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 ^THE TRUE ISSUES NOW INVOLVED. 
 
 Shall the Republic stand on the foundation laid by 
 
 our Patriotic Fathers, or shall the 
 
 Nation be sacrificed to the covetousness and 
 
 knavery of the Confederates in Treason ? 
 
 THE 
 
 LOYAL NORTHERN DEMOCRACY 
 
 ABHOR 
 
 SECESSION, REBELLION, 
 
 AND 
 
 DISUNION. 
 
 JUDGE WOODWARD'S POSITION DEFINED 
 
 SLAVERY, SECESSION, AND THE WAR. 
 
 N. B. BROWNE, ESQ., TO THE HON. CHARLES J. BIDDLE. 
 
 113 South Fifth Street, 
 August 28th, 1863. 
 Hon. Charles J. Biddle, 
 
 Chairman of the Democratic State Central Committee. 
 Sir: 
 I have to acknowledge the receipt of yours of the 27th inst. in regard to my 
 remarks concerning Judge Woodward, on taking the chair at the meeting of 
 the National Union Party on Wednesday evening last. The published reports 
 of the speeches delivered on that occasion are obviously incomplete, and not 
 intended to be full or literal. I certainly did not undertake to represent Judge 
 Woodward's opinions on the issues now pending, from my own personal know- 
 ledge ; for, I am not aware of having exchanged words with him since the out- 
 break of the present rebellion. On the contrary, in commenting upon the opi- 
 nions which I attributed to him, I expressly stated either my authority, or the 
 
nature of it, quotiii^r partly from his speech of December 13, 1860, and partly 
 from current reports of his opinions, unreservedly given and made public by 
 their frequent repetition ; and, in reference to these latter, stating that I had 
 them from undoubted sources, and could therefore speak of them as confidently 
 as if I had them trom personal knowledge. 
 
 But as my remarks have lieen tliought worthy of your attention, and that 
 there may be no room tor misapprehension in regard to them, it is but fair to 
 myself as well as Judge Woodward that I should repeat them for your infor- 
 mation. I do so from a written draft of them. 
 
 In speaking of the remark recently made by a leading Southern Journal, that 
 since the defeat at Gettysburg and the surrender of Vicksburg the only hope 
 of the South was in French intervention, or Democratic successes at the North, 
 I said " that foreign intervention was too remote a probability for them to de- 
 pend upon ; but as to the latter part of the programme, the Southern rebels 
 themselves could not well have chosen more fitting instruments than the prin- 
 cipal Democratic nominees at the North. To say nothing of the candidate for 
 the Governorship of Ohio, it might be affirmed of Judge Woodward, the no- 
 minee in this State, that if John C. Calhoun himself — that arch-traitor — could 
 be raised from his dishonored grave, and placed in the gubernatorial chair of 
 Pennsylvania, he could not serve the interests of the Rebellion better. I say 
 this without any want of respect to Judge Woodward ; for his aljility, high cha- 
 racter, and sincerity, are undoubted. But these very qualities, in the present 
 case, make such opinions the more dangerous, and lend them an influence 
 more potent for evil. 
 
 " To prove this, I have onlv to ask your attention briefly to his views on the 
 three issues, at this time transcending all others in importance ; I mean, Sla- 
 very, Secession, and the War for the Union. On each of these, Judge Wood- 
 ward entertains the views of the most extreme Southern radicalism. 
 
 " First, as to Slavery. He is not content to stand with the State Rights 
 Democracy of other days, and leave slaveholders in the possession of such rights 
 and protection as they had under the Constitution. But in his speech of De- 
 cember, 18(50, he boldly proclaims that ' human bondage and property in man is 
 divinely sanctioned, if not ordained ;' and that ' Negro Slavery is an incalculable 
 blessing.' These opinions, thus uttered, have lost nothing by the lapse of time ; 
 for on another occasion, he declared, unreservedly and emphatically, that 'to 
 think against Slavery is a sin, to talk against it is a crime !' And more lately, 
 he has affirmed, that ' agitation on the subject of. Slavery is infidelity, and comes 
 from the instigation of Satan.' 
 
 " But, as to Secession. Judge Woodward approves of the course, and justifies 
 the act of Secession, if he appears to hesitate as to the absolute right of it. « 
 Although looking in the opposite direction, he yet sustains and encourages 
 Secession, and no man need go further. Practically, the people of the South 
 have reached Secession by the same road. He may be sincere and conscien- 
 tious in his views, but he must bear the responsibility of having given the 
 sanction of his name and high position to their rebellious course. For if his 
 speech of 18(30 left any doubt on that point, the recent approval and indorse- 
 ment of it, on his behalf, by the Chairman of the Democratic State Central 
 Committee, removes that doubt. To republish such sentiment^, after the fad 
 of Secession, is an aggravation of the original ofFeuce, hard to reconcile with 
 loyalty. 
 
 " Thirdly. Judge Woodward is opposed to the war, and in favor of peace, on 
 any terms ; as much so as Vallandigham, or Fernando Wood. I have heard 
 it stated, that, on former occasions, he rebuked the earlier concessions of his 
 own party to the patriotic war spirit of the country. But we have no need to 
 place this upon any uncertain authority; we have his language in I8G0, in ad- 
 vance of Secession : ' W'e hear it said. Let South Carolina go out of the Union 
 peaceably; I say, let her go peaceably, if she go at all.' And in 18(33, after 
 South Carolina had gone out, and ten other rebellious States with her, to re- 
 
peat such lanoruaore is to say, ' Lot iIkmii all go peaceably.' Truly, with the suc- 
 cess ot'such ii caiididatp and sucli jjiiiicipics, Gettysburg will have been fought 
 in vain; tlie buttle for the defence of uur own soil against the Rebellion is still 
 to be fought." 
 
 These were my remarks, so far as they related especially to Judge Wood- 
 ward, somewhat fuller than the report, but substantially as delivered. Thev 
 are at your service. 
 
 You will perceive that no statement is made upon my personiil knowledge 
 as derived from him, but the sources of my information are indicated in every 
 case. I may add, sir, that the most material part of the language above quoted, 
 apart from the speech of 1860, was derived by me from a public address deli- 
 vered in this city, by a gentleman of the highest character, several months be- 
 fore Judge Woodward was nominated. The sentiment then attribnted was re- 
 garded by the speaker, and I believe by most of the hearers, as presenting the 
 rare moral phenomenon of a cultivated and Christian mind under the dominion 
 of such an idea, as that "to think against Slavery is a siii ;" and how little 
 protection against the lowest form of prejudice a high judicial training and 
 position aiforded, when a Judge coulil d(\scend from the supreme tribunal of 
 the State to define it to be "a crime to talk against Slavery." 
 
 These sentiments thus attributed to Judge Woodward, 1 fear, neither he nor 
 you can escape. That speech, which must have sounded like a new and strange 
 Declaration in Independence Square, contains them in express terms, or by 
 necessary implication. The identical thoughts, indeed, the same peculiar turn 
 and force of expression, are there No candid man will deny it. And what- 
 ever of error that speech contained originally, has acquired startling emphasis 
 of late, repeated and approved as it has been by you on his behalf. Eleven of 
 the States have seceded, as he invited them to do: Slavery /ifj.9 solemnly chal- 
 lensed the world as to her rii^ht to be the corner-stone of society and govern- 
 ment, claiming, as he did for it, a Divine ordination ; and the rebellion, in 
 arms for more than half a presidential term, lias resisted the power and re- 
 sources of the Government, encouraged to do so by just such advocacy of peace 
 on any terms. And yet at a time when the fairest portion of your State was 
 desolate in the track of the Southern invader, and its soil was red with the 
 blood of so many thousands of loyal soldiers who fell in its defence, you rise in 
 your chair and pronounce such sentiments as a signal exhibition of statesman- 
 like sagacity, and join with its author in re affirming a speech, the whole aro^u- 
 ment of which was to prove that, in this controversy with rebellion, the South 
 was right and the North was wrong ! 
 
 In years past, when the defence of Southern rights and institutions was 
 made under the Constitution, and by means of legitimate agitation, I stood in 
 the front rank of their friends ; but trom the hour that violent hands have been 
 laid upon the Constitution and the Union, and an impious attempt has been 
 made to overturn both, I have not hesitated as to mv duty as a loyal citizen. 
 The example of such loyal Democrats as Cass and Dickinsqn, Butler anci 
 Dix, Holt and Andrew Johnson, and a host of others, is sufficient for me. I 
 have with them faithfully upheld the Government, with whatever influence I 
 possessed. 
 
 Impressed with the transcendent importance of the issue now before the 
 people of Pennsylvania, I spoke at the meeting on Wednesday evening, of the 
 opinions of Judge Woodward with plainness, and I hope with courtesy and fair- 
 ness. If in my remarks, either sentiment or language was attributed to him 
 which he disavows, I stand ready to make the correction. But if, on the con- 
 trary, they are substantially accurate, you must agree with me, that it would 
 be difficult to find a better living representative of the principles of John C. 
 Calhoun than your candidate. 
 
 1 am, Sir, very respectfully, 
 # Your obedient servant, 
 
 N. B. BROWNE. 
 
TO LOYAL DEMOCRATS, 
 
 BY 
 
 One who Knows and who Honors them. 
 
 These are times when no man who loves his country can be 
 idle in her defence, or silent in her cause. The writer of these 
 " Few Words" has been familiar with the political history of the 
 Republic for over thirty years. He has never held or desired a 
 political office ; never sought one for himself or for a friend. 
 He has no other interest to-day in the result of any election 
 than the interest common to all loyal citizens. Yet he does not 
 deem that to seek office or to accept it is necessarily to be defi- 
 cient in patriotism ; on the contrary, he knows that those who 
 for good motives, and with loyal views, desire to serve their 
 country, sacrifice more than they gain, and deserve all honor 
 and hearty support. They are the men whom we must elect, or 
 leave the country, as has been too much our misfortune, to 
 greedy aspirants, who are even too selfish to be ambitious, and 
 who would rather be a street-sweeper than President, if the sa- 
 lary and patronage of the street broom were as great as those 
 of the Executive besom. We know such men by their deeds 
 and by their words. They have no principles, except such as 
 are marketable. Pro-slavery to-day, they would be Abolitionist 
 to-night, if their personal eads could be forwarded thereby. 
 Peace men now, they would be war men to-morrow, if only their 
 precious health were guaranteed and their pockets assured of a 
 golden lining. 
 
fy 
 
 Precisely such men arc now striving to embarrass tlic Govern- 
 ment, and to defeat the loyal people of the land by factious op- 
 position to the national cause. Political hypocrites, like Maw- 
 Avorra they " wants to be persecuted," and despairing of conse- 
 quence in any other Avay, espouse a cause Avhich is not simply 
 unpopular but unholy. With a canting pretence of regard for 
 the liberties of the citizen, the freedom of speech, and the inte- 
 rests of the poor, they care for no poor save those who have 
 votes, for no freedom of speech except such as repeats their 
 treason, and for no liberty of the citizen except the liberty to 
 defy the Government, and work with insolent wickedness in be- 
 half of the rebellion. Audacity always commands a certain 
 degree of respect from the unthinking ; and though these apos- 
 tles of treason run less actual risk than a mule in a Confederate 
 army train, they give themselves out as second only to their 
 Magnus Apollo, Jefferson Davis, Duke of Deficit and Orchiarch 
 of Repudiation. Like the fly in the mail coach, they flatter 
 themselves "what a dust we raise." This dust, howevei" blown, 
 obscures in some honest eyes -die merits of the great controversy 
 now pending, and distracts their views of duty. We wish to 
 present in plain and clear language certain facts of history, and 
 to paint in the sunlight of truth and patriotism the true charac- 
 ter of these deceivers ; that no false pretence of wrong or in- 
 jury received may enable them to impose on a public too gener- 
 ous ; and that the false coin of their pretended patriotism may 
 be nailed to the counter as base treason. 
 
 The true issues now involved in the elections in loyal States 
 are not hard to define. They are simply : Shall the republic 
 stand on the foundation laid by our patriotic fathers, or shall 
 the nation be sacrificed to the covetousness and knavery of the 
 confederates in treason ? Shall the principles of freedom, the 
 honor of industry, and the nobility of labor be defended, or shall 
 the dogma be established and accepted that capital, Korth as 
 well as South, has a Divine right to own in fee simple and to 
 convey for a money consideration its human chattels ? Shall 
 universal education be the practice and the rule, or shall refine- 
 ment, and the exercise of the higher and more noble faculties 
 and perceptions be restricted to the rich ; while the laboring poor 
 form a pariah caste, forever unable to emancipate themselves ? 
 
Shall honest occupation always be regarded as a taint, and the 
 test of nobility be uselessness ? For be it remembered that the 
 Southern oracles give out that color is no necessary condition of 
 slavery. Poverty is the sole condition precedent, ignorance is 
 the forced lot of labor, and absolute domination of the rich over 
 the poor, the F.F.'s over the white as well as black trash, is the 
 new gospel of the Richmond dynasty. Shall the honors of the 
 State and the advantages of social position be open to all men 
 according to their capacity ? This is the true democratic doctrine. 
 The new revelation is that a privileged class should hold all the 
 advantages, and the great multitude be doomed to unrequited, 
 labor to support their masters in riotous living. Shall the great 
 experiment, hitherto in the loyal States successful, be pushed to 
 farther successes ? or shall we shut down on future progress, 
 pronounce the republic a failure, and inaugurate in the North, 
 after Southern precedent, an aristocracy the meanest and most 
 miserable that the world ever saw ? Shall the Union stand, 
 sacred in its historic memories, proud in its power, beneficent in 
 its operation, just in its laws, and glorious in its future ; or 
 shall all this be abandoned, that a slave oligarchy may reign, 
 from the Gulf of Mexico to the St. Lawrence, and from the 
 Atlantic to the Pacific ; and the kindred despotisms of the Old 
 World rejoice ? These are the issues. The question is not the 
 existence of Slavery in certain States of the Union, but the do- 
 mination of the Slave Power over the whole continent. 
 
 Shall we submit to this ? And nothing less than this is con- 
 templated by the conspirators, who lie in their throats when 
 they call themselves Democrats. What do the true democracy 
 of the country owe these men ? And on what grounds are the 
 people invited to sustain them ? Resistance to the National Ad- 
 ministration, under their dictation, is simply fealty to Jefl'erson 
 Davis. Support of their nominees in the State elections is di- 
 rect war upon the National Administration. War upon the 
 Administration is war upon the country. It is equivalent to 
 mutiny in the army and navy, and its success is defeat of the 
 national arms, by land and by sea. 
 
 What, we ask, do the democracy owe these men ? What do 
 the betrayed owe to those who have deceived and ruined them? 
 The Convention at Charleston, in 1860, had it entirely within 
 
its power to sweep the course, and triumphantly elect its can- 
 didate. Had love of the Union Ijcen the motive and impulse of 
 the Southern pseudo-democrats, they would have united with the 
 Northern democracy in shaping the action of the party in such 
 a way as to secure the election of their nominee to the Presi- 
 dency. But they had no such wish. They had suffered long 
 enouffh the Northern scum to come between the wind and their 
 nobility. They desired the dismemberment of the Republic, 
 and they commenced the work in the destruction of the party 
 organization. The Northern Democrats had defended Slavery 
 as an evil to be endured for the sake of Union. The South 
 made Union subordinate to Slavery. The chivalry had long 
 laughed in their sleeves at the honest and simple confidence in 
 which the Northern democracy acted with the South against 
 their own convictions. The Southern masters presumed that 
 the mudsills, being but a Northern extension of the strata of 
 Southern white trash, would only too cheerfully submit to lordly 
 dictation, and carry fire and sword into every town and hamlet 
 of the North. They expected and desired no victory at the 
 polls. They threw away the predominance they held in Con- 
 gress, sufficient to nullify all the measures of the incoming ad- 
 ministration, and with lordly disgust and contemptuous pity 
 withdrew from Washington, and firmly believed that with their 
 departure the whole fabric must fall. They fully counted on 
 bloodshed and rebellion throughout the North, and that, in the 
 national weakness, the case would go by default, and a Southern 
 conspirator be proclaimed at the Capitol. Southern officers in 
 Army and Navy turned traitors by scores. Only the privates, 
 the people, the democracy, remained true. Southern office- 
 holders perjured themselves. Southern leaders carried on trea- 
 chery and theft on a scale never before seen since the world 
 began, even confiscating the honest debts due to the friends of 
 Southern merchants in the North. All men out of their evil 
 camp were aghast at their stupendous villainy. Even their pre- 
 sent foreign newspaper allies, not then as yet subsidized, stum- 
 bled upon the truth in commenting upon their conduct. 
 
 And all these leading traitors claimed to be — Democrats ! 
 Again we ask, what do the honest democracy of the North owe 
 to the men who have made their time-honored designation a sy- 
 
8 
 
 nonyme for all villainy ? Perhaps the severest trial to a man's 
 complacency is when he becomes disenchanted. We are the 
 creatures of trust. However much some men may pride them- 
 selves in the '"dangerous luxury of doubt;" however against 
 certain classes and jJai'ties we may be jealous and suspicious, 
 hoAvever we may boast of our vigilance, we must confide in 
 somebody. In proportion as Ave suspect in one direction we 
 trust in others. Just to the extent that we Avatch one man Ave 
 are careless of the rest. The deer in the fable, blind of one 
 eye, kept a sharp look out on the land side as he grazed. The 
 shot that killed him came from the water. 
 
 The most humiliating disenchantment is when the veil falls 
 from false friends, and we find them to be bitter enemies. The 
 most disagreeable and humbling discovery in the world is to be 
 convinced that you have been used as instruments by designing 
 schemers. Men Avho have professed the most unbounded devo- 
 tion to the common object which has proved the bond of friend- 
 ship, forget all that, and for their OAvn selfish purposes discard 
 and disgrace you. No disgrace is more keenly felt by a man 
 of high feelings and honorable purposes, than the revelation 
 that in all his past labors he has been but a dupe. We can ima- 
 gine no mortification more thorough than the discovery that 
 those who have joined you in a course to which you brought the 
 highest ideas of patriotism, Avere all the while laughing at your 
 simplicity, despising the object to Avhich they professed devotion, 
 and seeking only their own unAvorthy ends at your expense. 
 
 Such is the position of the political party in the North Avhich, 
 up to the time of the Charleston Convention, acted in good faith 
 with the men of the same political name in the South. And 
 hence we wonder not that among the most zealous of the Union 
 men in the forum and in the field have been the true democracy 
 of the Northern States. Revolutions, like fires, reveal secrets, 
 and the domestic troubles in our midst have exposed many 
 Northern traitors, and exhibited tlicm in colors more vile than 
 Southern rebels. The Southron has the excuse of prejudice, 
 the apology of fear, the claim of property, and the plea of pride. 
 The Northern traitor has not a particle of this thin covering to 
 conceal his naked deformity. He is simply a cringing, servile, 
 low-spirited minion. While he does the dirty work of his South- 
 
ern masters he is meaner than tlie hhick slave, because his ser- 
 vility is his own choice. He desires no higher honor than sub- 
 serviency. He deserves no better meed than that the lash, 
 whose sacred function he defends, should reach his own carcass. 
 A terrible retribution is in store for the cravens, in the con- 
 tempt which, already falling on those who abet Southern trea- 
 chery, will become intensified with every Union victory, and 
 descend in intolerable weight upon them when the doom of the 
 rebellion is sealed. 
 
 But the great mass of the Northern democracy is loyal. Ho- 
 nestly, and for the best of motives, they took the course which 
 they believed would insure the permanence of the Republic. 
 We will not, now, stop to point out how, in efforts at pacifica- 
 tion and conciliation, they strengthened the hands of those who 
 deliberately planned the destruction of the Union. They did 
 this unwittingly. They were closely watching the side whence 
 they expected danger, and the ruin came on them from an un- 
 expected quarter. They were zealous for the honor of the land, 
 and for the integrity of the Union. The democracy of the 
 North gloried, as they do still, in the proud flag of the United 
 States, and were jealous for every star. They defended, with 
 whole-hearted zeal, the heritage our fathers left us. " Our 
 country, our whole country, and nothing but our country, right 
 or wrong," was their motto. For this they sacrificed their own 
 convid^tions. For this they denied their own friends, and warred 
 against their own principles ; deeming it better to endure an ex- 
 ceptional wrong than to violate, even in spirit, the compact of 
 Union. And their reward has been the being betrayed as a 
 party, and misunderstood as men. The insolent taunt to the 
 free democracy of the North, which was conveyed in the impres- 
 sion at the South that the Northern democracy would war, with 
 the South, against the beneficent government of the United 
 States, is second only to the insults which the rebels have 
 heaped upon the flag itself. 
 
 Nobly, when Sumter fell, and the rebel banner superseded 
 the stars and stripes, nobly and everywhere did the people of 
 the North rise against so foul a desecration. And furiously did 
 the Secession fiends reply to this unlooked for demonstration. 
 
 In the surging on of great events, we forget small incidents ; 
 
10 
 
 yet there are some of the interludes and asides in the great 
 drama, now drawing to its close, tragedy to the rebels, triumph 
 to the loyal, which it is well to remember. The fools in the 
 action of the piece relieve the heavy business. The Quattlebums 
 in Charleston who, with seven thousand, had driven seventy 
 men out of Sumter, waited for the return news from the North, 
 determined to give the suppliant Abolitionists no terms, and to 
 hear of nothing from the Lincoln hordes but unconditional sub- 
 mission. But when the result proved that the "tremendous 
 victory" had not appalled the North, when even Democrats 
 moved in mass against them, when the whole people as one man 
 pledged themselves to replace the Stars and Stripes on Sftmter, 
 the Quattlebums were raving with rage. They jumped up to 
 give their curses voice, stamped down to give them weight, and 
 fairly danced on the Northern papers which were crowded with 
 reports of speeches, — Democratic speeches, — in favor of the 
 Union, and denunciation of rebellion. They rolled the obnoxious 
 sheets into balls, and hurled them to the earth in contempt ; — 
 gloriously mad were they, and eloquent in action, earnest, if 
 not strictly Demosthenian. The dusky slaves looked on in 
 admiration. "Fo' Gosh! Massa mighty mad now!" How 
 does "Massa" feel to-day, and what does Quashy think, with 
 the despised Yankee Abolitionists thundering at the gates of 
 the citadel of rebellion ? We said all the North were united 
 then. All the true men were, but some men, called such by 
 courtesy, sneaking at that time in safe compliance, and in false 
 pretence of loyalty, now creep out in their true colors. Pah ! 
 An ounce of civet, good apothecary! And these men now 
 edit and support newspapers more acceptable to the Southern 
 taste, advocate measures more propitiatory to their rebel cousins, 
 and strive, too late, to redeem the promise which they made, and 
 could not keep, that the Democracy of the North would sustain 
 the South in rebellion. The magnitude of the lie was worthy 
 of the knavery of those who uttered, and the folly of those who 
 believed it. No wonder the Quattlebums and Ruffins (? ruffians) 
 were furious. Their disappointment was awful. Their fears 
 were prophetic. 
 
 No slave es&apade ever equalled the throwing off the Southern 
 yoke by Northern freemen. The "moral force of indignation" 
 
11 
 
 carried all before it. The discovery of the treachery of the 
 South, and the disgusting revelation of the manner in which 
 Southern loj'ds of the lash had confounded Northern democrats 
 with Southern slaves, gave the war an impetus which, sometimes 
 impeded, has never yet known recoil. The vigor and firmness 
 with which the loyal men of the Union have supported a loyal 
 government is, more than any victory in arms, the honor of our 
 land. More than this, it is the assurance of success; and the 
 true democrat will not for any party triumph defraud himself of 
 a democrat's honest share in his country's glory. Only those 
 who would procure, if possible, the triumph of the traitors, and 
 whose "wish is father to the thought," will in this hour of tri- 
 umph surrender their share of the glory which Democrats al- 
 ways have won and worn as the lovers of their country. To be 
 a Democrat is to be heartily loyal, and to respond to the well- 
 expressed sentiment, "One God, one country." The cheers 
 with which that terse loyal epigi'am was recently received by 
 assembled thousands in the city of Philadelphia, speak the sen- 
 timent of the people of the United States, banded under the 
 Constitution in " a more perfect union," than any mere confede- 
 racy can cement. 
 
 Ultimate victory is sure, — sure as the justice of heaven. It 
 is the fear of this that has forced the enemies of the country 
 into desperate measures. To defeat the Administration is to 
 play into the hands of the traitors. A7id the leaders of oppo- 
 sition to the Giovernment, in an hour when we need all our 
 strength and perfect union, are simply and purely rebels. It 
 is not merely the fact of opposition, — though that were enough, 
 — that proves them rebels, but the motive of the opposition, and 
 the manner in which it is conducted. There is not a measure 
 proposed by the miscalled Democrats, but real conspirators, 
 that would not tell, if carried, to the advantage of the traitors 
 in arms. Beauregard officially proclaims all Northern soldiers 
 "Abolitionists." And the Richmond papers announce as the 
 only means of counteracting the "baneful effects" of the vic- 
 tories of Gettysburg and Vicksburg, to be " either foreign in- 
 tervention, or a determined and successful opposition by the con- 
 servative masses of the North, to the Abolition faction which 
 has the control of the Government at Washington." The traitors 
 
12 
 
 South and the traitors North are in perfect accord, and the 
 armies of the Confederates and the conventions of the Northern 
 conspirators aim at precisely the same object, — the destruction 
 of the Government of the United States. The rebels recognize 
 their allies, and yet would fain only use them till their end is 
 gained, — treat with them, as they themselves elegantly express 
 it, with their fingers compressing their noses, and then spurn 
 them as they did the Democracy at Charleston. The supreme 
 good at which the South aims, is the darkening of this whole con- 
 tinent with chattel slavery. We at the North have defended, 
 or at any rate, tolerated Slavery to preserve the' Union. Now 
 the rebels, through their Northern agents, call on the Democrats 
 of the North to destroy the Union, that negroes may be kept 
 up to their old quotations. •* 
 
 The Confederates glory in the name of rebels, and are not 
 ashamed of the designation of traitors, but fancy that the scorn 
 which attaches to the term " Abolitionist" will weigh down all 
 to whom it is applied. We do not discuss here the question of 
 emancipation ; the logic of facts will determine that. But " the 
 disciples were called Christians first in Antioch." That term 
 of reproach has become the world's highest designation of honor. 
 A name of obloquy becomes at last a tower of strength, when it 
 is designed to stamp good as evil. "Democrat" was a name 
 givQn at first in derision, and repelled with indignation. To-day 
 no man, of whatever party, is ashamed of it, except because 
 that it has fallen into evil association. It has been the assu- 
 rance of victory and the badge of triumph. The time may come 
 when no man will be ashamed to be sus'pected of desiring that 
 his country were free from the taint of Slavery, even though on 
 suspicion he is branded as an Abolitionist. The time has already 
 eome when no true Democrat can join the Southern cry, " Perish 
 the Union, but save Slavery !" The time has come when all 
 true Union men will approve the measures which deprive traitors 
 and rebels of any and all property which supports them in their 
 treason. 
 
 The motive of opposition to this war is purely friendship for 
 the rebels, and enmity to the Union. The nominee of the pseudo- 
 democrats for a responsible and important office, wrote under 
 date of March 7th, 1860, to Jefferson Davis, " I should like to 
 
13 
 
 go to Nicaragua, to help open that country to civilization and 
 niggers." Elegant and chivalrous correspondent ! And he 
 further declares, that he "is tired of being a white slave at the 
 North, and longs to go to the sunny South !" Pity that he 
 were not there, and all his comrades, for all are of the same 
 complexion. From the highest down, there is not a man of 
 them who is not forsworn to all the true interests of the people ; 
 not^a manager of the precious clique who is not a rebel at 
 heart. 
 
 The question of the day is, Shall we flank the Union armies 
 by an alliance with their foes ? Shall we sacrifice the country 
 to give office and pelf to the allies of the traitors who are in 
 arms against us ? • The purposes of the Southern rebels are now^ 
 apparent. We have unconsciously and innocently, and from 
 better motives than they could understand or appreciate, sup- 
 ported them in times past, before they bolted from the Union. 
 Shall we now, with our eyes open, become parties to their 
 crimes, and aid and comfort them in their avowed rebellion and 
 treason ? They have hitherto made tools and instruments of 
 us for their own selfish ends, and deceived while they despised 
 us. Shall we still wear their butternut colors, and do their 
 behests, receiving a well-deserved double portion of their scorn ? 
 Shall we be the servants of their Northern allies, and the will- 
 ing dupes of men who emulate the chivalry in their contempt 
 for honest labor ? Shall we consent to the estimate which these 
 men place upon us, as shown in the language Avith which they 
 address us, and the. appeals which they make to our supposed 
 ignorance ? Are the Democracy of the North really afraid of 
 the poor negroes, and willing to believe that the black men can 
 actually come in injurious competition with them ? 
 
 Worse than all, are the free men of this State, or of any State, 
 willing to be classed with the burglars, highwaymen, incendia- 
 ries, pimps, pickpockets, and murderers who held the city of 
 New York in terror? or with the K. G. C.'s and conspirators 
 of other sections ? Whatever these men may be, of one thing 
 we are sure, that they are not the supporters of the Administra- 
 tion, or the opposers of the rebellion. Their foul deeds are 
 hailed as glorious by the Southern press. The enemies of our 
 country in Europe congratulate themselves, that the riots of 
 
14 
 
 Governor Seymour's friends in New York offset the rebel dis- 
 aster at Gettysburg. Or are the Democracy of the North 
 ready to be classed with the traitors avIio claimed the friendship 
 of the invaders of Pennsylvania, and with sycophantic eagerness, 
 pointed out the houses and property of Union men ? Yet these 
 rioters and domestic enemies all vote the tickets put forth by 
 the Northern conspirators, miscalled Democrats. The candi- 
 dates nominated are selected for such qualifications as will re- 
 commend them to Jefferson Davis in Richmond, and to his dis- 
 loyal friends in the loyal States. We must doubt the character 
 of men who have such friends. Rebels vote only for rebels, 
 and the cause which recommends itself to such parties cannot 
 be that which the lovers of truth and justice can support. 
 
 We know very well that a condition of war necessitates mea- 
 sures which in peace would be insupportable because uncalled 
 for. But whose fault is it that these, measures are necessary, 
 where, except for the invited raids of Lee, the existence of war 
 would scarcely be known ? Who is accountable but these very 
 men, who now demand with matchless impudence that Ave should 
 support them with our free votes ? Who have held secret cor- 
 respondence with the enemy ? Who have repeated, so far as 
 they dare, the rebel war-cry amongst us ? Who have given the 
 enemy aid and comfort ? Who have persistently embarrassed 
 all war measures ? Who have employed the courts of law, so 
 far as chicanery would go, for the prevention of enlistments ? 
 Of what school are the Judges (save the mark !) who travel out 
 of their record to charge grand juries on subjects as far from 
 their jurisdiction as patriotism is from their hearts, and who 
 issue Avrits of Habeas Corpus from courts whose • institution in- 
 cludes no such privilege? Who are the inevitable counsel of 
 deserters, alien enemies, home traitors, cheating substitutes, and 
 bounty thieves ? Any man who knows the roll of lawyers in 
 our cities can state, as a foregone conclusion, by what attorney 
 any person arrested for a crime against the Government will be 
 defended. Who have steadily pursued the one darling object of 
 enfeebling the national arms ? Who have gloated over our 
 reverses, and declared that the rejoicing at victories, the out- 
 burst of the true national heart, " killed them by inches ?" 
 Every one of these traitors will be found either figui-ing upon or 
 
15 
 
 voting for the tickets concocted by the pseudo-democrats. And 
 every vote thus cast is a vote for Jefferson Davis. Every vote 
 polled for the Northern traitors is a vote given for the rebel 
 dynasty. 
 
 But we ask, who is accountable for the occasional summary 
 exercise of the war power among us ? Just the men, and no 
 others, who, by their sympathy with rebellion, made these 
 arrests necessary. 
 
 " No rogue e'er felt the halter draw 
 With good opinion of the law." 
 
 And it is not surprising that they complain loudly of the 
 rigorous police which their treason made necessary. Yet they 
 would not for the world that it should not have been. First 
 they have the benefit of the occasional arrest, by mistake, of a 
 person who should not have been disturbed, and of this acci- 
 dental injury they make no small capital ; whereas they really 
 deserve the blame, and not the Government. And next they 
 have been enabled to play the martyr. They invite arrest, and 
 come forth from the show of punishment rejoicing in a notoriety 
 which nothing else could have given them. Some men would 
 almost be hanged, and quite be pilloried, rather than not be 
 notorious. These patriots appeal as "jail birds" for sympathy. 
 Let them find sympathy with "jail birds," not with the free 
 Democracy who are not familiar with the "inner life" of Moya- 
 mensing and Fort Lafayette. There are certain of their con- 
 stituents who can more than commiserate them, the volunteers 
 in the left wing of Lee's army, who rioted themselves into Sing 
 Sing by the amusements of murder, arson, and burglary. It is 
 hard that the leaders should be sent to Congress, and fill high 
 State offices, while the poor dupes pay the penalty ; but this is 
 "peculiar" to Southern chivalry, and the Northern imitation 
 of it. 
 
 But, it is said, in a free country there must be diversity of 
 opinions ; and all men have a right to their expression. In or- 
 dinary times this is true ; but when the life of the nation is at 
 stake no man has a right to give sympathy and aid to the enemy. 
 It is treason. If these men who appeal to the Democracy for 
 their votes against the Government and against the people were 
 
16 
 
 really Union men, as some of them pretend to be, while others 
 scorn such subterfuge and are traitors out and out, — if, we say, 
 they were really Union men, they would certainly have a word 
 at least in defence of the nation and against its enemies ; but the 
 burden of their song is always faultfinding with the Administra- 
 tion. They oppose any and every measure which is taken for 
 the defence of the country. They are foes to every movement 
 for the success of the national cause. The triumph of such 
 nominations would be better than a victory in arms to the rebels. 
 Northern traitors dishonor and discredit the patriotism, and 
 trample upon the corses of those who have fallen in the defence 
 of the country. Their whole sympathies are unqualifiedly with 
 the rebellion, whatever they may pretend. They acted with 
 the traitors before the resort to arms, — not innocently, like those 
 who have purged themselves since the rebellion, by abandoning 
 party for country, — but they acted with their eyes open. They 
 were parties to the foul conspiracy, and are but maintaining 
 their consistency now, by a sneaking warfare which merits and 
 receives the contempt of bolder and more manly rebels. 
 
 And these are the men who call on the abused Democracy to 
 sustain them at the polls, and to give the loyal States chained 
 into their hands. Suppose their success possible, in what would 
 it result ? Peace, they cry. Peace ! Peace, but how ? By 
 letting the South go? How shall we reach this result? Shall 
 we sue for it ? Shall we withdraw our armies ? Are we ready, 
 then, to pay a ransom for our cities, which the South will cer- 
 tainly exact, to remunerate themselves for the cost of their re- 
 bellion ? Are we ready, having acknowledged the new quasi 
 republic, to resist, when, having formed foreign alliances, the 
 South demands of us to make good the losses of foreign blockade 
 runners and neutral shipbuilders ? Are we ready to establish a 
 cordon of custom-houses along the whole line of frontier, with 
 daily skirmishes between soldiers and smugglers ? Are we ready 
 to consent as a preliminary to surrender without offset, the 
 millions of dollars lost by our merchants in Southern debts ? 
 Are we prepared to pay their confederate debt, and to compen- 
 sate the slaveholders for the riches which have taken to them- 
 selves legs, and to give security against such loss for the future ? 
 The South having become a foreign nation, are we content to 
 
17 
 
 have a class of foreign spies and agents domiciled among us ? 
 For these agents of the South, judges who disgrace the ermine; 
 lawyers who escape expulsion from the bar only by the techni- 
 calities which protect great rogues; merchants who would sacri- 
 fice their country for an advance in gold, and clergymen who 
 know no higher law than that of the money-changers who infest 
 the temple, — these men would not migrate to the new empire. 
 Not they ! They know better. They could best serve their 
 clients, and fill their own pockets, by continuing, under even 
 more profitable conditions, the part they have always played. 
 They would still claim all the privileges of the free North, at a 
 safe distance from the masters who despise while they enrich 
 them. A mine- of wealth or a harvest of blood would be open, 
 in boundary disputes, navigation questions, claims for runaways, 
 and the thousand causes of feud. These false Democrats have 
 counted on all this, and hope, in their nominations, if they do 
 not secure office, to secure at least a pre-emption right to 
 Southern favor. Are we ready for all this ? In fine, are we 
 prepared to bequeath to our children and children's children 
 centuries of war and bloodshed ? 
 
 But the quasi Democrats say, "Bring back our erring sisters." 
 Those sisters are coy, and have hitherto resisted all the gentle 
 blandishments of Vallandigham, Wood, the Seymours, Wood- 
 ward, Reed, Virgil Delphini Paris, Bright, and Cox. 
 
 We might lengthen the list of these worthies, but we have no 
 taste for the enumeration, and would rather not be suspected of 
 knowing too many of them. Besides, these men give us the 
 exact creed of the faction. Their utterances form the Delphine 
 edition. It was a happy thought — perhaps prophetic — in the 
 elder Paris to name his boy from a title-page, and to make him 
 break Priscian's head with his every signature. He must 
 thereby have acquired a habit of blundering. The New York 
 Seymour was wise and suppressed his treason till he had de- 
 ceived honest Democrats into voting for him. The others, like 
 Seymour of Connecticut, and the traitors in Maine, come out 
 openly for treason. Seymour of Connecticut declared his in- 
 tention to subordinate the Union to the State and was defeated. 
 So we believe will all traitors be, who openly show themselves. 
 But suppose, for the sake of illustration, the North besotted and 
 
•. 
 
 18 
 
 the South restored, not as a pardoned criminal, but as forgiving 
 the North for daring to dispute the "forbearing South." The 
 first item in the compact must be a full recognition of Slavery 
 as the normal condition of labor everywhere. The next must 
 be payment for all the personal chattels lost in the war. The 
 next must be the assumption of the Confederate debt. The 
 foreign losses by the capture of blockade runners will have to 
 be settled under this compact. Bills of claims will be piled up 
 for all the individual losses of the war. And if the old Southern 
 influence is re-established they will be paid too ; for never did 
 the demands of the chivalry on the National Government fail to 
 be met. The "alien enemies" whom we have supposed in the 
 alternative of a separation, would, by the condoning of the 
 felony of rebellion, be domestic foes. They would point to 
 their record and claim their reward from the South, and aid the 
 whitewashed rebels to visit vengeance on all loyal men. These 
 form but a partial enumeration of the liabilities our pro-rebellion 
 Democrats would place us under. Bankruptcy and ruin would 
 follow inevitably, winding up in the Jeif. Davis specific, — 
 repudiation, especially should he, the arch-repudiator, be our 
 first President under the new regime. Such no doubt would 
 form a portion of their plan. They would not even require 
 so superfluous a thing as an act of amnesty for the rebels ; 
 but might, after persuasion, grant one to those who have dared 
 to be loyal and sustain the Administration which the people 
 placed in power. The "mudsills" will find their true place in 
 the new "peculiar institution" dynasty, and be starved into 
 submission by the supplanting of all domestic industry by foreign 
 manufactures. 
 
 Such would be the consequences if the dominance of the rebel 
 interest were possible. But though no such full development of 
 their plans can occur, yet every political success which we per- 
 mit to them brings to pass some degree of their villainous de- 
 signs. They have already protracted the war, and compelled 
 the draft against which they protest, by discouraging enlist- 
 ments. They have invited foreign interference, doing what no 
 party before ever stooped to do, seeking an interview in their 
 character of politicians with a foreign minister. They employ 
 against the success of the nation in its struggle, all the fears of 
 
19 
 
 the timid, the stupidity of the ignorant, the prejudices of the 
 narrow-minded, and the wickedness of the vile. These are tlieir 
 means of warfare. Tliey phiy with the men they deceive as with 
 puppets, keeping themselves out of the way of personal harm. 
 Shall we be classed in such a party ? Shall we suffer the 
 honored name of Democracy thus to be stolen, as 
 
 " The livery of heaven 
 To serve the Devil in?" 
 
 Shall we, when the sure retribution of justice overtakes these 
 traitors, have the bitter mcmor}^ that of such men Ave have been 
 the dupes ? that for such selfish and heartless demagogues we 
 have "fouled our mind?" There is a quaint old proverb: "You 
 cheated me once : that was your fault. If you cheat me again, 
 it is mine." The men who ask us to-day, under the false as- 
 sumption that they are Democrats, to vote them into power, are 
 fellow-conspirators with those Avho brought upon us this war. 
 Shall we join them in the endeavor to procure the defeat which 
 they promised their confederates at the South should fall upon the 
 North ? The holy and patriotic instincts of the nation have 
 foiled this double treason thus far, and please heaven shall for- 
 ever forbid it. The struggle may by political chicanery be pro- 
 longed ; but the triumph of truth is sure in the end. The 
 question for all men is, whether they will keep their conscience 
 good, by loyal, consistent, earnest effort in the cause of truth 
 and justice, or whether they will be to themselves a perpetual 
 disgust, and a shame to their children, by alliance witli the 
 pitiful clique of doomed traitors who would fain sell the heritage 
 of freedom and destroy the hopes of all who have looked to this 
 land, and to our free institutions, as the means of moral and poli- 
 tical regeneration to the human race. 
 
 And now, reader, whoever you are, we appeal to you, earnestly, 
 to cast your vote and use your interest, either or both, in the 
 cause of the national redemption. We are passing through a 
 dangerous crisis. The defeat of the Union cause at the polls 
 may indefinitely protract this struggle ; and to protract it is 
 to invite the interference of meddlesome foreign governments 
 against us. Already we are humiliated by the proclamation of 
 a sham empire on our southern border. No foreign nation would 
 
20 
 
 have dared this except for our civil war. The French inter- 
 ference is, if this war is not soon terminated, only a commence- 
 ment. Other and more decided steps will be taken by European 
 governments, only too anxious as they are to stay the onward 
 progress of this great people. If we prove ourselves equal to 
 this crisis, we stand the first power in the world. If we fail, 
 freedom goes back a thousand years, and old-time feudalism re- 
 vives by the victory of its bastard counterpart, the black-based 
 feudalism of the American plantations. 
 
 There are only two sides in this contest. We onust vote for 
 representatives of the Union sentiment, or we vote for Jeff. 
 Davis et als., who are the great criminals of the nineteenth cen- 
 tury, indicted before the universe for treason against a free 
 government, perjury, theft, and murder, — a treason the sum of 
 all villainies. We must not regard their evil deeds with any 
 false tolerance or sickly charity. They are unmitigated in vil- 
 lainy and steeped in crime ; and those Avho assist them are part- 
 ners in their guilt. The death of every man who has fallen in 
 this unholy rebellion and in the effort to suppress it lies at their 
 door. The manifold evils, mischiefs, and sufferings of this war 
 are their guilt, and a just God will hold them to answer for it. 
 All who vote for their Northern allies and confederates now, are 
 accessories after the fact, and are sharers in the responsibility of 
 the farther continuance of this desolating contest. 
 
 It may be that we should some of us prefer to vote for other 
 Union men than those who are placed in nomination. But we 
 have no choice, except as between these and the satraps of Jef- 
 ferson Davis. Union men, true Democrats, would not suffer 
 their claims to distract the votes of those who wish to save their 
 country. Party lines are lost sight of. Union men uvtite on 
 the best and most available candidates, and the issue is thus 
 squarely made between treason and loyalty. Those who dare 
 attempt to divide the strength of the united people now, are the 
 men whose antecedents and whose present status and declara- 
 tions mark them as the friends of the rebellion, anxious only to 
 embarrass the action of the State and General Government, to 
 defeat our armies, and to save traitors from the consequences of 
 their crimes, if not to secure their absolute triumph. 
 
 In such a position, open, declared, and above board, stands 
 
21 
 
 the man whom the conspirators have put forward as candidate 
 for Governor of Pennsylvania, — Pennsylvania, whose record in 
 this war is below that of no State for loyalty, heroism, con- 
 stancy, and generous sacrifice. The blood of her sons has 
 crimsoned every field, and thQ roll of her martyrs for freedom 
 is attested in every town and hamlet by the weeds of the widow, 
 the tears of the orphan, the sorrows of the childless. On all 
 this the nominee of the so-called Democrats casts contempt. Nay, 
 he sentences them by an extra judicial judirment to dishonor. 
 His sympathies, and if we may accept his word, his convictions, 
 are in favor of the South. He docs not excuse Slavery, but 
 defends it as divinely sanctioned. A man whose word cannot 
 be denied, a former political friend of Judge Woodward, pub- 
 licly states that this aspirant for the highest ofiice in a free 
 State, says, " To think about Slavery is a sin, to talk about it 
 a crime, to question the right of Slavery is infidelitj^ !" Hear 
 that, ye holders of the land of Penn, and if you suffer such a 
 man to misgovern your State, change the name of the Common- 
 wealth to Spot-sylvania, Plague-Spot-sylvania. Never may be 
 such insult to the memory of the great modern apostle of free 
 government and free thought, the founder of a State in which 
 was passed the first law against Slavery, and in which was 
 formed the first society for its repression, headed by Franklin, 
 and patronized by his fellow-patriots ! " Judge Woodward," 
 says the same authority, "is an avowed Secessionist. He be- 
 lieves in it. It is the doctrine of the school in which he was 
 reared. He holds that no man at the South carries out the doc- 
 trine of State Rights more rigorously than he. He would make 
 this Union a mere organized weakness. Vallandigham or Fer- 
 nando Wood are no more committed to unconditional peace than 
 Judge Woodward. Indeed he has even of late denounced his 
 own party for embracing the warlike opinions of the day. His 
 opinions are upon the record." 
 
 It may be that some of us disapprove a part of the measures 
 taken to suppress the rebellion, while we heartily wish success 
 to the national arms. These are the days of sacrifice. It is a 
 small thing to sacrifice our prejudices or our opinions, when the 
 caXise of the Union demands a united front, and when thousands 
 of our countrymen have sacrificed their lives, and thousands 
 
22 
 
 more are maimed or disabled for life. It may be that some of 
 the consequences of the war displease us. But Avar is at any 
 rate a misfortune, and this was not a war of our seeking. It 
 was forced upon us; and if the necessities of the case have com- 
 pelled steps on the part of the Administration which we disap- 
 prove, let the blame lie where it belongs, — at the door of the 
 Southern conspirators and their Northern confederates, who, 
 and who only, have precipitated war upoij us. It must be that 
 in this gigantic undertaking, the vindication of the integrity of 
 the Republic, many mistakes have been made. The wonder is, 
 however, not that errors have been committed, but that in de- 
 spite of all the difficulties which had to be encountered, such 
 vast results have been achieved. We hesitate not to say, and 
 all the unprejudiced must admit it, that a more triumphant war, 
 under circumstances so embarrassing, never was waged. Never 
 was a nation's credit so well sustained. Never did national se- 
 curities range in the market above par under such circumstances. 
 Never did a nation bear so wholly its own burden, or decline 
 the aid of foreign usurers. Never were the industrial pursuits 
 of a people so uninterrupted, that the fact of abundant employ- 
 ment makes it purely a matter of choice Avith the poorest whether 
 to enlist or not. At this very day the national securities of this 
 country, deep in an expensive war, are the only government se- 
 curities in the world which command an advance on their nomi- 
 nal value. And as to the condition of private citizens, no man 
 who is willing to be employed is idle. The taxes, immense in 
 their aggregate, are readily paid, and without distress. A go- 
 vernment under whose administration these pleasant anomalies 
 occur, is fully deserving of our entire support, until the danger 
 is over, and the Union restored. After that we can afford to be 
 partisans again ^ but it is to be hoped with more distrust of party 
 managers than heretofore. 
 
 But in these very facts, in the smooth rotation of the civil 
 administration, and in the wonderful successes of our army and 
 navy, in the competence of the Government to meet this im- 
 mense crisis, and in the startling improvements in arts and 
 arms, in the development and improvement of all that the needs 
 of the hour require, we find "what is the matter." Some who 
 oppose the war, — and they are the darkest villains yet unhung, 
 
23 
 
 — do so because they fear its triumphant close, and the utter 
 extinction of treason, and all that treason loves. As the end 
 seems more sure, they become more desperate. It is a thousand 
 pities that all such sneaking traitors were not in range of Gill- 
 more's batteries, or Grant's or Rosecrans's artillery. Perhaps, 
 like Cain, they arc reserved for a punishment more severe. 
 
 And there are others less Siinguinary, but meaner still, "who 
 oppose the war because they hope for personal advantage in so 
 doing, and feel sure that their opposition cannot affect the main 
 result, though it may des[)oil the victory of some of its legiti- 
 mate benefits. These are the huckstering politicians, the small 
 wire-pullers, who would consent to any humiliation Avithin safe 
 limits, for the rewards of little ambition and the perquisites of 
 petty oflSce. They could not aspire to flatter Neptune for his 
 trident, for that would not pay ; but they would flatter traitors 
 for their votes and influence, and be guilty of the poor hypocrisy 
 of dissembling evil, to secure the suffrages of evil men. It is a 
 dangerous game — playing with loaded arms which may destroy 
 them. 
 
 No, fellow- citizens, we cannot trifle with the great issues now 
 on trial. We dare not. Now is the time, sternly to discounte- 
 nance all treason, direct or indirect, express or implied. The 
 eyes of a world are upon us. The hopes of a world rest on our 
 action. We must vindicate the national honor, and defend the 
 cause of free principles. We must rise superior to all party 
 considerations, and put the fact on record, to abide in its happy 
 consequences, while the world stands, that a free people can 
 sustain a free government, against foes within as well as with- 
 out. We must show that we can even let our personal rights 
 remain in abeyance, and defer our preferences, when the nation 
 calls on every man to do his duty. 
 
 This rebellion must be put down. And the only agents whom 
 the people can employ to do this great work are the present in- 
 cumbents of the national offices. The central government relies 
 upon the state administrations. The whole must be in harmony, 
 to present an unbroken front and successful resistance to the 
 common enemy, the foes in arms at the South, and the worse 
 than Southern traitors, their Northern allies. The utmost 
 strength of the nation is needed, and whatever causes embar- 
 
24 
 
 rassment to the Administration is a diversion in favor of the 
 traitors. There is no division among loyal men. They com- 
 promise their differences, and under whatever party call they 
 have rallied heretofore, now rally round the flag of the Union. 
 Every vote cast for those who are in known sympathy with the 
 rebellion, is aid and comfort to treason. Down with the rebel- 
 lion, then, and let what must, go with it. After that we shall 
 have leisure for the discussion of collateral and secondary issues. 
 Now the question is, the Nation's Life or Death. The issues 
 involved are too momentous to be disturbed by side questions. 
 There is no danger to any right or privilege of freemen in the 
 conquest of treason ; but, after the fall of this Republic, there is 
 no redemption of our commonest rights, save through new years 
 of anarchy and suffering. 
 
 An inequitable and unrighteous peace cannot be permanent, 
 nor would the provisions of such a peace be tolerable. Forward 
 then, under the leadership we have, to new victories and sure 
 success ; falter and divide, and you prolong the contest. And 
 above all, be not beguiled by the professions of those whose 
 whole record shows their treachery, and whose residence among 
 us is but an exile from their own place. Again we say, there 
 is, whatever may be our objections to the "powers that be," no 
 choice except between them and the oligarchy of Davis and his 
 co-mates. " The Union must and shall be preserved." The 
 loyal opposition tp Andrew Jackson's administration went heart 
 and hand with him in this noble sentiment and its vindication. 
 Let the loyal men who did not vote for Abraham Lincoln give 
 him similar hearty support, in his equally honest and patriotic 
 course, and the days of the rebellion are numbered. 
 
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