusta, February 11, 1787, 
 he wrote to him as follows : 
 
 " Dear Sir : I received your favor by Major El- 
 holm, who informed me of your health. Assure your- 
 self of my ardent friendship, and that you have the 
 approbation of all our citizens, and their well wishes 
 for your prosperity. We are sensible of what benefit 
 the friendship of yourself and the people of your 
 State will be to Georgia ; and we hope you will never 
 join North Carolina more. Open a land-office as speedily 
 as possible, and it can not fail but you will prosper as a 
 people : this is the opinion current among us. 
 
112 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 " I have considered greatly on that part of your letter 
 which alludes to politics in the Western country. It 
 made me serious ; and, as seven States have agreed to 
 give up the navigation, it is my friendly advice that you 
 do watch with every possible attention, for fear that two 
 more States should agree. I only observe to you that 
 the Southern States will ever be your friends. I know 
 that you must have the navigation of the Mississippi. 
 You have spirit and right : it is almost every man's 
 opinion that a rumor" (an outbreak) "will rise in that 
 country. I hope to see that part myself yet. Adieu. 
 Heaven attend you and every friend ! " 
 
 This letter of General Clarke expresses the nearly 
 unanimous sentiment of the people of Franklin at this 
 period in regard to a reversion to North Carolina. They 
 were prepared to resist it, "even unto blood." This is 
 shown by the following extract from a letter of Judge 
 Campbell, the recently appointed Chief-Justice of the 
 North Carolina Superior Court, to Governor Caswell, 
 dated March 18, 1787. He said : " The sword of justice 
 and vengeance will, I believe, be shortly drawn against 
 those of this country who attempt to overturn and vio- 
 late the laws and government of Franklin, and God only 
 knows what will be the event ! If any blood is spilt on 
 this occasion, the act for partial elections from your 
 country " (which had placed Tipton in the North Caro- 
 lina Senate) "will be the cause of it ; and, I am bold to 
 sav, the author of that act was the author of much evil. 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. H3 
 
 That your Excellency may not be in the dark about the 
 spirit and determination of a great majority of these 
 people, in supporting, maintaining, and defending their 
 beloved Franklin, I shall give you a brief and concise 
 detail of what has transpired here since the fate of our 
 memorial and personal application to the Legislature of 
 North Carolina has been announced to us. Pains have 
 been taken to collect the wishes of the people respecting 
 a reversion ; many who were formerly lukewarm are 
 now flaming patriots for Franklin. Those who were real 
 Franklinites are now burning with enthusiastic zeal. 
 They say that North Carolina has not treated us like a 
 parent, but like a step-dame. She means to sacrifice us 
 to the Indian savages ; she has broken our old officers, 
 under whom we fought and bled, and placed over us 
 many men unskilled in military achievements, and who 
 were none of our choice. . . . You must not conclude 
 we are altogether unanimous ; but I do assure you that 
 a very great majority, perhaps nineteen twentieths, seem 
 determined to persevere at all hazards." 
 
 A letter from Hutchings, the newly appointed North 
 Carolina colonel of Hawkins County, to Governor Cas- 
 well, at about the same date, was to the same purport ; 
 and he added : " There are many plans and matters agi- 
 tated by them which seem to have a tendency to dissolve 
 the Federal bands. Several letters I have in my pos- 
 session can be spoken of in no other way." 
 
 From the above it would seem to be clear that the 
 people of Franklin had now resolved on armed resistance 
 
114 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 to North Carolina ; and that among them was heard a 
 subdued talk of throwing off allegiance to the Federal 
 Union. It is not to be supposed that the Spanish pro- 
 posals were as yet generally known ; but they were 
 known to Sevier, and therefore he had before his view 
 the entire situation — the whole people west of the Alle- 
 ghanies ripe for revolt, and Spain pledged to assist them 
 in asserting and maintaining their independence of the 
 General Government. Once before Sevier had gone with 
 the current, and for doing so he has been styled — by 
 those not attentive to his entire career — a demagogue, 
 and accused of personal ambition. What will they say 
 of him if he shall now resist the tide, refuse to lift a 
 hand against North Carolina or the Federal authority, 
 and, with the loss of all he has, and at the hazard of his 
 life and liberty, not only save his own people from sav- 
 age assault, but hold the entire West to its moorings in 
 the Union ? To appreciate what he did, it is necessary 
 : to consider what he might have done, had he not been 
 as true a man and as pure a patriot as can be found in 
 American history. 
 
 The whole West, as has been shown, was ripe for 
 rebellion. Under Isaac Shelby, Benjamin Logan, and 
 George Eogers Clark, five thousand men could have been 
 raised in Kentucky ; three thousand more could have 
 been recruited by Arthur Campbell in Southwest Vir- 
 ginia ; at least one thousand by Eobertson on the Cum- 
 berland ; and Elijah Clarke, who had said, " I hope to 
 see that part myself yet," could have been counted on to 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 115 
 
 lead five thousand over the mountains from Northern 
 Georgia. All of these men, except George Eogers Clark, 
 had served under or with Sevier ; all were devotedly at- 
 tached to him ; and all, knowing his military genius, 
 would gladly have accepted his leadership. Campbell 
 and Eobertson had already proposed to join their fortunes 
 with those of Franklin, and Sevier had only to speak the 
 word to rally the others to his side, and then, counting 
 his own troops, he would have been at the head of not less 
 than twenty thousand of the best fighting men in the 
 country. Opposed to him would have been the wretched 
 " sand-hillers " of North Carolina, with not one compe- 
 tent leader, and perhaps the General Government — I say 
 "perhaps," because the old Confederation had then 
 neither strength nor vitality. It was at the point of dis- 
 solution, and its representatives in Congress were at that 
 very moment debating the new Constitution, which was 
 not adopted by all the States till more than two years 
 afterward. Moreover, a majority of that body were 
 from the Eastern and Northern States, where the general 
 opinion was that the Union already covered too much 
 territory. They would have been content with the 
 Alleghanies as its western boundary, and it is not prob- 
 able that they would have submitted to the expense of 
 maintaining a large armed force for the subjugation of 
 the West. 
 
 This was the outlook to Sevier if the Spanish pro- 
 posals were not accepted. But, if even a temporary 
 alliance had been formed with Spain, this army of 
 
116 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 twenty thousand men would have been augmented by 
 twenty thousand Indian warriors, who had for "'Chucky 
 Jack " a superstitious veneration, and every one of whom 
 would have followed him, believing that in doing so he 
 was under supernatural protection. With this alliance 
 the Mississippi would have been opened, a trade estab- 
 lished upon it that would soon have flooded the West 
 with gold and silver, and the murderous tomahawk 
 would have been so deeply buried that it might never 
 again be brandished above the white man's dwelling. 
 And, in alliance with Spain, Sevier could have counted 
 with absolute certainty upon no interference from the 
 Central Government ; for had it not already for three 
 years borne with wrong, indignity, and savage outrage 
 upon its Western citizens, rather than provoke a war 
 with the Spaniards ; and did it not pursue the same 
 policy for seven years longer ? 
 
 Each of these courses was now open to Sevier, and 
 either of them would unquestionably have resulted in the 
 independence of the West. Is it not within bounds to 
 say that such another opportunity for what is termed 
 "great achievement" has seldom been presented to any 
 ambitious leader in this country ? 
 
 On the other hand, what would have been the result 
 had Sevier given up his command, and submitted to the 
 government of North Carolina ? Three thousand well- 
 deserving people, who, relying on the faith of North 
 Carolina, had settled on the Indian lands, would have 
 been at once driven from their homes, or else outlawed 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 117 
 
 and delivered over, in express terms, by the treaty of 
 Hopewell, to the relentless fury of untamed savages ; 
 and more than this, the whole Watauga country would 
 have been stripped of its tried military leaders, and ex- 
 posed, without so much as a competent captain of militia, 
 to the impending attack from McGillivray and his twelve 
 thousand warriors. This is not too much to say, for 
 Evan Shelby, though an old and tried soldier, was now 
 feeble with age, and incompetent to lead in such an 
 emergency ; and Tipton and Martin, the only colonels 
 worthy of mention, had not the confidence of the people. 
 They were willing enough to lead, but, as very soon ap- 
 peared, the "tall Watauga boys" were not willing to fol- 
 low them. Thus the salvation of Watauga, and the 
 safety of every man, woman, and child in its scattered 
 settlements, rested upon Sevier, and demanded that he 
 should, at least for a time, retain control of its military 
 organization. 
 
 These were the facts which of necessity Sevier had 
 before him for the thirty days during which he had 
 his future course under consideration. There is no 
 word from him to indicate his decision ; but the scanty 
 records which exist, and his subsequent action, clearly 
 show it to have been as follows : 
 
 He would form no alliance with Spain. Light has no 
 affinity with darkness, and American freedom would not 
 ally itself with Spanish tyranny. 
 
 He would not aid or countenance any effort to dis- 
 member the Union. He had fought to establish it, 
 12 
 
118 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 and he would again risk his life for its preserva- 
 tion. 
 
 He would not lift his hand against one of his country- 
 men, nor would he resist by force the arbitrary acts of 
 North Carolina. He would conciliate that State, if pos- 
 sible, by moderate measures, and a right presentation of 
 facts, and in all honorable ways would endeavor to pre- 
 serve peace between the two peoples. 
 
 But he would, at all hazards, defend against Indian 
 attack the Watauga settlers and the people who were 
 outlawed by the treaty of Hopewell. The better to do 
 this, he would retain in force the civil and military 
 organization of Franklin for the single year that re- 
 mained of his term as Governor. That period having 
 expired, he would no longer be eligible to that office ; 
 but then, if danger from the Indians continued, he 
 would head the militia as their volunteer leader. By 
 this course he might come into collision with North 
 Carolina, and be subjected to a charge of high treason ; 
 but this was a personal risk, involving only his own life 
 and liberty, and he would assume it to protect the 
 Watauga people. 
 
 Having resolved upon this course, Sevier, on the 6th 
 of April, 1787, addressed the following letter to Gov- 
 ernor Caswell : 
 
 "Sir : I was favored with yours of 23d February, in 
 which your Excellency was pleased to favor me with a 
 detail of the proceedings of your Assembly. I must own 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 119 
 
 I had the fullest hopes and confidence that that body, 
 before their rising, would have either agreed to the sepa- 
 ration, on honorable principles and stipulations, or other- 
 wise endeavored to have reunited us upon such terms as 
 might have been lasting and friendly ; but I find myself 
 and country entirely deceived ; and, if your Assembly 
 have thought their measures would answer such an end, 
 they are equally disappointed. But I firmly believe, 
 had proper measures been adopted, an union, in some 
 measure, or perhaps fully, would have taken place. 
 
 "We shall continue to act as independent, and would 
 rather suffer death in all its various and frightful shapes 
 than conform to anything that is disgraceful." 
 
 To . this letter Caswell replied promptly, and in a 
 most kindly spirit, urging upon Sevier patience and 
 moderation. In an indirect way he censured the course 
 of the Legislature by saying : " I can not account for the 
 conduct of our Assembly in their last session. I know 
 some of the gentlemen's sentiments did not coincide with 
 my own. . . . My ideas are that Nature, in this forma- 
 tion of the hills between us, and directing the courses of 
 waters so differently, had not in view the inhabitants on 
 either side being long subject to the same laws and gov- 
 ernment. I conclude by recommending unanimity among 
 you, as the only means by which your government ever 
 can obtain energy, even when the separation is effected 
 by consent of North Carolina." 
 
120 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Six months prior to the date we are considering, 
 Major Elholm had written to the Governor of Georgia, 
 "Mr. John Tipton's party seems deep in decline at pres- 
 ent." It was so, and so would have continued — a mere 
 corporal's guard, and not a party — and it would speedily 
 have died a natural death, but for the passage of the law 
 beheading the Franklin government. That act was no 
 sooner passed than Tipton himself received new life, and, 
 waiting only for the commissions for the new officials, 
 hurried over the mountains into Franklin, proclaiming 
 everywhere the overthrow of Sevier and his government. 
 He arrived some weeks before the official dispatches, and 
 at first the people listened with incredulous ears to his 
 tidings, but when they saw courts being organized under 
 the new justices, and placards posted at every cross-roads 
 calling upon the militia to muster under the new officers, 
 they believed his report, and the general rage and con- 
 sternation became unbounded. " Does North Carolina," 
 they asked, "intend to deliver us, bound hand and foot, 
 to our enemies ? In the face of a great Indian war, will 
 she depose our tried leaders, and set over us officers who 
 know nothing of savage warfare ? And what kind of 
 law or equity can we get from these irresponsible men 
 whom she has made our civil justices ? " Only in the 
 two older counties could men be found who would ac- 
 cept the new appointments, and even there the feeling 
 ran so high that, had it not been for the pacific counsels 
 of Sevier, violence might have been done to the new 
 officials. 
 
THE CHOSEN" ALTERNATIVE. 121 
 
 But this storm of indignation did not intimidate 
 Tipton. Turmoil was his natural element, and he was 
 of so reckless a courage that, right or wrong, with five 
 men at his back, he would anywhere have met a thou- 
 sand. He went on delivering the commissions, organiz- 
 ing justices' courts in log-cabins and cross-road school- 
 houses, and forming such skeletons of military companies 
 as could be got together from among his own and Hous- 
 ton's adherents, who now, according to Judge Campbell, 
 numbered not more than five men in a hundred. This 
 slender battalion, it would seem, could not be dangerous, 
 and need not be feared by a majority, large, compact, 
 and powerful ; and yet there was danger in it, for behind 
 this ribald, disorderly crew, so out at the elbows and 
 out of character, was that silent, omnipotent force, 
 which we call Law, and which, whoever resists, is him- 
 self at once an outlaw and a criminal. 
 
 Though he could not at the time muster a hundred 
 men, Tipton knew his legal strength, and he determined 
 upon such aggressive measures as would overturn Sevier's 
 pacific policy, and bring on such a collision with North 
 Carolina as, he thought, would be fatal to the new gov- 
 ernment. He had organized a court for the county of 
 "Washington at a log-house on Buffalo Creek, about ten 
 miles from Jonesboro, and, procuring a warrant from 
 this court, he collected a body of some fifty armed men, 
 and descended one day in early March upon the regular 
 tribunal, then in session at the county-seat. The rec- 
 ords of the court being refused him, he proceeded to 
 
122 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 drive the judge, jury, lawyers, and spectators out-of- 
 doors, and then bore away the records in triumph to his 
 own court on Buffalo Creek. James Sevier, who when 
 a boy not yet sixteen had fought by his father's side at 
 King's Mountain, was the clerk of the regular court, 
 and, now promptly gathering a number of men, he de- 
 scended in turn upon Tipton's court, regained the capt- 
 ured papers, and bore them away to his own dwelling. 
 Here, a few nights later, he was surrounded by a still 
 stronger party, the papers forced from him, and again 
 borne away by Tipton. But young Sevier was not to be 
 thus overcome by what he deemed a party of lawless 
 ragamuffins. He collected another body of men, again 
 recaptured the papers, and on this occasion hid them in 
 a cave, where they might be as secure as the old charter 
 in the famous oak of Hartford. "However," says Hay- 
 wood, "in these removals many valuable papers were 
 lost, and at later periods, for want of them, some estates 
 of great value have also been lost." Some of these 
 papers came subsequently into the possession of Dr. 
 Ramsey, and he reports that they bore evidence of hav- 
 ing at some time been in very damp quarters. No blood 
 was shed in these various collisions, for on each occasion 
 only the attacking party was armed. 
 
 These disorderly proceedings increased the public ex- 
 citement, and the Franklin Legislature, then in session, 
 sought to put a stop to them by passing an act to punish 
 by imprisonment every person who should attempt to 
 exercise the authority of a justice of the peace, or per- 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 123 
 
 form the duties of any other civil office, by commission 
 from the State of North Carolina. Sevier refused to 
 sanction this law, and it consequently was inoperative ; 
 but it required all his remarkable powers of conciliation 
 to prevent the people resorting to summary and illegal 
 measures, that would inevitably have resulted in blood- 
 shed. 
 
 This first crop of dragon's teeth, which sprang 
 from the hostile legislation of North Carolina, warned 
 Sevier that something must at once be done to stop the 
 evil, and secure against further profanation the recog- 
 nized courts of justice. Evan Shelby had been ap- 
 pointed by the old State brigadier-general of the entire 
 western militia, and this, though as yet he was in com- 
 mand of only skeleton regiments, made him the highest 
 representative of North Carolina in the Territory. In 
 anticipation of the hostile feeling which the obnoxious 
 act of his Legislature would arouse in Franklin, Governor 
 Caswell had written Shelby to exert every influence to 
 pacify the people, and now Sevier applied to him for his 
 co-operation in some feasible measure calculated to re- 
 store the public tranquillity. The result was an agree- 
 ment which in effect established two governments in 
 Franklin ; and this shows that Sevier never intended to 
 sustain his authority by force, and only sought to retain 
 power until the present danger from the Indians should 
 be over. The agreement, as reported by Evan Shelby to 
 Governor Caswell, was as follows : 
 
124 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 "At a conference held at the house of Samuel Smith, 
 Esquire, on the 20th day of March, 1787, between the 
 Honorable Evan Shelby, Esquire, and sundry officers, of 
 the one part, and the Honorable John Sevier, and sun- 
 dry officers, of the other part : Whereas, disputes have 
 arisen concerning the propriety and legality of the State 
 of Franklin, and the sovereignty and jurisdiction of the 
 State of North Carolina over the said State, and the 
 people residing therein : the contending parties, from 
 the regard they have to peace, tranquillity, and good de- 
 corum in the western country, do agree and recommend 
 as follows : 
 
 "First. That the courts of justice do not proceed to 
 transact any business in their judicial departments, ex- 
 cept the trial of criminals, the proving of wills, deeds, 
 bills of sale, and such like conveyances ; the issuing of 
 attachments, writs, and any legal process, so as to pro- 
 cure bail, but not to enter into any final determina- 
 tion of the suits, except the parties are mutually agreed 
 thereto. 
 
 "Secondly. That the inhabitants residing within the 
 limits of the disputed territory are at full liberty and 
 discretion to pay their public taxes to either the State 
 of North Carolina or the State of Franklin. 
 
 " Tliirdly. That this agreement and recommendation 
 continue until the next annual sitting of the General 
 Assembly of North Carolina, to be held in November 
 next, and not longer. It is further agreed, that if any 
 person guilty of felony be committed by any North Caro- 
 
THE CHOSEN ALTERNATIVE. 125 
 
 lina justice of the peace, that such person or persons 
 may and shall be received by the Franklin sheriff or 
 gaoler of Washington, and proceeded against in the 
 same manner as if the same had been committed by 
 and from any such authority from under the State of 
 Franklin. It is also recommended that the aforesaid 
 people do take such modes and regulations, and set forth 
 their grievances, if any they have, and solicit North 
 Carolina, at their next annual meeting of the General 
 Assembly, to complete the separation, if thought neces- 
 sary by the people of the western country, as to them 
 may appear most expedient, and give their members and 
 representatives such instructions as may be thought most 
 conducive to the interest of our western world, by a 
 majority of the same, either to be a separate State from 
 that of North Carolina, or to be citizens of the State of 
 North Carolina. 
 
 "Signed and agreed, on behalf of each party, this 
 day and year above written. 
 
 "Evan Shelby, 
 "John Sevier." 
 
 Sevier had now chained the winds, and all would be 
 well if they did not slip from his grasp, rush violently 
 together, and he be caught in the whirlwind. 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 QUAKEK GUNS. 
 
 Two years had now passed since Sevier assumed the 
 reins of the Franklin government, and during the whole 
 of that period the country under his control had expe- 
 rienced unbroken prosperity. Education had been fos- 
 tered, law had been duly administered, and crime had 
 been a thing almost unknown. Tradition and the rec- 
 ords of Washington County — so far as they have been 
 preserved — report not a single capital crime to have been 
 committed in the district. Money had not been abun- 
 dant, but the thirty thousand dollars of silver coined by 
 Charles Robertson had been enough for ordinary ex- 
 changes, and, peltry being still receivable by the collect- 
 ors, every man had a ready means of paying his taxes. 
 These had been light — "one shilling the poll, and six- 
 pence per hundred acres " — and the best of agricultural 
 land was obtainable at "forty shillings per hundred ; the 
 first ten shillings in hand, and two years' credit for the 
 other thirty shillings." Thus every man had within his 
 reach a home and a competence ; and, though a heavy 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 127 
 
 war-cloud hung continually over the border, he could 
 sit " under his own vine and fig-tree" without fear, see- 
 ing that Nolichucky Jack and his four thousand rifle- 
 men stood guard over his dwelling. So strong was this 
 feeling of security that settlements had been extended 
 on the lands south of the French Broad — acquired by 
 the treaty between Sevier and the Cherokees — to within 
 nine miles of the Indian towns on the Tellico. It was 
 a singular spectacle, this, of a whole people living in 
 scattered settlements, and beleaguered on three sides by 
 savage foes, yet resting without a thought of danger, 
 because of the moral power of one man, whose single 
 name held harmless a swarm of warlike enemies. But 
 this reign of peace and law and fraternal feeling was now 
 to be for a time interrupted by the machinations of a few 
 reckless and ambitious men, who, with no power or in- 
 fluence of their own, were rendered potent for evil by 
 the "mother-State," which had never expended a dollar 
 nor provided a soldier for the aid or protection of its 
 western citizens. 
 
 For a time the two co-ordinate governments moved 
 along, side by side, without jar or collision. The North 
 Carolina sheriff lodged his prisoners in the Franklin jail 
 on free straw and at free rations ; the rival justices held 
 court simultaneously at opposite ends of the little log 
 school-houses, and officiated conjointly at the weddings 
 of such young men and women as desired to hold to- 
 gether, whichsoever administration should fall to pieces ; 
 and thus it happened that many a man might be met in 
 
128 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 after-years who, with never but one wife, had yet been 
 twice married. The lion and the lamb had, in truth, 
 come to lie down together, though, unfortunately for 
 the lamb, the little child whose office it is to muzzle the 
 larger beast was absent on this occasion. 
 
 This state of things could not have continued for a 
 day had not these people cherished a high respect for 
 law and order, and a genuine regard for one another. 
 As it was, it lasted fully forty days, and until the parti- 
 sans of North Carolina saw that only through "much 
 tribulation " could the old State recover her lost domin- 
 ion, and — what was of more consequence to them — they 
 achieve the power they so much coveted. The desire 
 among the people for separation was well-nigh unani- 
 mous ; if the present good feeling continued, it would 
 become altogether so, and the Governor of North Caro- 
 lina had distinctly said that unanimity would secure the 
 wished-for independence of Franklin. Therefore, this 
 harmony must be broken, the dregs of society stirred up 
 to the surface, and discord introduced into a peaceful 
 community, if Tipton and his boon companions did not 
 wish to be reduced to political nonentity. A small stone 
 cast into a placid pool will ruffle the waters to its far- 
 thermost extremity ; so now a few spoken words set in 
 commotion the entire country around Watauga. These 
 words were : "By what authority did John Sevier and 
 General Shelby make that anomalous compact ? Can a 
 man serve two masters ? If not, then choose ye : ' If 
 the Lord be God, follow him ; if Baal, then follow him.' " 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 129 
 
 The words spread, and thus was that modern inven- 
 tion, party politics, introduced among this primitive peo- 
 ple. Soon at every cross-road gathering was heard discus- 
 sion, and then wrangling, and then shouts for North Caro- 
 lina and for Franklin. The partisans of the new State 
 continued very largely in the majority, but their leader 
 had enjoined upon them peace, forbearance, and brotherly 
 kindness ; and, his Quaker policy being well understood, 
 the factious minority were emboldened to acts of vio- 
 lence. Court-houses were again rifled, and peaceable 
 meetings broken up by the disorderly adherents of Tip- 
 ton, who in some cases resorted to "knock-down argu- 
 ments." This was too much for the unregenerate man- 
 hood of such of Sevier's friends as had not pondered 
 upon the thirty-ninth verse of the fifth chapter of St. 
 Matthew's gospel. They returned blow for blow, and 
 thus an animosity was engendered which, in some fami- 
 lies, lasted till far into another century. No blood was 
 shed in these encounters, because, as if by tacit consent, 
 no deadly weapons were employed ; but a reign of vio- 
 lence was inaugurated which could not safely continue 
 unchecked in any community. 
 
 Meanwhile, Evan Shelby was resting in patriarchal 
 ease at his cattle-farm of King's Meadows, utterly igno- 
 rant of the unbrotherly dissension which was going on 
 only forty or fifty miles to the south of him. At last 
 word was brought him of this deplorable state of things 
 by the North Carolina colonels — Tipton, Maxwell, and 
 Hutchings — who had been the active agents in raising 
 
 13 
 
130 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 this storm of disorder. The story lost nothing in their 
 telling, and the old veteran listened aghast to the tale of 
 riot and confusion. He was a cast-iron man, trained in 
 a school of rigid discipline, and for forty years had been 
 accustomed to the exercise of military authority. He 
 saw that this disorder must be put down, or there was an 
 end to all government. But how could it be put down, 
 the discontent so general, and he with only a corporal's 
 guard for an army ? To this answered Tipton and the 
 other colonels : " Call upon North Carolina for a thou- 
 sand men. That force, backed by the moral power of 
 law, will overawe all opposition to the old State. Be- 
 sides, Sevier has announced that he will not resist North 
 Carolina by force, and his followers will not fight if he 
 refuses to lead them." 
 
 In accord with this suggestion, General Shelby wrote 
 to Governor Caswell, saying, among other things : "The 
 matter is truly alarming, and it is beyond a doubt with 
 me that hostilities will in a short time commence. I 
 therefore think it highly necessary that one thousand 
 troops, at least, be sent, as that number might have a 
 good effect ; for, should we have that number under the 
 sanction of government, there is no doubt with me 
 they" (the disaffected) "would immediately give way." 
 
 With General Shelby at this time was Anthony Bled- 
 soe, the right-hand man of Eobertson, and one of the 
 most influential men in the western country. He had 
 been one of the one hundred who rushed to the rescue 
 when, eleven years before, Sevier, with but forty men, 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 131 
 
 had withstood the assault of the Cherokee king on the 
 fort at Watauga ; and he was now in Franklin to solicit 
 Sevier s aid against an expected raid of the same Chero- 
 kees upon the settlements along the Cumberland. Sevier 
 had promised him that, if the raid should be attempted, 
 he would at once march a strong body of men into 
 the Cherokee country, and chastise the savages into 
 reason ; and Bledsoe was naturally unwilling to see 
 North Carolina array an armed force against so loyal a 
 friend and true a patriot. By Shelby's permission he 
 wrote the Governor, sending the letter by his messenger. 
 He said : "Might I be permitted to request your Excel- 
 lency's addressing these people, and advising them of the 
 necessity and advantage of returning to their duty once 
 more, and the danger and evil consequences of their per- 
 sisting in the attempt of supporting an independence ? 
 I do assure your Excellency that it is my opinion your 
 address on that occasion would have a very good effect 
 on the principal people in the revolted party." 
 
 The Governor received these letters on May 19, 1787, 
 at once laid them before his Council, and on the 21st he 
 replied to General Shelby as follows: "I have stated 
 the situation of your country to the Council, and laid 
 your letter before them. . . . They think it would be 
 very imprudent to add to the dissatisfaction of the peo- 
 ple there by showing a wish to encourage the shedding 
 of blood, as thereby a civil war would eventually be 
 brought on, which ought at all times to be avoided, if 
 possible ; but more especially at the present, as we have 
 
132 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 great reason to apprehend a general Indian war. If the 
 Northern and Southern tribes should unite with your 
 Cherokee neighbors, you will stand in need, they think, 
 of all your force, and therefore recommend unanimity 
 among you, if it can by any means be effected, as you 
 thereby will be much more able to defend yourselves 
 than you possibly can be when divided, let alone the 
 circumstance of cutting each other's throats. Besides 
 these [considerations], it would be impracticable to raise 
 an armed force here to be sent to your assistance at this 
 time, if we were ever so much disposed thereto, for the 
 following reasons : The people in general are now en- 
 gaged in their farming business, and, if brought out, 
 would very reluctantly march ; there is no money in the 
 treasury to defray the expenses of such as might be 
 called out ; nor, in fact, have we arms or ammuni- 
 tion." 
 
 This letter affords proof that, if Sevier, even single- 
 handed, had then chosen to resist North Carolina by 
 armed force, he would have been successful. There 
 were those about him who well understood this weakness 
 of North Carolina, and who urged him to put down the 
 malcontents by a strong arm, feeling sure that the 
 "mother-State" could offer no resistance. There were 
 others who advised the same course, but who hoped 
 North Carolina would resist, as in that case the entire 
 West would rally around Sevier, with the result of secur- 
 ing the independence of the trans- Alleghany region and 
 the opening of the Mississippi, not through a league with 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 133 
 
 Spain, but in defiance of that power, which they would 
 speedily drive into the Gulf of Mexico. There can be no 
 question that a large majority of the people of Franklin 
 entertained at this time the one or the other of these views, 
 and now urged Sevier to extinguish by force all resist- 
 ance to his authority. The pressure upon him must 
 have been great, but he stood firmly by his original reso- 
 lution. "I will," he said in effect, "constrain no man 
 to maintain the Franklin government. If the people 
 support it, it will stand ; if they do not support it, it 
 will fall. Not in any case will I consent to establish it 
 by shedding the blood of my neighbors or my country- 
 men." 
 
 But, though he refused to resort to force, Sevier again 
 attempted to bring about a peaceable settlement with 
 North Carolina. All his direct overtures had failed, and 
 he now sought the intervention of Georgia, with whose 
 Governor he had been in frequent correspondence in re- 
 lation to the expected Indian uprising, and where he had 
 many friends among the best citizens. Among these, 
 the Hon. William Downs had just written him: "I 
 have had the opinion of a number of the greatest poli- 
 ticians in our State respecting yours, who give it as their 
 opinion that it will support itself without a doubt ; and, 
 from what I can understand, they would give every 
 assistance in their power." Of this feeling Sevier now 
 proceeded to avail himself by dispatching Major Elholm 
 to the Governor to solicit his good offices in bringing 
 about an adjustment of the difficulty with North Caro- 
 
134: JOHN SEVIER, 
 
 lina. He closes his letter to him with this paragraph : 
 " Permit us to inform you that it is not the sword that 
 can intimidate us. The rectitude of our cause, our local 
 situation, together with the spirit and enterprise of our 
 countrymen in such a cause, would inflame us with con- 
 fidence and hopes of success. But when we call to mind 
 the great number of internal and external enemies to 
 American Independence, it makes us shudder at the very 
 idea of such an incurable evil, not knowing where the 
 disorder might lead, or what part of the body politic the 
 ulcer might at last infect." 
 
 Both the Governor and the Legislature of Georgia 
 took prompt measures to further Sevier's views ; but, be- 
 fore any result could be arrived at, a general revolution 
 occurred in the sentiment of the Franklin people, which, 
 considering the bitter feeling previously existing toward 
 North Carolina, seems altogether surprising. It was 
 brought about by a few kindly words from a man in 
 whom the Franklin people had confidence ; and it illus- 
 trates the fact that the "soft answer which turneth away 
 wrath" is far more potent with reasoning men than 
 swords and bayonets and brass artillery. These few 
 words were contained in a printed sheet, which, in com- 
 pliance with Anthony Bledsoe's suggestion, Governor 
 Caswell addressed to the inhabitants of the western 
 counties. The document accomplished such important 
 results that its principal portions are here given : 
 
 The Governor addressed the people as "friends and 
 fellow-citizens," and then went on to say that a dis- 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 135 
 
 orderly state of affairs had been reported to him, in 
 consequence of which "sundry good citizens have been 
 induced to signify to Government their apprehension of 
 being obliged to have recourse to arms. And notwith- 
 standing the behavior of some of the refractory might 
 justify such a measure, yet I am willing to hope that, 
 upon reflection and due consideration of the conse- 
 quences which must ensue in case of the shedding of 
 blood among yourselves, a moment's thought must 
 evince the necessity of mutual friendship and the ties 
 of brotherly love being strongly cemented among you. 
 You have, or shortly will have, if my information is 
 well grounded, enemies to deal with which will require 
 this cement to be more strong than ever ; your whole 
 force may become necessary to be exerted against the 
 common enemy, as it is more than probable they may be 
 assisted by the subjects of some foreign power — if not 
 publicly, they will furnish arms and ammunition to the 
 Indian tribes, to be made use of against you ; and when 
 your neighbors are so supported and assisted by the 
 Northern and Southern Indians, if you should be so un- 
 happy as to be divided among yourselves, what may you 
 not then apprehend and dread ? Let me entreat you to 
 lay aside your party disputes. They have been as I con- 
 ceive, and believe yet will be, if continued, of very great 
 disadvantage to your public as well as private concerns. 
 While these disputes last, Government will want that 
 energy which is necessary to support her laws and 
 civilize; in place of which, anarchy and confusion 
 
136 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 will be prevalent, and, of course, private interest will 
 suffer. 
 
 "It certainly would be sound policy in you, for other 
 reasons, to unite. The General Assembly has told you 
 that, whenever your wealth and numbers so much in- 
 crease as to make a separation necessary, they will be 
 willing the same shall take place upon friendly and re- 
 ciprocal terms. Is there an individual in your country 
 who doe3 not look forward in expectation of such a day 
 arriving ? If that is the case, must not every thinking 
 man believe that this separation will be soonest and most 
 effectually obtained by unanimity ? Let that carry you 
 to a quiet submission to the laws of North Carolina till 
 your numbers will justify a general application ; and 
 then I have no doubt but the same may be obtained — 
 nay, it is my opinion that it may be obtained at an ear- 
 lier date than some imagine, if unanimity prevail among 
 you. Although this is an official letter, you will readily 
 see that it is dictated by a friendly and pacific mind. 
 Don't neglect my advice on that account. . . . 
 
 " I will conclude by once more entreating you to 
 consider the dreadful calamities and consequences of a 
 civil war. Humanity demands this of me ; your own 
 good sense will point out the propriety of it ; at least, let 
 all animosities and disputes subside till the next Assem- 
 bly ; even let things remain as they are, without pursu- 
 ing compulsory measures till then, and I flatter myself 
 that honorable body will be disposed to do what is just 
 and right, and what sound policy may dictate." 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 137 
 
 The friendly spirit seen in this manifesto was as oil 
 poured upon troubled waters. It stilled the public ex- 
 citement, and, their passions once allayed, men began to 
 reflect coolly upon the situation. The State of North 
 Carolina granted nothing and exacted everything, and 
 its selfish rule had become intolerable. Many of its ad- 
 herents were social nuisances, the natural enemies of law 
 and order, and there could be no peace so long as they 
 were in the ascendency. But was it wise to resort to 
 one evil to suppress another, to resist law, that they 
 might establish good order ? The Governor had now 
 distinctly said that unanimity and a little patient wait- 
 ing would secure the desired separation ; and was it not 
 better to adopt this course than to incur the horrors of 
 civil war ? And, meanwhile, might they not put down 
 the disorderly demagogues who were disturbing the 
 peace, by going to the polls and electing to office men 
 who would correctly represent the whole community ? 
 A large majority of the stanchest friends of the new 
 government now came to this conclusion, and the con- 
 sequence was that within sixty days the State of Frank- 
 lin went quietly, and without a struggle, out of exist- 
 ence. 
 
 In adopting this course the western people would at 
 first sight appear to have avoided one danger only to 
 rush upon another, and the danger they most feared — 
 exposure to the expected attack from the Creeks and 
 Cherokees, with none to lead them but the incompetent 
 officers set over them by North Carolina. But their de- 
 
138 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 cision to loyally accept the rule of that State was made 
 with an important mental reservation. Their submission 
 was intended to extend merely to civil affairs. In mili- 
 tary matters they should act for themselves, and choose 
 their own leaders. In this they deemed themselves justi- 
 fied by the law of self-preservation, and to this North 
 Carolina could certainly take no exception, if it should 
 be the means of defending the country against her own 
 and their enemies. No public announcement was made 
 of this ; but when Evan Shelby came to enroll his "bri- 
 gade, to be in readiness for the expected savage on- 
 slaught, he discovered that not above five hundred men 
 out of a total of more than four thousand answered to 
 his summons. The rest would have no leader but Noli- 
 chucky Jack, for under no one else could they be assured 
 of victory. This appears the more striking, when it is 
 considered that Sevier was now merely a private citizen, 
 not only without legal authority, but actually proscribed, 
 because he had neglected to make overt submission to 
 North Carolina. 
 
 Nevertheless it was so, as was clearly shown late in 
 June of this year, when a report came that the Creeks 
 had made a raid into Georgia, killing no less than 
 twenty-five families. The attack was regarded as the 
 beginning of the threatened war, and Sevier called at 
 once for volunteers to be ready to march on the demand 
 of the Georgians. Every man was to arm and equip 
 himself, and they were to march some five hundred miles 
 through a trackless forest, and into the heart of the 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 139 
 
 Creek country ; but at a single summons three thousand 
 men reported themselves ready for duty to their respect- 
 ive brigadiers, Cocke and Kennedy.* No call came from 
 the Georgia Governor, and the report proved to be un- 
 founded ; but the incident illustrated how completely 
 Sevier held in hand nearly the entire military strength 
 of the Territory. Unwilling to see another general, and 
 he a private citizen, thus in command of his own depart- 
 ment, Evan Shelby at once resigned — an unfortunate 
 occurrence, inasmuch as it set over the North Carolina 
 troops the same Joseph Martin who had concocted the 
 treaty of Hopewell. 
 
 The country continued in hourly expectation of an 
 outbreak of hostilities until the middle of August, when 
 word came from Robertson that the long-meditated blow 
 was to fall first upon the settlements along the Cumber- 
 land. It had been reported to him by the Chickasaws 
 that at a grand council of the Creeks, held shortly be- 
 fore, it had been determined to fall upon and extermi- 
 nate the Nashville settlers, and it was expected the 
 Cherokee nation would join in the attack. Robertson 
 was short of ammunition, and unprepared for an on- 
 slaught from such overpowering numbers. He had asked 
 North Carolina for aid, but Governor Caswell had writ- 
 ten that he was unable "to give any ; he had also applied 
 to Kentucky, but feared he should get none from there 
 
 * Letter from General Kennedy to Governor Mathews, of Georgia, 
 June 29, 1*787. 
 
140 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 in time. He knew that the Franklin government had 
 been overthrown, and he was apprehensive that Sevier 
 was in no condition to help him, nevertheless he wrote 
 to him : "I beg of you to use your influence to relieve 
 us. I think it might be done by fixing a station near 
 the mouth of Elk, or by marching a body of men into 
 the Cherokee country, or — in any manner you may judge 
 beneficial. I candidly assure you there never was a time 
 when I imagined we were in more danger."* 
 
 Only five days subsequent to the receipt of Robert- 
 son's letter, Sevier received one from Anthony Bledsoe, 
 which stated that small parties of Creeks and Chicka- 
 maugas were already marauding through the Cumber- 
 land settlements, stealing horses, and killing the peace- 
 able inhabitants, who were deserting their homes and 
 fleeing to the forts for protection. The only way, he 
 said, that peace could be assured to his distressed coun- 
 try was by distressing the Chickamaugas ; and he re- 
 minded Sevier that, when he had last seen him, Sevier 
 had proposed to send without delay an expedition against 
 that perfidious tribe should they again attack the Cum- 
 berland settlers, of which he had requested Bledsoe to 
 notify him.f 
 
 Sevier did not need this reminder to secure his 
 prompt action. He at once called for six hundred vol- 
 
 * James Robertson to John Sevier, Nashville, August 1, 1787. 
 | Letter from A. Bledsoe to John Sevier, dated Sumner County, 
 August 5, 1787. 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 141 
 
 unteers, two hundred of whom he dispatched, under 
 Captain Nathaniel Evans, to the immediate relief of 
 Kobertson ; the remainder, under competent officers, he 
 ordered to the mouth of Elk Eiver, to build there a 
 fort, and intercept any parties of Chickamaugas who 
 might attempt to go upon the war-path. The timely 
 arrival of the troops under Evans, with the ammunition 
 they supplied, enabled Eobertson to beat off the present 
 attack ; and the sudden appearance of the other force in 
 the Indian country prevented any further irruptions of 
 the savages. The Chickamaugas regarded this force as 
 merely the advance of a larger one, which "'Chucky 
 Jack" would lead against them in case they or the 
 Creeks made any further hostile movement, and in fear 
 of this both nations suspended hostilities until a stronger 
 coalition should be effected. 
 
 By the compact between Sevier and Evan Shelby the 
 people were at liberty to pay taxes to either government 
 at their option. The result was that, as a general thing, 
 they paid them to neither, and consequently the treas-\ 
 ury of Franklin was at this time empty. But moneyl 
 was required for the fitting out of these expeditions, and 
 also to fully equip the force which was intended to be 
 marched into the Creek country ; for, though every 
 backwoodsman had his own rifle and hunting-knife, all 
 were not provided with such an outfit as was required 
 upon protracted expeditions. Sevier had been a man 
 of large wealth for the times, and, ever since the first 
 settlement of the country, he had stood in the gap in 
 
 14 
 
142 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 all similar emergencies, contributing liberally of his 
 means to equip his men, and often having hundreds of 
 them at free quarters upon his plantation. For all this 
 he had never received any compensation from the govern- 
 ment, and the consequence of his exceeding liberality 
 was that he came out of the Eevolution stripped of all 
 his property, except his home, and the necessary force of 
 negroes to work his plantation. But he had that "good 
 name" which, even in commercial circles, is "better 
 than great riches." He had now only to ])ledge this, to 
 finish the equipment of his volunteer forces. This 
 he did, wisely or unwisely, and the consequence was 
 that, though he saved his friend Robertson, he put 
 himself in the power of his inveterate enemy, John 
 Tipton. 
 
 It was when he was thus arming troops without au- 
 thority of law, and branded as a rebel by the Legislature 
 of North Carolina, that Sevier received from the first 
 military men of the time the highest honor which was 
 in their power to bestow. Without solicitation on his 
 part, he was elected a member of the Order of the Cin- 
 cinnati, a society composed of the most distinguished 
 officers of the Eevolution, of which Washington was 
 president-general to the close of his life, and to which 
 none were admitted but men of high standing and un- 
 sullied record. Their estimate of Sevier will appear 
 from the report of the committee which passed upon his 
 nomination. "He had," they said, "a principal merit 
 in the rapid and well-conducted volunteer expedition to 
 
QUAKER GUNS. US 
 
 attack Colonel Ferguson, at King's Mountain, and a 
 great share in the honor of that day, which, it is well 
 known, gave a favorable turn to our gloomy and dis- 
 tressed situation ; and an opportunity never yet appeared 
 but what confessed him an ardent friend and real gen- 
 tleman. " 
 
 At this time, also, letters poured in upon him from 
 many eminent men, advising him as to his course, and 
 expressing the hope that he would be able to extricate 
 himself and the western settlers from the difficulties by 
 which they were surrounded. Among these, Benjamin 
 Franklin wrote him frequentty, but only one of his let- 
 ters has escaped the ravages of our recent civil war. It 
 is so characteristic, has so much of the "homely wisdom 
 of Poor Richard," that such portions as bear upon the 
 subject of this history are here copied. He said: 
 " There are two things which humanity induces me to 
 wish you may succeed in — the accommodating your mis- 
 understanding with the government of North Carolina, 
 and the avoiding an Indian war by preventing encroach- 
 ments on their lands. Such encroachments are the more 
 unjustifiable, as these people, in the fair way of pur- 
 chase, usually give very good bargains ; and, in one 
 year's war with them, you may surfer a loss of prop- 
 erty, and be put to an expense, vastly exceeding in value 
 what would have contented them in fairly buying the 
 lands they can spare. 
 
 ". . . If anything should occur to me that I think 
 may be useful to you, you shall hear from me thereupon. 
 
144 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 I conclude with repeating my wish that you may ami- 
 cably settle your difference with North Carolina. The 
 inconvenience to your people, attending so remote a seat 
 of government, and the difficulty to that government in 
 ruling well so remote a people, would, I think, be power- 
 ful inducements to it to accede to any fair and reason- 
 able proposition it may receive from you if the cession 
 act had not passed." 
 
 Dr. Franklin did not know the Cherokee Indians, 
 nor the element then in control of the Legislature of 
 North Carolina. Had he known them, he might have 
 questioned the possibility of sustaining peaceable rela- 
 tions with the savages, or of effecting an amicable settle- 
 ment with the scarcely more civilized " sand-hillers " 
 over the mountains. 
 
 But, though submission was general in the district 
 contiguous to North Carolina, the more westerly coun- 
 ties continued to hold a divided allegiance — two classes 
 of officials acting peaceably side by side, and a majority 
 of the people still regarding and addressing Sevier as 
 Governor, though he appears to have no longer in any 
 'manner exercised the authority of that position. This 
 divided allegiance did not meet the views of Mr. John 
 Tipton, who now was the principal representative of 
 North Carolina in the settlements. In Greene County 
 particularly the people were obstinate in their adhesion 
 to the new State, clinging even to its corpse after all 
 vitality had left it, and Tipton essayed to restore the old 
 order of things by resorting to his original expedient of 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 145 
 
 capturing the records. He made the attempt in the 
 latter part of August, and, but for the timely interven- 
 tion of Sevier, the consequences would have been dis- 
 astrous to himself. The incident is related in a 
 letter to Major El holm from General Cocke,* who 
 was a resident of Greene County. The letter was as 
 follows : 
 
 " Colonel Tipton appeared the other day with a party 
 of about fifty men — of such as he could raise — under a 
 pretense of redressing a quarrel that had arisen between 
 our sheriff and the sheriff of North Carolina, though 
 their principal view was to put themselves in possession 
 of our records. This conduct produced a rapid report 
 that they had made a prisoner of his Excellency, to 
 carry him to North Carolina, which caused two hundred 
 men to repair immediately to the house of Colonel Tip- 
 ton before they became sensible of the mistake ; and it 
 was only through the influence of his Excellency that 
 the opposite party did not fall a sacrifice to our Franks. 
 During this time a body of about fifteen hundred vet- 
 erans embodied themselves to rescue (as they thought) 
 their Governor out of the hands of the North Caro- 
 linians, and bring him back to the mountains — an in- 
 stance that proves our citizens to have too noble a 
 spirit to yield to slavery, or to relish a national in- 
 sult." 
 
 * " Columbian Magazine," for November, 1 787. 
 
146 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 This incident appears to have warned Tipton of the 
 danger attending a continued resort to violent measures. 
 The consequence was that he desisted from any further 
 acts of open hostility, and resorted to secret craft to 
 accomplish what he most desired — the overthrow of Se- 
 vier, and his own ascendency over the people, which 
 last, he thought, could not be achieved so long as 
 their beloved Nolichucky Jack was in the Territory. 
 In this he reckoned without foundation, for the great 
 majority were order-loving and law-abiding, and would, 
 in no circumstances, have accepted Tipton as their 
 leader. The masses — those whom Mr. Lincoln styled 
 "the plain, common people" — are everywhere won- 
 derfully clearsighted, and readily distinguish the un- 
 selfish patriot from the self-seeking, ambitious dema- 
 gogue. 
 
 Therefore, though the war-cloud still hung black 
 and ominous over all the border, there was peace now 
 throughout the scattered settlements. Except in the 
 most westerly districts, the people everywhere submitted 
 to the rule of North Carolina, in hopes thereby to bring 
 about the separation which Governor Caswell had pro- 
 claimed would no doubt soon result from unanimity 
 among them. The great majority were as ardently de- 
 sirous of independence as when they organized the State 
 of Franklin ; and, the North Carolina Legislature hav- 
 ing come together in November, Sevier determined to 
 make still another effort to effect an adjustment of the 
 differences with the "mother-State." Heretofore he 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 147 
 
 had appealed to her reason and her sense of right and 
 expediency ; now he decided to approach her on her 
 most vulnerable side — the watchfully guarded State 
 treasury. He commissioned Colonel Francis A. Kamsey, 
 his late Secretary of State, to wait upon the Legislature, 
 and propose, as an inducement to separation, the as- 
 sumption by Franklin of the entire Continental debt of 
 North Carolina, then amounting to between four and 
 five million dollars. Colonel Kamsey was the father of 
 the venerable historian of Tennessee, and the latter, even 
 in extreme old age, was one of the most eloquent men I 
 ever listened to. If eloquence be hereditary, Colonel 
 Ramsey must have possessed remarkable powers of per- 
 suasion ; but he failed to persuade these legislators. 
 For months, however, they nibbled at the glittering bait, 
 and there were times when the colonel thought it would 
 be taken ; but at last they told him that they had de- 
 cided to stay, for the present, out of the Union, and, 
 while they did so, they could not consent to the ces- 
 sion of any portion of their territory to the United 
 States. 
 
 Meanwhile, Georgia had tired of the repeated out- 
 rages of the Creeks upon her western settlers, and its 
 Governor had written Sevier: "The Assembly of this 
 State are now fully persuaded that they never can have 
 a secure and lasting peace with the Creek Indians till 
 they are well chastised and made to feel severely the 
 effects of war. They have passed a law for raising 
 three thousand men for that purpose, and have em- 
 
148 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 powered the Executive to call for fifteen hundred men 
 from Franklin, in addition to that number." 
 
 This letter was dated Augusta, November 12, 1787, 
 and was forwarded by a special messenger ; but he had a 
 horseback-ride of three hundred miles through the woods, 
 and did not reach Sevier till the 28th of that month. 
 Two hundred of Sevier's men were still away with 
 Eobertson, and four hundred more were yet posted on 
 the Tennessee, at the mouth of Elk Kiver, but without a 
 moment's delay he issued a circular calling for fifteen 
 hundred to go to the aid of Georgia. In it he said : " I 
 think to take the field once more " ; and he offered his 
 men "the honor of assisting a very generous and friendly 
 sister State to conquer and chastise an insolent and bar- 
 barous savage nation." He closed by saying : "I hope, 
 after seeing the great notice and respect shown us by the 
 State of Georgia, in her application for our assistance, 
 and the high confidence they place in our spirit and 
 bravery, that the people here will be animated with the 
 idea that, like a young officer who first enters the field, 
 they are competent, by their bravery and merit, to make 
 themselves known and respected among the nations of 
 the world. . . . We have not large cities and sea-ports, 
 which generally sink men into wealth and luxury, by 
 which means their offspring dwindle into effeminacy 
 and dissipation, yet I hope we shall always remain as 
 happy, free, and independent as any other people ; if 
 not, sure I am it will be our own fault, and we ought 
 never to be pitied." 
 
QUAKER GUKS. 149 
 
 The circular has a clear, metallic ring, like that of 
 steel upon flint, and it struck fire from the hearts of the 
 backwoods people. Within four days fifteen hundred 
 men came together, armed and equipped, and ready for 
 a march of four or five hundred miles into the mount- 
 ains of Georgia. Such magic was there in the words of 
 Nolichucky Jack, he merely a private citizen ; and, in 
 fact, not so much as that, for at that very moment the 
 Legislature of North Carolina had passed an "Act of 
 Pardon and Oblivion " for all who had taken part in the 
 Franklin revolt, but distinctly provided " that the bene- 
 fit of this act shall not entitle John Sevier to the enjoy- 
 ment of any office of profit, or honor, or trust, in the 
 State of North Carolina, but that he be expressly de- 
 barred therefrom." 
 
 Thus did North Carolina thrust into outlawry the 
 very man who, in the darkest hour of her history, had 
 saved her from destruction ! 
 
 Again, the men did not march on the Georgia sum- 
 mons, because that State decided to suspend warlike 
 operations in consequence of the appointment of com- 
 missioners by Congress to conclude a treaty with the 
 Creek Indians. Considerable time was consumed in the 
 negotiation, and meanwhile Sevier's men returned to 
 their homes, to there await his call should there be an 
 outbreak of hostilities. 
 
 Soon tidings came from over the mountains of the 
 outlawry of Sevier, and the failure of his final effort to 
 bring about a separation of Franklin from North Caro- 
 
150 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 lina. The news speedily reached the Cherokees, who now 
 concluded that they could make their long-intended raid 
 on the settlers south of the French Broad and Holston 
 without interference from Nolichucky Jack and his rifle- 
 men. Fear of him had held them inactive, while settlers 
 had been thrusting forward their cabins to the extreme 
 southern boundary of the lands ceded to Franklin. By 
 the' treaty of Hopewell, the intruding settlers were 
 "liable to be punished by the Indians, as they might 
 think proper," and, haying thus a legal right to rob and 
 murder at their discretion, the Cherokees now prepared 
 for an overwhelming onslaught upon these exposed set- 
 tlements. 
 
 Tidings of these preparations were at once con- 
 veyed to Sevier, and without an hour's delay he mounted 
 his horse and set out for the frontier. He was on 
 the borders of Greene County, concerting measures to 
 repel the expected invasion, when word came to him 
 that his inveterate enemy, Tipton, had taken advan- 
 tage of his absence to attach his property for the debt 
 he had contracted in fitting out the expedition for the 
 relief of Robertson. Either by buying up these claims, 
 or by inducing their holders to take summary action, 
 Tipton had secured a levy upon Sevier's negroes, and 
 removed them to his own house in waiting for their sale 
 under execution. Without his field-hands, Sevier would 
 be unable to work his plantation ; and thus, while denied 
 the common rights of citizenship, he was about to be de- 
 prived of the means of sustaining his family. Stung 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 151 
 
 by such implacable enmity, and indignant at so high- 
 handed an outrage, he listened to the fiery spirits about 
 him, and determined to return to his home and forcibly 
 recover his property. About a hundred and fifty of his 
 men volunteered to accompany him, and with them he 
 set out at once for the house of Tipton, more than a 
 hundred miles distant. 
 
 Sevier always moved with great celerity, but on this 
 occasion the tidings of his approach preceded him. 
 News travels with amazing rapidity in sections destitute 
 of mail and telegraphic facilities ; but it is probable that 
 Tipton had placed spies with Sevier to give him timely 
 notice of his movements. However this may have been, 
 he had sufficient warning of Sevier's approach to call to his 
 aid fifteen of his friends, and to dispatch a messenger to 
 Colonel Maxwell, asking him to come to his assistance 
 with the regiment of Sullivan County. Tipton's house 
 was located on the bank of a small creek flowing into the 
 Watauga, about eight miles east of Jonesboro, and, like 
 most of the better class of backwoods dwellings of the 
 period, was substantially a fort, capable, when properly 
 manned, of resisting attack from greatly superior num- 
 bers. A similar structure, defended by only the num- 
 ber of men who were now with Tipton, a few years 
 later, successfully resisted, in the vicinity of Nashville, 
 an assault from seven hundred savages. 
 
 It was a cold day, late in February, when Sevier with 
 his one hundred and fifty men, and a piece of small ord- 
 nance, arrived before this log fortification. Seeing at a 
 
152 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 glance that Tipton had prepared for his coming, he 
 placed his men on some low ground out of the reach of 
 Tipton's rifles, and sent in a summons for the surrender 
 of his negroes, threatening to fire upon the building in 
 case of refusal. To this Tipton returned answer, in the 
 elegant phraseology to which he was accustomed, "Fire 
 and be damned ! " Cowardice was not one of Tipton's 
 weaknesses. Major Elholm, who was with Sevier, now 
 proposed to him to erect a movable battery with the 
 small cannon, under cover of which the troops might 
 safely advance and carry the place by assault. To this 
 Sevier gave a prompt refusal, declaring that not a gun 
 should be fired. But, meanwhile, some of his men, who 
 had posted themselves upon a ledge of rocks in near 
 vicinity to the house, observing a number of persons 
 about to enter the place, did fire upon them, killing one 
 and wounding another. To them Sevier at once sent 
 orders to desist from firing, and to Elholm, who now re- 
 newed his application to storm the building, and offered 
 to lead the assault, he gave a more emphatic refusal, say- 
 ing that he had not come there to kill his country- 
 men. 
 
 Sevier now attempted to open negotiations with Tip- 
 ton, but the latter refused all communication with him, 
 feeling sure he could hold out until succor should come 
 from Sullivan County, and doubtless anxious to lure 
 Sevier on to an attack which would have placed him in 
 the position of armed insurrection. 
 
 Thus things remained during the rest of the day, El- 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 153 
 
 holm repeatedly urging the necessity of an assault before 
 re-enforcements should arrive to Tipton, and Sevier as 
 often refusing to imbrue his hands in the blood of his 
 countrymen. He must have seen that only a prompt 
 exertion of force could accomplish the object of his ex- 
 pedition, but he stood inactive and irresolute. On all 
 other occasions he had been quick to resolve and rapid to 
 execute, and his present indecision shows that he must 
 now have been torn by conflicting emotions — his out- 
 raged feelings as a man struggling with his sense of duty 
 as a patriot and a citizen. This struggle was seen in his 
 demeanor, which was usually of a most winning suavity. 
 He now for the only time in his life was reserved, au- 
 stere, abstracted, and even morose, answering all who 
 addressed him with a curt severity that was entirely con- 
 trary to his custom. Circumstances had forced him into 
 a false position, and his loyal nature rebelled at the 
 thought of thus appearing to be at the head of insur- 
 gents ready to engage in a fratricidal warfare. But his 
 duty as a patriot overcame his pride as a soldier, his ob- 
 ligations as a citizen his outraged feelings as a man. 
 With present outlawry and future ruin staring him in 
 the face, he resolutely said, " Not a shot shall be fired." 
 Dr. Ramsey truly says that in no other instance did he 
 give "a livelier exhibition of the true moral sublime of 
 patriotism. " 
 
 The feelings of the commander seemed to infect the 
 spirits of the men. They, too, had not come out to im- 
 brue their hands in the blood of their friends and conn- 
 15 
 
154: JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 trymen. Some reckless spirits were among them, but 
 much the greater number had no relish for the turn 
 affairs had taken. The night was cold and dark, and 
 they gathered in silence about their camp-fires, or if they 
 spoke it was in suppressed voices. They had followed 
 Sevier on many a campaign, and always before, when the 
 sentries were posted for the night, they had collected in 
 joyous groups and passed the hours in merry laugh, and 
 song and jest, unrestrained by the presence of their com- 
 mander, who nightly made the rounds from mess to 
 mess, joining in their hilarity, and addressing each one 
 as if he had been his intimate companion. It was thus 
 that Sevier made himself the comrade, friend, and idol 
 of his soldiery. They looked for his coming as soon as 
 he had seen for himself that the sentinels were in their 
 proper positions. But this night he did not come. He 
 sat by his camp-fire in moody silence, gazing abstractedly 
 into the blaze, and even the vivacity of his friend El- 
 holm failed to arouse him. He gave no orders, suggested 
 no plan, made no preparation for either attack or de- 
 fense. All through the night he sat there, absorbed in 
 his own reflections. What those reflections were it is not 
 difficult to conjecture, for we know the man and his self- 
 sacrificing history. Did he not think of his many years 
 of unselfish devotion to his country, of the wealth he 
 had poured out like water in its service, of the many 
 weary marches he had made, the battles he had fought, 
 the deadly perils he had encountered, to give it peace 
 and freedom ? And all for what ? To be driven forth 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 155 
 
 from the soil he had conquered, and the peace he had 
 won, a penniless man and an outlaw ! And then, per- 
 haps, other thoughts came to him. Might he not yet 
 retrieve his fortunes ? This man Maxwell, who was com- 
 ing against him, would in his hands be but as a child in 
 the grasp of a giant. Having crushed him, might he not 
 sound the border slogan, rally the whole West to his side, 
 and in one day dismember the country which had so un- 
 gratefully requited his unselfish fidelity ? Doubtless he 
 might have done so ; and perhaps such thoughts came 
 to him, for a tempting devil is ever at our ears in our 
 hours of extremest trial. But this devil did not know 
 John Sevier. He might be an outlaw ; he might be a 
 penniless wanderer in the land he loved ; and even worse 
 might yet befall him, for there was no limit to the 
 malice of his enemies ; but through it all he would 
 stand erect and say, as Jackson said at a later period, 
 "I will die in the last ditch before I will see this 
 Union disunited ! " 
 
 Possibly these were his thoughts while he sat there, 
 by his smoldering camp-fire, till far into the cold gray 
 of the winter morning. But suddenly, with the first 
 streak of dawn, there came an explosion of a regiment 
 of rifles ; and, springing upon his horse, Sevier saw 
 his men fleeing like frightened deer in all directions. 
 Then he spurred his horse into the thick-falling snow, 
 and, for the first time in his life, turned his back upon 
 his enemies. 
 
 A heavy snow-storm had set in at midnight, and to 
 
156 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 thaw out their chilled limbs Sevier's pickets had repaired 
 to the nearest camp-f res. This had allowed Maxwell to 
 approach unperceived, under cover of the snow and the 
 darkness ; and, unwilling to fire upon Sevier's troops, he 
 had, when morning dawned, ordered his men to dis- 
 charge their pieces in the air. Sevier's men aroused 
 thus suddenly from sleep, taken by surprise and unwill- 
 ing to fight, fled without firing a rifle, which ended this 
 Quaker battle. 
 
 Said Parmenas Taylor, who was one of Maxwell's men, 
 and subsequently, with Sevier, one of Governor Blount's 
 Council : " We did not go there to fight. Neither party 
 intended to do that. Many on both sides were unarmed, 
 and some who had guns did not even load them. Most 
 of us went to prevent mischief, and did not intend to let 
 the neighbors kill one another. Our men shot into the 
 air, and Sevier's into the corners of the house. As to 
 the storm of snow keeping the men from taking a sure 
 aim, it is all a mistake. Both sides had the best marks- 
 men in the world, who had often killed a deer, and shot 
 it in the head, too, when a heavier snow was falling. 
 The men did not try to hit anybody. They could easily 
 have done so if they had been enemies." 
 
 As Sevier rode away from this bloodless field he 
 was met by messengers from the border, who had been 
 sent to apprise him that the Indians were moving upon 
 the western settlements in great numbers. "In a mo- 
 ment," says Dr. Eamsey, "Sevier was himself again, 
 elastic, brave, energetic, daring, and patriotic. At the 
 
QUAKER GUNS. 157 
 
 head of a body of mounted riflemen he was at once upon 
 the frontier to guard and protect its most defenseless 
 points. " His property was lost, and he was an out- 
 law ; but he had yet a life which he might give to 
 his countrymen. 
 
CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 SEVIETl AS AN OUTLAW. 
 
 "Eight or nine thousand people had crossed the 
 [Holston] river and settled upon lands now within the 
 counties of Greene and Hawkins ; others had crossed the 
 French Broad ; and yet others, not a few, were settled 
 between Clinch River and Cumberland Mountain. All 
 of these were there in violation of the treaty of Hope- 
 well. And yet they were there by treaties with the In- 
 dians, and by connivance and sanction of the State. 
 By Sevier's treaty at Dumplin Creek these lands were 
 granted to the white people for settlement and homes. 
 The State of North Carolina had issued grants to her 
 citizens to settle upon these lands. Under authorities 
 and sanctions of this character these thousands of hardy 
 and industrious farmers had gone there ; were busily 
 preparing their homes there. They displaced no Indian, 
 they seized no one's cabin or field ; they found it an al- 
 most ' howling wilderness,' and they hastened to change 
 the whole face of Nature by the opening of farms and 
 building of houses. But now these Indians complain ; 
 they allege that these settlers have trespassed upon In- 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 159 
 
 dian territory, and demand their expulsion."* North 
 Carolina listened to these complaints, and, coolly repudi- 
 ating her own official grants and her promises of protec- 
 tion to the settlers, she ordered a portion of these people 
 off the lands they had in good faith occupied. And by a 
 most curious logic she drew a line between them. Those 
 north of the French Broad and Holston she would keep 
 faith with ; those south of those rivers, holding their 
 lands by precisely the same title, she would abandon to 
 the savage mercy provided for them by the treaty of 
 Hopewell. 
 
 As near as can be ascertained, the people south of 
 those rivers now numbered about three thousand, of whom 
 not far from seven hundred were men inured to frontier 
 life, and expert with the rifle. The country they occu- 
 pied is comprised within the present counties of Blount 
 and Sevier, Tennessee — a most beautiful region, watered 
 by numerous streams, and interspersed with wooded hills 
 and grassy valleys, where vegetation grows in rank luxu- 
 riance, and the soil yields most abundant rewards to the 
 husbandman. All over this delightful region could now 
 be seen the clearings of the white settler. At first a soli- 
 tary cabin went up in the midst of a dense forest ; then 
 other cabins gathered about it, and the whole were in- 
 closed in stout palisades, capable of resisting any small 
 body of Indians. Then far and near the great trees were 
 felled or girdled, the ground was broken up and planted, 
 
 * Putnam's " History of Middle Tennessee," p. 344. 
 
160 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 and soon the whole clearing blossomed with the harvest 
 These places were called "stations." Not a vestige of 
 one of them at this time remains, but the site of many is 
 indicated by the smiling hamlets and villages that now 
 dot the whole of this enchanting region. 
 
 Within the walls of these log fortresses the settler 
 made his home ; but of necessity he went forth into the 
 open country to till his fields and care for his cattle. 
 But he never did this without his trusty dog and his rifle 
 beside him. Though nominally at peace with the whites, 
 the Cherokees knew that these people were delivered over 
 to their tender mercy by the treaty of Hopewell. They 
 avoided any attack in considerable numbers, from fear of 
 provoking a conflict with Nolichucky Jack and his rifle- 
 men, but they hung about the stations in small bodies, 
 and never omitted a safe opportunity to commit a theft 
 or do a murder. Hence, when one settler plowed his 
 field, another stood guard over him in some commanding 
 position from which he could observe an approaching 
 enemy. Often were they driven to seek refuge for days 
 within the walls of the stations, and on one or two occa- 
 sions the more exposed were forced to abandon their 
 homes, and fall back for brief periods upon the older set- 
 tlements ; but there never was any permanent ebb in the 
 tide of population. The retreating settler soon returned, 
 re-enforced by other immigrants, and gradually he ex- 
 tended his clearings down those fertile valleys till he be- 
 held the rising smoke of the Cherokee wigwams on the 
 spot where, time out of mind, had been the great council- 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 161 
 
 house of the nation. And even here only force had 
 stayed the settler's steps, for he belonged to a race 
 which has no watchword but "Forward!" whose en- 
 croaching spirit is one of the instrumentalities by which 
 Providence is girdling the globe with law and civil- 
 ization. 
 
 In consequence of these encroachments the whole of 
 that wide district had now become one broad battle-field, 
 where the white man had met the red, and both had 
 gone down to a swift destruction. The traveler to-day 
 will scarcely come upon a spring, or a ford, or a wooded 
 path among the hills in all that region, which had not, 
 at the time whereof I am writing, been the scene of 
 some savage atrocity, or some heroic exploit of the white 
 settler battling for his home and the lives of his wife and 
 children. So long as the State of Franklin existed, the 
 conflict had not been so very unequal ; but that State 
 was now dissolved, and these settlers — abandoned by 
 North Carolina and outlawed by the General Govern- 
 ment — were left a mere handful of seven hundred, to 
 cope with twelve thousand infuriated savages, who now, 
 in overpowering numbers, were said to be moving down 
 upon them. But the settlers were not altogether aban- 
 doned, for Nolichucky Jack was hastening to their 
 rescue. He rode almost alone, a proscribed and penni- 
 less man, bringing nothing but the sword he carried and 
 the horse he bestrode ; but in his very name there was 
 terror to these savages. So the settlers took heart as 
 they gathered behind their log walls, and listened for the 
 
162 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 rapid tread of horses' feet which should announce his 
 coming. 
 
 Sevier rode almost alone, for his designs had become 
 known, and — to employ his own words — his "enemies 
 were making use of every diabolical plan in their power" 
 to balk his intention of giving succor to the threatened 
 settlers. As has been mentioned, Joseph Martin, the 
 concocter of the treaty of Hopewell, had succeeded 
 General Shelby in command of the troops acting under 
 North Carolina. He relished no better than Shelby the 
 holding of a divided command — the acting as general of 
 a skeleton brigade, while a mere private citizen held con- 
 trol of the actual military strength of the district. It 
 was not for this that he had plotted the overthrow of 
 Sevier, nor would his ambition be satisfied with the mere 
 shadow without the substance of authority. He had 
 been appointed to Sevier's position, but he could not 
 fill it without gaining over to himself Sevier's followers, 
 and driving their beloved leader from the Territory. He 
 was subtle, sleek, and sinuous ; and burrowing under- 
 ground seems to have been the mode to which he natu- 
 rally resorted to attain his objects. And, indeed, in no 
 other way could he accomplish his present purpose, for 
 Sevier was so firmly rooted in the affections of the peo- 
 ple that any open assault upon him would surely recoil 
 upon himself, as it had upon Tipton, whose friends were 
 fewer now than at the beginning. 
 
 Martin's plans were furthered by the fact that there 
 had arisen "a new king in Egypt, who knew not 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 163 
 
 Joseph" — Governor Caswell having been succeeded by 
 Samuel Johnston, a worthy man, but wholly ignorant of 
 western affairs, and only anxious to end the discontent 
 in the speediest manner possible. From him Martin 
 secured permission to remove all the militia officers 
 lately appointed by North Carolina, with the sole excep- 
 tion of the colonels — Tipton, Maxwell, and Hutchins — 
 and to reinstate in their places Sevier's captains, or such 
 others as might be elected by the men themselves. This 
 was restoring the old organization, excepting only its 
 head, Sevier ; and Martin counted confidently upon 
 thereby gaining full control of the military strength of 
 the Territory. It was, in truth, a master-stroke of 
 policy ; but it failed for lack of co-operation on the part 
 of Sevier's captains. Those scarred veterans looked 
 askance at the brand-new parchments which greeted 
 them by their old titles. They had probably never heard 
 of the play of "Hamlet" with the part of Hamlet omit- 
 ted ; but they put the same thought into their vernacular 
 language, and said to one another, "Who can ride the 
 bay mare but our old commander ?" Having said this, 
 they tossed the parchments aside, and thought no more 
 of General Martin. 
 
 This was the condition of affairs when, on the even- 
 ing of March 15, 1788, Sevier rode into the little town of 
 Greeneville, on his rapid way to the border. Though 
 the county-seat of Greene County, and the recent capital 
 of the State of Franklin, Greeneville was then not much 
 of a town. It was merely a score of log-cabins, clustered 
 
 ; 
 
164 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 around a court-house also of logs, and without windows, 
 or other than a single opening, in which hung a plank 
 door on stout wooden hinges. Opposite to this imposing 
 temple of justice was a log-cabin somewhat larger than 
 the rest, and having before it, perched upon a tall pole, 
 a huge sign — a yellow sun rising over red mountains, and 
 casting its mellow rays upon the name of " Thomas 
 Hughes, Innkeeper." Beneath this sign, and beyond 
 the rays of the aforesaid rising sun, was a smaller board, 
 which announced to all comers, "Entertainment for 
 Man and Beast," at the moderate rate of "one shilling 
 for diet, fourpence for lodging, sixpence for pasture and 
 stable, eightpence for corn per gallon, and sixpence per 
 half-pint for liquor." There being eight shillings in a 
 North Carolina dollar, it will be seen from these "tavern 
 rates " that any one with but a moderate supply of legal 
 currency could then take his ease in a backwoods inn for 
 an almost indefinite period. 
 
 Before this rude hostelry Sevier now alighted with 
 the one hundred and fifty men who had followed him 
 from Washington County, and here he was met by a 
 number of his captains, who apprised him of the new 
 tactics which Martin had adopted, and of a report, every- 
 where industriously circulated, that any officer or man 
 serving under him was to be expressly outlawed by North 
 Carolina. Sevier heard the tidings without emotion, for 
 he was a man who took Fortune's ordinary "buffets and 
 rewards with equal thanks " ; but instantly he decided to 
 give all the aid he could to the designs of his enemy. As 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 165 
 
 soon as his men had somewhat refreshed themselves he 
 called them all about him, and dispatched nearly the 
 whole troop in various directions to call his old captains 
 together for a conference upon the ensuing Friday. The 
 emergency, he said, was pressing ; every man must turn 
 out, for he conceived the settlements to be in imminent 
 danger. 
 
 They came, to the number of about three hundred — 
 nearly all of Sevier's late subalterns — clad in linsey leg- 
 gins and buckskin hunting-shirts, and mounted on fleet 
 horses, every man having his sword by his side, his pistols 
 or hunting-knife in his belt, and his trusty rifle slung 
 to the pommel of his saddle. They were all of stalwart 
 frame, strong and wiry, with bronzed faces, resolute 
 looks, and a certain cool and dauntless bearing, which 
 showed them familiar with battle and with victory. 
 Such another body of men it would have been hard to 
 find even in those days, and west of the Alleghanies. 
 One glance at them was enough to account for Sevier's 
 amazing exploits in border warfare ; and the greeting 
 they gave him proclaimed that, though now a proscribed 
 and branded man, Kolichucky Jack was still the un- 
 crowned king of the backwoods. 
 
 It was early March, and the morning was cold, but 
 
 no building in the little town would hold the concourse, 
 
 so they gathered in the open air, under the great trees 
 
 which grew about the court-house. Each man upon his 
 
 horse, they ranged themselves in silence, several men 
 
 deep, around Sevier and Cocke and Kennedy, till they 
 16 
 
166 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 formed a circle, in the center of which were the three 
 generals, and on the circumference the hundred and fifty 
 men who had shared in the recent bloodless battle. 
 Kennedy was the first to speak. Briefly he explained 
 the situation — the service offered by Martin, the out- 
 lawry threatened by North Carolina. Each man was free 
 to do as he pleased ; but, as for him, he had fought and 
 bled with his general, and, let North Carolina do her 
 worst, he should not desert his old commander. The feel- 
 ing in his words found a responsive chord in the breast 
 of every man present, and at once there went up a shout 
 from every throat that rang through the old woods and 
 was echoed back from the distant mountains. Then the 
 men crowded more closely around their leader, each one 
 with some expression of unwavering devotion. 
 
 Sevier was a man of the keenest sensibilities, and he 
 must have felt deeply these tokens of attachment. It is 
 said that he sat his horse for some time in silence, and 
 that when he spoke his speech had none of his usual 
 rapid and energetic utterance. He thanked the men for 
 their devotion to him, and he hoped the time would soon 
 come when he might again lead them against the enemy ; 
 but now, it was better that they should part. They 
 were in the presence of a peril greater than any which 
 had yet confronted the settlements, and division in the 
 country might be attended with disastrous consequences ; 
 therefore, it was his wish that each man should accept 
 the commission offered him by North Carolina, rejoin 
 and recruit his company, and make his men ready for 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. J.67 
 
 the struggle that was impending. He himself, with the 
 few who were with him, would go on to the frontier, 
 where the French Broad settlers, without hope of other 
 aid than his, were threatened with speedy extermination. 
 However, he knew the border settlers, and he had confi- 
 dence that with them he could beat off the Cherokees. If 
 the Creeks should rise, Georgia would call for volunteers, 
 and then, as he was a general in the army of that State, 
 his old comrades might again serve under him without 
 violating any law whatever. Now, it was best that every 
 man should return to his home, and quietly submit to 
 the rule of North Carolina. As for himself, his first 
 duty was to stand by the French Broad settlers. That 
 done, some way would be opened by which he might be 
 of further service to his country. The sky over his head \ 
 was now dark, but the sun was in the heavens, and it 
 might rise unclouded on the morrow. 
 
 This is the . substance of what Sevier said to his offi- 
 cers, when denied so much as a single volunteer by 
 North Carolina. Even then he could have rallied the 
 whole West to his support ; but he preferred to send his 
 men to their homes, and to go himself, almost alone, to 
 meet, with but a handful, a whole nation of savages. If 
 this is ambition, then is it ambition that would lift a 
 more ordinary man than Sevier to the altitude of a hero. 
 
 The men knew their leader, and his tone and manner 
 convinced them that he had taken an irrevocable resolu- 
 tion ; so they attempted neither remonstrance nor en- 
 treaty, but with moistened eyes and quivering lips they 
 
168 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 gathered about him, each one to say some last word at 
 parting. One after another he took them by the hand, 
 and then without another word he waved his sword to 
 his hundred and fifty men, and turned his horse's head 
 to the westward. Among the troop that followed him 
 were some of his old officers who were resolved to share 
 his fortunes, whatever they might be. Among these 
 were Kennedy, his recent brigadier ; Cozby, one of his 
 oldest subalterns ; Hubbard, the slayer of Untoola ; and 
 Evans, who had left his company of two hundred with 
 Robertson, and hurried over the Cumberland Mountain 
 as soon as he heard of the misfortunes of his old com- 
 mander. Others were moving out from the circle in 
 front of the court-house when Sevier halted his horse, 
 and, turning to them, asked that none should attempt 
 to follow him. Thereupon Kennedy requested that he 
 might go on to see if more force were not needed at the 
 front ; if it were not, he would at once return and 
 accept the colonel's commission already tendered him 
 by North Carolina. This Kennedy said and did ; but 
 the others said nothing — Cozby and Evans, because 
 they had resolved not to leave their old leader ; Hub- 
 bard, because being with Sevier he would be the sooner 
 within rifle-shot of the Cherokees.* 
 
 Of this gathering Martin soon heard, and about it he 
 wrote to the Governor of North Carolina as follows : 
 He dates his letter " Long Island (near the junction of 
 
 * From conversations with Dr. Ramsey. 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 169 
 
 the North and South Forks of the Holston) 24th 
 March, 1788." In it he says : 
 
 "Sir: The confusion of this country induces me to 
 lay before your Excellency, by express, our present situa- 
 tion, which is truly alarming. I sent, on Saturday last, 
 to Sevier and his party, requiring them to lay down their 
 arms, and submit to the laws of North Carolina, but can 
 get no answer, only from Colonel Joseph Hardin, which 
 I forward ; though I know that on Friday last they met 
 in convention, to concert some plan. The bearer of my 
 express to them informs me that he understood that 
 Sevier had gone toward the French Broad since the 
 10th instant ; that Colonel Kennedy, with several others, 
 had gone the same way to carry on an expedition against 
 the Cherokee Indians, which, I am well assured, wish to 
 be at peace — except the Chickamauga party, which could 
 be easily driven out of that country if your Excellency 
 should recommend it. I am somewhat doubtful that 
 Sevier and his party are embodying, under the color of 
 an Indian expedition, to amuse us, and that their real 
 object is to make an attack on the citizens of this State ; 
 to prevent which, I have ordered the different colonels to 
 have their men in good order, until I can hear from your 
 Excellency ; at which time, I hope, you will give me 
 directions in what manner to proceed in this uncommon 
 and critical situation, for which I shall wait till the 
 return of the express before I shall take any decisive 
 steps. 
 
170 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 " Should the Franks still persist to oppose the laws 
 of this State, would it not be well to order General 
 McDowell to give some assistance — as a few men from 
 there will convince them that North Carolina is deter- 
 mined to protect her citizens ? " 
 
 Three days only prior to dispatching this letter to 
 Governor Johnston, this same Martin wrote to General 
 Kennedy as follows : 
 
 "I am greatly distressed and alarmed at the late pro- 
 ceedings of our countrymen and friends, and must beg 
 your friendly interposition, in order to bring about a 
 reconciliation, which, you well know, was my object in 
 accepting the brigadier's commission. I am, perhaps, as 
 little afraid of stepping forth in the field of action as any 
 other man ; but I would be sorry to imbrue my hands in 
 the blood of my countrymen and friends, and will take 
 every method in my power to prevent anything of that 
 nature. In our present situation, nothing will do but a 
 submission to the laws of North Carolina, which I most 
 earnestly recommend to the people. You well know this 
 is the only way to bring about a separation, and also a 
 reconciliation for our worthy friend [Sevier], whose 
 situation at this time is very disagreeable. I most 
 sensibly feel for him, and will go very great lengths 
 to serve him. Pray see him often, and give him all the 
 comfort you can. 
 
 "I am told that a certain officer [Tipton] says that 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 171 
 
 if I issue an order for a reconciliation, that it shall not 
 be obeyed ; but I shall let that gentleman know I am not 
 to be trifled with. Pray write me all what the people 
 will do, and whether you will accept your commission, 
 which I hope you will. Have the militia immediately 
 officered and prepared for action, as I expect a general 
 Indian war shortly. Please give my best respects to the 
 people in general. Tell them my object is reconciliation, 
 not war." 
 
 Hypocrisy is said to be "the homage that vice pays 
 to virtue." Of this character was the tribute which this 
 man paid to Sevier. A comparison of the two letters is 
 enough to show his deep duplicity, for in every particular 
 one letter contradicts the other. As subsequent events 
 show, Martin's sole motive in writing to Kennedy was to 
 detach him from Sevier ; his aim in addressing the Gov- 
 ernor was to prepare that official's mind for proceeding 
 against the Franklin leader on a charge of high treason ; 
 hence Martin's insinuation that Sevier was levying troops 
 to attack the citizens — a charge which he must have 
 known to be outrageously false. 
 
 But, ignorant of these designs of his enemies, Sevier 
 rode rapidly on to Houston's Station. Every step of his 
 way was an ovation, and, despite his every effort to pre- 
 vent it, before he had crossed the French Broad his troop 
 had been augmented by about a hundred of his old 
 soldiers, who, whether he would or not, insisted upon 
 marching with him against the enemy. But when he 
 
172 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 had once forded that river, the people went wild with 
 excitement. They flocked about him wherever he went, 
 strong men weeping, anxious women clasping him in 
 their arms, and little children clinging to his knees — for 
 had he not come to deliver them from a great danger ? 
 Said an old man of ninety-seven to me in 1880 : "He 
 was a great man, was 'Chucky Jack. I remember him 
 right well, sir. I was a boy of five years when he came 
 across the French Broad to fight the Indians. We all 
 went out to greet him. He shook hands with dad, and 
 gave him some orders, for dad had fit under him ; then 
 he bent over his saddle and kissed mother, and asked dad 
 to lift me up that he might kiss me, too. Dad put me 
 up on the saddle, and 'Chucky Jack took me in his arms, 
 patted me on the head, and said that I should soon grow 
 up to be as brave a man as my father. Ah ! sir, I shall 
 never forget that." When time had razed about every- 
 thing else from the old man's brain, and he could no 
 longer recognize even his own children, he vividly re- 
 membered 'Chucky Jack, and his taking him up in his 
 arms and speaking kind words to him ! 
 
 The Cherokees had not yet appeared in the settle- 
 ments, but the traders had come in, reporting that the 
 whole nation was about to go upon the war-path. The 
 Indians had heard of the overthrow of Sevier, and 
 counted upon an easy conquest of the French Broad set- 
 tlements. That effected, they proposed to move for- 
 ward and drive every settler beyond the Big Pigeon — 
 the eastern limit of their hunting-grounds, as defined 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 173 
 
 by the treaty of Hopewell. On arriving at the settle- 
 ments, it was probable they would break into small par- 
 ties, and attack simultaneously every one of the scattered 
 stations. Sevier took his measures accordingly. The 
 weaker stations he ordered to be abandoned, and the 
 people to gather together in the stronger ones. The de- 
 fenses of these were strengthened, and garrisons detailed 
 for them, no man of which was to leave his post except 
 at the call of the commander. He, with a select body of 
 about four hundred men, well mounted, was to stand 
 ready to meet any attack in force, or to invade the In- 
 dian country, as circumstances might dictate. In all 
 previous conflicts, invasion had proved the most effective 
 mode of driving back the enemy. His own wigwam 
 threatened, the Cherokee would leave the settler in peace, 
 and hasten to the defense of his wife and children. The 
 success of such movements depended upon boldness and 
 celerity, but those were the characteristics of Sevier's 
 warfare. His heaviest blows were always struck in the 
 heart of the enemy's country, and often when he was en- 
 compassed by twenty times his own numbers. 
 
 His preparations were now speedily made, and soon 
 the whole region south of the French Broad was a forti- 
 fied camp, in which each man had his post, and every 
 one his allotted duty. Boys of fifteen were enrolled, and 
 even women took to molding bullets and practicing with 
 the rifle. But they were of the "home-guard," intended 
 to act only in repulsing some determined assault upon 
 the stations. Thus they stood to their arms, the whole 
 
174 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 of the scattered settlements ; but nearly two months 
 rolled away before they had any hostile tidings from the 
 Cherokees. The Indians had probably heard of Sevier's 
 presence among the settlers, and had deferred the in- 
 tended attack till they could make it in irresistible 
 numbers. 
 
 Meanwhile, the commissioners appointed by Con- 
 gress, by an act of October 26, 1787, to treat with the 
 Creeks, had not yet met those Indians. The Creeks con- 
 tinued to be troublesome, and Georgia was fast embody- 
 ing troops to march into their country, exterminate the 
 " perfidious nation," or to make peace with them on no 
 "other terms than a total surrender of their country and 
 themselves." This the Governor communicated to Se- 
 vier in a letter dated February 19, 1788, but which Sevier 
 did not receive till early in April. Sevier's answer is 
 here given, because it shows that at this time he had be- 
 come fully apprised of the machinations of his enemies. 
 It was as follows : 
 
 "Franklin, April 10, 1788. 
 
 "Sir: Yours of the 19th of February I had the 
 honor to receive. In our present confused condition of 
 affairs, I am not able to reply with that accuracy ajid 
 satisfaction to your Excellency I could wish. Our coun- 
 try is, at this time, almost in a state of anarchy, occa- 
 sioned, as we suggest, by the North Carolinians stimulat- 
 ing a party to act in a hostile manner against us. . . . 
 It is with great pleasure I inform you that a great num- 
 
SEVIER AS AX OUTLAW. 175 
 
 ber of our people discover a ready disposition to aid your 
 State against your savage enemies ; and, let matters oc- 
 cur as they may, if I am spared, # I purpose joining your 
 army with a considerable number of volunteers, to act in 
 concert with you against the Creeks, though many of our 
 enemies are making use of every diabolical plan in their 
 power in order to destroy our laudable intention. 
 
 " I beg your Excellency will be so obliging as to ad- 
 vise us from time to time of your intended operations ; 
 and, should your campaign be procrastinated until the 
 fall season, I am of opinion you will get a much greater 
 number of men from this country." 
 
 The first tidings from the Cherokees was an atrocious 
 deed, at which the blood curdles. A settler named Kirk 
 had built his cabin on the south side of Little River, 
 about twelve miles from the present site of Knoxville. 
 It was surrounded by the usual stockade, but was far too 
 weak to resist attack from any considerable body of In- 
 dians. Kirk had been warned to repair to some one of 
 the larger stations, but he considered himself in no dan- 
 ger, being on good terms with the Indians, and having 
 always treated them with extreme kindness and hospi- 
 tality ; so he continued to occupy his exposed position, 
 with his mother, his wife, and nine children, all under 
 fifteen years of age. His eldest son, a lad of sixteen, was 
 away with Sevier at Hunter's Station. 
 
 One morning in early May, Kirk had occasion to visit 
 a neighbor a few miles distant, and in his absence there 
 
176 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 came to his cabin an Indian named Slim Tom, with 
 whom the family was well acquainted. He asked for 
 food ; it was given him, and he went away with many 
 expressions of gratitude. This gratitude he showed by 
 returning in about half an hour with fifty painted sav- 
 ages. I need not detail what followed. Not one was 
 spared — the aged grandmother, nor the young babe at 
 the breast. All were remorselessly butchered ; and when 
 Kirk returned, a few hours later, he beheld them — all 
 who bore his name except the stripling I have mentioned 
 — stretched, bloody and disfigured, on the grass in the 
 door-yard of his dwelling. 
 
 The mingled grief, and horror, and rage of this 
 man — thus at one blow bereft of mother, and wife, and 
 children — can only be conceived of by the imagination. 
 Almost crazed by the calamity, he left his dead unburied 
 on the ground, and with the speed of a deer rushed for 
 help to Sevier at Hunter's Station. Sevier had heard 
 such tales before, but this was one of peculiar atrocity. 
 Instantly he sent out mounted scouts to ascertain if this 
 was an isolated raid or an organized attack by a party 
 belonging to a larger body, which had separated, and 
 spread itself among the scattered settlements. At night 
 the scouts returned, reporting no other trace of Indians 
 except the trail of the murderers, which they had fol- 
 lowed to the Little Tennessee, where it still went south- 
 ward. 
 
 Gathering his men together to the number of about 
 four hundred, Sevier set out on the following morning 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 177 
 
 for the heart of the Indian country ; and with him went 
 young Kirk, and, as second in command, the Major 
 Hubbard who was known as " the Indian-slayer.'' He fol- 
 lowed the trail of the murderers, and so rapid was his 
 march that early on the ensuing day he was fifty miles 
 away, on the banks of the Hiwassee. Here he came 
 upon a large town, filled with warriors, among whom the 
 murderers of the Kirk family had taken refuge. With- 
 out a moment's delay, Sevier rode into this town, and 
 then began the work of retribution. Panic-stricken, the 
 Indians soon fled, but numbers were shot down in the 
 street of the town, and as they were attempting to escape 
 by the river. Before noon every hut and every wigwam 
 in the place was a mass of smoking cinders. 
 
 Then Sevier turned his face toward the Little Ten- 
 nessee and Tellico, where were the homes of Old Tassel, 
 John Watts, and twelve hundred Ottari warriors. The 
 towns were well-nigh deserted, but such men as were in 
 them were either shot down or driven back to the mount- 
 ains ; then the torch was applied to half a dozen villages, 
 and soon all that was left of them were so many heaps 
 of smoldering ruin. The small number of men he 
 encountered satisfied Sevier that the bulk of the Ottari 
 were away upon a raid against the settlements ; and leav- 
 ing Hubbard and about two hundred men to complete 
 the destruction he had begun, he hastened back with the 
 remainder of his force to Hunter's Station. 
 
 Hubbard was encamped on the south side of the 
 
 Little Tennessee, and on the northern bank, near a 
 17 
 
178 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 small stream still called Abraham's Creek, lived an 
 old Indian named Abraham, who was known far and 
 near as the friend of the white settlers. Before hostili- 
 ties began he had said that, if his nation went to war, he 
 should remain at home, and not lift a hand against his 
 white brothers. Sevier was no sooner away than Hub- 
 bard sent a messenger to this friendly Indian, inviting 
 him to cross the river to his camp. Abraham came with 
 hi3 son, and then Hubbard asked them to go to Old 
 Tassel, and invite him to come there to a talk, for the 
 whites desired to be at peace with the Cherokees. This 
 they did ; and soon the Cherokee king appeared on the 
 opposite bank of the river with five of his principal chief- 
 tains — probably all of the " head-men " who were not 
 away on the war-path. On seeing them, Hubbard raised 
 a white flag, and invited them over to his encamp- 
 ment. 
 
 The Old Tassel knew Hubbard, and it is doubtful if 
 he would have trusted him had he not supposed that 
 Sevier was with the soldiery. It was generally known 
 that Sevier had been leading the troops, and this ac- 
 counted for the general panic which had everywhere 
 been seen among the Cherokees. They feared the 
 Franklin leader, but they trusted him implicitly. Old 
 Tassel was anxious for peace, and, unsuspicious of treach- 
 ery, he now crossed the river with his chieftains. He 
 was met in a friendly manner by Hubbard, who told him 
 that Sevier was away, but would soon return, and mean- 
 while he and the chieftains had better wait for him in 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 179 
 
 an Indian cabin, which, stood -near the bank of the 
 river. 
 
 The chieftains and the friendly Abraham had no 
 sooner entered this cabin than a number of armed set- 
 tlers noiselessly surrounded the building, so that escape 
 from it became impossible. Then Hubbard and young 
 Kirk entered the cabin, the latter with a naked toma- 
 hawk in his hand — the same savage weapon which had 
 slaughtered his mother, his brothers and sisters, and his 
 aged grandmother. Hubbard folded his arms and looked 
 at the Indians, in his glance the vengeful hate which had 
 come to be the ruling element in his nature. But the 
 lad did not wait for this signal. Instantly raising the 
 tomahawk, he buried it in the brain of the nearest 
 Indian, as he sat on the ground at one extremity of the 
 half circle in which they had formed themselves. The 
 others, seeing from this the fate which awaited them, 
 cast their eyes upon the ground, and, without a word, 
 bowed their heads to the stroke which had slaughtered 
 their comrade. Soon their bodies were dragged from the 
 hut and thrown unburied upon a pile of debris on the 
 bank of the river. Thus ingloriously perished the peace- 
 loving Rayetayah — known among the whites as Old Tas- 
 sel — an able man, and by far the best king who within 
 historic times had ruled over the Cherokees. 
 
 Words can not describe the indignation and horror of 
 Sevier when, returning on the following day, he learned 
 that this dastardly deed had been committed. Bitterly 
 he upbraided Hubbard and young Kirk, and the settlers 
 
180 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 who had abetted the atrocity. The answer of Hubbard 
 and the others is not recorded ; but it is said that young 
 Kirk told Sevier that, had he suffered at the murderous 
 hands of the Indians as he had suffered, he would have 
 done as he had done. Sevier was merely a volunteer 
 leader, with only such power as was given him by the 
 settlers. Almost unanimously they approved of Kirk's 
 deed as an act of retributive justice, and therefore Sevier 
 was powerless to punish it. 
 
 There were not wanting enemies of Sevier who 
 charged him with complicity in this crime, and with 
 being conveniently absent to escape its responsibility ; 
 but this was indignantly denied by Hubbard, who as- 
 sumed the entire odium of the deed, and boasted that he 
 would do the like again had one of his neighbors a like 
 provocation. Writing on this subject, the historian Hay- 
 wood says: " Sevier never acted with cruelty before or 
 since ; he often commanded ; he was never accused of 
 inhumanity : he could not have given his consent on this 
 occasion. Considering existing circumstances, he could 
 not maintain as much authority now as at other times ; 
 he was proscribed and driven from his home. . . . They 
 [the settlers] consulted only the exasperated feelings of 
 the moment, and had never been instructed in the rules 
 of refined warfare." 
 
 This ill-advised and atrocious crime would naturally 
 inflame the passions of the Cherokees to the highest 
 pitch of frenzy. The bulk of the nation felt deeply 
 wronged by the continued encroachments of the settlers ; 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 181 
 
 but this, with one or two impatient outbreaks, they had 
 borne for six years, restrained by the pacific counsels of 
 Old Tassel, and by a fear of Nolichueky Jack and his 
 four thousand riflemen. But now the blood of their 
 leading chieftains had been most wickedly shed, and 
 blood for blood was the cardinal doctrine of their religion 
 — one of whose chief tenets was that the warrior who 
 lost his life in avenging the slaughter of a kinsman was 
 at once translated to the happy hunting-grounds, there 
 to be a mighty chief forever. The head chieftain of the 
 tribe was regarded as not merely the kinsman but the 
 father of the whole people. The lifting of a hand against 
 him was instant death to the most redoubtable warrior ; 
 how much worse was his treacherous murder by a hated 
 enemy ! The killing of Old Tassel was, therefore, a per- 
 sonal wrong to every Cherokee, and the avenging of it a 
 religious duty, which, if he failed to perform, the celes- 
 tial hunting-ground would be closed against him forever. 
 Hence, this one deed had created a nation of fanatics, 
 who would rush into battle regardless of death, and in- 
 tent only on the slaughter of the settlers. Moreover, the 
 Cherokees would be sure to be secretly re-enforced by the 
 Creeks, and abundantly supplied with arms and ammu- 
 nition by the Spaniards, who now were intensely exasper- 
 ated against the settlers because of Kobertson's decided 
 rejection of their overtures for an alliance. Hard beset 
 as he was, the intrepid pioneer had refused their pro- 
 posals, disdainfully saying ; "The Spaniards are devils; 
 and the worst devil among them is the half-Spaniard, 
 
182 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 half-Frenchman, half-Scotchman, and altogether Creek 
 scoundrel — McGillivray ! " 
 
 Thus had the unwise killing of Old Tassel greatly in- 
 creased the difficulty of the task which Sevier had under- 
 taken. Never before, it seems to me, were the odds so 
 largely against him ; not when, with but forty men, he 
 repulsed Old Oconostota, nor when, with only nine hun- 
 dred and fifty, he scaled and carried the rugged escarp- 
 ment of King's Mountain. For active operations he had 
 in reality but about two hundred and fifty men — the 
 veterans who had voluntarily followed him from the 
 older counties. The seven hundred others were settlers, 
 who, though zealous, brave, and ready to fight to the 
 death, were an unstable force— with him to-day but away 
 to-morrow — drawn off by the first rumor of danger to 
 the station which held their wives and children. Never, 
 at any one time, was Sevier at the head of more than 
 four hundred. 
 
 But, surrounded by such disheartening circumstances, 
 never once did Sevier's courage fail him, never once 
 did he call one of his old comrades to his aid, or ask for 
 help from the older counties. His genius seemed to rise 
 with the occasion, and a careful study of his life fails to 
 exhibit him ever so truly great as when, a proscribed and 
 ruined man, he forgot his own interests, and, without 
 hope of pay or fame or other reward, he threw him- 
 self, almost alone, a forlorn hope between those out- 
 lawed settlers and their certain destruction. He seems 
 to have regarded his self-imposed and herculean task 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 183 
 
 simply as a duty ; and he went about it with cheerful de- 
 liberation, adjusting his means to his ends with a sort of 
 mathematical precision which made success a foregone 
 conclusion. This exact forecasting of results, this 
 ability to achieve great ends with small means, were 
 the most characteristic traits of Sevier's military 
 genius. They enabled him, with never more than a 
 thousand men, to do a great work in American 
 history. 
 
 Now for five long months Sevier was every day in the 
 saddle— sometimes with forty men, sometimes with four 
 hundred — striking blow after blow, and with every blow 
 totally discomfiting the enemy. Recorded in detail, his 
 exploits in this campaign would fill a volume. I can re- 
 count only a few — just enough to show the character of 
 the conflict. 
 
 After seeing that the bodies of Old Tassel and his 
 chieftains had received decent burial, Sevier led his 
 troop rapidly back to Hunter's Station, for he knew that, 
 as soon as the Cherokees had made their first wail over 
 the dead, the whole nation would swarm upon the settle- 
 ments. His first step was to dispatch messengers to the 
 various stations, warning them to be on their guard, to 
 observe strict discipline, and on no account to venture 
 out either singly or in small parties without the utmost 
 caution. If threatened with attack, they were to apprise 
 him at once by swift messengers, and to this end he 
 should keep them advised of his movements. It had 
 been well had his instructions been observed ; but with 
 
184 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 most men familiarity with danger breeds a contempt of 
 it, and it was so with these settlers. 
 
 It was not long before all of the scattered stations 
 were attacked almost simultaneously ; and then Sevier 
 became well-nigh ubiquitous, hastening from one to an- 
 other, and from all driving off the savages before they 
 had done any material damage. Then came a lull in the 
 savage operations. It began to be thought that the 
 Indians had withdrawn into their own country, and a 
 party of twenty-one settlers ventured across the Little 
 Tennessee, on a scouting expedition. Incautiously they 
 entered an open field, when they were suddenly sur- 
 rounded by a large body of savages. Sixteen of the 
 settlers were shot on the spot, one was wounded and 
 taken prisoner, and the remaining four were chased to 
 the gates of the fort on the present site of Knoxville. 
 Then the Indians turned back to make an assault on 
 Houston Station. 
 
 Five families were housed at this fort — all told, per- 
 haps forty persons, only ten of whom could handle a 
 rifle. With the first alarm, one of the riflemen was sent 
 off to Sevier, while the others essayed to defend the place 
 till his arrival. The Indians quickly surrounded them, 
 and soon it rained bullets on the little inclosure. One 
 of the garrison incautiously exposed himself for a mo- 
 ment, and in that moment an Indian ball pierced his 
 brain, and sent him to the great accounting. But the re- 
 maining eight fought on, the men firing and the women 
 loading the rifles and molding the bullets. Their fire 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 185 
 
 was rapid, and their aim certain, and many a savage fell 
 never to rise again ; but the Indians fought with a 
 desperation never before shown by the Cherokees. At 
 length the tilling between the logs was shot away, and 
 every now and then a ball came into the building, and in 
 dangerous proximity to the occupants. A young woman, 
 subsequently the wife of Senior S. Doak, D. D., was 
 kneeling by the fire, molding bullets, when an Indian 
 ball passed over her head, and, bounding back from the 
 wall, fell at her feet. It was flattened by the blow, and 
 catching it up she molded it anew, and, handing it to 
 the nearest rifleman, said : " Here is a ball run out of 
 Indian lead ; send it back to them as quickly as possible. 
 It is their own ; let them have it in welcome ! " The 
 conflict lasted for nearly an hour, when, discouraged 
 with their loss of life, the Indians suddenly drew off 
 from the station. 
 
 Sevier was twenty-five miles away, but, setting out at 
 once, he met the Indians on their retreat. They num- 
 bered over a hundred, and only a few men were with 
 him ; but they no sooner sounded his well-known yell 
 than the savages broke and scattered in all directions. 
 Sevier determined on pursuit, for he had meanwhile 
 heard of the massacre at the Little Tennessee, and such 
 deeds he always punished by a speedy invasion. Going 
 on to the station, he sent out messengers to call in his 
 men, and on the following day, with Captain Evans and 
 about two hundred men, he invaded the Indian country, 
 laying waste all in his pathway. At Chilhowee he met a 
 
186 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 large force of savages, whom he at once attacked and 
 routed, killing thirteen outright, who were left on the 
 ground, while a larger number of wounded were borne 
 away by the Indians. Then he returned again to the 
 protection of the settlements. 
 
 For more than a month the fight was around every 
 station, and everywhere at the critical time appeared 
 Sevier with his little band of riflemen. Day and night 
 he was in motion, and it is said that now for one whole 
 week he never for one hour was out of his saddle. 
 Few lives were lost among the settlers, for they had 
 learned caution ; but the bones of many a Cherokee were 
 left to bleach in the summer's sun far away from the 
 resting-places of his ancestors. The upper hunting- 
 grounds are pleasant in the dreams of the untutored 
 savage ; but the instinct of life is strong in him, and 
 'Chucky Jack the Cherokees had long regarded as under 
 the special protection *)f the Invisible Powers. It was 
 they who turned aside the bullets which were aimed at 
 him, and fighting with him, was therefore merely a strug- 
 gle with destiny. The contest was hopeless ; so at last, 
 beaten and crest-fallen, John Watts, Double-Head, and 
 the Bloody Fellow drew off their dispirited followers, 
 and led them back to their mountain fastnesses. 
 
 They had no sooner gone than Sevier resolved upon 
 another invasion of their country. The Cherokees must 
 be made to feel the full bitterness of the war they had 
 brought upon the settlers ; and, taking with him only 
 Cozby and Evans, and a hundred and forty men, he 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. " 187 
 
 plunged at once into the heart of the Cherokee nation. 
 It seems foolhardy in the extreme, this onslaught of but 
 a handful upon three thousand infuriated savages ; but 
 Sevier knew his soldiers, and they knew him, and every 
 one of them believed in his invincibility. It was just 
 such apparently desperate enterprises that had given the 
 Cherokees the superstitious belief that Sevier was under 
 supernatural protection. Sevier knew this, and counted 
 upon it as an auxiliary more potent than a thousand 
 
 rifles. 
 
 Crossing the Little Tennessee under the cover of 
 night, Sevier made a rapid march to .the tall Unakas, 
 and, scaling them, fell with fire and sword upon the 
 Valley towns, where dwelt fully one third of the Chero- 
 kee nation. He spread havoc and death through all that 
 region, shooting down every man he met, and taking 
 none prisoners. Everywhere his route was marked by 
 smoking villages ; and everywhere, without making so 
 much as a single stand, the Indians fled before him. 
 Then, the work of destruction finished, he turned his 
 face homeward. 
 
 He had now been ten days in the Indian country, 
 and he knew that the whole nation would rise in his rear 
 and attempt to intercept his march to the settlements. 
 Destiny might be on his side, but here, the Cherokees 
 saw, was a chance to take destiny at a disadvantage, 
 amid rugged defiles and mountain-passes, where ten men 
 might bar the way of a hundred. John Watts was a 
 half-breed, and less superstitious than his people. The 
 
188 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 eagle of the pale-faces was in a trap, and, if he could but 
 capture or destroy him, it was certain, now that Old Tas- 
 sell was dead, that he — John Watts, at the age of thirty- 
 five — would become the archimagus of the nation. It 
 was the highest object that could be presented to Chero- 
 kee ambition ; so "Watts called in his warriors to the 
 number of eight hundred, and lay in wait for Sevier at 
 the point where he would attempt to recross the Unakas. 
 But Sevier had counted on this contingency, and he 
 moved with extreme caution as he approached the foot 
 of the mountains. 
 
 The usual route was by a narrow pass along the bank 
 of the Little Tennessee, where it breaks through the lofty 
 range amid scenery that is grand beyond description. 
 The river here flows over a rocky channel, lined with 
 precipitous cliffs, under which the path winds for a 
 fourth of a mile, only wide enough for a single horse- 
 man. Here Watts had posted his men, concealed among 
 the rocks, three hundred on one side of the river and 
 two hundred on the other, while another force of two 
 hundred lay in wait at the outlet of the defile. Hemmed 
 in on one hand by the tall cliffs, on the other by the deep 
 and rapid river, the moment the white men entered the 
 pass they would be a broad target for the Indian rifles ; 
 and, if any ran the gantlet in safety, they would be 
 mown down by the two hundred who were lying in am- 
 bush at the outlet beyond. Thus destruction to all 
 would have been certain ; not a man who entered that 
 narrow pass would have lived to tell the story. The 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 189 
 
 route was the one Sevier would naturally have taken ; 
 but, to make sure of his falling into the trap, Watts 
 placed another hundred men some distance in advance of 
 the pass, with orders to fall back on Sevier's approach, 
 and thus lure him on to destruction. Then, sure of his 
 prey, Watts waited the approach of Sevier, not dreaming 
 that he would attempt to climb the steep and rugged 
 mountain on horseback. 
 
 But the cunning of Watts overreached itself, and 
 served merely to warn Sevier of his danger. It is proba- 
 ble that he would not have essayed the perilous passage 
 under any circumstances, for he was as cautious as he was 
 bold ; but, experienced as he was in Indian tactics, this 
 decoy party plainly disclosed to him the ambuscade. 
 Paying no sort of attention to the retreating Indians, and 
 striking at once for the foot of the mountain, Sevier led 
 his men up its precipitous side, over slippery rocks and fal- 
 len trees, and through tangled undergrowth, where never 
 before horseman had traveled. They moved rapidly, but 
 often had to dismount to cut their way or to help their 
 horses up some steep acclivity ; and it was between sun- 
 set and dark before they stood upon the summit of the 
 mountain. Here they halted for a while to rest their 
 jaded beasts ; but it was not long before they began the 
 equally toilsome descent of the northern slope. Evans 
 was one of the most trusted of Sevier's captains, and he 
 was placed in the rear, that being the position requiring 
 the greatest vigilance. Now, when Evans had gone 
 
 about two hundred yards down the mountain, one of his 
 18 
 
190 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 men requested permission to return for some small arti- 
 cle he had left behind at the halting-place on the sum- 
 mit. At the summit the man heard the forward glide of 
 a large body moving through the underbrush, and, has- 
 tening to Sevier, apprised him of the danger. At once 
 every rifleman was ordered to dismount and unsling his 
 rifle, in readiness for immediate action. 
 
 Thus they went down the mountain, in momentary ex- 
 pectation of attack, leading their horses, and picking their 
 way among rocks and precipices, with no light but that 
 of the dying moon struggling through flying clouds and 
 through the thick, overhanging branches of the forest. 
 At their every step they heard the steady glide of the eight 
 hundred savages ; but, unmolested, they at last reached 
 the foot of the mountain. Here the country was still 
 broken by ravines and encumbered with rocks and mat- 
 ted undergrowth. It was no fit field for a battle ; there- 
 fore every man was ordered to mount, and they sped 
 away to an open place about ten miles distant, on the 
 plains of Tellico. Here the riflemen went into camp, 
 and, a double force of sentinels being placed to guard 
 against surprise, they cooked their suppers, and then, 
 overpowered with fatigue, sank into such sleep as is apt 
 to follow a day of toilsome marching. But no sleep 
 came to Sevier. Soon the sentries reported that the In- 
 dians were cautiously encircling the encampment ; but 
 he let his men sleep on, while he, with only Oozby and 
 Evans, walked the picket-rounds all the night, intent 
 upon every sound that came from the near-by forest. He 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 191 
 
 expected an attack just before clay, when men sleep the 
 most soundly ; but the morning came without any alarm 
 from the savages. They were eight hundred to his one 
 hundred and forty ; but their hearts failed them. John 
 "Watts could not inspirit them to an attack, and soon Se- 
 vier led his force unmolested back to the settlements, 
 with not a man of it so much as wounded. 
 
 Chagrined at this second escape of the great eagle of 
 the pale-faces, John Watts now made a determined effort 
 to arouse the Cherokees for another descent upon the 
 settlements. Should a great nation, he said, be beaten 
 back by a handful of white men ? What was 'Chucky 
 Jack more than other men that the bullets should dodge 
 him ? North Carolina had outlawed him ; the Great 
 Council of the pale-faces was against him ; and should 
 he — one outlawed man — make women of the entire 
 Cherokee people ? No ! let the whole nation rise, and 
 drive these white men beyond the Big Pigeon ; and let 
 them not rest, day or night, till they had taken ven- 
 geance for the murder of Old Tassel. 
 
 And the whole nation rose, and fell again in over- 
 whelming numbers upon the French Broad settlements. 
 Again, and for three long months, the whole region was 
 a battle-field, and again was Sevier everywhere perform- 
 ing prodigies of valor. From station to station he rode 
 by night and by day, and everywhere he rode there were 
 battle and victory. His exploits during this period can 
 be likened only to those of some knight-errant of the 
 middle ages ; but neither in history nor in fiction do I 
 
192 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 know of anything that equals this marvelous campaign 
 of the border hero ! The fame of it crossed the rivers, 
 and awoke a thrill of pride among the old soldiers, who 
 adored him ; and it even swept over the mountains, 
 and became subject of comment by the two journals 
 which then shed a dim political light upon benighted 
 North Carolina. One of these,* published at Ealeigh, 
 had the following account of one of his exploits, 
 and, as it is characteristic of them all, it is here 
 copied : 
 
 "On the 21st of September a large body of the ene- 
 my, not less than two hundred, attacked SherrelPs Sta- 
 tion late in the evening. Sevier that day, with forty 
 horsemen, was out ranging, and came on the Indians' 
 trail, making toward the inhabitants ; he immediately 
 advanced after them, and opportunely arrived before the 
 fort when the Indians were carrying on a furious attack. 
 On coming in view of the place, he drew up his troop in 
 close order, made known his intention in a short speech 
 to relieve the garrison or fall in the attempt, and asked 
 who was willing to follow him. All gave unanimous 
 consent ; and, at a given signal, made a charge on the 
 enemy as they were busily employed in setting fire to a 
 barn and other out-buildings. The Indians gave way 
 and immediately retired from the place, and the gallant 
 little band of heroes reached the fort, to the great joy of 
 the besieged. This exploit was performed under cover 
 
 * " North Carolina State Gazette." 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 193 
 
 of the night, and, conformably to the Governor of Frank- 
 lin's usual good fortune, not a man of his party was 
 hurt." 
 
 Before this period, Sevier's old comrades along the 
 Holston and Watauga had clamored to be led to his aid ; 
 but this Governor Johnston could not permit, for it 
 would be an infraction of the treaty of Hopewell. At 
 last, however, he, in a manner, gave way to the pressure 
 by consenting to an expedition against the Chickamau- 
 gas. These Indians were Cherokees, and had been active 
 in the attacks on the French Broad settlers ; but they 
 were a horde of lawless banditti, with a hand against 
 every man, and war upon them was at any time justifi- 
 able ; besides, Martin had said to the Governor that they 
 could "be easily driven out of that country." 
 
 Accordingly, Martin called his men together, to the 
 number of about four hundred and fifty, for a descent 
 upon the Chickamaugas. The settlers rendezvoused at 
 White's Fort, now Knoxville — nearly all of them old 
 soldiers of Sevier, and under such of his former officers 
 as Colonels Love and Kennedy. They were a fine body 
 of men, trained to Indian fighting ; and as they passed 
 through the French Broad country the hearts of the 
 settlers must have beat high with hope, for with less 
 than half the number of these same men Sevier had 
 put to rout the two thousand Chickamaugas. Surely 
 with such a force Martin would be able to make short 
 work of the pestiferous gang, and thus relieve the settle- 
 ments from their midnight marauding. 
 
194 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Martin crossed the Hiwassee, and then marched di- 
 rectly to the Chickamauga towns on the Tennessee, near 
 the present site of Chattanooga. On his approach the 
 Indians deserted the nearest town, and fell back to the 
 point where the river breaks through the Cumberland 
 Mountain. Here they made a stand, and were attacked 
 by the troops in an open field between the bluff and the 
 river. Martin's men fought desperately, but, being 
 badly led, were soon driven back with the loss of three 
 of their bravest captains, who fell mortally wound- 
 ed. Martin attempted to rally them to a second attack, 
 but all but sixty refused his lead ; and thus the expedi- 
 tion resulted in disastrous failure, not because the men 
 would not fight, but because they would not with him as 
 their leader. Then he led them ingloriously back to 
 their homes, and the expedition had no further result 
 than to inspirit the Cherokees to a renewed attack upon 
 the settlers. Colonel Joseph Brown, subsequently an 
 officer under Jackson, but then a boy of sixteen, and a 
 prisoner among the Chickamaugas, speaks as follows of 
 this event and its consequences, in a narrative he wrote 
 at the request of General Zolli coffer, of Nashville, and 
 which is now in possession of the Tennessee Historical 
 Society : "At one time a Colonel Martin got to Chatta- 
 nooga, within twenty miles of where I lived ; but the 
 Indians killed three of his captains, and he killed only 
 one Shawnee and one negro. No Cherokees were killed ; 
 but they raised an army of three thousand men — borrow- 
 ing one thousand Creeks, to go with fifteen hundred 
 
SEVIER AS AN OUTLAW. 195 
 
 Cherokees on foot, and fiye hundred mounted Cherokees, 
 many of whom were half-breeds and dressed like white 
 men. They kept [these last] ahead of the army, and 
 white men who met them thought them a scouting 
 party of whites, and were by this scheme readily taken 
 prisoners. Several men were taken in this way the day 
 they got to Gillespie's Fort. Their object in raising the 
 army was to drive all the whites from the south side of 
 the French Broad." 
 
 This new invasion also Sevier beat back ; and, having 
 done so, he made another of his unexampled raids into 
 the Indian country, going on this occasion down the 
 Coosa River as far as the present town of Rome, in 
 Georgia. Again he returned without the loss of a man, 
 either killed or wounded. 
 
 This last invasion, more wide-spread in destructiveness 
 than the previous ones, broke completely the spirit of the 
 Cherokees. Even John Watts, the most indomitable of 
 their chieftains, said to his warriors : " The wind and the I 
 fire fight for the great eagle of the pale-faces. We can 
 no longer contend with him. From his high station in 
 the clouds he sees our exposed places ; and when he 
 swoops down, his hot breath blasts our corn-fields and 
 consumes our wigwams. His flight is like the wind ; his 
 blow like the thunderbolt. Who can stand before him ? 
 He claims the French Broad lands. He will be our 
 friend if we let his people plant their corn in peace. He 
 speaks well. Let it be so ; for it is the voice of the 
 Great Spirit." 
 
196 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 This was the end of the war upon the French Broad 
 settlers. It had lasted actively for five months, the set- 
 tlers having to meet not less than ten times their own 
 number of well-armed and infuriated savages. Having 
 thus secured peace to the border, Sevier, in the latter 
 part of October, returned to his family, from whom 
 he had now been separated for more than half a year. 
 In this period he had not only saved the French Broad 
 settlers, but had rolled back an invasion from North 
 Carolina, which, had it been successful, would have 
 brought upon the frontier the whole strength of the 
 Southwestern Indians. He had done this; and yet, at 
 this very time, as we shall soon see, North Carolina was 
 lending her aid to a plot for his destruction. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 
 
 While the fame of Sevier was thus ringing through- 
 out the eastern counties, and all men were watching in 
 enthusiastic admiration the unequaled valor and amazing 
 generalship by which he beat back and finally subdued 
 the infuriated Cherokees, it seems incredible that one 
 man could be found, within hearing of his deeds, who 
 could construe them into treason against North Carolina. 
 But, nevertheless, it was so ; and that man was the Gov- 
 ernor of that Commonwealth. Martin had followed up 
 his insinuation that Sevier was levying troops to war 
 upon the citizens by letters to Governor Johnston, in 
 which he made adroit misrepresentations of Sevier's con- 
 duct, charging him with barbarous and inhuman acts 
 (such as the killing of Old Tassel), and with making un- 
 provoked war upon the Indians, when they desired to be 
 at peace with the white people. Technically, Sevier may 
 have been an insurgent, both against North Carolina and 
 the United States, inasmuch as he was obstructing the 
 execution of the treaty of Hopewell ; but, to listen to 
 
198 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 such a charge, the Governor had to forget that blood is 
 thicker than water, and to shut his eyes to the fact that 
 every blow struck by Sevier was in the interest of hu- 
 manity. He heard Martin's falsehoods in silence from 
 March until late in July, and then he wrote that worthy 
 as follows : 
 
 "Sevier, from the state of his conduct set forth in 
 your letter, is incorrigible, and I fear we shall have no 
 peace in your quarter till he is proceeded against to the 
 last extremity. " 
 
 At the same time the Governor gave directions for 
 Sevier's arrest, in the following letter to Judge David 
 Campbell of the Superior Court : 
 
 " Hillsborough, 29th July, 1788. 
 " Sik : It has been represented to the Executive that 
 John Sevier, who styles himself Captain-General of the 
 State of Franklin, has been guilty of high treason, in 
 levying troops to oppose the laws and government of 
 this State, and has, with an armed force, put to death 
 several good citizens. If these facts shall appear to you 
 by the affidavit of credible persons, you will issue your 
 warrant to apprehend the said John Sevier, and in case 
 he can not be sufficiently secured for trial in the district 
 of Washington, order him to be committed to the public 
 gaol" [over the mountains]. 
 
 Well knowing that Sevier did not style himself " Cap- 
 tain-General of the State of Franklin," and had not 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 199 
 
 "with an armed force put to death several good citi- 
 zens," Judge Campbell promptly refused to issue the 
 required order of arrest, giving his reasons to the Gov- 
 ernor. These reasons do not appear to have been satis- 
 factory to that functionary, for he at once gave similar 
 instructions to Judge Spencer, who resided over the 
 mountains, but was about to proceed to Jonesboro to 
 hold a session of court in connection with Campbell. 
 The North Carolina judge issued the warrant, and it was 
 in readiness for execution when, after more than six 
 months' absence, Sevier returned to his family. 
 
 At home, Sevier found that his wife had recovered 
 his negroes, paid his debts, and got his domestic affairs 
 generally into a satisfactory condition. Court was then 
 in session, and, after a few days spent at home, he visited 
 the county-seat, to meet his old friends and acquaint- 
 ances. He was cordially greeted by all, and he heard 
 nothing of the warrant, because its issue had been kept a 
 profound secret among the few who were plotting his 
 destruction. No attempt was made to arrest him while 
 he was in Jonesboro, for his enemies well knew that the 
 effort made publicly would be futile, and might result in 
 bloodshed. He must be taken unawares, suddenly, and 
 under cover of night, or the whole country would rise 
 for his protection. Hence, they watched for an oppor- 
 tunity to take him secretly, and hurry him over the 
 mountains before tidings of his arrest could get abroad 
 among the people. Such an opportunity soon presented 
 itself. Both Tipton and Martin were at Jonesboro — the 
 
200 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 latter holding a muster of his recently defeated militia — 
 but Sevier was unsuspicious of danger. He appeared 
 openly in all public places, and late in the evening rode a 
 short distance out of town to spend the night with a 
 friend. There he would be remote from all assistance, 
 and could be easily captured. 
 
 Sevier had no sooner gone than Tipton got together 
 eight or ten desperadoes for the purpose of arresting 
 him ; and, having seen this done, Martin hastened to the 
 house of a Colonel Robinson, one of Sevier's friends, that 
 he might be able to show an alibi, and thus escape the 
 odium of the transaction. As Tipton rode out of town 
 with his squad, he met Colonel Love, a friend of Sevier's, 
 but then second in command to Tipton in the militia of 
 Washington County. Tipton invited Love to join them, 
 and he went along in hopes to prevent bloodshed. The 
 party silently surrounded the house where Sevier was, 
 and about the break of day rapped at the door for admit- 
 tance. The lady of the house soon appeared, and, seeing 
 Tipton and his armed posse, she conjectured the object 
 of their visit, and, planting herself in the doorway, re- 
 fused to admit them. Then ensued an unseemly strug- 
 gle between the lady and Tipton, which caused an up- 
 roar loud enough to arouse Sevier, who slept in a remote 
 part of the dwelling. Gathering at once that his ene- 
 mies were in pursuit of him, Sevier hastily threw on his 
 clothing, and passed out of the rear door. He soon en- 
 countered Colonel Love, and, taking him by the hand, 
 said, "I surrender to you." Love led him to where 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 201 
 
 Tipton was still struggling with the lady of the house. 
 A drawn pistol was in Tipton's hand, but whether he 
 had threatened to use it upon the lady is not stated. In 
 a towering rage he now turned upon Sevier and threat- 
 ened to shoot him. Love prevented this, and after a 
 time quieted the irascible gentleman. Then Sevier's 
 horse was brought up, and he was led away from the 
 house. Soon afterward iron handcuffs were placed upon 
 him, and Tipton left him under guard of a deputy-sher- 
 iff and two of the desperadoes, with orders to convey 
 him at once to Morganton, and lower down in North 
 Carolina, if it should seem to be necessary to prevent a 
 rescue. 
 
 Tipton had no sooner gone than Love persuaded the 
 deputy-sheriff to remove the handcuffs from Sevier, and 
 to send to his wife a message, which Sevier had written, 
 apprising her of his arrest, and requesting her to forward 
 to him some money and clothing. Love remained with 
 the party until these articles were received, and then re- 
 turned to his home. 
 
 The sheriff's party set out at once for North Carolina, 
 and encamped that night on the summit of the Iron 
 Mountains. Here one of the guards named Gorley in- 
 formed Sevier that they were instructed to kill him, and 
 that George French, the other guard, would doubtless 
 attempt it before they were out of the mountains. Se- 
 vier was unarmed and at their mercy, and he determined 
 to make his escape at the first possible moment. The 
 opportunity presented itself on the following morning, 
 19 
 
202 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 and, putting spurs to his horse, he broke away into the 
 forest. French was better mounted than Sevier, and the 
 latter's horse soon became entangled in the branches of 
 a tree, which had been thrown down by a hurricane. 
 While he was in this position French overtook him, and, 
 drawing his pistol, discharged it so near to Sevier's face 
 that he was burned by the powder. But the discharge 
 was harmless ; for, fortunately, the bullet had fallen out 
 of the barrel in the act of drawing the weapon. By this 
 time the other guards had come up, and the deputy-sher- 
 iff pledged his word that no further assault should be 
 made upon Sevier if he did not again attempt to escape. 
 Without further incident the party arrived at Morgan- 
 ton, and Sevier was delivered into the custody of William 
 Morrison, the Sheriff of Burke County. 
 
 That the guards had instructions to murder Sevier 
 was generally believed by his friends ; but it should be 
 borne in mind that the charge rested solely upon the 
 unsupported word of a characterless desperado. Violent 
 and reckless as Tipton was, there are no grounds for 
 the belief that he would instigate a deliberate murder ; 
 therefore the order, if such there were, must have ema- 
 nated from Martin, whose smooth villainy might have 
 been equal to such an atrocity. 
 
 Meanwhile, tidings of the capture of Sevier became 
 noised abroad among the frontier people. Such excite- 
 ment was never known in Jonesboro as when the dwell- 
 ers there were told in the early morning that Nolichucky 
 Jack had been kidnapped overnight, placed in irons, 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 203 
 
 and spirited oyer the mountains, to be tried for high, 
 treason by the State authorities of North Carolina. 
 To quote the somewhat high-flown language of a docu- 
 ment of the period : "Had the destroying angel passed 
 through the land, and destroyed the first-born in every 
 dwelling, the feelings of the hardy frontiersmen would 
 not have been more aroused ! Had the chiefs and 
 warriors of the whole Cherokee nation fallen upon and 
 butchered the defenseless settlers, the spirit of retali- 
 ation and revenge would not have been more strongly 
 awakened in their bosoms ! They had suffered with him, 
 fought under him ; with him shared the dangers and 
 privations of a frontier life ; and they were not the 
 spirits to remain inactive when their friend was in 
 danger." 
 
 Sevier was the idol of the frontier people. His cap- 
 tivating manners, generous public spirit, great personal 
 bravery, and high soldierly qualities, had won him the 
 admiration and love of every man, woman, and child in 
 the Territory. For years, without pay or reward, he 
 had stood sentinel over their homes, had guided them 
 through terrible dangers, and led them to wonderful 
 victories ; and now, when a hand that should have been 
 friendly was lifted against his life, every man felt it as a 
 blow aimed at his own person, an outrage that could be 
 wiped out only in blood. So every one thought and felt 
 as he shouldered his trusty rifle and hurried to the ren- 
 dezvous to which all resorted in times of danger. The 
 tidings had flown with the wind ; men came together as 
 
204 JOHN SEVIEK. 
 
 if by instinct, and before nightfall of the second day 
 fully two thousand dauntless backwoodsmen, armed to 
 the teeth, had gathered at Jonesboro, determined to 
 rescue their beloved commander, or "to leave their 
 bones to bleach on the sand-hills of North Carolina." 
 For a time it seemed as if nothing could hinder a hos- 
 tile invasion of the "mother-State," and the blood- 
 shed and lasting animosity that would inevitably have 
 followed. 
 
 But wiser and more moderate counsels at last pre- 
 vailed. Among the two thousand who assembled at 
 Jonesboro were Judge Campbell, Generals Cocke and 
 Kennedy, Major Cozby, Captain Evans, the sons of 
 Sevier, and nearly all of his former captains. The 
 people were accustomed to follow these men, and they 
 now assented cordially to the suggestion of Cozby that 
 the leading officers should retire to some quiet spot, 
 and concert measures suited to the emergency. Accord- 
 ingly, about a hundred met in the court-house some 
 hours after dark, with closed door and windows. Camp- 
 bell was the first to speak. He advised moderation, and 
 the avoiding of any act that would bring about a collision 
 with North Carolina ; but his voice was soon drowned by 
 cries of "Down with North Carolina!" "We want a 
 collision with her l" " We have too long submitted to 
 her tyranny ! " and other exclamations of a similar char- 
 acter. Amid this uproar Cozby mounted upon one of 
 the benches and waved his hand for silence. He was a 
 man of huge frame, marked and swarthy features, and 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 205 
 
 an air of inflexible resolution. He seldom spoke, and 
 when he did speak his sentences were short and pithy, 
 and his words had something of the ping that follows 
 the leap of the rifle-bullet. Owing partly to the decided 
 friendship of Sevier, and partly to Cozby's own character, 
 his opinions had much weight with his fellow-officers. 
 He now said that moderation and conciliation would be 
 wasted upon North Carolina ; that she had thrown down 
 the gauntlet, and the western men would take it up, if 
 they had a spark of manhood in them ; yet he would not 
 advise a resort to open force to rescue their general. No 
 doubt such a course would succeed, but it would bring 
 about a collision disastrous to both sides. Better, some- 
 times, than open force was secret stratagem. Give him 
 the general's fast mare, and half a dozen men of his own 
 selection, and he would undertake to have their leader 
 back within a week ; or, failing to do it, he would 
 put North Carolina to the expense of burying James 
 Cozby. 
 
 "How will you do it?" inquired a number of 
 voices. 
 
 "I don't know ; and, if I did know, I wouldn't tell 
 you," answered Cozby; "but I will do it, if I have to 
 set fire to Morganton, and rake the general out from the 
 cinders !" 
 
 " I'll be one of your men ! " now cried Captain Ev- 
 ans, and his words were echoed in a chorus of nearly all 
 present. Cozby declined the volunteered aid, remarking 
 that his men were already chosen and his plan formed, 
 
206 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 subject only to such alteration as might be forced upon 
 him by circumstances. All he asked of those present was 
 absolute secrecy. This was assented to by the whole as- 
 sembly, and then the meeting broke up, and the outside 
 gathering dispersed to their homes, wondering much 
 what could be the secret plan that their captains had 
 adopted for the rescue of their beloved leader. 
 
 The enterprise was desperate in the extreme, and al- 
 together worthy of all that is known of Cozby ; but it is 
 said not to have originated with him, but with the heroic 
 woman who for thirty-five years was the honored wife of 
 John Sevier. The plan of it could have originated only 
 in a most heroic soul, altogether devoted to Sevier, and 
 such a soul had Catherine Sherrill. There is a tradition 
 of her in the family, which, as it illustrates her charac- 
 ter, may be appropriately related in this connection. It 
 is said that in the first year of her married life she went 
 one day with a poor neighbor to obtain for her some pro- 
 visions from the smoke-house of her husband's dwell- 
 ing on the Nolichucky. Her hand was upon the wooden 
 latch of the smoke-house door, and she was about to 
 open it, when she was arrested by a sudden cry from the 
 woman with her, who fell upon her knees, threw her 
 arms about her feet, and burst into an hysterical fit of 
 weeping. The woman was the wife of a wretched rene- 
 gade — a desperate Tory and horse-thief — named Dyke, 
 who dared not appear by daylight in the settlements. 
 For an entire year he had neglected his wife and chil- 
 dren, between whom and starvation nothing had stood 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 207 
 
 but the bounty of Sevier, whose unstinted hand was ever 
 open to the needy and unfortunate. Regularly during 
 all of that time the wife of Dyke had come to Catherine 
 for the daily food of herself and her little ones, and 
 she was there now for her accustomed measure of meal 
 and flitch of bacon. 
 
 With her hand still upon the smoke-house door, 
 Catherine turned, and, bending her eyes in inquiring 
 surprise upon the weeping woman, asked, "What is the 
 matter ? " "0 madam ! " sobbed the woman, still clasp- 
 ing her feet, " I can not tell you, for I love my husband. 
 He has fallen into bad ways ; but he was once very good 
 and kind to me." Then her speech was broken by an- 
 other hysterical fit of weeping. Catherine tried to soothe 
 her, spoke to her gentle words of hope and encourage- 
 ment, and soon the woman found speech again. "0 
 madam !" she said, "you are so good, so kind, how can 
 I let any harm come to you or your husband ? " " My 
 husband ! " cried Catherine ; " what of my husband ? 
 What danger threatens him ? Speak, woman ! " In her 
 look and tone was that which would brook no denial. 
 The woman hesitated, as if torn by conflicting emotions ; 
 but then, awed into speech by the intense passion of 
 Catherine, she told her in broken sentences that her hus- 
 band Dyke had returned to the settlement, and was at 
 that moment, with half a dozen other desperadoes, con- 
 cealed in her cabin, where she had overheard them plan 
 the murder of Sevier, while he slept that very night 
 with unfastened doors in his unguarded dwelling. 
 
208 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Within an hour the ruffians were captured, and be- 
 fore the sun arose upon another day Dyke had gone to 
 give account for a worse than wasted life to a higher 
 than human tribunal. With tears Catherine pleaded for 
 his life, and for her sake, and that of the ruffian's un- 
 happy wife, Sevier would have saved him. But his fate 
 was taken out of Sevier's hauds by some of the settlers, 
 who broke at midnight into the cabin where the ruffian 
 was confined, and hanged him to a near-by tree. It was 
 on the eve of King's Mountain, and the exasperation 
 against the Tories was at its highest.* That turning 
 battle of the Revolution would not have been fought, 
 had Sevier fallen by the hands of these ruffians. So, 
 on what seem to us trivial events, often hang conse- 
 quences which are felt far along the centuries. 
 
 Thus was Sevier's life saved by the devotion of his 
 wife; and now again she came to his aid when it was 
 again endangered. She no sooner knew of his capture 
 than she conceived a plan for his rescue, and, sending for 
 Cozby, she besought him to join two of Sevier's sons in 
 carrying it into execution. To this Cozby promptly 
 assented ; but, deeming a force of three men somewhat 
 too weak to storm an entire State, he chose three more — 
 Captain Nathaniel Evans, already mentioned, and Jesse 
 Greene and John Gibson, favorite captains of Sevier, 
 
 * This account, written by her father, the late Col. A. W. Putnam, 
 of Nashville, was communicated to me by Mrs. Julia P. Perkins, a great- 
 grand-daughter of John Sevier and Catherine Sherrill. 
 
OVERTHROW ATSTD TRIUMPH. 209 
 
 and men of tried coolness and daring. When the Jones- 
 boro meeting broke up, these six men rode rapidly off to 
 Sevier's home on the Nolichucky. There they passed 
 the night, and early on the following morning, with the 
 blessing and Godspeed of the "Bonnie Kate," they set 
 out on their hazardous expedition. Not many hours 
 later Colonel Love descried a party of half a dozen finely 
 mounted men, leading Sevier's favorite mare, and climb- 
 ing rapidly the mountain-path which the prisoner and 
 his guard had taken on their way to Morganton. The 
 presence of the led animal disclosed to Love the object 
 of the expedition ; but he kept his own counsel, and let 
 them ride on unmolested. 
 
 In the height of the excitement there were threats of 
 hanging Tipton ; and, had not that gentleman remained 
 for a time in seclusion, it is probable that violence would 
 have been done him. As it was, he escaped summary 
 justice only in consequence of the moderate counsels of 
 the most influential of Sevier's friends. Martin, who 
 had been the prime mover in the outrage, was not visited 
 with the same public indignation ; for, like the mole, he 
 had burrowed underground. However, he was soon to 
 learn that men who work in the dark, seeking their ends 
 by tortuous means, though they seem to have eyes, are, 
 like the mole, really stricken with blindness. 
 
 At Morganton Sevier was met by Major Joseph 
 McDowell, who had fought by his side at King's Mount- 
 ain, and by General Charles McDowell, who, when driven 
 from his home in the Revolution, had found an asylum 
 
210 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 with Sevier on the Nolichucky. These gentlemen showed 
 him every attention ; and, indeed, he was treated with 
 great consideration by all in the neighborhood, the 
 sheriff going so far as to let him visit, unattended, a 
 brother-in-law who resided some miles distant, on his 
 simple parole that he would return on the day set for 
 his trial. 
 
 The court was in session, and in a few days the trial 
 came on, amid such a gathering as had never before been 
 seen in North Carolina. Far and near the news had 
 spread, and many thousands came together to witness 
 what was regarded as by far the most important political 
 event that had occurred in the State since the proclama- 
 tion of peace with Great Britain. The rude log court- 
 house could not contain the great concourse of people, 
 and the court sat with open doors and windows, much 
 the larger part of the auditory being gathered outside in 
 the court-yard. 
 
 The trial had begun when Cozby and his companions 
 arrived on the outskirts of Morgan ton. There they 
 halted, and, concealing four of the horses in a clump 
 of bushes, left them there near the roadside, all saddled 
 and bridled, in charge of the young Seviers, and Cap- 
 tains Greene and Gibson. Then Cozby and Evans, dis- 
 guised as countrymen, entered the town, riding their 
 horses and leading Sevier's celebrated racing animal. 
 Proceeding as near to the court-house as they deemed 
 prudent, they dismounted, and, tethering their horses to 
 the limb of a tree, hid their rifles among its branches. 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 211 
 
 Then they mingled with the crowd, their capacious 
 hunting-shirts concealing the small arsenal of side-arms 
 which they had provided for use in an emergency. Their 
 plan was to effect the rescue by strategem ; but, that fail- 
 ing, to fire the town, and, in the consequent hurry and 
 alarm, to burst the doors where Sevier was confined, and 
 bear him off in the confusion. 
 
 Loitering along on foot, they now approached the 
 door of the court-house, Evans still leading the mare, 
 which had been negligently curried, to resemble more 
 nearly the horse of a countryman. Arrived at the court- 
 house, Evans threw the reins loosely over the neck of the 
 animal, and stood with her directly before the open door, 
 and in plain view from the interior of the building. He 
 gazed leisurely around, as if an idle spectator of events, 
 while Cozby entered the court-room, and, elbowing his 
 way up the crowded aisle, halted directly before the 
 judge's bench, and only a few feet from where his be- 
 loved leader sat, surrounded by the court officials, but as 
 "cool and undaunted as when charging the hosts of 
 Wyuca on the Lookout Mountain." Soon Cozby caught 
 Sevier's eye, and, by a significant gesture, directed his 
 attention to his favorite horse, which stood impatiently 
 pawing the ground at the doorway. With one glance 
 Sevier took in the situation. A tear, it is said, moist- 
 ened his cheek, for he saw that daring spirits were at hand, 
 who had periled their lives for his rescue. Seeing that 
 he was understood, Cozby now pressed still nearer to the 
 bench, and in the quick, energetic tone which was pecul- 
 
212 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 iar to him, said to the judge, "Aren't you about done 
 with that man ?" 
 
 The question, and the tone and manner of the speak- 
 er, drew all eyes upon him in amazement. For a few 
 moments — as Cozby had intended — all was confusion. 
 Taking instant advantage of this, Sevier sprang from 
 among the officers, and, the crowd parting instinctively 
 to the right and left, with a few bounds he was upon the 
 back of his horse, and speeding away on the only road 
 toward the mountains. Judge, lawyers, and spectators 
 now rushed from the court-room, and in the confusion 
 Cozby and Evans regained their horses and followed 
 their leader. The outside crowd was composed mainly 
 of a mass of " white trash," who have come into the 
 , world for some as yet unascertained reason. They are 
 the most stupid of created things, but they can appreci- 
 ate a horse-race ; and now they sent up shout after shout 
 as Sevier sped away, followed by the sheriff's officers. 
 The latter rode as if the fate of North Carolina hung 
 upon the capture of the fugitive, but they could not out- 
 strip the wind ; the mare did that, and in a few moments 
 she had Sevier at the rendezvous, where, with one wild 
 shout, his rescuers closed in behind him and bore him 
 off in safety. In two hours he was twenty miles away, 
 at the house of a friend, in the seclusion of the Alle- 
 ghanies.* 
 
 * This account of Sevier's rescue is taken from the narrative of 
 William Smith, in the "Annals of Tennessee," supplemented by personal 
 conversations with Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey. 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 213 
 
 Among the crowd who witnessed the rescue, cheering 
 they knew not why, was, it is said, "a tall, lank, uncouth- 
 looking young man, with long locks of hair hanging over 
 his face, and a cue down his back, tied in an eel-skin." 
 "His dress was singular, and his manners and deport- 
 ment those of a rough backwoodsman." * His name was 
 Andrew Jackson ; and he was then on his way to estab- 
 lish himself as an attorney in Robertson's colony, on the 
 Cumberland. 
 
 Here I may as well anticipate events to record the 
 tragic fate that befell Judge Spencer, who had issued 
 the warrant for Sevier's arrest. Returning to North 
 Carolina, he was seized with a severe illness, and, when 
 only partly recovered from it, he one day ventured to 
 take a seat in the open air of the court-yard in front 
 of his dwelling. Attired from head to foot in red 
 flannel, he was enjoying the morning breeze, when he 
 was suddenly approached by a deadly enemy, who, un- 
 mindful of his weak condition, and without one word of 
 warning, set upon him furiously. The judge defended 
 himself as well as he could, and uttered loud cries for 
 help ; but no help came, and soon he fell prostrate to the 
 ground, lifeless. Thus ingloriously perished this jurist 
 — done to death by the beak and talons of a "turkey- 
 gobbler." Scientists attributed the disaster to the red 
 flannel which he wore, and to the shock resulting from 
 the sudden assault ; but the common people always 
 
 * Albert Gallatin. 
 20 
 
214 JOHN SEVIEE. 
 
 maintained that it was owing to his having consented to 
 the arrest of John Sevier.* 
 
 Never was such rejoicing known beyond the Alle- 
 ghanies as when news arrived that N olichucky Jack had 
 been rescued from the clutches of his enemies. As the 
 tidings flew from hamlet to hamlet, the whole Territory 
 broke into a blaze of bonfires and illuminations, and soon 
 the entire country came together — men, women, and 
 children — to Sevier's home, on the Nolichucky. The 
 whole district took a long holiday, and it seemed as if 
 the people would never give over their rejoicing. While 
 he was in peril, they had thought of Sevier's vast services 
 to them, of his recent heroic defense of the French 
 Broad settlers ; and his danger had endeared him to 
 them the more strongly. The malice of his enemies had 
 only deepened the attachment of his friends. His name 
 now acquired a sort of electrical force which prostrated 
 all opposition ; and henceforth for twenty-seven years, 
 whether in office or out of office, he held undisputed 
 sway over the backwoods. He was still a branded and 
 outlawed man ; but, in the teeth of this proscription, the 
 people of Greene County, at their first election, chose 
 him as their State senator ; and from that time forth 
 honor after honor was heaped upon him by the whole 
 backwoods people. They falsified the common adage 
 that "republics are ungrateful." 
 
 Sevier was still under indictment, and liable to in- 
 
 * Communicated by Hon. W. A. Henderson, of Knoxville. 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 215 
 
 stant arrest and trial for high treason ; but at the first 
 session of the Legislature, in November, 1789, he repaired 
 to Fayetteville to demand the seat to which he had been 
 elected. It could not be accorded to him until his dis- 
 qualifications had been removed, and at once one of his 
 friends, Mr. Amy, the senator from Hawkins County, 
 introduced a resolution withdrawing the charge of al- 
 leged treason, and restoring him to the rights of citizen- 
 ship. The resolution was opposed by Tipton, who was 
 still a member of the Senate, and it was warmly advo- 
 cated by Mr. Amy — so warmly that Tipton took strong 
 offense at his words, and became so much infuriated that 
 a hostile collision was with difficulty prevented. The 
 debate was consequently adjourned to the ensuing day, 
 and the evening was passed in reconciling the two gen- 
 tlemen. 
 
 Colonel Eoddy, of Greene County, censured Amy for 
 exasperating Tipton, and begged him, in continuing the 
 debate, to use language that would "soothe his feelings. " 
 Amy probably declined to pick his words, for it was 
 finally agreed that Eoddy should continue the discussion 
 on the following day. Accordingly, Roddy resumed the 
 debate, but he had not proceeded far in his speech before 
 Tipton became again so much infuriated that he sprang 
 from his seat, and, rushing upon Eoddy, seized him by 
 the throat, while Amy cried out to Eoddy, "Soothe 
 him, colonel — soothe him !." The echo of the House was, 
 " Smooth him ! smooth him !" which indicated the sym- 
 pathies of the members. A challenge to a duel resulted, 
 
216 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 but friends interfered, and the matter was settled ami- 
 cably. 
 
 Robertson was a "silent member, " with so little con- 
 fidence in his oratorical ability that on all occasions he 
 addressed the Senate in written memorials ; but now it 
 is said that the confusion had no sooner subsided than 
 he rose to his feet, and in a strain of impassioned elo- 
 quence depicted the great services of Sevier, and his 
 amazing sacrifices for the State and the western country. 
 The legislators had done a great wrong in inflicting 
 upon him outlawry. By doing so they had disgraced 
 the State and themselves, and if they had a vestige 
 of self-respect they would make haste to blot out the 
 record of their misdoing. As for John Sevier, he was 
 not to be judged by men who brought bar-room man- 
 ners into the hall of the Senate, and disgraced it by 
 brawls unseemly even in a tavern. Upon such men he 
 should waste no words, but to the other gentlemen he 
 would say that, if they had a proper regard for their 
 own characters, they would at once repeal the act 
 which outlawed John Sevier, and restore him to the 
 citizenship his whole life had so highly honored. The 
 motion being put by the Speaker, the resolution was 
 passed unanimously — Tipton not voting.* At once 
 Sevier took his seat, amid the universal congratulations 
 of the members. 
 
 To this same Legislature Martin presented a claim for 
 
 * From conversations with Dr. J. G. M. Ramsey. 
 
OVERTHROW AND TRIUMPH. 217 
 
 compensation for the officers and men who had been 
 engaged in the recent abortive Chickamauga expedi- 
 tion. The claim was a novel one, for during eighteen 
 years the over-mountain settlers had defended them- 
 selves at their own cost and charges. It met strong 
 opposition ; but was at last passed, with the proviso 
 that the money should be raised from taxes levied 
 upon Washington District. Thus were the settlers made 
 to pay their own war expenses — not directly and volun- 
 tarily, as under Sevier, but indirectly and by enforced 
 taxation. 
 
 The claim had one good result : it disgusted the legis- 
 lators with Joseph Martin, whom they at once removed 
 from his position as brigadier-general of the western mili- 
 tia. What became of him I do not know, but from this 
 date he disappears from border history. Having done this 
 act of retributive justice, the same Legislature proceeded 
 at once to commission Sevier as brigadier-general, and 
 to place him in supreme military command beyond the 
 mountains. A sudden change of fortune truly : one day 
 a branded outlaw, in peril of his life ; the next, in su- 
 preme command, and elevated to it by his very enemies ! 
 Henceforth, honors crowded thickly upon Sevier. Soon a 
 convention of the people ratified the new Federal Consti- 
 tution, and North Carolina became once more a member 
 of the Union. She was entitled to four representatives 
 in Congress, one of whom was apportioned by the Gen- 
 eral Assembly to the counties beyond the Alleghanies. 
 The election occurred in the ensuing March, and Sevier 
 
218 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 was put in nomination without a competitor, as no one 
 would run against him. He was unanimously elected, 
 and in the following June took his seat in Congress, 
 the first representative from the great yalley of the Mis- 
 sissippi. 
 
 * 
 
CHAPTEE X. 
 
 TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The State of Franklin went out of existence with the 
 expiration of Sevier's term of office, on March 1, 1788 ; 
 and this event left the settlers south of the French Broad 
 and Holston in an anomalous and dangerous position. 
 They had been an organized county under Franklin ; 
 but, though North Carolina had issued grants to the set- 
 tlers for their lands, she now refused to exercise jurisdic- 
 tion over them, or to in any way recognize their exist- 
 ence. The United States also gave them no sort of 
 recognition ; or, rather, Congress did by the treaty of 
 Hopewell admit that they were intruders upon Cherokee 
 territory, and, in express terms, hand them over to the 
 tender mercy of the savages. Therefore, these people, 
 numbering as they did about one eighth of the whole 
 "Watauga population, were now existing without either 
 law or protection. We have seen how the savages moved 
 against them as soon as Sevier had relinquished com- 
 mand of the Franklin militia ; and how, acting only as a 
 private citizen, he then saved them from destruction. 
 
220 J° HN SEVIER. 
 
 That peril was no sooner passed than they were exposed 
 to as great a danger ; and from that, too, they were to be 
 rescued by their beloved leader. 
 
 The war with the Cherokees ended in October, 1788, 
 and at once there began to swarm into the French Broad 
 settlements very many disorderly characters, who had 
 been driven out from the older districts. They herded 
 generally in the forest, but they prowled around the sta- 
 tions, committing theft and sometimes murder, and be- 
 fore the close of the year had become so numerous that 
 there was little security for life or property in the dis- 
 trict. In this emergency the settlers applied again to 
 Sevier for assistance. He was now an officer of North 
 Carolina, and consequently could afford them no personal 
 aid ; but he did what was quite as effectual by showing 
 them how to protect themselves. As once before he had 
 clone for the Watauga settlers, so now for these exposed 
 borderers Sevier framed a form of civil government, by 
 which they might become an independent community — 
 a little republic, on the confines of a larger one, and 
 wedged in between it and two hostile Indian nations. 
 These "Articles of Association" cover less than two oc- 
 tavo pages, but they contain everything that was neces- 
 sary for the efficient civil and military government of the 
 outlawed settlements. Of themselves they are sufficient 
 evidence of the remarkable ability of Sevier as a civil 
 organizer. They were signed by all the settlers, who for 
 that purpose met together at the house of Isaac Thomas, 
 of whom I have had occasion to make mention in a 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 221 
 
 previous volume. The brave scout had named the little 
 collection of log-cabins, which had clustered about his 
 own, Sevierville ; and the place is now one of the most 
 beautiful villages in all that picturesque country. The 
 government then organized was sufficient to rescue the 
 district from anarchy and violence ; and under it law, 
 order, and a proper administration of justice were main- 
 tained until 1794, when the United States erected the 
 district into a county, and gave it the name of Sevier, in 
 honor of its deliverer and organizer. 
 
 The authority of North Carolina was now acknowl- 
 edged throughout the western counties ; but the western 
 people had by no means returned to a hearty allegiance 
 to the older government. They still felt their former 
 antipathy to the "Tar-heel Commonwealth" and its 
 "sand-hill" majority; and they regarded with mingled 
 distrust and aversion the legislators whose unwise acts 
 had introduced such disorder among them, and sub- 
 jected them to so much hazard. With the French Broad 
 settlers they heartily sympathized, and they considered 
 their treatment by North Carolina as not only unjust 
 but a political blunder ; and in the same category they 
 classed the act by which the Legislature decreed that the 
 soldiers of Martin's abortive Chickamauga expedition 
 should be paid in certificates redeemable only in payment 
 for taxes in "Washington District. Such parsimony was 
 regarded as contemptible ; but it was seen to be danger- 
 ous when the Legislature, from avowed economy, re- 
 pealed the act for the support of the garrison which Se- 
 
222 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 vier had placed at the mouth of Elk River to protect 
 Eobertson from the murderous raids of the Creeks and 
 Chickamaugas. Next to Sevier, Robertson was more be- 
 loved than any man on the border, and, though it was 
 many years since they had seen his face, this exposure of 
 him to renewed attack, in order to save a few paltry dol- 
 lars, excited among the Watauga settlers intense and uni- 
 versal indignation. Moved by these motives, the western 
 jieople again clamored for .separation from North Caro- 
 lina, and prayed that, if they could not be allowed to 
 form themselves into a separate State, they might be 
 taken under the wing of the General Government, which 
 now was a body having force and vitality, with Washing- 
 ton himself as its executive. 
 
 At the same time that these sentiments were enter- 
 tained beyond the mountains, the North Carolina Legis- 
 lature awoke to the fact that the western counties were 
 an inconvenient, expensive, and troublesome appendage, 
 and that it was for the interest of both sections that the 
 two should be no longer united. Accordingly, the As- 
 sembly proceeded to mature a plan for a peaceable sepa- 
 ration, and soon passed an act, in pursuance of which, 
 on the 25th of February, 1790, North Carolina ceded to 
 the United States all her territory west of the Allegha- 
 nies. On the 2d of April of the same year, Congress 
 accepted the cession ; and, on the 7th of August follow- 
 ing, it enacted an ordinance erecting the ceded district 
 into the " Territory southwest of the River Ohio," and 
 making provision for its government. 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 223 
 
 On the same day Washington nominated as Governor 
 of the new Territory, William Blount, one of the few 
 men of any talent whom North Carolina contributed to 
 the Revolution. He had been a member of the North 
 Carolina Senate and of Congress, a deputy from North 
 Carolina to the convention which framed the Constitu- 
 tion, and he had commended himself to the western peo- 
 ple by a strenuous opposition to the treaty of Hopewell. 
 He was of an English family of some rank and wealth, 
 which at an early day had settled in the country, and 
 was also a gentleman of good address, courtly manners, 
 kindly feeling, and commanding presence. With some 
 weaknesses, he was a man of worth and ability. His re- 
 lations with Washington were very friendly, and doubt- 
 less to this fact his appointment is to be attributed. 
 With Blount were associated, as Territorial judges, David 
 Campbell and Joseph Anderson, the first of whom had 
 been on the bench of the Superior Court of both Frank- 
 lin and North Carolina. To John Sevier Washington 
 gave the rank of brigadier-general in the United States 
 army, with command of the militia of Washington Dis- 
 trict ; and he gave a like rank, and the command of the 
 Cumberland militia, to James Robertson. 
 
 Thus was the government of the new Territory or- 
 ganized ; these five men being supreme, each in his own 
 department, and the five embodying in themselves all 
 legislative, civil, and military powers. But it was pro- 
 vided in the ordinance that, whenever there were five 
 thousand free adult males resident in the Territory, there 
 
224 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 should be added to them a Legislative Council and a 
 House of Representatives, to originate and enact laws. 
 And it was also provided that, whenever by actual cen- 
 sus the total population should number sixty thousand 
 free whites, the Territory should be admitted as an 
 independent State into the Union. 
 
 A peal of rejoicing was heard everywhere upon the 
 " western waters " when this action of Congress was an- 
 nounced in the Territory ; and the general joy was in- 
 creased when, early in October, the new Governor arrived 
 upon the Watauga, and it became generally known that 
 all the civil and military officials of the late State of 
 Franklin were to be retained in their positions. People 
 saw in this the hand of John Sevier, and they recognized 
 the fact that he was to be again the " power behind the 
 throne," as he had been before, while Robertson was 
 nominally the " head-man " at Watauga. 
 
 Only ten days subsequent to this came tidings that 
 President Washington had concluded a treaty at New 
 York with McGillivray and twenty-eight of the princi- 
 pal chiefs of the Creek nation, by which the machina- 
 tions of Spain would be at last thwarted, and the war- 
 cloud dispelled which had so long hung ominously over 
 the entire border. It only remained to obtain from the 
 Cherokees a cession of the lands occupied by the settlers 
 south of the French Broad and Holston, to secure perma- 
 nent peace and prosperity to the western country ; and 
 soon it was announced that the Governor had dispatched 
 a messenger to Echota, inviting the Cherokees to meet 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 225 
 
 him at a conference, and that they had agreed to come 
 for a "talk" to White's Fort, on the Holston, in the fol- 
 lowing May. 
 
 In these various events the people saw an augury of 
 peaceful times, in which, no longer hampered by North 
 Carolina, they might speedily attain to such a growth in 
 numbers and wealth as would entitle them to rank as a 
 State on equal terms with the older members of the 
 Union. And this auspicious future they attributed to 
 John Sevier, though it is evident that in some of these 
 events he had no hand whatever. His popularity rose to 
 an astonishing degree — higher, if possible, than when his 
 life was endangered by the animosity of North Carolina ; 
 and, had Blount attempted to conduct his administration 
 without him, which he did not, the attempt would 
 doubtless have been a failure. The popular feeling is 
 illustrated by a trifling incident which is said to have oc- 
 curred to Blount himself on his first entrance into the 
 Territory. It is related that, riding with a small escort 
 into the town of Jonesboro, he dismounted at the one 
 log -tavern, and applied to the landlord for his best 
 rooms, saying that he was the new Governor. The boni- 
 face, it is said, eyed him leisurely from head to foot — 
 from cocked hat and "store-clothes" to high- top boots — 
 and then coolly remarked: "You can have my best 
 rooms, sir, if you've the money to pay for them ; but, as 
 for your being the Governor, it ain't so ! We've got a 
 Governor already, and his name is John Sevier ; and let 
 
 me caution you, sir, that it won't be healthy to go 'round 
 21 
 
22G JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 here usurpin' his office. We've heard the United States 
 has put some ruffle-shirted fellow over us ; but we don't 
 care a d— n for the United States ! We've got a Gov- 
 ernor now, just as good a one as we want ; and I tell 
 you, sir, his name is John Sevier." 
 
 Whether the story be true or not, the Governor had 
 the good sense to act upon its moral. Had he done 
 otherwise, he would have found it impossible to restrain 
 the people, under the strong provocations they soon re- 
 ceived from the Spaniards and the Indians. 
 
 The conference with the Cherokees did not occur in 
 the following May, owing to the fact that the Indians 
 were fearful to come unarmed to the treaty-ground as 
 was the custom. The recent ill-advised slaughter of Old 
 Tassel had made them suspicious of treachery, and many 
 of the chieftains of the interior towns refused to trust 
 themselves in the power of the whites. To allay their 
 apprehensions, Robertson, in whom all the tribes had the 
 utmost confidence, was sent among them, and he suc- 
 ceeded in inducing the attendance of the principal chiefs 
 and warriors at White's Fort, in the latter part of June, 
 1791. White's Fort was then on the extreme frontier, 
 and as it afterward rose to prominence as the future 
 Knoxville, and became for many years the seat of both 
 the Territorial and State governments, it requires a few 
 words of description. 
 
 The place was first visited by white men in the sum- 
 mer of 1787. Then a couple of Revolutionary soldiers, 
 named James White and James Conner, from Iredell 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 227 
 
 County, North Carolina, came upon it one day as they 
 were exploring for a spot on which to locate the land- 
 warrants they had received from the State in return for 
 their services in the war. They had reached a point on 
 the northern bank of the Holston, about four miles be- 
 low the mouth of the French Broad, when their steps 
 were arrested by the beauty of the scene which was every- 
 where spread around them. They were at the summit 
 of a low ridge that sloped abruptly down to the river, 
 which here flowed in a turbid stream, a hundred and 
 fifty yards in width, but broken by a small island, clad 
 in green, and covered with giant oaks and poplars, tow- 
 ering a hundred feet and more into the air. On the 
 river's opposite bank was a range of lofty hills, that rose 
 in grassy slopes from the water's edge, but soon broke 
 into perpendicular cliffs whose summits bore the forest 
 growth of many centuries. Everywhere was seen this 
 primitive forest, interspersed with a dense foliage of 
 laurel and rhododendron, which loaded with perfume all 
 the atmosphere. No sound broke the primeval stillness 
 save the voice of the birds that were singing their morn- 
 ing hymn among the trees, and the low murmur of a 
 little streamlet which, fed by numerous springs, poured 
 its clear waters into the turbid river through a deep ra- 
 vine not a hundred yards away. The dense growth of 
 deciduous trees indicated a deep, rich soil, and the many 
 springs that bubbled up along the margin of the narrow 
 stream would furnish an inexhaustible supply of pure 
 water for a settlement. These features marked the spot 
 
228 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 as an appropriate site for the home of which these men 
 were in qnest ; and, moreover, the summit on which they 
 stood was Nature's own location for a fort, and without 
 a fort no frontier hamlet could then be safe from the 
 murderous attacks of the Indians. 
 
 The location decided upon, these men set about the 
 erection of the log fortress which was to protect their 
 intended settlement. It covered a triangular piece of 
 ground of about half an acre. At each corner was built a 
 cabin of hewn logs a foot or more square, the ends mor- 
 tised, and the logs fitted closely one upon the other, so 
 as to form a wall impenetrable to rifle-bullets. Two of 
 these cabins were of two stories, the upper story project- 
 ing about two feet beyond the lower, and pierced with 
 port-holes, from which the settler could see and repel an 
 enemy should he scale the stockade, or approach near 
 enough to fire the buildings. The stockade filled the 
 intervening spaces between the cabins, and was of timber 
 a foot square and eight feet long, imbedded firmly in the 
 ground, the upper ends sharpened, and the whole set so 
 closely together as to be impervious to small-arms. A 
 wide gate, hung on stout wooden hinges, and secured by 
 heavy hickory bars, opened toward the little stream, and 
 from it a path led down to one of the many springs along 
 its border. Though of rude construction, and not very 
 imposing in appearance, the fort was altogether impreg- 
 nable to any attack from such desultory warriors as the 
 Indians, unless they should come upon it in overpower- 
 ing numbers, or by a regular siege starve out the garri- 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 229 
 
 son. It was on the model of the one built fifteen years 
 before by John Sevier, at Watauga ; which original for- 
 tress was the prototype of a thousand others subsequently 
 erected beyond the Alleghanies. 
 
 Having built the fort, the two veterans set to work 
 felling the trees about the barrack and clearing the 
 ground of stumps, to prevent their becoming hiding- 
 places for savage assailants ; and then they planted the 
 cleared land in corn, and went away for their families. 
 They returned with them the same year, and with the 
 family of another Eevolutionary soldier took up their 
 abode in the fort ; and thus was formed the nucleus of 
 the first capital of the great State of Tennessee. 
 
 The growth of a backwoods town at this period was 
 not what it is now, when steam and electricity have an- 
 nihilated distance, and the iron road bears to the remot- 
 est border all the appliances of a high civilization. Life 
 on the frontier was then totally destitute of the luxuries, 
 and but scantily furnished with the comforts, which are 
 now considered essential to cultivated existence. For 
 years the houses were of rough logs, with puncheon 
 floors and unglazed windows ; and the settler's fare was 
 of as primitive a description. Pounded corn was his 
 only bread, his only meat the game brought down by his 
 rifle. He planted flax, and this his wife spun and wove 
 into garments for herself and her children ; but his own 
 clothing was seldom other than the deer-skin leggins and 
 hunting-shirt of the aborigines. This was the way of life 
 of the first settlers of Knoxville. 
 
230 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 But they did not long remain there alone. Soon 
 other families gathered into the fort, and then others 
 clustered around its walls, but near enough to find it a 
 refuge in case of an attack from the Indians. Among 
 the first-comers were James. King, Hugh Dunlap, Sam- 
 uel and Nathaniel Cowan, Joseph Greer, John Chisholm, 
 John and Arthur Crozier, Charles McClung, and Fran- 
 cis A. Kamsey, many of which names are now, at the 
 distance of a century, borne by the most prominent citi- 
 zens of the present city of more than twenty thousand 
 inhabitants. The surrounding country also soon came 
 to be settled by a thriving farming population, among 
 whom were such men as James Cozby, the heroic rescuer 
 of Sevier, and John Adair, lately the patriotic entry- 
 taker of the Watauga District ; and they helped to 
 make White's Fort an important trading and agricul- 
 tural center. This was its condition when it was chosen 
 as the ground upon which to hold the treaty with the 
 Cherokees ; and this event decided its future, for it 
 brought it to the notice of the Government officials, and 
 led them to select it as the capital of the new Territory. 
 
 The treaty was held at the foot of what is now Water 
 Street, and under the tall trees which then shaded the 
 banks of the Holston. Fully twelve hundred Cherokees 
 gathered upon the ground, and from far and near 
 came all the white settlers. None wore arms ; and it 
 was curious to see the whites, who had only recently 
 met these painted savages in deadly conflict, now frater- 
 nizing with them as if their relations had always been 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 231 
 
 friendly. The Governor's tent was pitched on a gentle 
 knoll near the river ; and, standing there in full dress — 
 with gilded sword and epaulets, and three-cornered hat 
 bedizened with gold lace — he gave audience to the dusky 
 delegates. One by one, to the number of forty-one, they 
 were presented to him, and each one was received with 
 as much courtesy as if he had been the representative of 
 a civilized monarchy ; for the Governor was a man fond 
 of ceremony, and fully believed that a considerable dis- 
 play of " fuss and feathers" was needed to impress a due 
 sense of white prowess upon the savage imagination. 
 But a trifling incident which occurred on the first day of 
 the gathering should have taught him differently. Two 
 men then came together on the treaty-ground who had 
 not met before for ten years. The two were clad in 
 buckskin hunting-shirts and homespun trousers, with 
 none of the Governor's tinsel decorations ; but they were 
 no sooner seen together on the grounds than the Gov- 
 ernor's marquee was deserted, and the chieftains gathered 
 about them with hand-shaking and every manifestation 
 of friendship. The two men were Sevier and Rob- 
 ertson. 
 
 On the 2d of July the treaty was concluded. It 
 guaranteed perpetual peace and friendship between the 
 whites and Cherokees ; and, in consideration of certain 
 valuable goods, and an annual payment of one thousand 
 dollars in money, it secured from the Indians the cession 
 of all lands lying north of "the ridge which divides the 
 waters running into Little River from those running into 
 
232 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 the [Little] Tennessee.'' This did not convey to the 
 United States all the lands which had been settled upon 
 south of the French Broad and Holston ; but the chief- 
 tains could not be prevailed upon to make any further 
 extension of the line, and the settlement was acquiesced 
 in as the best that could be done in the circumstances. 
 Moreover, the United States Government was anxious to 
 be in friendly relations with both the Creeks and Chero- 
 kees, pending the negotiation which was still going on 
 with Spain for the opening of the Mississippi. 
 
 These Indians occupied the territory between the 
 Spanish and American settlements. The Spaniards were 
 in high favor with most of the chiefs and warriors ; they 
 had for a long time traded with them, and they had 
 pledged to them the protection of the Spanish king 
 against the encroaching progress of the Americans. This 
 intercourse the Spanish Government had fostered, be- 
 cause these Indians were ready instruments for harassing 
 the settlers ; and ceaseless secret warfare was to be the 
 policy of Spain until she could force the Western peo]:>le 
 to secede from the Union. The Government of Wash- 
 ington had penetrated the designs of Spain, and it aimed 
 to frustrate them by a policy of '"masterly activity." 
 Its officers were instructed to treat the Spaniards with 
 courtesy, and to act only on the defensive toward the 
 Indians, who were to be detached from the Spanish alli- 
 ances if possible. This had now been done in express 
 terms by treaty, first with the Creeks and now with the 
 Cherokees, both of whom had acknowledged themselves 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 233 
 
 to be " under the protection of the United States, and of 
 no other sovereign whatsoever." 
 
 But these Indians were faithless and treacherous. 
 They might at any moment violate the treaty, and come 
 upon the frontier settlements in overpowering numbers ; 
 therefore, as Sevier was restricted by the Government 
 from pursuing his favorite policy of invading their coun- 
 try, he must put his own country into the best posture 
 for defense. To this end he built a cordon of block- 
 houses along the frontier ; and he removed his own resi- 
 dence to the extreme western border, where he could act 
 without delay as the emergency demanded. He built a 
 station about five miles south of White's Fort, and among 
 the people he had so recently saved from destruction. 
 His house he located near a beautiful spring, which gushes 
 from one of the spurs of Bay's Mountain, and in the 
 midst of a hilly and picturesque country. It was of logs, 
 like his residence upon the Nolichucky ; but it was com- 
 modious and comfortable, and much better adapted to 
 the region than a more pretentious dwelling. This re- 
 moval of Sevier, from an old-settled and secure district 
 to one that was new and constantly exposed to raids 
 from the savages, denoted the same forgetfulness of self 
 which had led him twenty years before to cast in his lot 
 with the Watauga settlers. 
 
 The removal of Sevier led to the departure of Blount 
 from Watauga, where he had at first made his residence, 
 and his locating nearer the " general of the forces." He 
 chose White's Fort as his residence, and built there at 
 
234 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 first a plain log-cabin, on a gentle knoll, about a quarter 
 of a mile west of the fort, and near the grounds now oc- 
 cupied by the university. 
 
 The coming of the Governor gave the place an impor- 
 tance it had not possessed before. It became at once the 
 capital of the Territory ; a court-house went up, and a 
 jail — both of logs, and the latter only fourteen feet 
 square — and it received the name of Knoxville, in honor 
 of General Knox, then the Secretary of War. Settlers 
 also flocked into it, and it was not long before the town 
 could boast of a post-office, with a mail arriving twice a 
 month from the seaboard; and a newspaper, which ap- 
 peared as often, to scatter the news of the world among 
 the secluded backwoods. 
 
 To this primitive region Sevier removed his family, 
 and the Governor his wife — the gentle and accomplished 
 Mary Grainger. In his humble log-cabin the Governor 
 held such state as he could ; and there, too, Mary Grain- 
 ger dispensed such numberless graces as charmed alike 
 the rude frontiersman and the still ruder aborigines. 
 But a rude log-cabin was not a suitable dwelling for this 
 gentle lady ; therefore, being a man of abundant means, 
 the Governor planned and erected for her a more com- 
 modious mansion. It was located on the slope between 
 the fort and the river, and when built was as pretentious 
 a dwelling as could be found anywhere west of the sea- 
 board. The frame was of oak, covered with planed 
 weather-boarding ; and the house was surrounded by a 
 well-kept garden, which was the delight of all beholders. 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 235 
 
 It looked down upon a log court-house, a log jail, and 
 a score of log dwellings, which, with the log barrack 
 already mentioned, composed the capital of the vast 
 Territory oyer which Governor Blount now held do- 
 minion. 
 
 One by one the old log-cabins have been torn down to 
 make room for more stately structures ; and to-day only 
 one of them remains, a sad, dilapidated memorial of the 
 simple tastes and frugal lives of the past century. This 
 sole survivor of a by-gone time was in its day the home 
 of one of the most influential citizens of Knoxville. He 
 was a God-fearing man, with a large family, and he 
 planned to build a two-storied dwelling with room and 
 verge enough for his numerous progeny. But when the 
 logs were upon the ground, and the structure had risen a 
 short distance above the first story, he said to the friends 
 who were aiding in its erection: "Why should I have 
 a house so much better than my neighbors ? And, be- 
 sides, shall I not be tempting Providence if I build such 
 a tower of Babel as this will be if we carry it up a full 
 second story ? " So the cabin rose no higher than it was, 
 and thus it has remained to this day, except that a 
 descendant of the patriarch, less humble of spirit than 
 his progenitor, years ago covered its naked ugliness with 
 a coat of rough weather-boarding. 
 
 In his framed house the Governor lived freely, and 
 even elegantly, and dispensed the liberal hospitality so 
 natural in the olden time to the well-born and well-bred 
 Carolina gentleman. Levees and receptions were fre- 
 
236 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 quent, and the mansion was often crowded with stran- 
 gers, drawn to the frontier by business, pleasure, or 
 curiosity, from all parts of the Union. The style of 
 hospitality was, of necessity, below that of Philadelphia 
 and other of the older cities ; but in the condition of 
 things it was not less expensive to the liberal host, who 
 was forced to draw all his luxuries and elegancies from 
 long distances on pack-horses or clumsy ox-wagons. The 
 visitor, however, whoever he was, rich or poor, white 
 man or red, was sure of a cordial welcome, and none 
 ever went away without speaking in honest praise of the 
 hearty good feeling of the gentlemanly Governor, and 
 the genuine grace and goodness of his accomplished lady. 
 But the old mansion was built in troublous times, 
 and its new coat of paint was scarcely dry when it 
 narrowly escaped a fiery baptism. For the Cherokees 
 had risen, and were marching on the settlements. Con- 
 cession and conciliation had been of no avail. The 
 treaty of Holston was not a year old when they fell 
 upon Eobertson, and now John Watts and the Bloody 
 Fellow were impatient to engage in a shooting-match 
 with Nolichucky Jack's riflemen. They knew the orders 
 of his Government — that in case of attack he should 
 simply defend the settlements, and under no circum- 
 stances invade the Indian country. They knew this, 
 and also that in the fort at Knoxville were stored three 
 hundred muskets and a large amount of ammunition, 
 under guard of but two invalid soldiers, while Sevier was 
 twenty miles away on the extreme frontier, and the Goy- 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 237 
 
 ernor was at Watauga. The muskets and gunpowder 
 were too glittering a prize for the Cherokees to resist, 
 with Nolichucky Jack so far away, and under orders 
 not to pursue them into the Indian country. 
 
 So it came to pass that, soon after the solitary cannon 
 of the fort announced the sunrise on the morning of 
 September 25, 1793, a horseman, covered with foam, 
 rode in hot haste into the quiet town, crying out : 
 " The Cherokees are coming ! A thousand strong ! Not 
 ten miles away ! Every man to the barrack ! " 
 
 They fled to the fort, the men leaving the plow in 
 the furrow, the women the morning hoe-cake unbaked 
 before the fire, and there they made ready, as well as 
 they could, to meet and repel so overwhelming a force 
 of the enemy. James White, the pioneer settler, a man 
 now somewhat beyond his prime, but an able soldier, 
 took command of the forty settlers who had gathered 
 within the fort, and the little band prepared to defend 
 themselves to the last extremity. 
 
 The fire-arms were unboxed, put in order, and set be- 
 side the port-holes, and every soul — even the women and 
 older children — was put at work molding bullets and 
 loading muskets. The women and children were to load 
 while the men were to fire, and thus the effective force 
 of the garrison was augmented to a hundred. There 
 was no haste or noise, but all worked for dear life, for 
 well each one knew that his life was at stake — for the 
 savages spared neither sex nor age ; if the fort were 
 
 taken, it would be an indiscriminate massacre. 
 22 
 
238 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 So the hours wore away — one hour, two hours — and 
 the watchman on the lookout saw as yet no sign of the 
 savages. Then another horseman rode up also in hot 
 haste, his horse, too, covered with the foam and dust of 
 hard riding. He reported the Cherokees fifteen hundred 
 strong, at Cavet's, scarcely eight miles away. They had 
 halted there, set fire to the stables, and would no doubt 
 massacre the thirteen men, women, and children who 
 were at the station. Was not this a prophecy of the fate 
 that awaited the little garrison ? This they all thought, 
 but not a soul gave his thought expression. With firm, 
 fixed eyes they looked into one another's faces, and what 
 these looks said was, "If we must die, we will sell our 
 lives as dearly as possible ! " 
 
 Then other anxious hours wore away, till the sun be- 
 gan to sink below the hills, but still the watchman on 
 the lookout called, at regular intervals, "Nothing yet 
 of the red-skins." What did it mean — this delay of the 
 savages ? At nightfall the veteran White called a coun- 
 cil, and asked every man this- question. The majority 
 thought that the Indians, true to their usual tactics, 
 were waiting for the darkness to cover their movements, 
 and that they would be upon the fort by midnight. 
 White himself was of that opinion, and he asked, 
 "But what can we do — forty men against a thou- 
 sand?" 
 
 The answer of all was that they could die, but they 
 would sell their lives as dearly as possible. But White 
 had no thought of dying any sooner than might be 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 239 
 
 absolutely necessary. And he believed that what can 
 not be effected by force can sometimes be accomplished 
 by stratagem. A mile to the west, by the route the 
 savages would approach, is a high ridge, which was then 
 covered with a dense growth of oak and poplar. White 
 proposed that all the men in the fort, except two of 
 the oldest, should repair there when the night was some- 
 what advanced, and, concealed among the trees, in a 
 line about twenty yards apart, await the coming of the 
 Indians. When the advance of the savages was within 
 short musket-range of the most remote of the garrison, 
 he should fire, and that should be the signal for each 
 man to take deliberate aim and bring down an enemy. 
 Then, without waiting to notice so much as the effect of 
 his discharge, every man should make his way as quickly 
 as he could to the fort, which, if the Indians should 
 come on, they would defend to the last extremity. But 
 it was thought that the sudden attack in the woods 
 would throw the enemy into confusion ; that he would 
 expect a formidable ambuscade, and would seek his own 
 safety in flight, leaving the fort unmolested. 
 
 It was a hazardous plan ; but those brave men put it 
 into execution. All night long they waited there, rest- 
 ing upon their muskets ; but no savage yell broke the 
 stillness of their vigil, and in the morning another horse- 
 man came, announcing that the Indians, after destroy- 
 ing Cavet's, had turned suddenly southward. They were 
 then in full retreat to the Tellico, and close at their heels 
 was Nolichucky Jack, the Nemesis of the Cherokees ! 
 
240 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 This the savages knew, and hence their sudden flight to 
 their mountain fastnesses. 
 
 For several months the people had been greatly ex- 
 asperated over the repeated outrages of the savages, and 
 time and again they had called upon Sevier and the Gov- 
 ernor to allow them to invade the Indian country ; but. 
 in compliance with their instructions, both these officers 
 had been obliged to refuse all such requests. The Gov- 
 ernor, however, had addressed the Secretary of War on 
 the subject ; but the latter had replied, declining to be 
 led into a useless and expensive war. The encroach- 
 ments of the settlers were, in his opinion, the cause of 
 the savage outrages. Let those cease, and the Governor 
 would have no more border murders. 
 
 This statement of the subject did not meet the views 
 of the border settlers. They at once enrolled themselves, 
 and were about to march upon the Cherokees, when the 
 Governor issued a proclamation calling upon them to 
 desist and return to their homes. This they did, on 
 hearing that orders had been given to a company of 
 cavalry to range between the Holston and the Little 
 River. In the midst of this excitement we have the 
 first tidings from Colonel John Tipton since the de- 
 cease of the State of Franklin. Under date of March 
 23, 1793, the "Knoxville Gazette" has this paragraph 
 in relation to that gentleman : ( ' Much has been said 
 about the attempts and determination of Colonel John 
 Tipton to raise a body of men, regardless of law and 
 the orders of the Government, to destroy the Cherokee 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 2il 
 
 towns. Only fiye men appeared at his rendezvous — 
 Jonesboro — instead of his boasted nine hundred. They 
 passed through Jonesboro, marched to a still-house [a 
 groggery] a few miles below, and returned. This affords 
 a pleasing proof of the good sense of the people. " And 
 it also showed that Colonel Tipton had not recovered 
 the popularity he had lost in consequence of his course 
 toward John Sevier. 
 
 In the exasperated state of the public mind it was 
 not difficult for Sevier to collect, within twenty-four 
 hours, a body of six hundred horsemen to invade the 
 Indian country. It was reported to him by James 
 Carey, one of the United States interpreters residing 
 with the Cherokees, that " the impression was prevalent 
 among the Indians that the reason the Americans did 
 not retaliate, but bore patiently the injuries they had 
 received from them, was the posture of their negotia- 
 tions with foreign powers, and their fear of offending 
 them. If it were not for this, the Americans certainly 
 would not be offering and begging peace in return for 
 murders, robberies, and bloodshed, daily committed on 
 their citizens." 
 
 It was neither wise nor safe to let the daring inroad 
 of John Watts against the very capital of the Territory 
 go unpunished. This was the unanimous sentiment of 
 the people, and, his action being now authorized by the 
 Secretary of the Territorial Government, Sovier pro- 
 ceeded to deal a sudden and destructive blow against 
 the very heart of the Creek and Cherokee nations. He 
 
242 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 swept through the Cherokee country, leaving a trail of 
 blackened ruin behind him ; and then he pressed on into 
 the country of the Creeks, not slackening his pace till 
 he arrived near the present town of Kome, Georgia, 
 where he found the combined Creek and Cherokee forces 
 drawn up to dispute the passage of the Hightower 
 Eiver. The rest is best told in Sevier's own report to 
 the Governor: "In the afternoon of the 17th inst." 
 (October), he writes, "we arrived at the forks of Coosa 
 and Hightower Kivers. Colonel Kelly was ordered, with 
 a part of the Knox regiment, to endeavor to cross the 
 Hightower. The Creeks and a number of Cherokees 
 had intrenched themselves to obstruct the passage. 
 Colonel Kelly and his party passed down the river, 
 half a mile below the ford, and began to cross at a 
 private place, where there was no ford. Himself and 
 a few others swam over the river. The Indians, dis- 
 covering this movement, immediately left their in- 
 trenchments, and ran down the river to oppose their 
 passage, expecting, as I suppose, that the whole intended 
 crossing at the lower place. Captain Evans immedi- 
 ately, with his company of mounted infantry, strained 
 his horses back to the upper ford and began to cross 
 the river. Very few had got to the south bank before 
 the Indians, discovering their mistake, returned and 
 received them furiously at the rising of the bank. 
 An engagement instantly took place, and became very 
 warm, and, notwithstanding the enemy were at least four 
 to one in numbers, besides having the advantage of situa- 
 
TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT. 243 
 
 tion, Captain Evans with his heroic company put them 
 in a short time entirely to flight. . . . Their encamp- 
 ment fell into our hands, with a number of their guns, 
 which were of the Spanish sort. . . . The party flogged 
 at Hightower were those which had been out with 
 Watts. We took and destroyed three hundred beeves, 
 which must distress them very much. Many women and 
 children might have been taken ; but, from motives of 
 humanity, I did not encourage it to be done, and several 
 taken were suffered to make their escape. Your Ex- 
 cellency knows the disposition of many who were out 
 on this expedition, and can readily account for this 
 conduct." 
 
 In Evans's "heroic company" was a son of James 
 White, the pioneer of Knoxville, who subsequently rose 
 to eminence as Judge Hugh Lawson White. The In- 
 dians were making a determined stand under King- 
 Fisher, one of their most distinguished warriors, when 
 young White leveled his rifle, and the formidable cham- 
 pion fell mortally wounded. This decided the battle, 
 for the Indians immediately broke and fled. 
 
 Sevier now turned his face homeward, destroying 
 every town and village in his way. This invasion, 
 which is called the campaign of Etowah, completely 
 broke the spirit of the Indians, and never again, during 
 the life of Sevier, did they venture to attack in force 
 the French Broad and Holston settlements. 
 
CHAPTER XL 
 
 PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 
 
 The hostility of the Indians continued after their 
 crushing defeat at Etowah, but they never again, until 
 1812, mustered in force for a general attack upon the 
 border. Eor a time they made inroads upon the settle- 
 ments in small gangs, which, stealing at midnight upon 
 some solitary cabin, would be miles away by the morn- 
 ing ; but gradually even these raids ceased, for the fast- 
 increasing population soon gave Sevier so considerable a 
 body of troops that he was able to patrol every hamlet and 
 every by-path in the Territory. The campaign of Etowah 
 taught the Indians that Sevier could be made to resume 
 his former policy of carrying the war into the enemy's 
 country. This the Cherokees were too wise to invite, 
 when he would now be backed by such a force as could 
 be drawn from a population of at least fifty thousand ; 
 therefore, they beat their " spears into pruning-hooks," 
 exchanged their tomahawks for broad-axes, and with 
 these set about the felling of the forest. Soon after- 
 ward Robertson broke up the nest of the Chickamauga 
 bandits, and then the whole Cherokee nation took to 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 245 
 
 peaceful ways. They planted and sowed and gathered 
 into barns, beginning thus that career of civilization in 
 which they have made such commendable progress in 
 their new home west of the Mississippi. From this 
 time forward, for twenty years, peace and Nolichucky 
 Jack reigned upon the border. It was a patriarchal 
 "reign," such as never before or since has been known 
 in this country ; but, before briefly considering it, it 
 seems necessary to take a short survey of the way of life 
 of the people who were the pioneers of civilization be- 
 yond the Alleghanies. 
 
 The present State of Tennessee covers an area of 
 42,050 square miles, but at the period of which I write 
 the Indian title had been extinguished to , Jess than one 
 sixth of this surface. Civilized man occupied only two 
 detached portions of it : the first, an irregular parallelo- 
 gram of about five thousand square miles, extending 
 southwesterly from the present town of Bristol to the 
 high ridge south of Little Eiver ; and the second, an 
 oblong tract of about two thousand square miles, ex- 
 tending some forty miles up and down the Cumberland, 
 on either side of the town of Nashville. The remainder 
 of this vast region was either in permanent occupation 
 by the savages or frequently resorted to by them as a 
 hunting-ground ; and they were estimated to number 
 not far from a hundred and fifty thousand, of whom at 
 least twenty thousand were warriors. These Indians 
 were the immediate neighbors of the settlers ; but be- 
 yond the Mississippi was an unknown myriad, in friendly 
 
246 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 alliance with the others, and who also were by nature and 
 instinct the enemies of the white race. Very high of 
 courage and resolute of purpose must the people have 
 been who in the space of twenty years could not only 
 wrest from so superior a force the fairest portion of 
 their possessions, but could reduce them to a state of 
 vassalage in which the various tribes were content to own 
 these intruding strangers as lords paramount .over the 
 fields which, time out of mind, had held the graves of 
 their ancestors. 
 
 And yet the people who achieved such astonishing 
 results had no permanent military organization ; they 
 occupied scattered plantations, which, in most cases, 
 they tilled with their own hands, and their warlike ex- 
 peditions were merely episodes in their lives. Their mili- 
 tary operations being over, they returned to their homes, 
 and resumed the axe and the plow with which they 
 were subduing the wilderness. They were mostly an 
 agricultural people, having no large towns, and very few 
 villages. Jonesboro, their largest settlement, contained 
 not more than a hundred log-cabins ; and Knoxville, 
 when it had been for three years the capital of the 
 Territory, numbered only thirty houses, only one of 
 which had required a trained mechanic for its construc- 
 tion. The place was little more than a farming hamlet — 
 the center of an agricultural district, having a radius of 
 about fifteen miles, and a total population of not ex- 
 ceeding five hundred, some of whom, like John Sevier, 
 had their homes upon their plantations, but kept up a 
 
PIONEER LITE IN 1796. 247 
 
 town residence on account of official duties, or because it 
 brought them more closely in contact with the outside 
 world. But both town and country dwellings were 
 models of rustic simplicity, and often men who wielded 
 a wide influence had their abode in cabins that would 
 now be thought unsuitable domiciles for any one above a 
 day-laborer. The father of Hugh Lawson White was the 
 wealthiest man in the Knoxville district ; but that emi- 
 nent jurist learned to read by the light of a hickory-fire, 
 and studied law in a small log office, having a puncheon 
 floor, and not a pane of glass in its two narrow windows. 
 Nearly all of these original cabins have crumbled 
 away, but from the few that remain it is easy, with the 
 help of tradition, to reconstruct the life that was led by 
 the early pioneers. At the time of which I am writing, 
 the traveler could not journey a mile in any direction 
 along the valleys of the Holston or Watauga without 
 coming upon a few acres of clearing, inclosed within a 
 brush fence, in the midst of which was a one-story cabin 
 of unhewed logs, about twenty feet square, roofed with 
 split poplar, and having, going up on the outside, a huge 
 chimney of sticks and clay. Its windows would be 
 "glazed" with coarse paper, made transparent by a 
 smearing of bear's grease ; and at night they would be 
 protected by heavy shutters, stoutly barred, as were the 
 doors, to keep out intruders. Over the doorway, both in 
 front and rear, was a narrow opening to serve as a look- 
 out and port-hole in case of attack ; and, until John 
 Sevier brought permanent peace to the border, the man 
 
248 JOHN - SEVIER. 
 
 of the house never opened his door of a morning till he 
 had clambered to this opening to see that no savage 
 enemy was lurking about his dwelling. 
 
 On one side, the house was flanked by a small patch 
 of inclosed ground, growing the ordinary garden vege- 
 tables, and on the other by a log-barn, or a few ricks 
 of hay or corn-fodder. Beyond the house stretched a 
 broad field of plowed land, mostly in Indian corn, 
 though, if the farmer was but a recent immigrant from 
 the older settlements, it might contain a sprinkling of 
 wheat, rye, oats, and other edibles ; for this soil will 
 produce whatever grows in the temperate regions. But, 
 let it contain what it might during the farmer's first 
 season, by his second it would be pretty sure to be mo- 
 nopolized by the native cereal — for corn was the one 
 best adapted to the condition and wants of the pioneer. 
 No other grew so fast, matured so quickly, or yielded 
 so abundantly, and hence, from both choice and neces- 
 sity, it was the food most cultivated by the early set- 
 tler. "Without it," says Dr. Ramsey, "the frontier set- 
 tlements could not have been, formed and maintained. 
 It was the principal bread of that robust race of men — 
 giants in miniature — which, half a century since, was 
 seen on the frontier." 
 
 Beyond the little clearing stretched an almost un- 
 broken forest ; but threading it here and there were 
 foot-traces and bridle-paths and narrow wagon-roads, 
 encumbered, perhaps, with stumps, and in the rainy 
 season hub-deep in mud, but leading to where some 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 249 
 
 similar dwelling occupied a similar clearing. The dwell- 
 ings were within rifle-sound of one another, and so the 
 pioneer was not without social life and neighbors, whom 
 he probably valued the more from the fact that there 
 were not very many of them. 
 
 Nor was the pioneer without intercourse with the 
 world. If he lived upon or near a highway, a stream 
 of human life flowed past his door almost daily, either 
 in bands of hunters following the fast-retreating deer 
 and buffalo, or in long cavalcades of immigrants wend- 
 ing their slow way in clumsy, covered wagons to homes 
 still farther to the westward. From these new-comers 
 the settlers received tidings from the outside world — 
 " news " which had of necessity grown old on its jour- 
 ney of two or three months from the seaboard. 
 
 The settler's life was anything but lonely. In this 
 genial climate, where man seems exempt from the general 
 law "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread," 
 there is a long season after harvest, and again after 
 planting, when the farmer has next to nothing to do. 
 These seasons the pioneers devoted to friendly inter- 
 course with their neighbors, and numberless were their 
 social gatherings. They came together for quilting- 
 bees and dancing-shindies, for shooting-matches and 
 corn-shuckings ; and these were often scenes of unre- 
 strained mirth and jollity, but always of innocent and 
 hearty enjoyment. Corn-shuckings were favorite gather- 
 ings, for they brought together the young and old of 
 
 both sexes ; and the husking and shelling of the corn 
 23 
 
250 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 did not in any way interfere with the free flow of con- 
 versation. Scarcely a winter evening passed but the 
 neighbors dropped in upon one another — for a mile in 
 a new country is not nearly so long as a mile in an 
 old one. It is not difficult to imagine one of these 
 gatherings, or to conjecture what would be the promi- 
 nent topics of conversation on such occasions. They 
 were not theological. Such subjects afforded no chance 
 for discussion, for all were "Hard-shell Baptists," who 
 had formulated the whole duty of man into the one 
 phrase, "Love thy neighbor, and hate the Cherokees." 
 They were not political ; for here, too, all thought 
 alike, and had embodied their political principles in one 
 tenet, " Nolichucky Jack, first and last and all the time." 
 Neither of these subjects would engage their attention. 
 Their talk would be of the dangers they had passed 
 and the obstacles they had overcome in their more 
 than twenty years' struggle with the savages and the 
 wilderness. Then, as he sat by the broad, open fire-place, 
 while the younger people were gathered around, "a- 
 shucking of the corn" — 
 
 "Dad would take down his Deckard, 
 
 And tell the stirring tale, 
 How 'Chucky Jack, the hero, 
 
 Led on the Indian trail; 
 How silently we followed 
 
 "Where he did lead the way, 
 Till the savage camp we sighted 
 
 At the dawning of the day. 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 251 
 
 Then 'Chucky Jack dismounted, 
 
 And gave the Indian yell, 
 And down we swooped upon 'em 
 
 Like devils out of hell. 
 The hullets they did rattle, 
 
 About our ranks like hail; 
 It was the sort of battle 
 
 At which the brave might quail; 
 But through it all our leader, 
 
 A -waving of his blade, 
 Rode 'mid the fire and slaughter 
 
 As cool as on parade; 
 Though many a savage marksman, 
 
 All through the bloody strife, 
 Had poised his deadly rifle 
 
 For the taking of his life : 
 But never yet was molded 
 
 The bullet for his breast, 
 For there's a better fate awaiting 
 
 Our hero of the "West." 
 
 They were a fine race of men and women ; but they 
 lived in deeds, not words, and so have left but scanty 
 records from which to construct their histories. Their 
 lives, their very names, are being fast hidden under the 
 gathering mold of a century. Even the children who 
 listened to their stirring tales of danger and deliverance 
 are old men now, from whose minds are rapidly fad- 
 ing the feeble impressions of those early days ; but 
 with them all still linger vivid traditions of the in- 
 
252 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 veterate hostility between the white settlers and the 
 Cherokees, a considerable portion of which once power- 
 ful nation still hoyered along the border when Ten- 
 nessee was admitted to the Union. 
 
 Few of these old people now remain ; but here and 
 there one may be seen among the Tennessee mountains, 
 tottering along under the weight of almost a cent- 
 ury. I have met about a score of them, and some of 
 the traditions I have gathered from them will bear 
 repetition, as they cast light upon the lives led by the 
 early settlers. One old lady, "high up near Clinch 
 Mountain," told me that her mother used to relate 
 how, when her father and his two brothers were at work 
 in the field, she had to stand guard over them with a 
 rifle. She would perch herself upon the roof of the little 
 cabin, or, more often, on a knoll on the outskirts of the 
 clearing, whence she could see in all directions. One 
 day a score of savages came upon the three men and one 
 woman, and were all put to flight, except two, who were 
 left upon the ground unfit for military duty. The same 
 old lady was well acquainted with the famous Parson 
 Cummins, who wielded the sword of the Lord and of 
 Gideon, and was in the habit of taking his rifle into his 
 pulpit, and looking carefully to its priming before he 
 became too much engrossed in reminding the Lord of 
 what he ought to do for the frontier people. 
 
 An aged patriarch whom I met in the vicinity of Knox- 
 ville knew well Major James Cozby, of Knox County, 
 who had endeared himself to all in the Territory by his 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 253 
 
 heroic rescue of Sevier from the clutches of the North 
 Carolinians. Cozby was, he said, a man of iron mold, 
 standing "six feet and over in his stockings," and of so 
 huge a frame that even those stalwart mountaineers 
 seemed striplings beside him. His dress was that com- 
 mon to the region — trousers of ordinary linsey, dyed a 
 dingy red with the inner bark of the butternut, and his 
 coat the famous buckskin hunting-shirt, open in front, 
 and displaying a breast seamed all over with scars. 
 When my informant knew him he had retired from 
 the dangerous trade of killing Cherokees, and taken to 
 the more peaceful pursuit of practicing upon the bodies 
 of his white neighbors. He was a physician of the old 
 school — one of the kill-or-cure persuasion — but, with the 
 help of fresh air and out-door exercise, he managed to 
 keep the country in a very healthy condition. Far and 
 near, through rain and sleet and heat and cold, and at 
 all hours of the day and night, he journeyed on his heal- 
 ing mission, and he was always a welcome guest at every 
 fireside — for he carried the children safely through the 
 whooping-cough and the measles, and was never known 
 to demand a dollar for his services. If a patient was 
 able and willing to pay, it was very well ; if he was 
 not, it was equally as well — or rather, it was better, be- 
 cause it helped to swell the account which the worthy 
 physician was rolling up of good deeds done in the 
 body. 
 
 With his other rare qualities the doctor was an ad- 
 mirable narrator — none told a story more picturesquely ; 
 
254 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 and it may be regretted that one so competent to be the 
 historian of Sevier's campaigns should have devoted all 
 of his later years to dispensing calomel and ipecacuanha 
 among his neighbors. He was fond of relating how, 
 on one occasion, he outwitted a band of Cherokees, 
 who had surrounded his house after nightfall, deter- 
 mined to rid the tribe of one of its worst enemies. His 
 domestic animals having given the usual signs of unrest 
 by which they warned the whites of the approach of the 
 savages, he looked through a port-hole, and saw obscurely 
 a band of twenty stealthily secreting themselves in the 
 adjoining woods and fence-corners. No one was in the 
 house with him but his wife and several small children, 
 the oldest of whom could only just make out to lift a 
 musket ; but Cozby barricaded the door, put out the 
 fire, primed his two rifles afresh, and, with his wife at 
 one port-hole and himself at the other, spent the night 
 in giving orders in a loud voice to his platoon of — small 
 children. The ruse succeeded ; the savages were held at 
 bay, and with the first streak of dawn he had the satis- 
 faction to see them steal silently away into the forest, 
 without so much as firing a rifle. 
 
 Cozby used also to relate some of the many exploits 
 which entitle the women of the border to a rank among 
 heroines. Among others was the story of a widow, who, 
 having lost her husband in the wars, resisted all entrea- 
 ties to repair with her two little ones to the fort, but 
 stood her ground alone in the forest, scooping a bed for 
 her children under the floor of her cabin, and standing 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 255 
 
 guard over them, night after night, with a well-primed 
 rifle, till the very savages, in admiration of her intre- 
 pidity, passed her on their midnight raids, and left her 
 to till her little clearing in safety. 
 
 And he also told of the wife of George Mann, whose 
 house, about twelve miles above Knoxville, was once sur- 
 rounded at dead of night by a band of twenty-five Chero- 
 kees. Hearing a noise at his stables, Mr. Mann went 
 out to ascertain the cause, when he was shot down and 
 scalped by the savages. Uncertain of the fate of her 
 husband, the wife locked the door, and with a rifle in 
 her hand — which only that morning she had learned how 
 to use — she seated herself by the entrance, and waited in 
 silent expectation, surrounded by her sleeping children. 
 Soon she heard approaching footsteps. Was it the neigh- 
 bors, aroused by the firing, coming to the rescue ? No ! 
 for, as she listened more intently, she recognized voices 
 in a strange tongue. They were the Indians, thirsty for 
 slaughter. The truth flashed upon her — her husband 
 had been killed, and she was left to cope single-handed 
 with a horde of savages, made the more savage by the 
 blood they had tasted. 
 
 She made no sound, but firmly grasped the rifle and 
 leveled it carefully at the crevice of the door. Soon 
 stealthy steps moved along the wall, and the door was 
 pressed against by a heavy force ; in a moment it yielded 
 and partly opened. A savage was there on his hands 
 and knees, another was behind him, and still another, 
 and a dark group was in the background. Instantly 
 
256 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 she pulled the trigger. The first savage rolled heavily to 
 the ground, the second yelled with pain, and then the 
 rest, hastily gathering up their dead and dying com- 
 rades, fled toward the stables. Those they set on fire ; 
 but they did not venture to again attack the house so 
 heroically defended.* 
 
 Other narratives as thrilling as the foregoing are 
 contained in the "Knoxville Gazette," a file of which 
 has been most kindly submitted to my inspection by 
 the Tennessee Historical Society, of Nashville. This 
 journal was started by George Eoulstone, November 
 5, 1791, and was the first newspaper published be- 
 yond the Alleghanies. It was a small sheet, and the 
 editor seldom ventured to express an opinion, but con- 
 fined himself to the easier task of chronicling passing 
 events. He was the first postmaster of Knoxville, to 
 which, office was sent much of the mail matter for the 
 district east, and all of it for the country west, of the 
 Holston. The mail arrived but twice a month, and 
 on "post-day" half the town gathered round the log 
 post-office, to receive their letters — if they had any — 
 and to cheaply glean the news from the postman. He 
 traveled on horseback, and, though the schedule time 
 was thirty miles a day, lie never made the journey from 
 Philadelphia in less than thirty days, and often he was as 
 long as fifty on the way. Infrequent as were the mail 
 
 * This incident is also narrated in Ramsey's " Annals of Tennessee," 
 page 639. 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 257 
 
 arrivals at Knoxville, there was absolutely no official 
 mode of distributing letters received at that office for 
 places within a radius of a hundred miles. But any 
 horseman who was passing from one settlement to an- 
 other would carry letters in his saddle-bags ; and then 
 they were passed from hand to hand until they reached 
 their destination. Official dispatches were often trans- 
 mitted in this manner, and generally with safety. 
 
 The receiving of a letter was a great event in a 
 neighborhood, and often months passed without one 
 coming to the smaller villages ; and, when one did ar- 
 rive, it was the signal for the gathering together of 
 all the neighbors to listen to its reading. The rates 
 of postage were very high ; and, as the United States 
 Government did not recognize the coon-skin currency 
 of Tennessee, letters were often detained in the offices 
 for months, because the recipient could not get together 
 enough " Continental " to pay the postage. 
 
 But, poor as was the postal service, it was superior 
 to the facilities for traveling. There were few roads, 
 and those few were simply avenues cut through the 
 forest, and so encumbered with stumps, and perhaps 
 with fallen trees, that passing over them was danger- 
 ous and well-nigh impossible. A journey then from 
 Knoxville to Philadelphia was equivalent to a voyage 
 now from New York to China, and involved about as 
 much preparation. Friends came together to take a 
 solemn leave of the traveler, to drink his health in 
 bumpers of punch, and to wish him "God-speed" on 
 
258 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 his journey. If he happened to be a public man, his 
 going would be mentioned in the newspaper, and prayer 
 might be offered up for his safety by the clergyman 
 at church on Sunday. 
 
 These clergymen were of a peculiar class — one which 
 has disappeared altogether from the older sections of 
 this country, and is now only rarely seen in the mining 
 districts and back settlements of the West. Most of 
 them were illiterate ; but some had considerable talent, 
 and all were earnest, God-fearing men, always ready to 
 
 "Prove their doctrine orthodox 
 By apostolic blows and knocks." 
 
 Till the advent of Bishop Asbury, of the Methodist 
 Episcopal Church, in 1788, they were, almost without 
 exception, of the " Hard-shell " Baptist persuasion, and 
 firm believers in immersion, plenary inspiration, election, 
 predestination, and reprobation. Their theory of morals 
 was condensed into one phrase : " Thus saith the Lord." 
 What he commands is right ; what he forbids is wrong ; 
 and the Bible is his infallible word. A faith how sim- 
 ple, and yet how sublime ! 
 
 Their Sunday meetings were often seasons of great 
 religious interest, and always of social union, when 
 neighbors came together in a friendly way and culti- 
 vated a spirit of kindliness and good-fellowship. The 
 meeting-house was usually of logs, located at a cross- 
 roads or on some conspicuous plot in a settlement, and 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 259 
 
 around it were a few acres devoted to the abode of the 
 dead. Great trees — the walnut, the poplar, and the lo- 
 cust — shaded the little inclosure, and gave it in summer 
 a picturesque beauty. To this church all resorted, for the 
 Sabbath was universally observed. On this day all work 
 was suspended, and high and low, rich and poor, arrayed 
 in their Sunday best, wended their way, on foot or horse- 
 back, through the quiet woods, to the house of prayer. 
 The men were clad in clean shirts and "boughten 
 clothes," the women in starched cotton gowns and new 
 silk hats or sun-bonnets, and all met on the rough 
 benches inside, or — when some "powerful'' preacher 
 made the house to overflow — upon the grass outside the 
 rude edifice. Then the preacher would give out the 
 hymn, and Old Hundred — sung by several hundred 
 voices — would rise upon the air, and, mingling with 
 the music of the birds, float away among the neigh- 
 boring trees, till the whole forest echoed with the 
 melody. 
 
 "What a blessing," says Wilberforce, "is Sunday, 
 interposed between the days of the week like the di- 
 vine path of the Israelites through Jordan!"' No in- 
 stitution has contributed so much to the welfare of 
 the human race. To it, more than to anything else, 
 are due the peace and good order of every civilized com- 
 munity. "Where it is neglected, are found ignorance, 
 vice, disorder, and crime ; where it is observed, peace 
 prevails, good morals are promoted, vice is suppressed, 
 the poor are elevated, and the nation prospers. It was 
 
260 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 the influence of the Sabbath, and of the earnest men 
 who ministered in those rude sanctuaries, that en- 
 abled Sevier and his compatriots to mold restless 
 backwoodsmen into order-loving citizens, and to plant 
 a healthy, robust, manly civilization beyond the Alle- 
 ghanies. 
 
 Meanwhile population had flowed into the Territory 
 with amazing rapidity, and Knoxville, its capital, had 
 become a center of great activity. Though the giant 
 trees still stood in and about it in primeval grandeur, 
 the place wore more of a civilized appearance. Broad 
 streets had been laid out, better buildings had gone up, 
 and several marts of merchandise had been opened, 
 which dispensed the substantial necessities, and the not 
 so necessary luxuries, of the entire world among these 
 rustic people of the backwoods. In the "Knoxville Ga- 
 zette" of August 11, 1792, James Miller announces that 
 he will receive, in exchange for all descriptions of dry- 
 goods and groceries, "bear, deer, otter, wildcat, musk- 
 rat, mink, fox, and raccoon skins, and all kinds of fur 
 whatever ; besides beeswax, linsey, and 700 linen " ; and 
 in the same journal Nathaniel and Samuel Cowan make 
 a somewhat similar announcement. These last were the 
 great traders of the district ; and, what is singular, at the 
 distance of nearly a century, their lineal descendants are 
 the principal merchants of all that wide region, doing a 
 business during our recent civil war which is said to have 
 mounted into the millions. If the gentlemen presiding 
 over the present palatial establishment, which covers the 
 
PIONEER LIFE Iff 1796. 261 
 
 half of a city square, could see the commercial edifice of 
 their great-grandfathers, they would, no doubt, open 
 their eyes wide in wonderment. For it was a wonderful 
 store — a genuine curiosity-shop — in which was to be 
 found everything that grows in the air, on the earth, 
 and in the waters under the earth, including clean con- 
 sciences and brave, manly hearts, that beat kindly to 
 everything human. In it there were dry-goods and gro- 
 ceries ; crockery and hardware ; drugs and dyestuffs ; 
 guns and ammunition ; hats, caps, and brogans ; coffee 
 from Brazil, and tea from China ; choice wines from Ma- 
 deira, and sparkling champagnes from France — or, more 
 probably, from Connecticut, and the product of vines 
 growing on the trees of some apple-orchard. There was 
 food also for the mind : books and stationery — slates, 
 pencils, and a coarse foolscap paper, considered cheap at 
 five dollars a ream. The principal books were the Bible, 
 Watts's and Rippon's Hymns, the "Pilgrim's Progress," 
 Baxter's " Saints' Everlasting Rest," and Dillworth's 
 " Spelling-Book " — for the American " Grammatical In- 
 stitute" (the first edition of Webster's Speller), though 
 published more than a dozen years before, had not yet 
 been adopted by the literary magnates of the backwoods ; 
 and, consequently, like our English cousins, they still 
 put "u" into honor and endeavor. 
 
 All these things could be found in the store of the 
 Messrs. Cowan, and many more of which I have not seen 
 an inventory, and consequently can not make positive 
 
 enumeration. And all these products of the earth, air, 
 
 24 
 
262 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 and sea were to be had by the frontier people for a fair 
 amount of peltries or legal currency. 
 
 Let no one consider that the inventory of a country 
 trader's shop is beneath the dignity of history. Such 
 things mark the progress of a people in civilization ; and 
 we are beginning to learn that not from the bulletins of 
 battles, with their ghastly record of broken bones and 
 broken hearts, should we construct the annals of a coun- 
 try, but from its newspapers, the scenery its people 
 looked upon, the habitations they dwelt in, and the tra- 
 ditions they have handed down to their children of their 
 peaceful deeds, their ways of life, their habits of thought, 
 and their views upon the stirring questions which in 
 their time agitated the nation. Civilized man is not now 
 a mailed warrior, astride of a prancing steed, with lance 
 in rest, ready to do battle to all comers. He is a home- 
 keeping individual, going about in every-day clothes, 
 and with an eye to the main chance ; but, nevertheless, 
 he is courteous to his friends, loving to his wife, affec- 
 tionate to his children, has some vague notions of his 
 political rights, and entertains a reasonable hope that, by 
 doing justly, loving mercy, and being regular at church 
 and prayer-meeting, he will finally get to even a better 
 country than this is. Of much such a character was the 
 population which at this time tenanted the Western back- 
 woods. They could fight, but they loved peaceful ways ; 
 and their greatest conquest was that which they achieved 
 over the wilderness. 
 
 The well-filled warehouses of James Miller and the 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 263 
 
 Messrs. Cowan, and the grist - mill of good Captain 
 White, of honorable memory, drew crowds to Knoxville ; 
 but greater crowds resorted there at the sessions of court 
 and of the Legislature. Then many thousands came to- 
 gether till they overflowed the four spacious taverns, and 
 were forced to camp out upon the vacant lots, under the 
 trees, or in the clumsy covered wagons which are still to 
 be seen in that region. Not many years ago I met a 
 very old gentleman who had, when a young boy, been 
 present on one of these occasions. He thought it was in 
 1796, when Sevier was first elected Governor, and had 
 come to Knoxville to attend the session of the first State 
 Legislature. Of this, however, he was not certain ; but 
 he vividly remembered the circumstances of the occasion. 
 
 The old gentleman said that his father lived some 
 miles in the country, but he had fought under and voted 
 for Sevier, and he was bound to see him open his first 
 Legislature. However, he was a thrifty man, and, in 
 order to hit two birds with one stone, he loaded his 
 farm-wagon with "truck," to exchange at Cowan's store 
 for tea and coffee and "bough ten goods" generally. 
 This he did overnight, and with the first streak of dawn 
 he put his span of barbered mules to the wagon and set 
 out for the capital — he and his wife perched upon a high 
 seat in front, and the boy behind, astride of the bag of 
 corn which was to feed the animals. 
 
 The mules were "nimble critters," and they got the 
 wagon to town by ten in the morning ; but the place was 
 already filled with a great crowd, all clad in their Sun- 
 
264 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 day clothes, who had come to witness the imposing cere- 
 monies of the occasion. The women were mostly arrayed 
 in calico or linsey gowns, Quaker hats, or sun-bonnets, 
 with neatly crimped caps, fastened underneath the chin 
 by a narrow ribbon ; and the men wore linsey trousers, 
 and hunting-shirts of the same material, or of clean 
 buckskin, from the breast-pocket of which protruded — 
 for that occasion only — a flaming red bandana. The 
 shoes of all were polished into looking-glasses, with a 
 mixture of soot and swine's grease ; and even the ugly 
 slouched hats of the men had taken on a holiday appear- 
 ance. It was an orderly, good-natured crowd, bound to 
 have a good time, and to get its money's worth in a sight 
 of the Governor and the high officials of the new Com- 
 monwealth. 
 
 But the boy gave little heed to the people, for his 
 mind was soon engrossed in looking at the wonderful 
 things in Cowan's store, to which his father had bent his 
 steps as soon as he had securely tethered his mules — 
 having in mind to get through with the serious business 
 of the day before he gave attention to its holiday attrac- 
 tions. He had scarcely finished his traffic for "store- 
 goods," when a great commotion was heard in the street, 
 with a mingled chorus of cheers and the Tennessee yells 
 with which these people were accustomed to go into bat- 
 tle. Every one rushed in hot haste out-of-doors, and the 
 boy, being like Zaccheus short of stature, clambered 
 upon the horse-block in front of the warehouse, where he 
 could see over the heads of the multitude. 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 265 
 
 The street was lined on both sides by an eager crowd, 
 and beyond, toward the river, a cavalcade of horsemen 
 was approaching. One who rode slightly in advance of 
 the others was the object of especial attention. He no 
 sooner came in sight, than cheer after cheer went up 
 from the waiting throng, rending the air, and making 
 the leaves upon the old trees to tremble. He rode a 
 magnificent horse, and he sat him as if he had been born 
 in a saddle. He was a man somewhat above fifty ; but 
 his form was erect, his eye undimmed, and his natural 
 force not yet abated. He had a genial look and an in- 
 describable charm of manner, and when he spoke, as he 
 occasionally did, to a by-stander, his eye actually beamed 
 with kindliness. He asked about the health of a wife or 
 child, or — with a merry twinkle in his eye — when the 
 next young soldier was to be expected. But in all this, 
 though there might be jest, there was no trace of the 
 demagogue, but a hearty sincerity which drew all hearts 
 to him irresistibly. As he passed along, the women 
 dropped courtesies, and the men took off their hats, but 
 there were no boisterous demonstrations. Their cheers 
 they reserved till he was well on his way, and there was 
 no longer any chance of their catching his glance of 
 recognition. For this was Nolichucky Jack, their new 
 Governor, and the idol of these people. 
 
 Eiding on his right, and' as nearly abreast of Sevier 
 as the latter's high-mettled horse would allow of, was 
 an older and shorter man, somewhat stout, and with 
 grizzled, mole-colored hair. His head was bent slightly 
 
266 JOH^ SEVIER. 
 
 forward, so that the boy could see only his heavy eye- 
 brows. He seemed absorbed in himself, and scarcely 
 conscious of what was going on around him ; but the 
 lad observed that he had prominent features, and a face 
 darkened and reddened by exposure, and that the people 
 paid him much attention. His dress was not so neat 
 and well-fitting as Sevier's, and indeed he seemed alto- 
 gether careless of his personal appearance, as if he had 
 more important things to think about. " And he had," 
 said the old gentleman, "for that was Eobertson, the 
 pioneer of Watauga, the founder of Nashville, and the 
 man who, for fifteen years, with never a thousand men, 
 had fought the whole Creek and Cherokee nations." 
 
 There were some twenty or thirty in the party of 
 horsemen ; but none of the others did the old gentleman 
 particularly remember, except one, in a high cocked 
 hat, who rode a short way in the rear of Sevier — a slight, 
 erect, wiry man, of about thirty years, who sat his horse 
 as if about to charge upon an enemy. "I needn't tell 
 you how he looked," said the old gentleman, "for that 
 was Andrew Jackson, and his face is better known than 
 any other man's in America, except George Washing- 
 ton's." 
 
 The crowd closed in on the rear of the Governor and 
 his party, and the boy and his father followed to wit- 
 ness the opening of the Legislature. Soon the proces- 
 sion passed the new brick house of Major McLellan, a 
 son-in-law of Sevier, in the wooden wing of which the 
 Legislature was shortly afterward to hold its sessions, 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 267 
 
 and then it moved on to the little log court-house in 
 which the wisdom of the State was to assemble. Here 
 Sevier dismounted and led the way into the building ; 
 and then the legislators filed in and took their seats 
 upon the rude plank benches. Many of them were men 
 who, had they lived in an older community, would have 
 had pages devoted to their exploits, but now their names 
 are scarcely to be read except upon the map of Tennes- 
 see. The backwoods people were too busy to write his- 
 tory, and the State has been chary of her monuments ; 
 but she has tried to perpetuate the memory of her great- 
 est worthies by giving their names to her various coun- 
 ties. There are to be found the names of many of the 
 men who listened to the inaugural address of the new 
 Governor. 
 
 Soon Sevier mounted the platform at the end of the 
 room, and delivered the address which is to be found 
 in its proper place on one of the following pages. It 
 was very brief, but it might be taken as a model for 
 all similar documents. When he rose he was greeted 
 by tumultuous cheering, and a like demonstration fol- 
 lowed when he had ceased speaking. All this the boy 
 saw and heard, for the doors and windows were open, 
 and when he told me of it, eighty-three years afterward, 
 he added, while his eye lighted up with an almost youth- 
 ful enthusiasm : " He was a great man, sir ; I don't 
 know that the country has had any greater ; it certainly 
 has had none who was so much beloved by the people. 
 He was their idol. To them his smile was a benedic- 
 
268 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 tion ; his word, an inspiration ; the touch of his hand, 
 an anointing ; and yet, sir, this great State, which he 
 created, lets him sleep in a distant grave, without so 
 much as the simplest monument ! " 
 
 So far as I know, only two of the old buildings which 
 looked down on these scenes are now remaining. One 
 of them is the brick dwelling of Major McLellan, in the 
 wooden wing of which were held the subsequent sessions 
 of the Legislature. When it was built, this house was 
 regarded by the country people as one of the seven won- 
 ders of the world, and from far and near they came to 
 see such a monstrous pile of brick and mortar ; but to 
 eyes accustomed to modern architecture it is a most 
 unsightly structure. It is now occupied as a negro 
 boarding-house. Of more inviting appearance is the 
 wooden building which was the residence of William 
 Blount, while he was the Governor, of the Territory. 
 It shows its age, but is still in good preservation, and 
 still surrounded by a well-kept garden, which one can 
 easily see may have been a delight to all beholders, 
 making the attractive mansion still more attractive. 
 Not many years ago I wandered through its half -vacant 
 rooms, and, as I looked about upon its dingy walls and 
 smoke-begrimed rafters, there rose up before me a vision 
 of that by-gone time — of the genial old Governor and 
 his gentle lady, and of all the brave men and beautiful 
 women who once made the glad music of life resound 
 through its deserted chambers. And now, where are 
 they ? Silence, death's music, is over and around them ; 
 
PIONEER LIFE IN 1796. 269 
 
 but a beauty and a fragrance went out from their lives 
 which have floated down to us, and will be felt by many 
 coming generations. Men die, but their deeds live after 
 them ; and the deeds of these men will live when much 
 of later history is forgotten. 
 
CHAPTER XII. 
 
 THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 
 
 Population in the State of Franklin was at a stand- 
 still during its brief and troubled existence. It con- 
 tained thirty thousand people in 1784, and it was esti- 
 mated to have no more when Sevier went out of office 
 in March, 1788. And this was during a period when 
 an unparalleled tide of emigration was sweeping oyer 
 the Alleghanies. But this tide sought the more north- 
 ern territory which, though equally exposed to sayage 
 invasion, was not torn in a like manner by civil dis- 
 sension. In 1783 the population of Kentucky was esti- 
 mated at twelve thousand, and by the spring of 1784 
 at twenty thousand.* In 1784, thirty thousand immi- 
 grants are said to have come into the Territory from 
 Virginia and North Carolina,! while 19,889 passed 
 Muskingum, going down the Ohio to Kentucky, be- 
 tween August 1, 1786, and May 15, 1789. J In 1790 
 
 * Monette's " Valley of the Mississippi," vol. ii, p. 143. 
 f Albach's "Western Annals," p. 419. 
 % "Columbian Magazine," January, 1790. 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 271 
 
 the population of Kentucky, by actual enumeration, was 
 73,677, while it was not till 1793 that the 5,000 adult 
 males were found in the Southwest Territory, which, by 
 the provisions of the Ordinance of 1787, were to entitle 
 it to a Territorial Legislature. 
 
 This Legislature came together on the fourth Mon- 
 day of February, 1794, and its first act was to nominate 
 ten persons, from among whom Congress was to choose 
 five, to serve as a Legislative Council. Among the five 
 thus selected by Congress was John Sevier. This Coun- 
 cil, with the Governor and the House of Delegates, con- 
 stituted the first General Assembly for the Southwest 
 Territory, which met in the ensuing August. The min- 
 utes of the session show that Sevier took at once, and 
 as a thing of course, an active part in the business of 
 legislation. Being appointed by the Council to confer 
 with the House of Kepresentatives as to the order to 
 be observed in the transaction of business, he reported 
 the following "rules of decorum" for the government 
 of the Legislature, and they are here quoted as a curious 
 illustration of the primitive character of the legislators, 
 who stood in need of such instructions. 
 
 1. When the Speaker is in the chair, every member 
 may sit in his place with his head covered. 
 
 2. Every member shall come into the House un- 
 covered, and shall continue so at all times but when 
 he sits in his place. 
 
 3. No member on coming into the House, or remov- 
 ing from his place, shall pass between the Speaker and 
 
272 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 a member speaking, nor shall any member go across the 
 House, or from one part thereof to the other, while 
 another is speaking. 
 
 4. When any member stands to speak, he shall stand 
 in his place uncovered, and address himself to the 
 Speaker ; but he shall not proceed to speak until per- 
 mitted so to do by the Speaker, which permission shall 
 be signified by naming the member. 
 
 5. When any member is speaking, no other shall 
 stand or interrupt him ; but when he is done speak- 
 ing, and has taken his seat, any other member may 
 rise, observing the rules. 
 
 6. When the Speaker desires to address himself to 
 the House, he shall rise, and be heard without inter- 
 ruption, and the member then speaking shall take his 
 seat. 
 
 7. When any motion shall be before the House, and 
 not perfectly understood, the Speaker may explain, but 
 shall not attempt to sway the House by arguments or 
 debate. 
 
 8. He that digresseth from the subject, to fall on 
 the person of any member, shall be suppressed by the 
 Speaker. 
 
 10. Exceptions taken to offensive words, to be taken 
 the same day they shall be spoken, and before the mem- 
 ber who spoke them shall go out of the House. 
 
 18. Upon adjournment, no member shall presume to 
 move until the Speaker arises and goes before. 
 
 The above rules were adopted on the second day of 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 273 
 
 the session, and by the fourth day bills had been re- 
 ported to regulate the militia of the Territory ; to 
 establish judicial courts ; to make provision for the 
 poor ; declaring what property should be liable to tax- 
 ation ; to levy a tax for the support of government 
 for 1794?; and for the relief of such persons in the 
 militia as had been disabled by wounds, or rendered 
 incapable of procuring, for themselves and families, 
 subsistence ; and providing for the widows and orphans 
 of such as had died. The paternity of the last bill is 
 attributed directly to Sevier ; the speedy enactment of 
 the others was no doubt largely due to the surprising 
 energy that he was accustomed to infuse into any busi- 
 ness with which he was connected. 
 
 Among other acts passed by this Legislature was 
 one incorporating Blount College, which subsequently 
 became the University of Tennessee, and has still a 
 flourishing existence. The session lasted thirty-seven 
 days, the members coming together at seven o'clock in 
 the morning, and remaining in session so long as they 
 could see without candles. The Council assembled in 
 the fort, or in the large room of the village tavern ; 
 the Representatives met in a one-story log building, 
 about twenty feet by thirty, which had been erected 
 for a land-office. The probable expenses of the Ter- 
 ritory for 1794, which had been ordered to be ascer- 
 tained, were reported as "two thousand, three hundred 
 and ninety dollars " ! Before their adjournment the two 
 
 Houses concurred in a resolution requesting "the Gov- 
 25 
 
274 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 ernor to direct that, when the census is taken next 
 June, the sense of the people may at that time be in- 
 quired into, how far it may be their wish for admis- 
 sion into the Union as a State." 
 
 The census which was held in pursuance of this 
 resolution disclosed the fact that there were 77,262 peo- 
 ple in the Territory, of whom nearly sixty-seven thou- 
 sand were whites, and that, consequently, it was entitled 
 to admission into the Union as a State. Accordingly, a 
 convention was held at Knoxville on the 11th of Janu- 
 ary, 1796, and a constitution adopted for a new State, 
 to be called Tennessee. "Writs of election were then 
 issued, which resulted in the choice of John Sevier as 
 Governor. There was no opposing candidate. Thus, 
 after twelve years of varied fortune, was it shown that 
 Sevier was still the unanimous choice of the people. 
 Until now they had not been able to express their will ; 
 but from this time forward, to the day of his death, he 
 was in name, as well as in fact, their leader. The ad- 
 ministration of Blount had been universally satisfactory, 
 but the people did not so much as consider his name for 
 the office which general opinion recognized as belonging 
 of right to the man who for more than twenty years had 
 been the chief stay and bulwark of the Territory. How- 
 ever, on the assembling of the Legislature in the follow- 
 ing March, Blount was elected one of the Senators of the 
 new State in Congress, William Cocke being made his 
 associate Senator ; and Andrew Jackson, who had for 
 some years been United States District Attorney in 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 275 
 
 Kobertson's colony on the Cumberland, was chosen as 
 Kepresentative in the Lower House of Congress. 
 
 Sevier's first message to the Legislature on the assem- 
 bling of the two Houses is a model of brevity, and well 
 worthy of preservation. It was as follows : 
 
 " Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representatives : 
 
 "The high and honorable appointment conferred upon 
 me by the free suffrage of my countrymen fills my breast 
 with gratitude, which, I trust, my future life will mani- 
 fest. I take this early opportunity to express, through 
 you, my thanks in the strongest terms of acknowledg- 
 ment. I shall labor to discharge with fidelity the trust 
 reposed in me ; and, if such my exertions should prove 
 satisfactory, the first wish of my heart will be grati- 
 fied. 
 
 " Gentlemen : accept of my best wishes for your 
 individual and public happiness ; and, relying upon 
 your wisdom and patriotism, I have no doubt but the 
 result of your deliberations will give permanency and 
 success to our new system of government, so wisely 
 calculated to secure the liberty and advance the happi- 
 ness and prosperity of our fellow-citizens. 
 
 "John Seviek." 
 
 The machinery of the new State was now in full 
 operation, and it soon became apparent that the people 
 beyond the mountains had entered upon a new and more 
 prosperous era. Their history of twenty-six years had 
 
276 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 been a stormy one, in which, on several occasions, their 
 very existence had depended upon the soldierly abilities 
 of John Sevier ; but now this remarkable man was to 
 display qualities equally as notable, but of a totally 
 opposite character. He was to be even greater in peace 
 than he had been in war ; and the autocratic power 
 which he wielded by virtue of his wonderful popularity 
 was to be exerted altogether for the public good. He 
 saw that the prosperity of the new State depended upon 
 peace, internal and external ; and this he determined to 
 secure by extending absolute justice to all men — red as 
 well as white — who had their homes within the limits of 
 his Commonwealth. The exercise of his peace policy he 
 began upon his personal enemies. Among his first ap- 
 pointments were those of John Tipton, James Stuart, 
 and Robert Blair as magistrates of Washington County, 
 and the same John Tipton and John Blair as commis- 
 sioners for the town of Jonesboro — all of which persons 
 had for a long time been his personal and political 
 enemies. 
 
 In his efforts to preserve peace with the Indians, 
 Sevier was aided by a recent treaty between the United 
 States and Spain, by which the latter power had con- 
 ceded the navigation of the Mississippi, and relinquished 
 her "protection" over the Southwestern Indians.* 
 
 * This Spanish imbroglio, which for ten years endangered the exist- 
 ence of the newly-formed Union, is one of the most interesting chap- 
 ters in American history ; and I shall attempt to relate it in a life of 
 Kobertson, which I purpose to write in another volume. 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 277 
 
 The condition of the settlers south of the French 
 Broad and Holston was still not in every way satis- 
 factory. A portion of their lands had been acquired by 
 the United States under the treaty of Holston, but, no 
 land-office having yet been opened, the settlers had not 
 secured a legal title ; a portion also was still held by the 
 Oherokees, and the settlers, holding these last only by 
 right of occupancy, were fearful of future disturbances. 
 Having their welfare in mind, Sevier soon addressed the 
 following message to the Legislature : 
 
 "Mr, Speaker and Gentlemen of the Legislature: 
 
 " Permit me to remark to your honorable body that, 
 as our Senators are about to proceed to the Federal Legis- 
 lature, it may not be inexpedient to remind them of the 
 necessity of taking under consideration the embarrassed 
 situation which claimants are under to lands south of the 
 line concluded on in the treaty of Holston, and now 
 within the Indian boundary. 
 
 "In my humble opinion, it is a matter of great pub- 
 lic importance, and particularly interesting to the State 
 and to individuals, to either have the Indian claims 
 extinguished, or the adventurers compensated for their 
 lands. 
 
 " I have no doubt you will take the premises under 
 due deliberation, and give your Senators such instruc- 
 tions as you, in your wisdom, may deem necessary and 
 advisable. Johit Sevier. " 
 
278 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 On the eve of the adjournment of this first Legisla- 
 ture the Governor also brought to its attention the condi- 
 tion of the frontier, advising friendship with the Indians 
 as the best defense and security of the settlers. He also 
 noticed the fact that the soldiers in the late campaigns 
 were still unpaid, and he proposed, with the approval of 
 the Legislature, "to attend in person at the next session 
 of Congress, to urge upon that body payment to the 
 troops for their hazardous and toilsome services." To 
 this the Legislature replied, expressing solicitude that 
 Congress should not only provide for the defense of the 
 frontier, but should also make full compensation to the 
 troops heretofore employed in that service. But it dis- 
 suaded the Governor against attending upon Congress in 
 person, and suggested that he should delegate the duty 
 to the members of Congress from Tennessee. 
 
 Soon thereafter Tennessee was formally admitted by 
 Congress as a State of the Union, and, in communicating 
 this fact to the Legislature, Sevier said, "I have the 
 pleasure of announcing to you, gentlemen, the admis- 
 sion of the State of Tennessee into the Federal Union, a 
 circumstance pregnant with every prospect of peace, 
 happiness, and opulence to our infant State. 
 
 " The period has at length arrived when the people 
 of the Southwestern Territory may enjoy all the bless- 
 ings and liberties of a free and independent repub- 
 lic." 
 
 To this end this man and these people had labored 
 and struggled for twelve years, and it was but natural 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 279 
 
 that they should now felicitate themselves upon having 
 at last achieved the right of self-government. 
 
 Ke-elected Governor in 1798, Sevier soon found his 
 peace policy subjected to a severe strain in consequence 
 of the encroachments of settlers upon the Cherokee lands 
 west of the Clinch, and in the beautiful valley along 
 Powell's. River. Two companies of United States troops 
 had been stationed at Knoxville for the purpose of pre- 
 venting further encroachments, and the commander of 
 these troops had issued a manifesto ordering all tres- 
 passers off: the Indian lands. Many of the settlers had 
 obeyed the order, and fallen back from the lands which 
 had been conveyed to them by North Carolina ; but the 
 larger number had held their ground, and defied the 
 United States soldiers to attempt their removal. Be- 
 tween Knoxville and Nashville and west of Clinch River 
 stretched a wilderness several hundred miles in extent ; 
 and a large portion of this territory had been granted 
 to her soldiers by North Carolina, though not one acre 
 of it had been ceded by the Cherokees in any of their 
 many treaties with either the State or the United States. 
 
 The disorder of the situation is graphically described 
 by a young Englishman who journeyed over this wilder- 
 ness in the summer of 1797. He was the Francis Baily 
 who afterward rose to eminence as an astronomer, and 
 became the founder and President of the Royal Astro- 
 nomical Society. After detailing the incidents of his 
 trip through the forest from Nashville, he says : 
 
 " It will be observed, by an inspection of the map, 
 
280 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 that, from the time we took the Cumberland Mountains 
 to this place, we have been traveling within the Indian 
 country. The Indians keep their tract of land in full 
 sovereignty, and have not yet parted with their title to it 
 to the United States. But, soon after we leave the banks 
 of the Clinch Kiver, we get once more within the limits 
 of the State of Tennessee. After refreshing ourselves at 
 the ferry, we continued our journey, intending to reach 
 this evening an encampment of men, women, and chil- 
 dren, which was formed between this place and Knox- 
 ville. 
 
 "These people were waiting to set out to settle some 
 lands on the Tennessee Eiver, but (as there lately had 
 been a dispute with the Indians with respect to the run- 
 ning the line which divided their territory from the 
 United States) they thought it best to wait the issue of 
 the negotiation which was pending. The limits of the 
 Indian territory had been fixed by the treaty of Holston ; 
 but, it being some years after ere the line was actually 
 run, they found (when they came to survey that part of 
 the country) that a number of inhabitants had en- 
 croached and settled on the Indian territory. This was 
 not at all to be wondered at, as it is almost impossible to 
 know where a line (drawn only upon paper) will actually 
 strike when it comes to be measured. As the United 
 States (agreeably to the policy which they have uni- 
 versally adopted) were determined that the Indians 
 should have no just cause of complaint, they ordered all 
 the families which had so encroached to remove within 
 
THE. NEW COMMONWEALTH. 281 
 
 the limits of the United States, and the President actu- 
 ally sent a detachment of the army into the country to 
 enforce his commands. 
 
 "This was the bone of contention which was the 
 subject of conversation in every place I went into. The 
 inhabitants, firmly opposed being removed from their 
 settlements, and they were supported in their opposi- 
 tion by the encouragement of those who were within the 
 limits of the United States, as they all hate the Indians, 
 and think a little deviation from justice is a thing to be 
 overlooked where their two interests clash with each 
 other. So far does prejudice carry us ! And I believe 
 the inhabitants were prepared to defend themselves 
 against the soldiery with the point of the sword. Hap- 
 pily, things did not come to these extremities, for it was 
 discovered that the line which had been drawn by the 
 surveyors was not agreeable to the treaty ; that, if it had 
 been drawn right, it would not have cut off any of the 
 inhabitants of the State within the Indian limits. Ac- 
 cordingly, a representation of this case was made to the 
 General Assembly at Knoxville, who forwarded a re- 
 monstrance to the President of the United States ; and, 
 at the same time, formed a number of resolutions indica- 
 tive of their determination not to suffer the inhabitants 
 to be turned out of their possession. Such was the state 
 of the country when I was in it. 
 
 "We reached the encampment about sunset, and, 
 having kindled a fire among them and turned our 
 horses into the woods to search for pasture, went round 
 
282 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 to visit the different parties we saw there. They were 
 scattered over a rising ground, near which were some 
 fine springs of water. They seemed to lament their situ- 
 ation, in being deprived of going to settle the land which 
 they had justly and fairly bought, and were so worked 
 up by the apparent hardness of their case that, had 
 things taken a contrary turn, I believe they would 
 have forced their way by the point of the bayo- 
 net."* 
 
 Congress had passed an act imposing fines and for- 
 feitures upon all who should attempt to take possession 
 of any lands within the Indian boundary, and against 
 this act the Legislature, at the instance of Sevier, had 
 protested as follows : " This Legislature, ever willing 
 to support the Constitution and laws of the United 
 States, being impressed with a sense of the injury and 
 grievances sustained by the citizens in consequence of 
 the line of the treaty of Holston, and the act before 
 mentioned, do earnestly request that the prohibitions 
 preventing them to possess the lands before alluded to 
 may be removed ; that provision by law be made for 
 extinguishing the Indian claim to said lands ; that the 
 owners and grantees of said lands may enter upon, oc- 
 cupy, and possess the same in a full and ample man- 
 ner, and have every right, privilege, and advantage, 
 which they are entitled to by constitutional laws." 
 
 * "Journal of a Tour in the Unsettled Parts of the United States of 
 North America in 1796 and 1191." By the late Francis Baily, F. R. S., 
 President of the Royal Astronomical Society. London, 1851. 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 283 
 
 As a result of the, energetic measures taken by Se- 
 vier and the Legislature for the relief of the settlers, 
 Congress appointed commissioners to hold a treaty with 
 the Indians for the acquisition of the lands in the dis- 
 puted territory. The commissioners did not enter upon 
 their duties until the summer of 1798, and meanwhile 
 it required 'all the address of Sevier to prevent an out- 
 break among the impatient settlers, who were encamped 
 in the woods almost in sight of the lands to which 
 they were entitled by legal purchase. Under date of 
 Knoxville, April 23, 1798, he addressed to them a cir- 
 cular, in which he counseled against any "rash and 
 imprudent " proceedings, predicted the early arrival of 
 the treaty commissioners, and assured " his countrymen 
 that nothing should be lacking that might tend to their 
 present and future advantage." 
 
 The commissioners arrived at Knoxville in the fol- 
 lowing month, and arrangements were at once made 
 for their meeting the Indian chiefs early in the succeed-* 
 ing July, at the Tellico block-house. The treaty-mak- 
 ing power was vested solely in the United States com- 
 missioners ; but Sevier appointed General James Eob- 
 ertson, James Stuart, and Lachlan Mcintosh, agents to 
 represent the State of Tennessee. They were to at- 
 tend at the treaty to look after the interests of the set- 
 tlers, and the Governor gave them written instructions 
 on such points as he deemed of special importance. 
 These points were : 
 
 1. "To obtain as wide an extinguishment of the 
 
284 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Cherokee claim, north of the Tennessee, as was attain- 
 able. 
 
 2. "An unimpeded communication of Holston *and 
 Clinch Eivers with the Tennessee ; and the surrender 
 of the west bank of the Clinch, opposite Southwest 
 Point. 
 
 3. "To secure from future molestation the settle- 
 ments as far as they have progressed on the northern 
 and western borders of the State, and the connection 
 of Hamilton and Miro Districts, then separated by a 
 space of unextinguished hunting-ground, eighty miles 
 wide. 
 
 4. "To examine into the nature and validity of 
 the claim recently set up by the Cherokees to lands 
 north of the [Little] Tennessee Eiver. Does it rest up- 
 on original right ? Is it derived from treaties ? Is it 
 founded only upon a temporary use and occupancy ? " 
 
 The State agents and the United States commis- 
 sioners met the Indians at the appointed time, and the 
 following is the brief record which the historian Hay- 
 wood makes of the proceedings : 
 
 "The council opened. The Bloody Fellow having 
 prefaced the subject, delivered a paper which he stated 
 to contain their final resolutions, which were a peremp- 
 tory refusal to sell, and an absolute denial to permit 
 the inhabitants to return to their homes." In other 
 words, all the elaborate preparations, attended with great 
 expense and trouble to both the State and the United 
 States, were rendered nugatory by the obstinacy of a 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 285 
 
 few badly disposed savages, who were madly intent upon 
 war with the whites. Since the death of Old Tassel, 
 there had been no generally acknowledged king of the 
 Cherokees. Double-Head had held dominion over the 
 northern portion of the tribe, John Watts over the 
 southern ; and without a war the contending claims of 
 these rival chieftains could not be decided. Should a 
 war with the whites occur, one of them would have a 
 chance to win supremacy over the other, even if the 
 nation should be defeated ; therefore both were now op- 
 posed to any treaty whatever. They refused to negoti- 
 ate on any terms ; but Robertson, who had more weight 
 with them than any one on the treaty-ground, per- 
 suaded them to meet the whites again in the follow- 
 ing September. 
 
 They did so ; and, Robertson not being able to at- 
 tend, Sevier himself repaired to the treaty - ground. 
 He had no sooner exchanged greetings and a few re- 
 marks with the Cherokee chieftains than they assent- 
 ed to such a treaty as was demanded by the whites. 
 The circumstances were unchanged in every particular : 
 there was the same rivalry between John Watts and 
 Double-Head, and the same conviction that a war with 
 the whites would bring about a settlement of their own 
 disputes ; but they no sooner came in contact with Se- 
 vier than they consented to a treaty which ceded to 
 the whites the land already settled upon, and a much 
 larger territory than had been demanded in the pre- 
 vious July. And this cession was secured by the pay- 
 26 
 
2SG JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 ment of only five thousand dollars, with the promise of 
 an annuity of one thousand. 
 
 The arguments resorted to by Sevier to bring the 
 Indians to a reasonable settlement can only be con- 
 jectured. It is probable that the language he used to 
 them now was much the same he had employed on pre- 
 vious occasions, when he had told them that no man, 
 or body of men, had a right to appropriate as mere 
 hunting-grounds vast tracts of the earth's surface ; that 
 the Great Spirit had designed the soil for the men who 
 tilled it, and caused it to yield its natural fruits. This 
 the white man did ; and the Indian must resort to his 
 ways, or give place to his advance. There was no al- 
 ternative. This continent was to be overspread with 
 civilization. It was manifest destiny, and whoever 
 should resist it would perish. He would be glad to 
 live at peace with the Cherokees ; but peace or war 
 was at their own election. If, however, they chose war, 
 they should remember that, when he struck, his blows 
 were heavy, and that he was now at the head of a hun- 
 dred thousand, every man among them deadly sure with 
 the rifle. 
 
 The Cherokees chose peace, and never again, so long 
 as Sevier lived, did they dig up the hatchet. And, what 
 is more remarkable, from this time forward this. man, 
 whom they had persistently fought for nearly twenty-five 
 years, became their most trusted counselor and friend. 
 In all disputes among themselves, they chose " 'Chucky 
 Jack " as their umpire ; and when their rights were in- 
 
THE NEW COMMONWEALTH. 287 
 
 vaded, or their lands encroached upon by the settlers — 
 which was not seldom — it was to the "great eagle of the 
 pale faces " that they turned for help and protection. 
 And they never appealed to him in vain. However 
 powerful might be their opponent, both they and he 
 were sure to receive exact and impartial justice at the 
 hands of the "good old Governor." 
 
 Up to this period a large part of the people had dwelt 
 in rude fortresses, termed stations, of which there were 
 two or three hundred within the limits of the Territory. 
 These stations were inclosed with palisades, and usually 
 contained cabins enough to house from fifty to two hun- 
 dred people. This involved a certain crowding of the 
 population, which, in the midst of unbounded space, was 
 submitted to only because it was necessary to insure 
 safety from the savages. But, so soon as the absolute 
 ascendency of Sevier had secured permanent peace with 
 the Indians, the habits of the population, and the entire 
 aspect of the country, underwent a sudden change. The 
 fortified stations were abandoned, and here and there, 
 over the whole country, went up detached farm-houses, 
 nestling among wide-spreading trees, and overlooking 
 broad, cultivated fields, laden heavily with the golden 
 riches of a coming harvest. Towns and villages, too, 
 sprang up as if by magic, with dwellings no longer built of 
 rough logs, and intended only for security, but of painted 
 weather-boarding, with glazed windows, modeled, it may 
 be, after the wooden palace of Governor Blount, which 
 was the first framed dwelling west of the Alleghanies. 
 
288 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Thus it was that the stockade gave place to the neat and 
 well-ordered village, in which the mechanic arts began to 
 nourish, school-houses and churches to go up, and men to 
 cultivate all the amenities and refinements of civiliza- 
 tion. Immigration continued to flow into the country 
 in such numbers that the census of 1800 showed the 
 State to contain a population of not less than 105,682. 
 Thus, in the space of little more than twenty-five 
 years, and in the face of appalling difficulties, had Sevier 
 and his compatriots built up a great commonwealth in 
 the heart of the Western wilderness. In the history of 
 no other people is there any similar achievement. It was 
 possible only to men of the Anglo-Saxon race, and to 
 them only when given a leader as wise, as heroic, and 
 as self-devoted as John Sevier. 
 
CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 CLOSING YEARS. 
 
 I AM not writing a history of Tennessee. The aim of 
 this volume, and of the one which has preceded it, has 
 been to recount the career of the remarkable man who 
 was the founder and builder of that Commonwealth ; 
 and I have related the early history of the State only for 
 the reason that his life was so interwoven with its early 
 life that one can not be told without relating the other. 
 The same remark applies to Sevier's subsequent career, 
 for to the very last he was the soul of the Commonwealth 
 he had created. 
 
 But we have now arrived at a period in his life, and 
 in that of the State, when to both may be applied the 
 saying, "Happy are the people whose annals are va- 
 cant." To this man, whose career had been until now 
 one long struggle, and to this State, which was cradled 
 in the midst of perils, nurtured amid external and inter- 
 nal strife, and time and again had been saved from de- 
 struction only by the single hand and brain of this one 
 man, had come a season of repose — an unbroken period 
 of peace and prosperity, barren of incident, and unruffled 
 
290 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 by a single one of those striking events which form the 
 staple of most histories. To the State it was peace, and 
 such prosperity as was then unknown to any of the six- 
 teen States, except the neighboring one of Kentucky; 
 and to Sevier it was peace and such abounding honor, 
 both at home and abroad, as was accorded to but few of 
 the men of his generation. We have seen that, when but 
 recently an outlaw, he was given by Washington sole 
 command of the men of Watauga ; so now, in 1798, on 
 the recommendation of Washington, he was appointed by 
 President Adams a brigadier-general in the army that 
 was forming to resist the arrogant encroachments of 
 France. But the war-cloud passed away, and left Sevier 
 sitting in peace " under his own vine and fig-tree." 
 With a passing glance at him there, I will close this im- 
 perfect record of his life, which has been written in the 
 hope that it may recall to his countrymen the great 
 services he rendered to American freedom and Western 
 civilization. 
 
 At the close of Sevier's second term he was again 
 unanimously elected Governor, and then, having served 
 six consecutive years, he was, by the Constitution he had 
 helped to frame, not again eligible for the position till 
 the expiration of two years. During this interval the 
 office was filled by Archibald Eoane ; but at its close the 
 people again put Sevier in nomination, and he was again 
 elected without an opposing candidate. Two more unan- 
 imous elections succeeded, he serving another consecu- 
 tive six years ; and then, feeling old age coming upon 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 291 
 
 him, he declined any further nominations for the office. 
 But the people would not dispense with his services. 
 They at once elected him to Congress, and they kept him 
 there by three successive elections, of the last of which 
 he probably never heard, for it occurred while he was 
 away in the Creek country, where he died at the age 
 of seventy years, having been for fifty-two years — since 
 he was a boy of eighteen — in the active service of his 
 country. 
 
 During all of this long period Sevier was a leader of 
 men, and a prime mover in the important events which 
 occurred beyond the Alleghanies. For thirty years of 
 this time he was engaged in almost constant warfare ; and, 
 though his men were altogether volunteers, and he, until 
 after the battle of King's Mountain, commanded without 
 a commission, and merely as an elected leader, there never 
 was known so much as a whisper of insubordination 
 among them. Without fear or question they followed 
 wherever he led, even upon the most desperate expedi- 
 tions ; and the wave of his sword, the sound of his voice, 
 was enough to transform the most timid among them 
 into heroes. 
 
 And the sway of Sevier was as potent and undisputed 
 in civil as in military affairs. Aided by North Carolina, 
 a few factious and ambitious men had attempted for a 
 time to undermine his authority, but their efforts were fu- 
 tile ; and, from the moment of his reconciliation to the 
 "mother-State," all opposition to him ceased, and, no mat- 
 ter what official position he held, ever afterward he was 
 
292 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 the autocrat of the backwoods. The Governors who suc- 
 ceeded him had only a nominal authority. So long as he 
 lived, he was the real seat of power. On all questions of 
 importance, the people asked, " What says the good old 
 Governor ? " They might differ from him in opinion, 
 but when they did they questioned their own judgments, 
 and submitted cheerfully to his decisions. This they did 
 because experience had shown that he was always right. 
 The same genius which governed his military operations, 
 and made victory a foregone conclusion, enabled him to 
 forecast civil results, and to lead his people on by peace- 
 ful ways to prosperity and greatness. 
 
 A rule like his was never before or since known in 
 this country. It was made possible only by the peculiar 
 genius of Sevier, and the primitive character of the peo- 
 ple he governed. Untrained in the military art and ig- 
 norant of governmental science, they were building up 
 a great empire. This they knew, and naturally they 
 looked to the man who had the ability to shield them 
 from danger and to guide them on the road to permanent 
 peace and prosperity. And it is Sevier's peculiar glory 
 that he did this without any thought of self — never once 
 looking to his own profit, or fame, or honor. It is said : 
 " Whosoever would become great among you shall be 
 your minister ; and whosoever would be first among you 
 shall be your bond-servant." Of this nature was Sevier's 
 greatness — dwarfed by no' selfish ends, and inspired and 
 nourished wholly by a single regard for the good of 
 his fellow-men. This accounts for the fact that the 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 293 
 
 trans- Alleghany people were welded by him, as it were, 
 into one individual, with but one heart, one mind, and 
 one purpose ; and these all centered in one great brain 
 and heart, which was the moving force of the whole. 
 They were the body, he was the soul ; and, had it not 
 been so, Western civilization might have had a different 
 fate in the eighteenth century. 
 
 A little incident will illustrate Sevier's wonderful 
 popularity, and show how, in the remotest cabins, par- 
 ents spoke of him to their children with such unbounded 
 affection and admiration that the little ones came to re- 
 gard him as some superior being — a sort of demi-god, 
 entitled to their unquestioning allegiance. I had the 
 anecdote from a gentleman of Knoxville,* who long ago 
 was told it by the old man who had been a party to the 
 occurrence. The aged countryman first saw Sevier when 
 he was a lad of some six or seven years, but he had heard 
 much of him from his very infancy, and his young im- 
 agination had magnified him into a sort of heroic demi- 
 god. One Sunday, when all the settlement had gathered 
 for religious services in the cross-roads meeting-house, 
 a hatless man rushed into the sacred building, shouting 
 thai Nolichucky Jack was coming up the road on his 
 way to Virginia. At once the Sunday services were sus- 
 pended, and every one turned out — even the minister. 
 They found the road lined with men and women, for the 
 news had spread far and wide, and all had come together 
 
 * Hon. William A. Henderson. 
 
294 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 to welcome the idol of the people. Soon Sevier came in 
 sight, walking his horse, and followed by a cavalcade of 
 gentlemen. Nobody cheered or shouted, but all pressed 
 about him to get a look, a smile, a kindly word, or a nod 
 of recognition from their beloved Governor. And these 
 he had for all, and all of them he called by name ; and 
 this, it is said, he could do to every man and woman in 
 the State, when they numbered more than a hundred 
 thousand. The boy's father had been a soldier under 
 Sevier, and when the Governor came abreast of him he 
 halted his horse, and took the man and his wife by the 
 hand. Then reaching down, and placing his hand on 
 the boy's head, he said : "And who have we here ? This 
 is a little fellow I have not seen." That he was noticed 
 by so great a man made the boy inexpressibly proud and 
 happy ; but could this affable, unassuming gentleman be 
 the demi-god of his young imagination ? This was the 
 thought that came to the boy, and he turned to his 
 father, saying, "Why, father, 'Chucky Jack is only a 
 man ! " But that was the wonder of the thing— how, 
 being only a man, he had managed to capture the hearts 
 of a whole people. 
 
 The devotion of the men of the border to Sevier is 
 without any parallel in American history. His will was 
 literally their law, but it was law regulated by a kind- 
 ness which sprang from a great, loving soul. This all 
 men knew and respected; and I think it may be said 
 that they refrained from strife, and violence, and crime, 
 less because it would subject them to punishment, than 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 295 
 
 because of the pain their misdoings would inflict upon 
 the heart of the "good old Governor." Though, as a 
 class, impatient of restraint, and of somewhat reckless 
 characteristics, crime was almost unknown among them. 
 For years there was no State's prison in the State, and 
 the jail at Knoxville — fourteen feet square — was seldom 
 afflicted with a tenant. There were courts, and judges, 
 and juries ; but Sevier was the court of last resort — the 
 supreme judge, the final jury. Was any one — white man 
 or red — aggrieved, he complained to the Governor ; did 
 two men differ, they submitted their controversy to him ; 
 were some of his old comrades in poverty or distress, they 
 appealed to their old commander, and he always found 
 some way to give them relief and assistance, though he 
 had impoverished himself in defending his country, and 
 was in his old age reduced to a meager pittance of a 
 thousand dollars a year. 
 
 But it must not be inferred from this that society be- 
 yond the mountains had reached that happy condition 
 wherein men have only minor differences, easily settled 
 by arbitration, and that courts of law had become en- 
 tirely obsolete. The men of the backwoods had not alto- 
 gether given over backbiting and bickering, torn down 
 their log temples of justice, and unanimously agreed to 
 submit all disputes to the decision of one man, whose 
 clear brain would rightly estimate and impartially weigh 
 both sides, and whose great heart would infallibly temper 
 justice with the gentle dews of mercy. It was not so. 
 It has not anywhere in this world been so since Adam 
 
296 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 migrated from Eden, and Cain committed the first crime 
 of which there is historical record ; and it will not be so 
 for the next fifty thousand years, if the laws of heredity 
 hold good, and universal man does not imbibe the spirit 
 of the loving Christ, who came to earth to tell us that love 
 is the grand motive power of the universe. Ever since 
 man first transgressed the law, there have been legal tri- 
 bunals, and they were to be found among these primitive 
 people. But the courts sat only twice a year, and often 
 their sessions were of not more than a week's duration. 
 Their dockets were lean, and their rough benches de- 
 serted, because of the loving influence of one man, whose 
 brotherly kindness had permeated the whole community. 
 There were but seven lawyers in the entire Territory 
 when it numbered nearly one hundred thousand people, 
 and even they had caught some of Sevier's spirit, if the 
 manifesto of one of them is any indication of the princi- 
 ples of the rest of the fraternity. I find this manifesto 
 in the advertising columns of the "Knoxville Gazette," 
 of April 6, 1793, and it deserves preservation. It is 
 headed — 
 
 "Fiat Justitia." 
 
 And it goes on to say : "Having adopted the above 
 motto, as early as I had the honor of admission to the 
 bar, I have covenanted with myself that I will never 
 knowingly depart from it ; and on this foundation I 
 have built a few maxims which afford my reflection an 
 unspeakable satisfaction : 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 297 
 
 "I. I will practice law, because it offers me oppor- 
 tunities of being a more useful member of society. 
 
 "II. I will turn a deaf ear to no man because bis 
 purse is empty. 
 
 " III. I will advise no man beyond my comprehen- 
 sion of his cause. 
 
 "IV. I will lead none into law whom my conscience 
 tells me should be kept out of it. 
 - "V. I will never be unmindful of the cause of hu- 
 manity, and this comprehends the fatherless and widow, 
 and those who are in bondage. 
 
 "VI. I will be faithful to my client, but never so 
 unfaithful to myself as to become a party to his crime. 
 
 "VII. In criminal cases I will not underrate my own 
 abilities ; for, if my client proves a rascal, his money is 
 better in my hands, and, if not, I hold the option. 
 
 "VIII. I will never acknowledge the omnipotence of 
 legislation, nor consider its acts to be law when against 
 the spirit of the Constitution. 
 
 "IX. No man's greatness shall elevate him above the 
 justice due to my client. 
 
 "X. I will not consent to a compromise when I con- 
 ceive a verdict essential to my client's future reputation or 
 protection ; for of this he can not be a competent judge. 
 
 "XL I will advise the turbulent with candor, and, if 
 they persist in going to law against my advice, they must 
 pardon me for volunteering it against them. 
 
 " XII. I will acknowledge every man's right to man- 
 age his own case if he pleases. 
 27 
 
298 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 " The above are my rules of practice, and though I 
 will not at this critical juncture promise to finish my 
 business in person, I will, if the public service should re- 
 quire my removal hence, do everything in my power for 
 those who like them ; and endeavor to leave them in 
 proper hands if I should be absent. 
 
 "William Tatham. 
 
 " Knoxville, March 23, 1793." 
 
 Sevier's justice knew neither rich nor poor, but his 
 heart beat the warmest and his hand was the most open 
 to those who had fallen by the way in the struggle of 
 life, or had most severely felt the rough bufferings of 
 poverty. So long as he had wealth it flowed out to such 
 in abounding measure, and when he could no longer give 
 of his substance he gave them himself — in his influence, 
 his provident care, his never-ceasing effort to ameliorate 
 their condition. Government, he said, should be the 
 guardian of the poor, the widow, and the fatherless ; and 
 there is not one of his messages to the Legislature, that 
 escaped the ravages of the Vandal fire which consumed 
 Dr. Ramsey's dwelling during the Union occupation of 
 Knoxville, which does not have some reference to the 
 needs or make some suggestion for the benefit of the 
 "less fortunate of our fellow-citizens," whom he recom- 
 mends to their "paternal care and wisdom." One of 
 these messages is now before me, and it so fully reveals 
 the man, and clearly sketches the condition of the young 
 Commonwealth, that I copy the entire document. It is 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 299 
 
 dated September 19, 1799, and, according to the custom 
 of the time, was delivered in person to the assembled 
 Senators and Representatives, who subsequently respond- 
 ed to it through the Speakers of the two Houses. The 
 message was as follows : 
 
 66 Mr. Speaker, and Gentlemen of the Senate and of the 
 House of Representatives : 
 
 "It is with peculiar satisfaction that I have the 
 honor this day of meeting your august body in this 
 house, where I have the pleasure of informing you that 
 the State is blessed with peace and quietude — the fields 
 of the husbandman abundantly supplied with the fruits 
 of the earth, our harvests yielding to the laborer ample 
 satisfaction for his toils. 
 
 "The laws and regular decorum, so far as comes 
 within my knowledge, are duly observed and supported 
 throughout the government. Emigration and popula- 
 tion are daily increasing, and I have no doubt that — 
 under the propitious hand of Providence, your patron- 
 age, and the wise and wholesome laws which you in your 
 wisdom may enact — our State will become more and 
 more respectable and conspicuous, and that its citizens 
 will enjoy all the happiness and comfort this human life, 
 in an ordinary course, can afford them. 
 
 "The poor and the distressed claim the first share of 
 your deliberations, and I have not the smallest doubt 
 your attention will be duly directed to them, and to 
 every other object worthy of legislative consideration. 
 
300 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 Among other things, gentlemen, permit me again to re- 
 mind you that the landed estates of your constituents, in 
 general, appear to be verging on to a very precarious and 
 doubtful situation, and should a timely interference be 
 neglected it may become a subject of very great regret. 
 I, therefore, beg leave to recommend that, so far as it 
 may be consistent with the cession act and good public 
 faith, you provide, in the most ample manner, for the 
 security and peaceful enjoyment of all such property as 
 may appear to be in jeopardy. 
 
 "■I now proceed to enjoin on you the great necessity 
 of promoting and encouraging manufactories, and estab- 
 lishing warehouses and inspections of various kinds. 
 These will give a spring to industry, and enable the agri- 
 cultural part of the community to export and dispose of 
 all the surplus part of their bulky and heavy articles. 
 Providence has blessed this State with a soil peculiarly 
 calculated for the production of wheat, hemp, flax, cot- 
 ton, tobacco, and indigo ; it abounds with ores and min- 
 erals, and has navigable rivers amply sufficient to enable 
 us to export to the best of markets. This being the 
 case, gentlemen, you will readily conceive how essentially 
 necessary it is for the encouraging and promoting of all 
 the advantages enumerated, that you lend to them your 
 early legislative aid and patronage. 
 
 "Gentlemen of the Senate and House of Representa- 
 tives, I am deeply and sensibly impressed with the honor 
 conferred on me by my fellow-citizens, in electing me for 
 a third time to preside as the Chief Magistrate of the 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 301 
 
 State. I earnestly wish I possessed greater abilities and 
 talents to enable me to discharge the important duties, 
 trust, and confidence they have reposed in me ; but rest 
 assured that, so far as I am able, nothing will be lacking 
 or neglected by me that may tend toward the interest, 
 welfare, and safety of the State. Before I close this ad- 
 dress, I can not forbear requesting a harmony of meas- 
 ures in your councils, and that you unite in endeavoring 
 to promote our dearest rights and interests. I have the 
 fullest hope that by your wisdom and policy you will 
 secure to our country the advantages and respect to 
 which it is entitled, and has a right to enjoy. 
 
 "(Signed) John Seviek." 
 
 To this address the House and Senate replied, through 
 their Speakers, as follows : 
 
 " To Ms Excellency Johh Sevier, Governor of the State 
 of Tennessee. 
 " Sir : It is with peculiar satisfaction that the Senate 
 and House of Kepresentatives have received your commu- 
 nication, announcing to them that our State is crowned 
 with the blessings of peace and quietude ; that the toils 
 of the husbandman are amply rewarded with abundant 
 crops ; that the laws throughout the State are well and 
 duly executed ; and that emigration and population are 
 daily increasing. And we beg leave now to assure you 
 that, under the directing hand of the all-seeing Provi- 
 dence, nothing on our part shall be wanting to increase 
 
302 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 the respectability of our rising State, and promote the 
 welfare and happiness of our constituents. 
 
 "Receive, sir, our assurance that the matters and 
 things contained in your address, and recommended to 
 us as subjects of legislation, shall meet with that investi- 
 gation and deliberation which the importance of the dif- 
 ferent subjects requires. 
 
 "We beg leave, sir, to express our gratification at 
 being the witness of your being once more called, by the 
 unanimous suffrage of the freemen of Tennessee, to the 
 seat of Chief Magistrate of the State, and to express 
 our public confidence that you will continue to execute 
 the duties which appertain to your office with that firm- 
 ness, judgment, and impartiality which have heretofore 
 characterized you as the Chief Magistrate of Tennessee." 
 
 On the last day of the previous session of the Legis- 
 lature, it made to Sevier an address, which is notable 
 from its having been signed by William Blount, the 
 former Governor of the Territory, and then Speaker of 
 the Senate, and by James Stuart, the aforetime adherent 
 of Tipton, and enemy of Sevier, who was Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives. Of John Tipton himself all 
 trace from this time (1798) disappears. Whether he had 
 died, or had retired, like Cincinnatus, to his farm, I have 
 not been able to discover. The address was as follows : 
 
 " To John" Sevier, Governor of the State of Tennessee : 
 "The communications you have thought proper to 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 303 
 
 make to both Houses of the General Assembly, at the 
 commencement and during the present session, afford 
 additional proof of the care which hath always marked 
 your official character since the first appointment to your 
 present station. 
 
 "In the course of the present session the Legislature 
 hath taken into consideration the subject of your several 
 communications, and acted upon the same consistent 
 with the exigency. 
 
 " The General Assembly, having finished the business 
 before them, propose to adjourn this evening, without 
 day." 
 
 These addresses exhibit the regard in which the 
 "good old Governor" was held by the Tennessee Legis- 
 lature. The trust and confidence of the people in him 
 was shown by their six times choosing him unanimously 
 their Governor, and by their subsequently electing him 
 with the same unanimity, on three successive occasions, 
 to the Congress of the United States. Such repeated 
 and unanimous expressions of trust, esteem, and affection 
 have never been accorded to any other public man in this 
 country. 
 
 But this man, so universally beloved, was not without 
 his enemies, and one of these was no less a personage 
 than Andrew Jackson, subsequently President of the 
 United States, but who at this time had achieved no 
 particular distinction. Since 1788 Jackson had been in 
 the practice of the law in Kobertson's colony on the 
 
304 JOHN" SEVIER. 
 
 Cumberland, and, observing his energy and fearless prose- 
 cution of offenders, and perhaps thinking well of his legal 
 ability, Sevier, in 1798, appointed him a Judge of the 
 Superior Court of Law and Equity of the newly formed 
 State. Their subsequent relations seem to have been 
 friendly until 1803, when the position of major-general 
 in the Tennessee militia was about to become vacant, and 
 Jackson made application for the appointment. The 
 office was an important one, inasmuch as, under the 
 Governor, the major-general had control of the entire 
 military force of the State. 
 
 To make sure of securing the position he coveted, 
 Jackson sought a personal interview with Sevier, and 
 pressed upon him his claims to the office. Naturally dis- 
 inclined to intrust duties so responsible to a man who 
 had no knowledge of the military art, nor any martial 
 experience beyond that to be gained in a bar-room brawl, 
 or a scrimmage at a cross-roads, the Governor received 
 Jackson's proposals with decided coolness. But the 
 cooler he grew the hotter became the applicant, and he 
 soon broke into the absurd gasconading which, according 
 to his biographers, he occasionally indulged in, even 
 when accumulated years should have taught him better 
 manners. He had been, prior to 1795, a private in one 
 or two Indian fights under Sampson Williams, a noted 
 captain of Kobertson's, and he probably boasted of these 
 exploits, of which there are still traditions in Nashville. 
 This disgusted Sevier, who was embodied frankness, and 
 had a peculiarly sarcastic smile by which he put down 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 305 
 
 officious pretension. He said to Jackson that he had 
 never heard of any of his military exploits, except his 
 carrying away of another man's wife. The allusion was 
 to the fact tnat not long before Jackson had escorted his 
 future wife, then Mrs. Kobards, to Natchez, to remove 
 her from the persecution of a brutal husband. The 
 event created a great scandal at the time, but there can 
 be no question that the relations between Jackson and 
 Mrs. Robards were innocent, and that she was justified in 
 fleeing from her husband. To the end of his life Jack- 
 son was extremely sensitive to any disparaging allusions 
 to his wife, and he now promptly challenged Sevier to a 
 duel. Jackson was but thirty-six, Sevier nearly sixty 
 — an age when even military men are exempted from the 
 practice of human slaughter ; but the custom of the 
 time regarded dueling as the genteel mode of healing 
 differences between gentlemen, and Sevier accepted the 
 challenge, by writing Jackson the note which follows : 
 
 u Knoxville, October 2, 1803. 
 
 "Sir: Yours to-day, by Andrew Whithe, Esq., I 
 have received, and am pleased with, the contents, so far 
 as respects a personal interview. 
 
 "Your ungentlemanly and gasconading conduct of 
 yesterday, and, indeed, at all other times heretofore, 
 have unmasked you to me and to the world. The 
 voice of the Assembly has made you a judge, and this 
 alone renders you worthy of my notice, or that of any 
 
306 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 other gentleman. To the office I have respect, and 
 this only makes you worthy of notice. 
 
 "I shall wait on you with pleasure at any time 
 and place not within the State of Tennessee, attended 
 by my friend, with pistols, presuming you know noth- 
 ing about the use of any other arms. Georgia, Virginia, 
 and North Carolina are in our vicinity, and we can 
 easily repair to either of those places, and conveniently 
 retire into the inoffending government. You can not 
 mistake me or my meaning. 
 
 "Yours, etc., etc., 
 
 "John- Sevier. 
 
 " Hon. A. Jackson." 
 
 To this Jackson replied that it was in the town of 
 Knoxville that Sevier had taken the name of a lady 
 "into" his polluted lips, and in the neighborhood of 
 Knoxville he should atone for it, or he would publish 
 him as "a coward and a poltroon." 
 
 Sevier then dispatched to Jackson his second, with 
 a note, saying the gentleman would arrange upon a 
 "time and place of rendezvous." No arrangement 
 was made, for Jackson insisted on a meeting in the 
 vicinity of Knoxville. Some correspondence ensued, 
 which Sevier closed by a note in which he said : ' ' An 
 interview within the State you know I have denied. 
 Anywhere outside, you have nothing to do but to 
 name the place and I will the time. I have some re- 
 gard for the laws of the State over which I have the 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 307 
 
 honor to preside, although you, a judge, appear to have 
 none.*'* 
 
 This closed the correspondence, but it did not pacify 
 the irate Jackson, who soon afterward made an assault 
 upon Sevier in the streets of Knoxville. Both were 
 mounted, and Sevier was surrounded by about twenty 
 horsemen. Jackson was much more thinly attended, 
 and armed only with a cane and a brace of pistols ; 
 but, putting his cane in rest, like the lance of a plumed 
 knight, he charged down upon Sevier most furiously. 
 The latter dismounted to meet the assault ; but a col- 
 lision was prevented by the attending gentlemen, who 
 soon pacified Jackson, and induced him to give his hand 
 to the Governor. 
 
 But they never became friends, and, indeed, they 
 could not well be, for they could not meet on any \) 
 common ground of fraternity. Both were brave, honest, 
 and intensely patriotic ; but in all other respects they 
 were as far asunder as the antipodes. Jackson was a 
 born fighter, by his very nature aggressive, and delight- 
 ing to struggle with men, either with arms or in the 
 political arena ; and it was this trait which made him, 
 though essentially just, kind, and good, the best-hated 
 man who has lived in this country. Sevier, on the 
 contrary, though he had a genius for war, was by 
 
 * This correspondence appeared in full, some years ago, in the " Cin- 
 cinnati Commercial " ; and it is quoted entire by Professor Clayton, in 
 his " History of Davidson County." Mr. Clayton has, however, I think, 
 fallen into error in regard to some of the attending circumstances. 
 
 / 
 

 308 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 nature a man of peace and a lover of harmony. He 
 was kindly affectioned to all, high and low, white man 
 and red, and ever ready to sacrifice for the meanest, 
 rest, comfort, and property. Moreover, he had a strict 
 regard for decorum, was a born gentleman, actually 
 loathing the low sports and roistering gasconade to 
 which Jackson was at this time addicted. Sevier never 
 regained his respect for this man, who was so strangely 
 destined to rise to the highest station, and even in his 
 retired old age to control so absolutely the politics of this 
 country. When Jackson's fame was at its zenith, and 
 the country was ringing with his military successes, 
 Sevier would not admit that he had the ability to com- 
 mand, and, in a letter to his son, severely criticised 
 his conduct of the Creek campaign.* 
 
 But, though apparently reconciled to Sevier, Jack- 
 son's feeling toward him continued to be extremely 
 bitter. Soon after the events just narrated, his brother- 
 in-law, Donelson, was indicted for frauds in the sale of 
 lands, and at once Jackson charged that Sevier was 
 implicated in the transactions. The charge was speedily 
 disproved, and from the first the people knew it to be 
 absurd, for, with eVery ability and facility for making 
 money, Sevier was so poor that, but for his wife's ex- 
 cellent management of his plantation, he could not 
 have supported his family. But the charge showed 
 the animus of Jackson, who never forgot a friend or 
 forgave an enemy. 
 
 * See "Rear-Guard of the Revolution," page 314. 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 309 
 
 Sevier was poor. For more than twenty years his 
 means had been exhaustively drawn upon for the equip- 
 ment and support of the men who under him had 
 fought for the country against both the British and 
 the Indians ; and the consequence was that, though 
 free from debt, he had nothing but his plantation and 
 a meager pittance of seven hundred and fifty dollars a 
 year during his first term as Governor of Tennessee. 
 He had rendered vast and vital services to the country, 
 and at the sacrifice of about all he possessed, but he 
 had never thought of asking remuneration from a gov- 
 ernment that was quite as poor as he was. Blount, 
 who had just gone out of office as Governor of the 
 Territory, had lived in a style' of elegance not common 
 to the backwoods ; and it was but natural that Sevier 
 should feel it incumbent upon him to support a town 
 residence somewhat in harmony with the dignity of 
 the new State. Accordingly, not realizing exactly how 
 poor he was — as few men do who have been reduced 
 from affluence to poverty — he bought a house-lot in 
 Knoxville, and, soon after his first election as Governor, 
 began the erection of a spacious brick mansion. How- 
 ever, when the building had arrived at the top of the 
 basement story, he found himself in the position of 
 the one in Scripture, who began to build, and was not 
 able to finish. He had a horror of debt ; so, like an 
 honest man, he went no further, but, selling his lot and 
 unfinished house, he paid off his workmen, and then, 
 
 like Cincinnatus, retired to his farm, where he ever 
 28 
 
310 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 afterward lived, making his home, when obliged to be 
 in Knoxyille on official business, with his son-in-law, 
 Major McLellan, in the new brick house which has 
 been mentioned. The unfinished house was bought by 
 a Mr. John Park, and it is yet standing, and the property 
 of his descendants. Mr. Park completed it after the 
 plans of Sevier ; but he used a somewhat differently 
 colored brick in its construction, so that the line where 
 Sevier left off and Park began was distinctly visible. 
 That line has remained to this day, a speaking monu- 
 ment to the poverty, unflinching honesty, and demo- 
 cratic good sense of the first Governor of Tennessee. 
 
 Near the main road leading to Sevierville, and about 
 five miles from the city of Knoxville, in a deserted 
 and worn-out field, are the ruins of an old log station. 
 During the war between Sevier and the Oherokces for 
 the protection of the French Broad settlers, the place 
 became the refuge of a number of families, and it had 
 been a frontier post before Knoxville was settled. It 
 was in a secluded and picturesque region, where a copi- 
 ous spring gushes forth from a spur of Bay's Mount- 
 ain. The surrounding land was bought by Sevier when, 
 about 1790, he took up his abode on the frontier, to 
 be nearer to the hostile Indians. The buildings he at 
 once enlarged, and he kept on adding to them year 
 by year — one log-house being tacked to another — till 
 the structure more resembled a hamlet than a single 
 dwelling. Here he lived ever after his futile effort at 
 building a town mansion, in a style of rustic sim- 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 311 
 
 plicity, going into town about every morning, and return- 
 ing at night, and always on horseback, for to the yery last 
 of his life he was never so much at home as when in 
 the saddle. He was a superb horseman, and always 
 rode a magnificent animal. 
 
 The principal apartment in the Governor's house 
 was the reception-room, which occupied the whole of one 
 of the cabins, and was furnished in a manner approach- 
 ing to elegance, its puncheon floor being partly covered 
 on great occasions with an imported carpet, which had 
 been presented to the " Governor's wife," as the lady was 
 universally styled, by some one of her seaboard admirers. 
 But the precious rug never made its appearance except 
 to honor some distinguished guest — some high home 
 official or titled foreigner — whom curiosity or business 
 had brought into the backwoods. They had no sooner 
 gone than it was carefully dusted and rolled away to one 
 side of the room by Jeff and Susy, old servants, who 
 had been reared in the family. It was never known to 
 remain on the floor overnight but on the single occasion 
 when, in 1798, Louis Philippe and his brothers were on 
 a visit to the Governor. 
 
 In this primitive mansion Sevier kept open house 
 and entertained his guests in a style of genuine back- 
 woods hospitality. His guests were numerous, for no 
 stranger came into the country without calling upon 
 the Governor, and his old companions in arms often so 
 thronged upon him that the house could not contain the 
 crowd, and some of them had to find lodgings in the 
 
312 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 stables — which, however, was no great hardship, for the 
 Governor's barns were about as palatial as his dwelling. 
 Here, too, came the Indian chiefs — John "Watts, Double 
 Head, and Esquetau (the Bloody Fellow), whom he 
 had so often and so severely punished — to stretch their 
 moccasins before the great wood-fire, eat of the Gov- 
 ernor's venison, and ask his advice upon the important 
 affairs of their nation. Dr. Ramsey, who lived near, and 
 knew Sevier well — he not dying till Ramsey was eighteen 
 years old — told me that the Indian chiefs were frequent 
 visitors, and he never knew a time when one or more of 
 Sevier's old soldiers were not quartered at the mansion ; 
 and that he thought none of them ever came to him with 
 a worn-out nag, broken down by a long journey, but the 
 Governor asked him, on his going away, to exchange his 
 old horse for one of his own blooded animals, of which 
 he always kept the largest and finest stud to be found 
 anywhere west of the Alleghanies. " This was not 
 strange," said Dr. Eamsey, "for every man in the State 
 regarded the Governor as his personal friend, and looked 
 upon him and all that he had as public property ; and 
 in return the Governor considered all, especially the poor 
 and needy, as his children, and so entitled to all he 
 had of time, thought, and possessions." 
 
 The nearest neighbors of Sevier were his old com- 
 patriots and devoted friends, James "White, James Cozby, 
 Francis A. Ramsey, the father of the historian, and the 
 John Adair of whom I have made honorable mention 
 in a previous volume. With them and his family he 
 
CLOSING YEAES. 313 
 
 was a regular attendant on Sunday services, in a little 
 stone church, at a hamlet called Lebanon, about half 
 a mile distant from his dwelling. He had a pew of 
 his own, but he usually sat with his tried and trusty 
 friend Cozby, in a high-backed, old-fashioned enclosure, 
 on the left of the aisle, and near the front entrance. On 
 such occasions he doffed his usual backwoods costume of 
 hunting-shirt and sword, and appeared as the old-time 
 country gentleman — in three-cornered hat, powdered hair, 
 ruffled shirt, and citizen's clothes generally. His de- 
 meanor in church was grave and reverential, and he never 
 failed to give respectful attention to the services ; but the 
 strong Calvinism of the pastor, the Rev. Samuel Car- 
 rick, was not to his liking. He was too democratic in 
 feeling to accept a creed which elects a few to happi- 
 ness, and consigns all the rest of the human race to 
 eternal reprobation, which doctrine at that time was the 
 popular one throughout the country. He could not 
 credit such a faith, and it may be that for this reason 
 he was never a church-member ; for he could not be 
 a hypocrite — professing what he did not believe. And 
 yet he had a firm faith in Providence, and was a 
 man of deeply religious feeling — which grew deeper 
 as old age stole upon him, and he came nearer to the 
 end of his earthly journey. Once, after the expiration 
 of his last term as Governor, he said to a gentleman 
 who had reminded him of his 'great services to the 
 country and to Western civilization: "I am not en- 
 titled to the credit, sir; I have been merely an instru- 
 
314 JOHN SEVIER. 
 
 ment — led, and guided, and guarded by the Infinite 
 Goodness." 
 
 Near the close of his term in Congress he was asked 
 by President Monroe to act as United States commis- 
 sioner in running the boundary-line between Georgia 
 and the Creek nation. Though much enfeebled by age 
 and infirmity, he accepted the appointment. The labor 
 was too great for his strength, and, worn out with his 
 work, he succumbed in the summer heat to the fever 
 incident to the season in that climate, and died in his 
 tent, surrounded only by soldiers and a few Indian 
 chieftains, on the 24th of September, 1815, in his 
 seventy-first year. There they made his grave, and 
 there his body lies to-day ; over it merely a simple 
 slab, on which is rudely cut the name "John 
 Sevier." 
 
 When tidings of his death reached Tennessee, the 
 whole State went into mourning. For the space of 
 thirty days every public building was draped in black, 
 and all the State officials wore crape upon their arms. 
 A general sorrow was diffused throughout Tennessee 
 and the whole Western country. And well might the 
 people mourn, for "a great man had fallen in Israel." 
 I have called him a hero, a soldier, and a statesman ; 
 but he was more than all these : he was a civilizer, 
 a great organizer, a nation-builder. He found Tennes- 
 see a little cluster of log-houses, and he left it a great 
 State, with happy homesteads, and smiling villages, and 
 populous cities, in which were palatial dwellings and 
 
CLOSING YEARS. 315 
 
 magnificent temples, and a population of nearly four 
 hundred thousand souls. 
 
 To this day Tennessee has left him without a monu- 
 ment ; and it may be said that no monument can so 
 well proclaim his greatness as the great State which 
 he builded. This may be true, and yet we do honor to 
 ourselves and our common nature when we rear me- 
 morials to such men ; and it is fitting that we should 
 preserve their names and deeds in ever-during brass 
 and marble, for they come to us only now and then 
 through the centuries. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Anderson, Joseph, appointed Terri- 
 torial judge by Washington, 
 223. 
 
 Baily, Francis, description of the 
 country in 1797, 279-282. 
 
 Bancroft, George, his opinion of the 
 early North Carolinians, 3. 
 
 Bledsoe, Anthony, letter to Govern- 
 or Caswell, 131 ; solicits aid of 
 Sevier, 140. 
 
 Blount, William, appointed Govern- 
 or of the Southwest Territory, 
 223 ; his character, 223 ; anecdote 
 of, 225 ; attends treaty of Hol- 
 ston, 231 ; removes to Knoxville, 
 233 ; builds house there, 234. 
 
 Campbell, Arthur, proposes to an- 
 nex Backwater Settlements to 
 the State of Franklin, 114. 
 
 Campbell, Judge David, addresses 
 Governor Caswell, 89, 90 ; second 
 letter to the same, 113 ; refuses to 
 arrest Sevier, 199 ; made Terri- 
 torial judge, 223. 
 
 Caswell, Richard, Governor of 
 North Carolina, 51 ; his admirable 
 
 character, 52, 53 ; letter to Se- 
 vier, 53, 54 ; the same, 95, 96 ; 
 letter to Evan Shelby, 131 ; mani- 
 festo, 134-136; its surprising 
 effects, 137. 
 
 Cession by North Carolina of trans- 
 Alleghany country to the United 
 States, 21 ; consternation at, of 
 western settlers, 23, 24. 
 
 Cherokees, animosity of, 44 ; begin 
 hostilities, 75, 76 ; attack French 
 Broad settlers, 150 ; inflamed to 
 madness by the murder of Old 
 Tassel, 180, 181 ; sue to Sevier 
 for peace, 195 ; treaty of Holston 
 with, 230 ; make a final treaty, 
 285 ; friendship to Sevier, 286. 
 
 Churches, backwoods, 258. 
 
 Clarke, General Elijah, letter to Se- 
 vier, 111. 
 
 Clergymen, character of the early, 
 258. 
 
 Cocke, General William, marches 
 to relief of French Broad settlers, 
 80; holds talk with Cherokees, 
 81-84 ; addresses North Carolina 
 Legislature, 90-94 ; letter to El- 
 holm, 145. 
 
318 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Congress, its limited powers under 
 the Confederation, 21. 
 
 Convention, constitutional, of 
 Franklin, 64. 
 
 Cowan, Samuel and Arthur, among 
 the first settlers of Knoxville, 
 230 ; their " wonderful " store, 
 260, 261. 
 
 Cozby, Major, heroic rescue of Se- 
 vier, 204-212 ; removes to vicini- 
 ty of Knoxville, 230 ; defends his 
 house from Indian attack, 254 ; 
 neighbor to Sevier, 312. 
 
 Creeks, treaty with, 224. 
 
 Dyke, a Tory, plots to murder Se- 
 vier, and is betrayed by his wife, 
 207 ; is hanged, 208. 
 
 Elholm, Major, letter to Governor 
 of Georgia, 100, 101 ; present at 
 attack on Tipton's house, 152. 
 
 Franklin, State of, formed, 34 ; ter- 
 ritory of, 35^ population of, 36; 
 currency, 4Q, 41 ; coins silver, 
 41 ; concludes treaty wiJh Chero- 
 kees, 42 ; calls for volunteers to 
 aid Georgia, 102 ; feeling in, to- 
 ward North Carolina, 113; pros- 
 perity in, 126 ; civil disturbances, 
 129; expires, March 1, 1788, 
 137. 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, letter from, to 
 Sevier, 143, 144. 
 
 French Broad settlers, account of, 
 158-161; anarchy among, 220; 
 a government drafted for them 
 by Sevier, 220. 
 
 Georgia, prepares to war upon the 
 Creeks, 99 ; appoints Sevier brig- 
 adier-general, 99 ; appeals to him 
 for aid, 147. 
 
 Greeneville, Tennessee, description 
 of, 163, 164. 
 
 Hopewell, treaty of, 61, 63. 
 
 Houston, Rev. Samuel, his constitu- 
 tion, 64-66 ; co-operates with 
 Tipton, 70. 
 
 Hubbard, Major James, kills Untoo- 
 la, 44 ; decoys Old Tassel to his 
 death, 178. 
 
 Jackson, Andrew, present at Se- 
 vier's rescue, 213 ; at his inaugu- 
 ration, 266 ; challenges Sevier to 
 a duel, 305 ; his character at this 
 time, 307. 
 
 Johnston, Governor of North Caro- 
 lina, orders arrest of Sevier for 
 high treason, 198. 
 
 Kentucky, population of, 270. 
 
 Kirk, a settler, murder of his fam- 
 ily, 175, 176; son of, murders 
 Cherokee chieftains, 178, 179. 
 
 Knoxville, settlement of, by James 
 White and James Conner, 226 ; 
 White's fort built, 228; threat- 
 ened with attack, 236-239 ; " Ga- 
 zette " established, 256 ; postal 
 service, 256 ; rapid growth of, 
 260 ; old buildings remaining in, 
 268. 
 
 McEwin, Harriet, bravery at Hous- 
 ton's Station, 185. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 319 
 
 Mann, Mrs. George, heroic defense 
 of her home and children, 255. 
 
 Martin, Governor Alexander, of 
 North Carolina, unwise course 
 with the Cherokees, 45, 46 ; man- 
 ifesto of, 49-51. 
 
 Martin, Joseph, Indian agent, his 
 treacherous course, 55-57 ; holds 
 a council with the Cherokees, 55- 
 60; letter to Governor Caswell, 
 60 ; secures treaty of Hopewell, 
 61 ; in command of western mili- 
 tia, 162 ; treacherous designs, 
 162, 163; letters to Governor 
 Johnston and General Kennedy, 
 169, 1*70 ; claims payment for his 
 defeated soldiers, 217; removed 
 from command, and sinks into 
 obscurity, 217. 
 
 North Carolina, early settlers of, 2 ; 
 character of the population in the 
 Revolution, 3-6 ; financial condi- 
 tion, 20 ; cedes western territory 
 to the United States, 21 ; repeals 
 cession act, 27 ; partial election 
 law, 68-70 ; action of the Legisla- 
 ture, 97; settlers' dissatisfaction 
 with, 221 ; again cedes trans- 
 Alleghany country to the United 
 States, 222. 
 
 Partial election law, 69, 70. 
 
 Pioneer life in 1796, 246-269; 
 great change in, consequent upon 
 peace with the Cherokees, 287. 
 
 Robertson, James, proposes to join 
 Franklin, 101 ; solicits aid of Se- 
 
 vier, 140 ; advocates the removal 
 of Sevier's disabilities, 216 ; vis- 
 its and pacifies the Cherokees, 
 226 ; meets Sevier at Holston 
 treaty, 231. 
 
 Settlers, early, of North Carolina, 
 2 ; their character at the Revolu- 
 tionary period, 3-6 ; early set- 
 tlers on the Watauga, 6-9 ; hold 
 convention at Jonesboro, 25 ; 
 decide to form an independent 
 State, 26, 27. 
 
 Sevier, Catharine, plans the rescue 
 of her husband, 206 ; thwarts a 
 plot to murder him, 207. 
 
 Sevier, John, his character, 10, 11 ; 
 early history, 1 1-14 ; his first 
 visit to Watauga, 15 ; personal 
 magnetism, 16, 17; attitude to- 
 ward North Carolina, 28 ; op- 
 poses secession, 28, 29; makes 
 the one mistake of his lifetime, 
 3 1 ; explanation of his course, 32- 
 34; elected Governor of Frank- 
 lin, 34 ; how he executed a diffi- 
 cult task, 36-38 ; concludes a 
 treaty with Cherokees, 46-48 ; 
 letter to Governor Caswell, 51; 
 his mild but efficient rule, 55 ; 
 put in peril by the treaty of 
 Hopewell, 63; address to the 
 convention, 67 ; invades the Che- 
 rokee country, 76-80 ; makes 
 overtures to North Carolina, 85- 
 88 ; appointed brigadier-general 
 by Georgia, 99 ; alternatives, re- 
 bellion or ruin to Watauga, 103 ; 
 reception of Spanish overtures, 
 
320 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ill ; military resources, 114, 115 ; 
 letter to Governor Caswell, 119; 
 agreement with Evan Shelby, 123- 
 125; urged to forcibly resist North 
 Carolina, 132 ; solicits interces- 
 sory offices of Georgia, 134; a 
 private citizen, but a military 
 leader, 137-139 ; sends aid to 
 Robertson, 140, 141 ; contracts 
 debts for that purpose, 141, 142 ; 
 elected member of the Cincinnati, 
 141 ; makes another attempt at 
 reconciliation, 146, 147 ; calls for 
 volunteers to aid Georgia, 148 ; 
 outlawed by North Carolina, 149 ; 
 goes to the rescue of the French 
 Broad settlers, 150 ; marches 
 against Tipton, 151 ; details of 
 the Quaker battle, 152-156 ; con- 
 ference with his officers at Green- 
 ville, 165; crosses the French 
 Broad, 171 ; letter to Governor 
 of Georgia, 174 ; invades the 
 Cherokee country, 176; his re- 
 markable generalship, 1S2, 183 ; 
 the French Broad conflict, 183- 
 195 ; kidnapped and carried to 
 North Carolina, 199-202 ; on trial 
 ' for high treason, but rescued by 
 Major Cozby, 210-212 ; elected to 
 the North Carolina Senate, 214 ; 
 claims his seat, 215; disabilities 
 removed, and appointed to mili- 
 tary command of the western 
 counties, 216; elected to Con- 
 gress, 217; appointed brigadier- 
 general by Washington, 223 ; re- 
 moves to the extreme border, 
 333 ; campaign of Etowah, 241- 
 
 243 ; inaugurated Governor of 
 Tennessee, 265-268 ; first mes- 
 sage to the Legislature, 275 ; ap- 
 points Tipton to office, 276 ; final 
 treaty with the Cherokees, 285, 
 286 ; the profound peace under 
 his administration, 290 ; appoint- 
 ed brigadier-general in the United 
 States army, 290 ; six times 
 unanimously elected Governor, 
 and three times Congressman, 
 291 ; his unique administration, 
 292 ; popularity, 293, 294 ; mes- 
 sage, 299-301 ; his poverty, 309 ; 
 attempts to build and is not able 
 to finish, 309 ; simple way of life, 
 310-312; his death, 314; the 
 State goes into mourning for his 
 loss, 314. 
 
 Shelby, Evan, appointed to com- 
 mand the Watauga militia, 123 ; 
 agreement with Sevier, 123 ; ap- 
 peals to North Carolina for help, 
 130. 
 
 Spain, in secret league with the 
 Creeks, 43 ; designs of, 99 ; state- 
 ment of affairs with, 103-111; 
 continued intrigues of, 232 ; treaty 
 of the United States with, 276. 
 
 Spencer, Judge, of North Carolina, 
 issues warrant for Sevier's arrest, 
 199; his singular death, 213. t 
 
 Sunday among the pioneers, 258,259. 
 
 Tatham, William, an upright law- 
 yer, 297, 298. 
 
 Tennessee, area of, 245 ; population 
 of, in 1796, 271 ; admitted as a 
 State, 278. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 321 
 
 Territory southwest of the river 
 Ohio, formed, 222 ; William 
 Blount appointed Governor, 222 ; 
 the Legislature meets, 271-273. 
 
 Thirteen colonics, characterized by 
 Kev. Hugh Jones, 1 ; currency 
 of, 39. 
 
 Thomas, Isaac, names his hamlet 
 Sevierville, 221. 
 
 Tipton, John, a noisy secessionist, 
 30 ; character of his family, 30, 
 31 ; harangues for secession, 31 ; 
 at the Franklin Convention, 66 ; 
 is suddenly converted to North 
 Carolina, 66 ; in North Carolina 
 Senate, 73 ; speech to the Senate, 
 94, 95 ; his turbulent action, 120- 
 123 ; more violence from, 145 ; 
 seizes Sevier's negroes, 150 ; op- 
 poses the removal of Sevier's dis- 
 abilities, 215 ; rencounter with 
 
 Colonel Roddy, 215 ; musters 
 five men, attacks a distillery, 
 marches home, and goes out of 
 history, 240, 241. 
 
 Untoola, consequences of his kill- 
 ing, 44. 
 
 Watts, John, lays an ambuscade for 
 Sevier, 79, 188 ; sues to Sevier 
 for peace, 195 ; raid upon Knox- 
 ville, 236 ; punished by Sevier, 
 243 ; subsequent friendship with 
 Sevier, 312. 
 
 White, Hugh Lawson, kills King- 
 Fisher, 243 ; his early education, 
 247. 
 
 White, James, first settler of Knox- 
 ville, 226; builds a fort, 228; 
 proposes to heroically defend it, 
 236. 
 
 29 
 
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 A HISTORY OF ENGLAND IN THE EIGHTEENTH 
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