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 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, BY TRUE AND GREENE. 
 
 1823. 
 
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 iss^wiwwi&, 
 
 PAGE. 
 
 1. Preliminary Remarks^ 3 
 
 2. A Congressional Caucus^ 10 
 
 3. Locals or ' SectionaP considerations, viz. 
 
 1. The Southern States, 12 
 
 2. The Western States, 13 
 
 3. The Middle States, 15 
 
 4. JYeiv-York, 15 
 
 5. The Eastern States, 17 
 
 4. Candidates considered, viz. 
 
 1. J\Ir. Lowndes 19 
 
 2. J\Ir. Calhoun, 19 
 
 3. Gen. Jackson, 20 
 
 4. Mr. Clay, . . . . , i 20 
 
 5. Mr. Crawford, 23 
 
 6. Mr. Mams, 25 
 
PRELIMINARY REMARKS. 
 
 It is now two years siuce the canvas for the next 
 election of President of the United States commenced 
 in the South, by the publication of a series of articles 
 in Georgia, with the signature of " Trio.^' These 
 papers were understood to be written by some of the 
 zealous friends of Mr. Crawford in that state, as the 
 scope and tendency of them was to favor his preten- 
 sions, by showing the tendency of measures and opin- 
 ions ascribed to him, to promote the public interest. 
 In the preceding winter several motions were made 
 by some, of his friends in Congress, supposed to have 
 received his sanction, urging the necessity of "re- 
 trenchment," "radical reform," &c., which, being 
 unaccompanied by any rational plan of improvement, 
 but supported by long declamatory speeches alone, 
 could only be placed to the account of steps en avant, 
 to prepossess the nation in his favor ; but it was not 
 till the following session, 1821 — 2, that the canvas 
 became earnest, frequent, and sometimes violent, espe- 
 cially when any other person was brought in compe- 
 tition with their favorite. About that time it will be 
 well remembered, a spirit of menace and defiance so 
 far took place of argument, that the opponents of Mr 
 CrawfordjUnwilling to commence gladiators oy duellists, 
 generally abstained from the contest, and left the field 
 open to the boasts and bravadoes of his advocates. 
 
Until this time, Mr. Adams had been the only person 
 named or thought of, as likely to be a competitor with 
 Mr. Crawford. The indication of public opinion in 
 his favor, had been merely desultory, the spontaneous 
 expressions of citizens in different parts of the United 
 States, without the least appearance of r onrert or com- 
 bination. An undefined sentiment almost universal in 
 many parts of the country, that he was a man of sound 
 talents, of great experience, of irreproachable character, 
 of eminent political sagacity, and of unbending integri- 
 ty, seemed to mark him as the man, to whom the republic 
 might safely entrust the executive oflBce. Nor let it be 
 concealed that the belief was equally universal, how- 
 ever it originated, that Mr. Adams enjoyed the unlimited 
 confidence and esteem not only of the present Chief 
 Magistrate, but also of Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison. 
 In fact there is no difficulty in tracing the ground of this 
 belief. Mr. Adams had most ably supported the promi- 
 nent measures of the two last named, the Louisiana 
 treaty not excepted ; and had been by both appointed 
 on foreign diplomatick service of the most delicate 
 character, on the success of which depended the 
 well-being of their country, and the popularity of 
 the administration. 
 
 Notwithstanding the notoriety of these facts, the 
 inactivity of the advocates for Mr. Adams, while those 
 of Mr. Crawford seemed to challenge all opposition to 
 their favorite, gave rise to an opinion, especially at 
 Washington, that he would have very little support in 
 any quarter of the union ; even his native State was 
 alleged to be vaccillating, and several prominent public 
 men in M aine having boldly declared for Mr. Crawford, 
 gave strong assurance that he would not be supported in 
 
that State. Where theu, it was asked, was Mr. 
 Adams to be supported? Surely not in Virginia, the 
 native State of Mr. Crawford, nor in any of the South- 
 ern States. The U estern and Middle States gave no 
 intimation of preference to him, and assuredly would 
 not do it, if he was to be abandoned by those of the East. 
 In this state of things, a strong disposition appeared, 
 almost simultaneously, not only at Washington, but in 
 various quarters of the country, to fix upon some other 
 pt^.rson to cope with Mr. Crawford, to whom many insu- 
 perable objections were deemed to exist. Mr Lowndes 
 had already been nominated in South Carolina, and the 
 Secretary of War was zealously supported not only in 
 his native State, but by many respectable citizens of 
 Pennsylvania and other places. In Kentucky and 
 several other Western htates, Mr. Clay began to be 
 proposed ; and in others, especially in Tennessee, 
 Pennsylvania, and Louisiana, General Jackson was 
 brought forward with considerable eclat. In favor of 
 each of these gentlemen, arguments adapted to their 
 several characters were adduced ; but it was perfectly 
 manifest, that had Mr. Adams been at first supported 
 pari jjassu with Mr. Crawford, with half the zeal mani- 
 fested by the friends of the latter, and had tliis zeal 
 been sustained by the many and unequivocal testimo- 
 nials since given of the deep rooted esteem which he 
 possesses in the minds of his fellow citizens, several of 
 those gentlemen would scarcely have permitted them- 
 selves to be nominated. Having entered the lists how- 
 ever, though with quite different auspices from the 
 present, they do not hitherto deem it necessary to with- 
 draw. The lamented Lowndes scarcely assented to 
 bis nomination originally, and it cannot be doubted 
 
6 
 
 that several of the others, instead of becoming instru- 
 mental in distracting the public sentiment, without any 
 pros|)ect of personal advantage, will magnanimously 
 unite their efforts in support of " the most worthy/^ 
 
 Mr. Crawford's advocates had, from the beginning, 
 claimed for him an extraordinary love of economy and 
 retrenchment ; and in their vehement affection for the 
 people's welfare, and for their own and their patron's 
 popularity, had christened themselves ^^ radicals ;^^ 
 while they charged the Government, the departments 
 in almost every branch, the navy, and especially the 
 army, with being ^^ prudi^aP^ and corrupt to the very 
 core. The President himself was not spared; and one 
 of the champions of radical reform, and of Mr, Craw- 
 ford, declared on the floor of Congress, that Mr. Monroe 
 "^ came in unanimously, and would go out unanimous- 
 ly." In these bold and unprincipled attacks, they were 
 several times in the session vigorously resisted and 
 signally overthrown. A large majority in the house of 
 Representatives, hov;ever anxious to pay the national 
 debt, and to save the resources of the country, could not 
 be brought entirely to disband the army, though it was 
 greatly reduced, nor to discontinue the fortifications, 
 and lose the millions already expended upon them ; 
 the memory of the defenceless state of our coast, and 
 of the enormous waste of life and treasure during the 
 last war, was still too recent, to suffer such flimsy pro- 
 positions to prevail. 
 
 These topicks became the theme of publick discussion 
 in newspapers and elsewhere; the voice of the country 
 was clear and audible against this wanton prostration 
 of our military defences ; and the high pretensions of 
 Mr. Crawford's radical associates, touched by the wand 
 
of publick opinion, dissolved in empty vapor. The 
 same session also witnessed a bold scrutiny of some 
 of Mr. Crawford's official conduct ; bis mistaken 
 estimates and calculations, bis bungling reports, and 
 especially bis employment of members of Congress in 
 lucrative duty, were objects of keen animadversion to 
 bis opponents, and of mortification and chagrin to his 
 adherents. 
 
 But the most memorable event of this session in re- 
 lation to the election was, the celebrated call for the 
 Ghent Correspondence, supposed to have been at the 
 instance of Mr. Russell, though subsequently disavow- 
 ed by him. The object of this call was, to disparage 
 Mr. Adams by making it believed, that he had been 
 willing to abandon the navigation of the Mississippi to 
 save the fisheries. In the vanity of authorship Mr. 
 Russell prepared a " duplicate^^ letter with sundry al- 
 terations and amendations in the belief that the original 
 was lost, by which he fondly supposed he could sub- 
 serve the interest of Mr. Crawford, or Mr. Clay, as 
 the case might be, and at the same time inflict a mor- 
 tal blow on Mr. Adams. The discovery of the origi- 
 nal, which had slept quietly and wholly unread upon 
 the private file of Mr. Monroe, to whom as Secretary 
 of State it had been privately addressed by the writer, 
 contributed in no small degree to the unanimous sen- 
 tence of reprobation drawn down upon the author of 
 this insidious attack ; while the prompt and powerful 
 strictures of Mr. Adams in his answer communicated 
 to Congress by the President, completely refuted the 
 charge against him, and satisfied the minds of his fel- 
 low citizens, east and west, north and south, that the 
 peculiar interests of all had been defended with equal 
 
8 
 
 vigor and sagacity by Mr. Adams and by the majority 
 of the Commissioners at Ghent ; while the fisheries, so 
 indispensable as the nursery of our seamen, would have 
 been gratuitously sacrificed by imbecility or corruption. 
 A more signal triumph could not have been desired by 
 Mr. Adams himself; and indeed no incident could have 
 given his fellow citizens a better opportunity to test his 
 talents and his patriotism. 
 
 The result of this attack, so honourable to Mr. Ad- 
 ams, unavoidably recalled the attention of his fellow 
 citizens to his past services, to his long diplomatick ex- 
 perience under Presidents Washington and Adams ; 
 his magnanimous support of Mr. Jeiferson in all his 
 prominent measures, uninfluenced by such jealousies, 
 as would have warped a meaner mind against the suc- 
 cessful rival of a father ; his faithful and successful ex- 
 ertions as minister at Russia, and his strenuous and dis- 
 interested services in negociating the treaty at Ghent. To 
 these were added his more recent labors in his present 
 station, his letter to our minister in Spain in defence of 
 the hero of New-Orleans, and of our Government itself, 
 in relation to the entry into Florida, and the Seminole 
 war ; and finally, those able negociations, which ter- 
 minated in the cession of the Floridas to this country. 
 And who, it was asked, and may be asked a thousand 
 times, without obtaininof but one answer — who can be 
 found in these States, the President, and his illustri- 
 ous predecessors only excepted, to compare with John 
 QuiNCY Ad\ms in those qualities, which the people 
 will require in their future President? Not one. The 
 other candidates are men of talents, some of them have 
 been a short time engaged in diplomatick service, but 
 
how very inconsiderable their experience compared 
 with his ! Indeed for many months past, especial- 
 ly since the feeble attack of General J^imyth, the 
 current of public opinion has set strongly in his favor. 
 Not only in his native State, and those in the section 
 of country, where he is best known, but in the middle 
 and western States, he has been spontaneously nomi- 
 nated by respectable conventions of free electors, and. 
 by the independent presses, which speak the sentiments 
 of their fellow citizens. 
 
 It is curious to remark for more than a year past the 
 vehement protestations of Mr. Crawford's advocates, 
 against what they call "pronature electioneering.'^^ — 
 Their invectives are poured out copiously against those, 
 who oppose their candidate for disturbing the public 
 tranquillity so early ; and yet these discreet and modest 
 persons were the first to begin the contest by many 
 months, as we have already remarked. Their incon- 
 sistency is easily accounted for, and ought to be par- 
 doned. This early investigation has awakened publick 
 attention ; Mr Crawford's merits and demerits, and 
 those of all the condidates are fully scanned ; Mr. Ad- 
 ams has had an opportunity to apply the besom of truth 
 to a host of unfounded slanders, which had been circu- 
 lated in whispers by his enemies ; the miserable pre- 
 tences of radical reform are completely dissipated ; and 
 the plots, cabals, and intrigues of the mercenary bar- 
 gainers for office, wherever they are, in Maine, in 
 Mew- York, in Illinois, or elsewhere, are dragged forth 
 to publick view. 
 
 Having occupied more space, than was intended in 
 this sketch, we hasten to the several topics, which we 
 
10 
 
 proposed briefly to discuss. The first that occurs, is 
 the expediency of a 
 
 CONGRESSIONAL CAUCUS. 
 
 When the two great political parties, which so long 
 rent asunder our country, were nearly equal, it was a 
 measure of necessity for the Republicans in Congress 
 on some occasions, to assemble in a convention or cau- 
 cus, to ensure a sufficient degree of unanimity to pre- 
 vent defeat bj a minority. This sometimes also was 
 the case on the eve of the election of President ; yet 
 even then it was deemed a necessary evil, in dero- 
 gation of the rights of the people, and not to be tolerat- 
 ed under less pressing circumstances. In most of those 
 cases the adversary was in the field, and even a small 
 loss of Republican strength would have been followed 
 by discomfiture. But now all the candidates are Re- 
 / publicans, — no Federalist has any alternative, but to 
 throw away his vote, or to give it for some of his polit- 
 ical opponents. Scarce a doubt exists, but that the 
 candidates will be well apprised of their actual strength 
 long before the day of election ; and that those, who 
 have no reasonable prospect, will make a timely decla- 
 ration of withdrawal. Such conduct alone can meet 
 the approbation of the public, and their best friends 
 I will advise it for obvious reasons. 
 V. If however it were admitted that a caucus is indis- 
 pensable, it ought to be held in some other place than 
 / Washington, and by others than members of Congress. 
 / At Washington it is easy to see, that art, intrigue, 
 / management, " bargaining/^ and corruption, would be 
 I in full operation. Who would be the instigators, who 
 1 the instruments, and who the dupes of this foul play, 
 ^ is immaterial to designate ; one thing is certain, the 
 
11 
 
 people of the United States would be defrauded o( 
 their constitutional privilege ; the candidate, whose 
 election is to be secured by such means, cannot be wor- 
 thy of their suffra2;e. Besides since the constitution 
 itself devolves upon the House of Kepreseutatives the 
 election in the last resort it is against sound principle 
 to prejudge the case; the members ought to remain 
 unpledged and unbiassed, till called to give their bal- y 
 lots. They are the jury to try the great cause between 
 the candidates and the people, and shall it be tolerated 
 for a moment that they may betanipered with beforehand?;/ 
 That they shall meet in secret conclave^ and agree upon 
 their verdict [ifidl year before the evidence is complet- 
 ed and the trial closed ? This is a proceeding so unjust, 
 that it must be obvious to every eye. How it happens 
 that the presses which support Mr. Crawford, are so 
 bold and urgent for a Congressional caucus, must be 
 left to their fellow citizens to conjecture. Certain if. is 
 that Mr. Adams' advocates can see little prospect of a 
 fair expression of the opinion of the people in such 
 a scene. Believing as they do, that more than two 
 thirds of the people of the United States are in his fa- 
 vour, they only wish such a course to be adopted, as 
 shall give a full expression of the public will. 
 
 To prevent such a perversion of the oflBcial character 
 of members of Congress, and such an unprincipled in- 
 vasion of the right of the people to elect in the mode 
 pointed out by the constitution, we propose that the 
 citizens in their several districts in all the States 
 should instruct their Representatives to oppose a Cau- 
 cus ; or that they should desi2;nate the candidate, whom 
 they will authorize them to support. In some instances 
 even the latter precaution might be evaded, and U 
 
IS 
 
 therefore less safe than a reliance on the press and the 
 other usual means of concert and unanimity. 
 
 LOCAL, OR SECTIONAL CONSIDERATIONS. 
 
 It is usual to reprobate in strong language the influ- 
 ence of mere local residence upon the approaching elec- 
 tion; and without doubt if the totil exclnsion of this 
 ingredient could be secured, it would obviate a thou- 
 sand other diflBculties. Since however this is not to be 
 anticipated, it is proposed to offer a few reflections ap- 
 plicable to several distinct sections of our country. 
 
 1. The Southern States. — These states are 
 chiefly agricultural, and as such their great staples en- 
 gross their industry and capital. So far from collision 
 with the north and east in these objects, they invite the 
 latter to be their factors and carriers, which naturally 
 produces a sense of reciprocal benefit. One character- 
 istick diflPerence exists indeed, the slave population of the 
 south ; but this is no object of jealousy on the part of the 
 eastern and northern states. On the contrary it is this 
 which is most likely to perpetuate a feeling of mutual 
 dependence. It attracts the southern population to 
 their plantations and to the production of their staples, 
 while it withholds them from commerce and prevents 
 those migi'atory habits peculiar to the North. However 
 desirable it may be to the benevolent and enlarged 
 mind to eradicate slavery, the northern states are well 
 aware, that this subject is exclusively the province of 
 the states, where it exists, and that neither sound dis- 
 cretion nor the constitution permit the least interference. 
 How then can a surmise be raised ora jealousy excited 
 
13 
 
 in the south against a candidate from the opposite 
 quarter of the union ? The southern states will con- 
 sider too the long period which has elapsed, since the 
 northern have offered a candidate for the presidency. 
 Virginia in particular who has already given four 
 Presidents to the union could scarcel\ reconcile it to a 
 liberal and magnanimous course to withhold her sup- 
 port from a northern candidate of acknowledged worth 
 and pre-eminently qualified, and to throw the weight of 
 her influence for ajifth in favour of a candidate, who 
 cannot be for a moment placed in competition with his 
 rival, merely on the ground of his birth place. A different 
 policy is expected from thatpatriotick Commonwealth — 
 many of her leading statesmen are earnest in their ef- 
 forts to vindicate her reputation against the suspicion 
 of selfishness and inordinate ambition. It needs hard- 
 ly to be suggested, that to persist in supporting a na- 
 tive and resident of the south under such circumstances 
 cannot fail to generate disgust, and may be a source of 
 dissatisfaction and jealousy, which must ultimately 
 recoil on themselves by denying them hereafter the in- 
 fluence they have hitherto possessed. In fact statesmen 
 have already appeared in the south and also in the 
 west, who might be essentially injured by an overween- 
 ing effort in their adherents to propel them premature- 
 ly to the highest honours in the gift of their country. 
 
 2. The Western States. — Many of the remarks 
 under the preceding article are applical)le here. The 
 great interests of the West are objects of regard to the 
 jVliddle, and Eastern States on the score of reciprocal 
 benefit. The staples of the valley of the Mississippi 
 require the free navigation of that great and almost sole 
 
14 
 
 outlet of their commerce, and the protection of New- 
 Orleans and the whole Gulph of Mexico can only be 
 secured by a respectable navy. The eastern, and mid. 
 die States alone can furnish this detVnce, and the com- 
 merce of that noble river and its tributary streams will 
 command alike their pride and their interest ; for they 
 are the carriers of most of their productions. 
 
 The rapid settlement and cultivation of the lands in 
 the Western States and Territories, as it must increase 
 their products for exportation to an immense extent, 
 cannot fail to increase the commerce and the wealth of 
 the Atlantic States in due proportion, and consequently 
 will be promoted with equal zeal and activity. And 
 this course is the more certain, because the occupations 
 and products of the West, can never fear the competi- 
 tion of the North and East, nor can the latter appre- 
 hend the rivalry on the ocean of those fertile States so 
 far from the coast, that few native citizens ever behold 
 the tall mast, or the sails, which whiten the bosom of the 
 mighty deep. 
 
 For several years past it has appeared to be a pre- 
 valent doctrine among members of Congress from those 
 States, that the manufactures and productions of our 
 country require further encouragement by increasing 
 the duties on importations. They also contend, that 
 the Constitution authorizes a reasonable application of 
 the public revenue for roads, canals, and other in- 
 ternal improvements. A western President, they na- 
 turally suppose may favor the accomplishment of both 
 these objects. It must be considered, however, that a 
 President can only recommend a favorite measure ; and 
 where the public attention is alive to the subject, a re- 
 commendation by the Executive of the peculiar objects 
 
15 
 
 of the State or section to which he belongs, might rather 
 awaken jealousy, than conciliate lavor. 
 
 It is not understood, that any of the candidates en- 
 tertain Constitutional scruples unfavorable to either of 
 those measures ; and not a doubt can exist, that when- 
 ever a majority of both branches of Congress shall 
 adopt them, they will receive the sanction of the next 
 President, whichsoever of the present candidates may 
 be elevated to that dignity. True policy will suggest to 
 our Western brethren, that it is better to advance to 
 their purpose with the concurrence and esteem of the 
 elder States, than to push their pretensions to the ut- 
 most verge, or to compass tlieir views by hurried steps 
 and extraordinary means. Let no root of bitterness 
 spring up, to poison our mutual attachment; the voice 
 of the West is already strong in our councils, ii is soon 
 to be equal at least to that of the Atlantic States. Let 
 it then be a voice, not of discord, but of grateful har- 
 mony, ever to be heard with respect and pleasure. 
 
 The Middle States have a most important part to 
 act at the ensuing election. None of the candidates 
 expect their support from local considerations. Hence 
 it is, that we see in Pennsylvania, Maryland, iNew- 
 Jersey, and Delaware, a stronger disposition to ascer- 
 tain their relative merits ; and there is every reason to 
 anticipate a result in favor of a man, whose political 
 talents and experience are united with sound Kepubli- 
 cau principles and an irreproachable private character. 
 
 The State of New York has been for some time 
 contemplated with an unusual degree of interest. Her 
 physical and moral force is so considerable, that the 
 election may not improbably depend on its exertion. 
 
16 
 
 The frequent struggles of contending parties in that 
 State of late years, have been fraught with great and 
 almost inveterate evils. A few ambitious and intriguing 
 '^ managers^' have obtained uncontrolable sway ; and 
 rumor has for some time placed these aspiring spirits 
 in the train of Mr. Crawford. The chipf magician 
 and three or four of his coadjutors, are unquestionably 
 in his interest. Whether this hopeful cabal have al- 
 ready partitioned all the great office of the nation 
 among them, in imitation of the Roman triumvirate; ; 
 or whether they will condescend to admit into the part- ' 
 nership two or three expectants in JJaine, who have 
 promised so much, and effected so little, and a few of 
 less note in other states, is not yet ascertained ; but 
 that Mr Crawford's champions in the House of Uepie- 
 sentatives are not to be neglected, all will unques- 
 tionably agree. 
 
 As the people of New York are intelligent and 
 liberal, it is matter of curiosity to learn wliat sort of 
 logick these men of skill will use to allure their fellow 
 citizens into their measures. Will they confess the 
 truth in regard to their own private views and expecta- 
 tions ? If they will, we ask no more. Instead of this 
 their talents will be wholly employed in concealing 
 these precious facts, which, if known, would consign 
 them forever to obscurity and contempt. But will the 
 people of New York run blindfold into their snares ? 
 Can they be the willing dupes of this little band of 
 aristocrats P It is not to be believed. The State has 
 far too great a stake in the issue, and scarcely less 
 in vindicating her own character, depending as it in- 
 evitably must, upon the part she acts in the approaching 
 election. If she patiently takes the bit, gives the reins 
 
17 
 
 to the arch intriguer, and ruslies heedlessly into the 
 course, as he shall please to guide ; her political influ- 
 ence must !)e paralysed, her character degraded. On 
 the other hand, if she breaks forth in her strength, de- 
 tects her seducers, and defies their arts ; if she assumes 
 an independent attitude, judges of the merits of the 
 candidates with her own eyes, and boldly sustains his 
 cause, whom her sober judgment selects ; the contest 
 will be decided, — she will have the proud satisfaction 
 of acting with dignity and discernment, and of acquir- 
 ing the esteem and confidence of this great Republic. 
 
 In THE Eastern States the Republicans may be 
 considered unanimous in support of Mr. Adams ; for 
 except the writer of the Ghent letter, a few personal 
 enemies of Mr. Adams, three or four editors of news- 
 papers, with meagre subscription lists, and needing 
 patronage from a distance, no voice has been heard 
 for many months opposed to his election. So popular 
 has he become, that in many places no candidate could 
 be elected to Congress or to any important office by 
 Republican votes, who was not known as a supporter 
 of his cause. Assured of his distinguished qualifica- 
 tions for the office, it is deemed an ignoble desertion of 
 the just expectations of the North and East, to be luke- 
 warm in advancing his pretensions. Had Virginia, 
 the Carolinas, Georgia, or Kentucky, such a citizen, 
 what ardor, Avhat zeal, what eloquence would be en- 
 listed in his behalf; what an array of newspapers, what 
 a phalanx of pamplilets would take the field! How 
 would all his competitors dwindle to insignificance 
 when compared to such a prodigy 'f excellence ! While 
 the pblegmalick conceptions of Eastern statesmen are 
 
18 
 
 slowly advancing in the beaten path, and scarcely keep- 
 ing up with publick opinion, far less giving any impe- 
 tus, in favor of the distinguished citizen of their section 
 of the union. Yet possibly it may happen, that the \ 
 tardy measures of the Eastern States may incline their / 
 friends in other quarters to lend their efforts from mere/ 
 compassion, in so clear a cause, in which all have in 
 fact nearly an identity of interest. Something like this 
 indeed is already visible, and the most favorable con- 
 sequences are anticipated. 
 
 In the foregoing pages we have touched only inciden- 
 tally upon the personal characters and merits of some 
 of the candidates ; — but it would be unpardonable to 
 omit something further upon that point. We shall, 
 however, be general in our remarks — scarcely glanc- 
 ing at any thing not strictly relevant— we would " noth- 
 ing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice." Their 
 private characters and history are by some fastidious 
 persons deemed sacred, like the vices of kings ; while 
 others believe that our Republican Institutions and 
 habits can only be preserved in their purity, by requir- 
 ing private as well as publick virtue and integrity in 
 those entrusted with the enactment and execution of 
 the laws. We confess ourselves firmly attached to the 
 latter doctrine. Yet while we maintain, that he, who 
 embroils his neighbors and fellow citizens in his per- 
 sonal quarrels, and kills his man in a duel ; or he, who 
 spends his nights at the gaming table, ovin the revels of 
 a brothel, in contempt of the laws of God and man, can 
 never be a safe depository of those laws, whose spirit 
 and vigor are founded in publick opinion and in pub- 
 lick morals; we cannot be prevailed upon to make 
 these the topicks of our present consideration. We 
 
19 
 
 would abstain from such irritating themes, having am- 
 ple materials of a more general cliaracier, and which 
 are less liable to the suj^picion of personal antipathy. — 
 In this course we feel the greater confidence of not be- 
 ing charged with a dereliction of dutv by a suppression 
 of material facts, because it is believed, that the bearing 
 of such disclosures upon most of the candidates for the 
 Presidency is well understood, an<l that the virtuous 
 and enlightened citi7eus of the United States will hesi- 
 tate to relinquish the system hitherto pursued. With 
 them iirivate virtue is deemed the best pledge of pub- 
 lick INTEGRITY. 
 
 With these remarks we hasten to a concise delinea- 
 tion of some of the most jiromijient candidates for the 
 office of Chief Magistrate of the nation. 
 
 1. Mr. Lowndes. — To a sound understandinof, dis- 
 tinguished political views, great experience, and un- 
 wearied industry, he united a delicacy of feeling and 
 a suavity of manners, which attracted universal esteem 
 and confidence. Had he been spared to this nation it 
 is difficult to conceive the possibility of any reasonable 
 opposition at a future day to his elevation to the office 
 so enthusiastically claimed for him by his native State. 
 
 2. Mr. Calhoun. — The talents of this gentleman 
 are of a high order; his services in Congress during 
 our late war, were eminently useful and in his present 
 station his views are buld and comprehensive. 'I'hough 
 he has reached the age made indispensable by the 
 Constitution, he is far short of that na^e, which usage 
 has hitherto prescribed. If he were to be elected at the 
 age of forty, would he willingly retire at the early age 
 oi forty-eight ; and if he would, ought the country to 
 
 forego his services after that period, when most men 
 3 
 
20 
 
 are only ripe for the graver duties of Executive govern- 
 ment ? Yet there would be no alternative but to do so? 
 or to elect him to another and then another term of four 
 years each, and then after four successive terms, h^ 
 would be vonu2;er than anv President hitherto elected. 
 This innovation in practice might be less dangerous, 
 than a violation of the Constitution, but ousiht not to be 
 permitted without manifest necessity. Besides it is 
 thought b\ many, that some of his publick acts obvi- 
 ously emanate from a sanguine and ardent temperament, 
 ■which cannot f;dl to be greatly chastened and i;uproved 
 by longer service in stations less responsible, than that 
 of President. 
 
 General Jacksox. — This consummate soldier is 
 the admiration of his country. No office would increase 
 his popularity, or add brilliancy to his fame. We have 
 reason to believe, that his talents are of that compre- 
 hensive character, that he might serve his country w ith 
 reputation as a diplomatist or a statesman, and we wish 
 he may speedily be employed in such service, if agree- 
 able to his feelings. Nor is it improl)able. that the 
 people of the United States might soon acquire the same 
 bi^-h sense of his sagacity, disrretion. and talents as a 
 Statesman, which they so universally entertain of his 
 military prowess. 
 
 MR. CLAY. — The publick career of this Western 
 luminary is well known. At the Bar of his native 
 State, he obtained a high rank as an advocate, without 
 being equally remarkable for profound research, or ex- 
 tensive knowledge in his profession. In the House of 
 Representatives his eloquence is unrivalled : and 
 whether ou the floor as a debater, or in the chair as the 
 
21 
 
 presidins; officer, lie attracts the unfeigned admiration 
 of his audience. In all great mcusuies, which have 
 been before Congress, while he was a member, his in- 
 fluence has been felt, and with difficulty resisted. 
 
 It is not our province to doubt liis patriotism, or to 
 impugn his motives, but we will behold to remark, that 
 some of the measures introduced or ardently supported 
 by him, were characterized by rashness, and fraught 
 with mischief to our country. While the government 
 were earnestly engaged in a most tedious and embar- 
 rassing negotiation with Spain, with faint prospect of 
 success, Mr. Clay we believe in 1820, introduced his 
 resolution to acknowledge the independence of her 
 South American provinces. A step, which could not 
 have advanced a single iota the cause of the provinces, 
 yet must in all prv)bability have produced a war with 
 Spain, drawing after it the destruction of a vast po-tion 
 of our commerce, and would certai.ily have brokea oif 
 the pending negociations. Happilj he failed in his 
 object; a treaty was made, the floridas acquired, 
 and the spoliations of our commerce indemnified. We 
 know very well the specious arguments employed in 
 favor of the acknowledgment. As they were falling in 
 impassioned profusion from the lips of the Orator, they 
 almost persuaded the most discreet ; but no sooner 
 were they transferred to the paa;es of the newspapers, 
 than their fallacy was manifest, their weakness glaring. 
 Indeed a similar remark has often been made of uther 
 speeches of Mr. Clay ; how imposing then, how dan- 
 gerouSf we may say, is that eloquence, which cannot 
 only transport an audience, and drive the most erave 
 and sober from the moorings of solid reasoning, but 
 
which makes the orator himself the convert or dupe of 
 his own powers ! 
 
 Mr. Clay's attack upon the Seminole war and 
 Gen. Jackson, was not more violent, than that of others, 
 hoth in Congress and elsewhere ; but his conspicuous 
 station and talents attracled unusual attention. Gen. 
 Jackson had been justified by the Executive, and to all 
 the opponents of the administration, as well as to many, 
 who sincerely disapproved the acts, the propriety of 
 which was drawn in question, this subject ajQTorded a 
 common point of attack. 
 
 It is a fact known to many, that Mr. Clny aspired 
 to a place in Mr. Monroe's administration, which was 
 assigned to another ; and though he is said to have been 
 intended for a different place, which he declined, his 
 opposition to the administration from that hour has 
 been strenuous and persevering ; and it is a high hon- 
 our to the House of Representatives no less than to the 
 administration, that he was never able with so many 
 materials of discontent and opposition, to frustrate any 
 important measure. That Mr. Clay is popular in his 
 native state and those adjacent, and that he has many 
 zealous individuals in all the western states, wholly 
 devoied to his promotion, may easily be accounted for 
 by considering his character, and his course of policy. 
 His zeal for the new tariff and for internal improve- 
 ments is highly popular, his premature zeal in favour of 
 South America was equally so. In fact the great dan- 
 ger is in a course so rapid, a path so luminous, and at 
 the same time so erratick, that he might precipitate 
 himself and with him the nation into those bold and 
 perilous adventures, which might gratify the ambition 
 
S3 
 
 of the rash and unprincipled, while our constitution and 
 liberty might be the sacrifice. 
 
 Mr. Clay is yet a young man ; he has many redeem- 
 ing qualities, and a suhstantial and permanent change 
 in his political course may hereafter conciliate the cun- 
 fidence of the reflecting part of the community, who at 
 present dread him, as a portentous comet, threatening 
 destruction to our system. 
 
 Mr. Crawford. — It is scarcely necessary to devote 
 much time to the peculiar situation and character of 
 this Gentleman. His period of service in the Senate 
 and his short mission to Krance have left small trace 
 behind of able or successful exertion. His talents arid 
 his experience in the duties of a statesman require evi- 
 dence vvhich has never been adduced. When Mr. 
 Monroe was first elected, he was his rival ; yet why 
 he \v?LS proposed or was supported in the Congression- 
 al Caucus it is difficult to comprehend ; unless we 
 ascribe to him the possession of some talisman, some 
 secret charm, to steal away men's hparts. H( fore that 
 Caucus his confidential friends declared that he de- 
 clined the contest, yet those same friends supported him 
 with all their strength. The friends of Mr. Monroe 
 were lulled to security by this seeming disavowal of 
 competition, and were near being defeated by the 
 stratagem. Notwithstanding this ominous circumstance 
 Mr. Monroe appointed him to the Treasury, and he has 
 on nearly every important measure arrayed himself 
 against the administration, of wliich he thus became a 
 member. The direct and proper patronage of the Office, 
 he holds, is very great in all parts of the United States ; 
 yet a law was passed under his auspices several \ ears 
 
24 
 
 since, by which new appointments were to be made or 
 the occupants confirmed at his pleasure through all the 
 ramifications of the customs. He is the professed 
 champion of economy^ and some small officers of the 
 customs have been considerably curtailed of the usual 
 stipends for the support of their families under his re- 
 gulations, or laws made at his suggestion ; vet the ratio 
 of expense in collecting the revenue is greater, than 
 before he was at the head of the department. This has 
 been proved in the publick newspapers. 
 
 We have already adverted to his " radicaP' econo' 
 my in considering its effects upon our army, fortifica- 
 tions, and nav^ ; to his employment of members of Con- 
 gress in lucrative duty contrary to the spirit if not the 
 letter of the law ; and we have long looked, but looked 
 in vain for some explanation of the causes of the 
 loss of near a million dollars in his famous " una- 
 vailable funds^ Several motions have been made in 
 Congress, particularly by the bold and independent 
 member from Illinois, Mr. Cook, for the express pur- 
 pose of obtaining this explanation. The torrent of 
 abuse heaped upon Mr. Cook by the champions of 
 Mr. Crawford, could not deter him from repeating the 
 call. The suppression of a letter, which had a strong 
 bearing on this subject, was last winter mentioned by 
 an anonymous writer in a newspaper ; and Congress 
 were forthwith assailed from the same quarter with 
 loud clamours for a <' committee of inquisition;" the 
 Secretary appeared personally before them with his 
 confidential clerks, yet has he never availed himself 
 of these favourable opportunities, or rather of these 
 loud calls, to give a frank and ample exposition of 
 his arrangements, indulgences, and negociations with 
 
25 
 
 the banks where the losses occurred. Instead of this 
 his friends have in all such cases ardently lent their 
 wliole fori-e to arraigning the mavner of the call, or 
 the individual, who had the courage to promote it. In- 
 timidation, and menace were the arguments which in 
 their judgment could alone be successful. Notwith- 
 standing these inauspicious circumstances, and \\hile 
 not more than one or two states have given any tokens 
 of supporting his pretensions to the Presidency, it is 
 well known tiiat he has a considerable corps of indi- 
 viduals, backed by several pul)lick newspapers, dis- 
 persed through the country, who identify themselves 
 with his election ; and who in ordinary cases might 
 give an irrisistible impulse to publick opinion. It is 
 unnecessary to inquire by what invisible ligament these 
 persons are united and retained in service ; their 
 utter discomfiture may be safely predicted. The force 
 of publick opinion is already arrayed for their over- 
 throw. 
 
 MR. ADAMS.— While the adversaries of Mr. 
 Adams acknowledge his superior talents, and his great 
 experience : while they admit his long and eminent 
 services, and the purity of his private life, they af- 
 fect to doubt the correctness of his political principles. 
 It is alleged, he was once a Federalist. When the 
 constitution went into effect in the union, and while 
 the flames of revolution in France were threatening her 
 existence, Mr. Adams commenced the career of man- 
 hood. At that time, he wrote certain essays in the 
 newspapers against some of the errors of the ephemeral 
 w riters of the day, and especially against those broach- 
 ed in a work of 'I'homas Paine. Most of the doctrines 
 attacked by bim are long since exploded. — Those es- 
 
36 
 
 says have been recently republished by Mr. Adams' 
 frieads, and are found to contain very few positions, 
 which the severest Republican would at this time 
 scruple to admit. Being appointed on foreign service 
 by the great Father of his country, he was absent 
 from the United States, and took no concern in the 
 domestick feuds of Mr. Adams' administration. His 
 support of Mr. Jefferson and liis successors to the pre- 
 sent time, has been already stated ; and in ransacking 
 records, journals, newspapers, and publications of every 
 sort, the utmost industry of his adversaries has scarcely 
 brought to light a single word from his lips or his pen, 
 inconsistent with the principles he al present professes — 
 those princples emphatically denominated Kepubli- 
 CAN, which have guided our country through manifold 
 dangers, to peace and glory. 
 
 And by whom is this objection made? Even by the 
 adherents of the man, who in 1798, approved under his 
 own hand, the vety measures most obnoxious to Repub- 
 licans ; of the man whose chief prop and ablest cham- 
 piuv in the House of Representatives is, and always 
 has been, with Ins whole connexion, a marked and 
 umcavering Federalist ; of the man who numbers in 
 his train and among his confidential friends and zealous 
 advocates, more Federalists of the old school, than all 
 the other candidates put together ! If this is a crime in 
 others, is it less so in their favorite ; or does their sup- 
 port of Mr. Crawford alone, entitle the Federalists to 
 absolution and amnesty? 
 
 But of whatever else Mr. Adams may be accused 
 by the virulence of his adversaries, he can never be 
 justly charged with intrigue. J\o man ever received 
 from him. directly or indirectly j the least encouragement 
 
S7 
 
 to expect personal advantagp, by promotins^ his election. 
 Does this r: quire proof? We have it in the notorious 
 fact, that no aml)itious intriguer or interested manager, 
 has lifted a finger oi uttered a syllable in his f iver. All 
 such characters through the nation are earnestly en- 
 gaged in supporting others, from whom probably they 
 have better hopes, and all with one consent oppose the 
 election of John Quincy Adams. We know indeed 
 that many men of high character and unsuspected in- 
 tegrity are favorable to his cause ; and it is matter of 
 satisfaction and pride to observe how differently they 
 manifest their preference from the interested hirelings 
 of corruption. " Expede Herculem." The sponta- 
 neous and disinterested support of *' good men and 
 true," is so distinctive and characteristick in the man- 
 ner and feature, that the most careless observer can 
 distinguish it from the other. The same observation 
 applies to the newspapers in various parts of the Union, 
 which adopt a corresponding course. From these con- 
 siderations and many others, we augur a favourable 
 result of the great election canvass. 
 
 We cannot close wi bout expressing oui- conviction, 
 that the pending election is fraught with consequences 
 of universal interest to the people of the United States. 
 It is in its leading features a contest of talents against 
 intrigue, of Republican simplicity against cunning, 
 of integrity against corruptlm. The appeal is made 
 under God to the wisdom and virtue of a great Repub- 
 lick. May the decision be in accordance with truth 
 and right, and add a proud leaf to our history, for the 
 instruction of succeeding ages 
 
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