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MATERIALS FOR HISTORY 
 
 FROM ORIGII^AL MAXUSGRIPTS. 
 
 WITH XOTES AXD ILLUSTRATIONS. 
 
 BY FRANK MOORE, 
 
 AUTKOR OF THE "DIARY OF THE AMERICAN REVOLVTION." ETC. 
 
 // 
 
 FIRST SERIES. 
 
 NEW YORK : 
 
 PKINTED FOE THE ZENGEK CLUB. 
 
 1861. 
 
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by M. A. Mooke, in the Clerk's Offleo 
 of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. 
 
ADYEKTISEMENT. 
 
 The "Materials for History" consists of original 
 papers, in the form of correspondence, military jour- 
 nals, private diaries, and such other documents as illus- 
 trate the history of America, more particularly that 
 portion of it embraced in the j^eriod between the years 
 1700 and 1800. It contains entirely original matter, 
 hitherto comparatively unknown, and affords much 
 that is new U2:)on disputed points, relative to the pri- 
 vate and social as well as military and political life of 
 the countiy. 
 
 A number consisting of not less than one hundred 
 and twenty-five pages, printed on supei-fine paper in 
 (juarto form, is issued every three months. 
 
 Four parts, or a year's subscription, complete a 
 volume, with a full analytical index, and copious notes 
 and illustrations. 
 
[two HVMlRJiri AND KIKTY COPIKS PRINTED.] 
 
CORKESPONDESCi; 
 
 y 
 
 HEN BY LAITRENB, 
 
 SOUTH CAIiOLINA 
 

 c.<^ 
 
INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 Heney Laueens, a portion of whose correspond- 
 ence "svill be found in this volume, was a native of 
 Charleston, South Carolina, at which place he was born 
 in the year 1723. His early life was devoted to mercan- 
 tile pursuits, in which he gained much applause for his 
 scrupulous attention to business. At the commence- 
 ment of the revolutionary difficulties he was resident in 
 Europe, where he used his utmost exertions to stay the 
 violence of the ministerial party, and prevent the war ; 
 but finding that unconditional submission on the part 
 of the colonists was the only method by which har- 
 mony could be effected, he returned to Carolina, deter- 
 mined to join his fortunes with those of his fellow- 
 countrymen. He soon became celebrated ; was, in 
 1776, delegated to the Continental Congress, and, in 
 
Ig INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 the autumn of the next year, succeeded John Hancock 
 in the presidency of that body. Kesigning this position 
 in 1778, he was soon after appointed minister plenipo- 
 tentiary fi^om the United States to Holland. On his 
 Avay there he was captured, and carried into Dart- 
 mouth, England, from whence he was removed to Lon- 
 don, and committed to the Towner. He remained a 
 prisoner nearly two years, suffering severely from the 
 ci'uel and unnecessary restraints and requirements of his 
 warders. Soon after his release he went to Paris, and, 
 with Franklin, Adams, and Jay, signed the prelimina- 
 ries of the peace of 1783. This was the last act of his 
 political life. He died in South Carolina on the eighth 
 of December, 1792, respected and beloved. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE, 
 
 [henry LAURENS TO JOHN LAURENS.] 
 
 Charleston, S. C, 14th August, 1776. 
 
 UisrcoMMOisr and exceedingly mortifying, my dear 
 son, has been tlie late long interrujjtion in our corre- 
 spondence. I find tliat I have not put to paper in any 
 address to you since the 29th April, and unless certain 
 letters referred to have reached }'0u, I have no ground 
 to hope that you have learned any thing concerning me 
 since November last ; in the meantime, after long and 
 anxious waiting, I have had the pleasure of receiving 
 your letters of the 5th December from St. Augustine, 
 and of 20th March by the hand of Mi'. Kead ; but that 
 Avhich you say was sent, via Virginia, franked by the 
 postmaster, came no nearer to me than Cockspur, when 
 it was either destroyed or returned in the packet ; if 
 Governor Wright, who was there, had been possessed 
 of my feelings, lie would have sent a son's letter to a 
 3 
 
18 
 
 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 father, uotwitlistaiiding the opposition of their political 
 tenets/ 
 
 Once more I will attempt to present my love to you. 
 by the hands of Monsieur Eilliet, who, poor gentleman^ 
 is making another eftbrt after many disappointments to 
 regain a footing on his native soil ; you will see in the 
 schedule of letters,^ he is already the bearer of several 
 to you, which are now perhaps not worth carriage. I 
 have not time to review them, and since they are writ- 
 ten and packeted, let them go. 
 
 I told you in my last that I was going to Georgia. 
 I began my journey the 1st May, and at Wright's, Sa- 
 vannah, Broton Island, and New Hope, found crops of 
 rice amounting to about thirteen hundred l)arrels, 
 which I caused to be removed to places less exposed to 
 the threatened depredations of picaroons from St. Au- 
 gustine, in such places that great value still remains. 
 I have lately learned that each plantation is again well 
 covered — the best croj^, they say, that ever was borne 
 
 ^ Sir James Wright, baronet, was ttie son of Judge Wright of South 
 Carohna. He held at different periods the highest posts in Georgia, having 
 been attorney-general, judge, and lieutenant-governor, before assuming the 
 government of the colony in 1761. He was governor at the commence- 
 ment of the revolution, and was the last who administered aff"airs in the 
 name of tlie king. He died in England. 
 
 - Letters referred to : 26th November and 6th December, by Rainier 
 from Georgia. — 4th, 8th, and 16th January, by M. Rilliet ; copies by Snow 
 Mobile, Captain Smith.— 22d February, 6th and Utli March, by M. Rilliet ; 
 copies by Mr. Demar via West Indies. — 16th and 19th March, by M. Rilliet. 
 — 26th and 28th March, by Mr. Sandy Wright, to be forwarded through 
 St. Augustine.— 29th April, by M. Rilliet. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPOiNDENCE. 19 
 
 at Brotoii Islaud — but wliat of tliat ? The whole will 
 either be destroyed, stolen, or lie with the farmer to 
 perish by time and vei'miii — no small sacrifice at the 
 shrine of liberty, and ^^et very small compared Avith 
 that which I am willing to make ; not only crops, but 
 laud, life and all must follo\v in preference to sacrificing 
 liberty to mammon. In such sentiments I found the 
 people of Georgia with a few exceptions, but none more 
 hearty than our Highland friends, the Mclntoshes. 
 Lachlan is colonel of a battalion upon continental es- 
 tal)lishment ; two of his sons, Lach and AYilliam, are 
 subs ; his l)rother William commands a troop of rangers 
 in pay of the colony, or, as I should no^v say, the State. 
 Joe Habersham is major, and John a captain in the 
 battalion ; in a word, the country is military. 
 
 My negroes there, all to a man, are strongly attached 
 to me — so are all of mine in this country ; hitherto not 
 one of them has attempted to desert ; on the contrary, 
 those who are more exj^osed hold themselves always 
 ready to fly from the enemy in case of a sudden de- 
 scent. Many hundreds of that colour have been stolen 
 and decoyed by the servants of King George the 
 Third. Captains of British ships of war and ncdjle 
 lords have busied themselves in such inglorious pilfer- 
 age, to the disOTace of their master and disgrace of 
 their cause. These negroes were first enslaved by the 
 English ; acts of parliament have established the slave 
 trade in favour of the home-residing English, and 
 almost totally prohibited the Americans from reaping 
 
20 
 
 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 any .share of it. Men of war, forts, castles, governors, 
 companies and committees are employed and author- 
 ized by the English parliament to protect, regulate, and 
 extend the slave trade. Negroes are brought by Eng- 
 lishmen and sold as slaves to Americans. Bristol, 
 Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, <fcc., <fec., live upon 
 the slave trade. The British parliament now employ 
 their men-of-w^ar to steal those negroes from the Amer- 
 icans to whom they had sold them, pretending to set 
 the poor wretches free, l)ut basely trej^an and sell them 
 into tenfold worse slavery in the West Indies, where 
 probably they will become the property of Englishmen 
 again, and of some who sit in parliament. What 
 meanness ! what complicated wickedness appears in 
 this scene ! O England, how changed ! how fallen ! 
 
 You know, my dear son, I abhor slavery. I w^as 
 born in a country where slavery had been estab- 
 lished by British kings and j^arliaments, as well as by 
 the laws of that country ages before my existence. I 
 found the Christian religion and slavery growing under 
 the same authority and cultivation. I nevertheless dis- 
 liked it. In former days there was no coml)ating the 
 prejudices of men supported by interest ; the day I 
 hope is approaching when, from principles of gratitude 
 as well as justice, every man will strive to be foremost 
 in showing his readiness to comply with the golden 
 rule. Not less than twenty thousand pounds sterling 
 would all my negroes produce if sold at public auction 
 to-morrow. I am not the man wlio enslaved them ; 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 21 
 
 they are iudebted to Englislimen for that tavoiir ; never- 
 theless I am devising means for mannmitting many of 
 them, and for cutting off the entail of slavery. Great 
 powers oppose me — the laws and customs of my couu- 
 tr}'^, my o^vn and the avarice of my countrymen. What 
 will my childi'en say if I deprive them of so much 
 estate ? These are difficulties, but not insuperable. I 
 will do as much as I can in my time, and leave the rest 
 to a better hand. 
 
 I am not one of those ^vho arrogate the peculiar 
 care of Providence in each fortunate event, nor one of 
 those who dare trust in Providence for defence and se- 
 curity of their own liberty while they enslave and wish 
 to continue in slavery thousands who are as well en- 
 titled to freedom as themselves. I perceive the work 
 before me is great. I shall appear to many as a pro- 
 moter not ouly of strange, but of dangerous doctrines ; 
 it ^vill therefore be necessary to proceed with caution. 
 You are apparently deeply interested in this affair, but 
 as I have no doubts concerning your concurrence and 
 approbation, I most sincerely wish for your advice and 
 assistance, and hope to receive both in good time. 
 
 I finished my journey going round by Mepkin, and 
 returned to Charleston the 1st June. Half an hour 
 after I had entered my house, intelligence Avas brought 
 of a fleet at anchor a little to the northward of Charles- 
 ton bar ; for the history of this fleet I refer you to Jack 
 Wells' ^ j^aper of the 2d inst., and to certain notes which 
 
 ' Thomas, in his History of Pfiuting, gives a hrief account of John 
 Wells, the editor here referred to. 
 
22 MATERIALS FOR IllSIORV. ,^ 
 
 I have added. His accouut, although true in general 
 substance, is the most bungling and inaccurate of any 
 thing I have seen from him ; it would be easier to 
 build a true and j^roper narrative at full length than to 
 mend the botch ery which he took a full month to com- 
 pose. I wish you or somebody else would publish a 
 fair and honest compilation from his gazette and my 
 papers. You know me too w^ell to suppose I Avould in 
 a little exaggerate or supj^ress. You may add as much 
 of what follows as may apj^ear to be necessary, Ijut let 
 the whole be cleverly done and introduced l)y such 
 dechiration of candour as these accounts are Avell en- 
 titled to ; nothing more abhorrent to me than puldica- 
 tions of falsehood for truth. 
 
 Upon the tremendous range of hfty-tive sail of hos- 
 tile ships l)efore our doors and in full view, after wish- 
 ing they had rather come as seekers for freights of rice, 
 I thought it my duty to add to the dignity of vice- 
 j:)resident of the colony (now State, observe) the several 
 offices of engineer, superintendent of works, aid-de- 
 camp, and occasionally any other which could in the 
 least contribute to the service of my counti}', then 
 seeming to verge on a ]:)recipice, and to require the sup- 
 port of every man in it. I, who you know had I'e- 
 solved never again to mount a horse, I, who thought it 
 impossil)le for me to gallop live miles in a day, was 
 seen for a month and more evei-y da>^ on the back of a 
 lively nag at half^iast four in the morning, sometimes 
 galloping twenty miles ]:)efore breakfast, and pometimes 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 23 
 
 setting the liorse fourteen liours in eighteen, and, what 
 you ^vill say was more extraordinary, I never got a tum- 
 ble ; but mark, he was a trotting horse. I will never 
 cross a pacer again if I can avoid it. I have spoken so 
 particularly of myself, not meaning to claim any singu- 
 lar or extraordinary merit, T^ut because I know you 
 will draw pleasing inferences of my state of health from 
 an account of such exertions. The president^ was as 
 diligent, as active as a man could be, and so much 
 more useful than myself, as his authority, superior abil- 
 ities, and advantages of youth enaljled him. Every 
 man, excej^t a few unhappy misled, whom the people 
 call tories, and a few of a ^vorse stamp, whom I call 
 property men, was animated, discovered a love of coun- 
 try, and a boldness arising from an assm'ance of being 
 engaged in a just cause. Charleston was in a very 
 short time enclosed by lines, trenches, and I'edoubts ; 
 wharves were cleared of all incuml)rances ; streets 
 strongly barricaded ; retrenchments within ; l)atteries 
 erected for defence at practicable landings alwve the 
 town. Thousands of men came in fi'om the country, 
 from North Carolina and Virginia, and all this with a 
 degree of celerity as amazing as our former neglect had 
 been. Much indeed are we indebted to General Lee, 
 as well as to his seconds, the Brigadiers Armstrong and 
 Howe ; these arrived at a critical time, and we were 
 favoured by weather, which fortunately withheld the 
 
 ' John Rutledge was president and commander-in-chief of the colony of 
 Sontli Carolina at this period. 
 
24 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 enemy from striking a sudden blow; and every moment 
 of tlie interval was inij^roved to advantage on our side. 
 
 General Lee at first sight was exceedingly displeased 
 "wdtli the fort at Sullivan's; wished we could save our 
 stores and abandon it, although he acknowledged the 
 exterior work was impregnable ; however, as that could 
 not be done, he recommended some amendments, gave 
 advice, orders, and his presence in the beginning of the 
 action, to which, if we do not altogether owe the hon- 
 our of the twenty-eighth of June, we are certainly 
 greatly indebted ; but, from the general's better knowl- 
 edge of the harbour and the vast importance of that 
 post, he must now be of a difterent opinion. 
 
 At the approach of the ships of war towards Sulli- 
 van's, the ramparts and parapets of Fort Johnson, 
 where Colonel Gadsden had chosen his command, were 
 seen covered by officers and soldiers, every one interest- 
 ing himself in the fate of the sister fortress, and stand- 
 ing ready in case of need to second her efforts. All the 
 batteries round the town were at the same time man- 
 ned, guns loaded, every article in readiness for acting 
 in turn. Troops of regulars and militia properly sta- 
 tioned for repelling all attempts to land ; engines and 
 men at proper stands for extinguishing fires in the 
 town. There was every a2:)pearance of an universal de- 
 termination to give General James Grant the flat lie. 
 It was the fortune of his old friend Will Moultrie to 
 speak first, and he monopolized the glory of the day. 
 
 The coimtrv militia as well as the town contiiuied 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 i>5 
 
 cheerfully to do duty on this frontier as long as one of 
 the enemy's fleet remained in sight ; the Active was the 
 last ; she with a tender went about ten days a-^'-o to 
 Bull's Island, the property of Captain Shuljrick ; land- 
 ed forty white and twenty Idack men ; killed by pla- 
 toon firing a few head of cattle ; augmented their black 
 guard l)y stealing six more negroes, and then sailed off 
 the coast or perhaps only a little out of sight. To hear 
 Shubrick's overseer relate the manner of their firino- on 
 the cattle, and the very few of their shot which hit the 
 mark, is di'oll enough, and serves to raise the contemj^t 
 of those, who with single ball, at one hundred and fifty 
 yards' distance, will hit the cii-cle of an English crown. 
 iAfter the attack upon Sullivan's Island, seconded 
 by ravages and murders by the Cherokee Indians on 
 our western frontier, who probaldy acted in a concerted 
 plan with the ships and troops, I believe there were 
 few men here who had not lost all inclination for renew- 
 ing our former connexion with your king and his min- 
 isters ; however that might have been, the great point 
 is now settled. On the 2d instant a courier arrived 
 from Philadelphia, and brouglit a declaration of the 4th 
 of July, l))^ the representatives of the thirteen united 
 colonies in congress met, that from thenceforward those 
 colonies should be "Free and Independent States." 
 You have no doubt seen the paper, or will in a few 
 days see the copy often repeated at full length ; there- 
 fore I need not mark the particular contents. This 
 declaration was proclaimed in Charleston with great 
 
26 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 solemnity on Monday, the 5tli inst., attended by a pro- 
 cession of president, councils, generals, members of as- 
 sembly, officers civil and military, etc., <fec., amidst loud 
 acclamations of thousands who always huzza when a 
 proclamation is read. To many, who from the rash- 
 ness, impolicy, and ci'uelty of the British administration, 
 had foreseen this event, the scene was serious, impor- 
 tant, and awful. Even at this moment I feel a tear of 
 affection for the good old country and for the people in 
 it, whom in general I dearly love. There I saw that 
 sword of state which I had before seen four several 
 times unsheathed in declarations of war ao-ainst France 
 and Spain by the Georges, now unsheathed and borne 
 in a declaration of war against George the Third. I 
 say even at this moment my heart is full of the lively 
 sensations of a dutiful son, thrust by the hand of vio- 
 lence out of a father\s house into the wide world. 
 What I have often with truth averred in London and 
 Westminster, I dare still aver; not a sober man, and 
 scarcely a single man in America wished for a separa- 
 tion from Great Britain. Your king, too, I feel for ; he 
 has been greatly deceived and abused. 
 
 Soon after the men-of-war had anchored within our 
 bar, alarming accounts were brought of new attempts 
 by John Stuart, Henry Stuart, Alexander Cameron, 
 and other ministerial agents to stir uj) the savage In- 
 dians to attack our western frontier ; several intercepted 
 letters from them confirmed the reports. / The Indians, 
 and particularly the Cherokees, had amused us l:)y the 
 
LAUKENS' CUKKESPONDENCE. 27 
 
 most flattering talks, full of assurances of friendship 
 and promises to follow our advice, which, always had 
 been that they should observ^e a strict neutrality ; but 
 very suddenly, without any pretence to jjrovocation, 
 those treacherous devils, in various parties, headed by 
 white men, and pushed on by those who are in employ- 
 ment for this cruel purj^ose, made an inroad upon our 
 settlements, burned several houses, and murdered about 
 sixty persons, chiefly women and children. Colonel 
 Williamson in South, Brigadier Rutherford in North 
 Carolina, were immediately in arms, and a large com- 
 mand marched from Virginia. What Rutherford and 
 the Virginia troops have done, we are not yet informed; 
 but Colonel Williamson and his parties have driven 
 back the savages of the lower towns, killed as many as 
 could be come at in fight, and taken some prisoners, 
 among whom are no less than fifteen white men ; they 
 have also destroyed Seneca, Keowee, Warracky, Estato- 
 hee, Toxawa, and Sugartow^n, together witli the crops 
 of corn and other grain found in fields and barns, the 
 only possible way of reducing the l)arbarians. This in- 
 telligence comes from Colonel Williamson in late let- 
 ters. If the Virginians act their part w^ell, the Chero- 
 kees will soon be reduced to the utmost distress, and 
 may possibly turn their vengeance against those hellish 
 instigators to this hellish war. At the entrance of Sen- 
 eca, a new town which, I am told, was very extensive, 
 on the banks of Keowee, Colonel Williamson suflered 
 from an ambuscade ; his liorse, by two shot, was killed 
 
28 MATERIALS VOU HISTORY. 
 
 under him. Mr. Salvador, a gentleman whose death is 
 universally regretted, was killed by his side ; eight men 
 wounded, two of whom are since dead. He neverthe- 
 less rallied his troops, attacked the savages, beat them 
 out, and after destroying a town of near four miles long, 
 marched forward. He is undoul)tedly a brave man, 
 and not a l)ad general. You know his deficiency in 
 education ; what heio-hts mitjht he have reached if he 
 could have improved his genius by reading. If we suc- 
 ceed ao-ainst the Cherokees, the Creeks and other In- 
 dians may continue to be simple spectators of our con- 
 test with British ships and soldiers ; otherwise we shall 
 be attacked on all sides and greatly distressed; but 
 men here are fearless of distress, and determined to 
 maintain their rig-hts, trustins; in a rio-hteous God for a 
 happy issue. 
 
 I told you in a former letter of the dangerous insur- 
 rections by thousands of the back country peoj^le ; 
 these were suppressed by the vigilance and activity of 
 Colonel Williamson in a first instance, and in a second 
 and more formidable hj Colonel Richardson and troops 
 from North Carolina. Hundreds, or more properly 
 thousands, were taken prisoners, informed truly of the 
 nature of the dispute l)etween Great Britain and the 
 colonies, converted, and sent to their lial )itations. 
 Aljout a hundred of their colonels, captains, and other 
 officers, (from whence it appears that the whole body was 
 very large,) were l)rought to Charleston ; these, excej)t 
 thirteen or fourteen of the most tenacious, soon con- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 29 
 
 fessed tlieir errors, united iu the American cause, and 
 also returned lionie. Of tlie thirteen or fourteen were 
 some sensible men, ^particularly their chief, Colonel 
 Robert Cunningham, a man of great honoui", whose 
 conscience, as he said, fettered him in the oath of alle- 
 giance, although he admitted the injustice of taxing 
 Americans without their own consent, and censured the 
 British administration ; he often moved me while I was 
 president of the Council of Safety, and often since the 
 president of the colony, to accept from him and his com- 
 panions an oath of neutrality ; he would not at first be- 
 lieve that the British administration were so wicked as 
 to instigate the savages to war against us. As soon, 
 therefore, as he was convinced of the truth, his con- 
 science freed him fi'om old obligations, and he most 
 heartily desired to take the oath of fidelity to the 
 United Colonies, and to have an opportunity of giving 
 proofs of his sincerity. His fellow-prisoners joined him 
 in a petition to the president and council, who ordered 
 the whole to l)e released. They immediately repaired 
 to Colonel Williamson's camp and offered their service ; 
 Ijut he, considering their hmg al)sence from their several 
 homes, recommended to them the care of their families. 
 Not all, however, whom we have enlarged have contin- 
 ued faithful. Some of the common fellows have quoted 
 the example of Sir James and l)roke their parole ; most 
 of these are now among the Indians; some of them 
 have again heen taken prisoners, and must suffer the 
 penalty of an old law. Kirkland, you may have heard, 
 
30 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 made his escape where he left his son, a child of ten 
 or twelve years old, in gaol ; we know nothing of him 
 since his flight ; possibly this ignorant fellow may have 
 found his way to Sir James's ; he was confident of a 
 hearty welcome there, and of much free conversation 
 with the master of that house. If he were honest, he 
 might make a tolerable serjeant ; but any thing less 
 than a regiment wall fall short of his owii mark. 
 
 The Reverend Mr. Cooj)er from time to time gave 
 offence to his parishioners, and they have dismissed 
 him. The king's officers, that is to say, the attorney- 
 general, chief and assistant judges, postmaster, and Mi*. 
 Outerbridge, are confined to the postmaster s house. 
 The late commander of Fort Johnson and the collector 
 are at large on their parole. W. Wragg remains at his 
 plantation, and lately James Brisbane and some seven 
 or eight others of our neighbours, who had signed the 
 association and acknowledged the justice of the Amer- 
 ican cause, but refrised to do any thing which might 
 endanger their j^roperty in a case of conquest by the 
 other side, (these and some who jAnj still a more cun- 
 ning game are pi^operty men,) were sent to Cherawgaol. 
 The success of the 28th of June made some converts, 
 and these gentlemen in particular advanced so far as to 
 consent to l^ear arms, take the test oath, (fee, but still 
 under the air of obedience to avail themselves of the 
 plea of compulsion and to save property ; such men de- 
 serve no station of honour on either side. 1 can have 
 no pity for these, while I sincerely commiserate the 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPOXDENCE. 01 
 
 oi 
 
 circumstances of tlie king's officers aud of every suffer- 
 ing candid man, altliougli he may be my enemy. 
 
 Mrs. Stuart, the wife of the cruel superintendent 
 had been long confined to her house and hindered from 
 leaving the colony. The people had hoped that Stuart 
 would in the case of his own have had some tender 
 feelings for the wives and innocent children of our 
 friends on the Indian frontier ; but when we found that 
 he had struck the blow, instead of retaliating as hls' 
 friends ever do, the president and privy council ordered 
 Mrs. Stnart to be enlarged ; no valuable end could be 
 obtained by a continuance of her sufferino;. 
 
 America is now well supplied with gunpowder and 
 arms, and every day will probably increase our com- 
 merce by slow steps. 
 
 The General Assemldy is to meet on the 17th of 
 September, when the Declaration of Independence will 
 be recorded among our acts, and every salutary meas- 
 ure pursued for the welfare of the State. To tell you 
 the Virginians had routed Lord Dunmore ; that North 
 Carolina is very quiet ; Maryland and Philadelphia as 
 yet unmolested ; New York likely to become the seat 
 of war for this summer ; that Boston is now secured to 
 us by strong fortifications ; that the New England pri- 
 vateers had made prizes of several transport ships, and 
 prisoners of many hundred Highland soldiers, would 
 probably be to relate what you will know before this 
 can reach you ; 1 )ut it may be new to you that General 
 Lee and General Howe Avent last Aveek to Georgia, 
 
32 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 whence soiDe expedition is intended to the southward. 
 The season of the year and some other circumstances 
 are not so favourable as to give me sanguine hoj^es of 
 success ; and you will feel some concern when I tell 
 you we expect another visit by the British ships and 
 troops in the winter months. 
 
 I have now gone through with much intelligence, 
 such as it is ; don't wonder if I tell you I write in haste. 
 I had determined to take time by the forelock, and to 
 have saved four or five days for writing to my fiiends 
 in England ; \mt through some unexpected public calls, 
 and the long sickness of my good man James, I am re- 
 duced to one, and I must copy for different convey- 
 ances ; however, I have a few^ words more to add. I 
 am now by the will of God brought into a new w^orld, 
 and God only knows what sort of a world it will be ; 
 what may be your particular opinion of this change I 
 know not. You have done well to avoid writing on 
 politics. Kemember you are of full age, entitled to 
 judge for yourself; pin not your faith upon my sleeve, 
 but act the part which an honest heart after mature de- 
 liberation shall dictate, and your services on the side 
 which you may take, because you think it the right 
 side, will be the more valualjle. 
 
 I need not tell you, wdiatever may be your deter- 
 minations, to avoid all ]3arty disputes, and to act in- 
 offensively and circumspectly in the state where you 
 are. I cannot rejoice in the downfall of an old friend, 
 of a parent from whose nurturing ])reasts T have drawn 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 33 
 
 m}^ suppoit and strength ; every evil w^Iiicli befalls old 
 England grieves nie. Would to God slie liad listened 
 in time to tlie cries of lier children, and had checked 
 the insidious slanders of those who call themselves the 
 king's servants and the king's friends, especially such 
 of them as had been transported to America in the 
 character of civil ofhcers. If my own interests, if my 
 own rights alone had been concerned, I would most 
 fi-eely have given the whole to the demands and dis- 
 posal of her ministers in preference to a separation ; 1 nit 
 the rights of posterity were involved in the question. 
 I happened to stand as one of their representatives, and 
 dared not betray my trust. 
 
 I am now more than ever anxious to see you ; to 
 see my dear Harry and your sisters ; to see your uncle 
 and aunt — but when and where ? God direct you for 
 the best ; but pay particular attention to those friends, 
 especially to your eldest sister and to Harry. Your 
 other sister is at an age and has qualities to make her 
 foster-mother happy. I could add very much on this 
 head, but clouds and darkness are before me. 
 
 Remember me respectfully to each of my old 
 friends ; tell them that as an individual 1 have a rio-ht 
 to acknowledge my ol:)]igations to them, and that I will 
 take every opportunity of showing my regard ; and 
 although I hold my life by a most precarious tenure, 
 yet I trust in God we shall meet again as friends. Par- 
 ticularly inform both the Messrs. Cowles that I will, 
 when it is possible, look into our accounts and adjust 
 
34 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 tliem ; it has not been in my power to do so since my 
 arrival from England. Mr. William Cowles will do 
 me tlie justice to own, tliat it is not my fault those ac- 
 counts were left unsettled. I had often wrote to him 
 for them. I made one journey to Bristol for the sole 
 purpose of settling them, and when I was leaving the 
 kingdom I again took Bristol in my way to Falmouth 
 for the same purpose. I waited there to the very last 
 hour for saving my passage in the packet, and did not 
 receive the papers from him, till I had kept the post- 
 chaise long in waiting at my door, and in despair was 
 just stepping into it. My friend is to blame on this score. 
 I am glad you continue w^ith Mr. Becknel and your 
 brother with Mr. Henderson; frugality is essential to 
 you both. Consider I cannot supply you while the 
 sword of Britain remains unsheathed. Imj)rove every 
 moment of your time, my dear son, and continue your 
 guidance and protection to your brother and your sis- 
 ters — your respect and duty to your distressed uncle 
 and aunt. I feel much for them. May God protect 
 and guide you all, and may he still give peace and mu- 
 tual friendship to the divided family of Britain, and 
 promote tlie happiness, equally of the ancient root and 
 of the transplanted In'anches. If you do not come, en- 
 quire for opportunities in Holland and in France, and 
 write as oft as you can, and Harry too. 
 
 Adieu, my dear, dear son. 
 
 Mr. John Laurens. HeNRY Lat^RENS. 
 
 Why do you never say a word of M. B. ? 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 35 
 
 [jOHN ROSS TO SILAS DEANE.] 
 
 Nantes, I'Jtli July, 1Y77. 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 By last post I acknowledged recei^^t of your's, and 
 then flattered myself I should to-day be able to com- 
 municate Mr. Morris' ^ sentiments to you, regarding 
 what you have recommended. However, for some 
 days could not get a sight of him; how he has been 
 employed is best known to himself Before your letter 
 came to my hand, I proposed to him to resign the sole 
 management of j^ublic and private business, fi'om a con- 
 viction of his inattention and neglect in superintending 
 matters of less importance to his own reputation, and 
 to those of his distant connections. To this he replied, 
 he had determined in his owai mind not to relinipiish 
 the management of either, until he heard further fi'om 
 his brother, whose aj^prehensions had been ill-ground- 
 ed, as he could convince him and all his friends, the 
 business had hitherto been conducted with regularity, 
 and that nothing had suffered in what was committed 
 to his care. I took the lil^erty to contradict his asser- 
 tions from my own particular knowledge of the con- 
 trary, and informed him what such resolution might 
 hazard, if he persisted, when possessed of his brother's 
 letter, and j^articularly acquainted with the instructions 
 I had received thei-ewith. At the same time I insisted, 
 
 ' Thomas Morris. See letter from Robert Morris to Henry Laurens, in 
 the subsequent pages of this vokime. 
 
QQ MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 if determined to abide by so absurd a contempt of his 
 brother's orders, on his writing me a letter, stating his 
 reasons for refusing a surrender of Avhat I knew him 
 incapable of conducting, without risking further sacri- 
 fice of the interest of his employers and an additional 
 loss of reputation to himself, and to those of his con- 
 nections thereby. 
 
 This letter he promised to furnish me, and might 
 serve to justify my attention to the trust reposed by 
 our friend in me, but have not obtained it as yet. I 
 have, therefore, reason to conclude it will not be possi- 
 ble, without positive new powers, for me to command a 
 surrender of the private concerns of his house, and that 
 I shall have the disagreeable task of corresponding with 
 the friends of W. M. & Co., forbidding their future at- 
 tention to his orders or correspondence. 
 
 It is impossible for me or any other person to find 
 out what abuse the house have sustained in point of 
 interest, nothinsi; beinor entered to afford me the least 
 insight thereto ; but I know them to suff*er through his 
 folly and extravagance more than he can ever retrieve, 
 resj^ecting their credit and character. 
 
 Permit me now to give it as opinion to you and ad- 
 vice, that the commissioners interpose immediately, ex- 
 ercise their powers, and place the execution and man- 
 agement of all future concerns of the pul^lic in some 
 secure hand. Our friend, Mr. Eobert Morris, has placed 
 the utmost confidence ill both you and me ; we should 
 be wanting, and indeed to blame, did any thing escape 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 37 
 
 US under present circumstances in any degree preju- 
 dicial to liis interest and reputation. It liarppened ex- 
 tremely unfortunate at present that Mr. Lee should he 
 deprived from acting^ for want of proper inMructions 
 respecting his appointment as join t a gen f. Your powers, 
 I trust, may nevertheless prove sufficient to supply by 
 the want of a former commission until it reach him. 
 Accordingly, if so, and that he does act, it is incuml^ent 
 on you and me in particular to consult the interest of 
 Mr. Robert Morris in his absence, until we hear further 
 from him, and have his own opinion on the subject. I 
 would beg leave, therefore, to propose a continuation 
 of his name in the management of the public lousiness, 
 joined with Mr. Lee, or such other as the commissioners 
 may see fit to appoint on the present occasion, and that 
 every thing incuml^ent on our friend, Mr. Morris, may 
 be comj^lied with on his part as joint agent. I approve 
 that you and I should look out and engage a careful, 
 capable man in character of clerk, to attend the business 
 and to be paid at his expense, until matters can be l^etter 
 arranged more suitable and satisfactory to the parties 
 concerned. You'll believe I am persuaded the opinion 
 urged by me on this sul^ject cannot proceed from any 
 views of interest to myself I have in truth no such 
 motives ; on the contrary, I may venture to assure such 
 agent as may be appointed here, if Mr. Morris' name is 
 discontinued the business must be gi'eatly lessened by 
 such a loss of connection. 
 
 By a letter received from you last evening by IMr. 
 
oc MATERIALS FUli HISTORY. 
 
 Williams, I perceive you j^ress liim to a piu'suit of get- 
 tiiii^ possession of tlie prizes lately arrived. Some are 
 sold, and I fear tliey may turn out so trilling on the 
 settlement of the whole, I would take the liberty to 
 advise your j^ermitting Mr. Morris to close the sales, 
 and the net proceeds to be carried to the credit of the 
 United States, he being more in advance than will bal- 
 ance such part as can come to their share. Your letter 
 to Captain Wickes, (which he received from Mr. Wil- 
 liams,) sufficiently guards against any more coming to 
 our friend's hands in the same line, Captain Wickes 
 having already directed the commanders of the conti- 
 nental ships of force to conform to your instructions in 
 the consignation of all future prizes. 
 
 This, I foresee, will prevent noise, such as ought in 
 our situation to be avoided. Shall be glad to know 
 your determination in course ; assuring you of every 
 possible endeavoui" on my pai't to facilitate 3'our resolu- 
 tions, if my services can be rendered useful on the 
 present or any other future occasion, that matters may 
 be conducted in future with more regularity and pru- 
 dence ; I trust, more to the satisfaction of all parties. 
 My respects to Mr. Franklin. 
 
 I sincerely remain. 
 Dear Sir, your ever obedient servant, 
 
 John Koss. 
 
 Silas Deane, Esq. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 3<^ 
 
 [JOHX WEREAT TO HEXRY LACREXS.] 
 
 Savannah, August 30th, 1777. 
 
 My dear sir : 
 
 I WROTE you a few clays ao-o in a o-reat liurry, for 
 fear of losing an opj^ortunity that then oifered for 
 Charleston; to be forwarded from thence by Mr. Dor- 
 siixs b}" the first oj^portunity. 
 
 I now begin to tremble for the fate that awaits this 
 devoted country ; honesty, integrity, and love of justice 
 being the declared and avowed principles of any man, 
 are crimes sufficient to secure him the hateful name of 
 tory, and to hold him uj) to the resentment of the peo- 
 ple as an enemy to his country. I think I told you 
 some time ago that I thought the augmentation of tlie 
 present representation under our present cirumstances 
 a great evil ; every day's experience convinces me that 
 it is so, and it requires no great degree of prescience to 
 declare that Georgia cannot exist as a separate State 
 twelve months longer, without thi^ immediate interpo- 
 sition of Congress. 
 
 I told you in a former letter how the laws, that this 
 country are to he ruled by, were framed and agreed 
 upon at a nightly meeting in a tavern. This, though 
 dangerous in its consequences, is but a part of the evil. 
 We have now another nocturnal society established, 
 who have arrogated to themselves the name of The 
 Liberty Society. The business of this cabal, as far as I 
 am capable of judging, seems t(^ be ])rinci])ally intend- 
 
40 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 ed to poison tlie minds of tlie peoj^le tlirougliout tlio 
 State, and to set tliem at enmity witli every man who 
 is not of their party. Tliey, or the leaders of them, 
 seem to l)e void of every sentiment of honour, and 
 truth is a stranger to their proceedings; tliey Ijellow 
 lihertij^ but take every method in their power to de- 
 prive the best part of the community of even the 
 shadow of it. Those wretches appear to me to have a 
 manifest intention to destroy the reputation of their 
 neio-hbours, in order to raise themselves fortunes and 
 political fame upon the ruins of the real friends of then- 
 country, and the American cause. One of their pro- 
 ceedings, as far as I have been aide to inform myself, 
 has that tendency, which you may be informed of m 
 some degree by perusing the inclosed copy of a circular 
 letter, which seems calculated for the dialjolical pur- 
 pose of destroying General Mcintosh; to accomplish 
 which the vilest of falsehoods are imposed upon the 
 people to induce them to give their sanction to these 
 deeds of darkness. 
 
 The reason set forth in this letter I know to be 
 as diametrically opposite to truth as light to dark- 
 ness. So far from being an enemy to ci^'il govern- 
 ment, he is and always was, since I knew him, as great 
 a stickler for it as any man in the State. You may 
 remember an instance of it at his appointment to the 
 command of the first battalion. The petition alluded 
 to, the general has never been able to obtain a sight of; 
 neither could I, though I have endeavoured frequently 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 41 
 
 to see it ; so that it may truly be said to be a stolen 
 jyetition. 
 
 No person wlio refused to sign it is ever trusted with 
 any of the secrets of the club afterwards, let them as- 
 sign reasons ever so good for their refusing. The reasons 
 for desiring the general to be removed, besides that set 
 forth in the circular letter, are said to lie, first, his con- 
 nections ; that his brother, William Mcintosh, who was 
 formerly colonel of the horse, was ol)liged to resign his 
 commission, the jieople were so clamorous against him. 
 
 2dly. That his brother, George Mcintosh, that 
 known traitor, was screened by the general from being 
 brought to justice, until he could make his escape. 
 
 3c%. That a relation of his (Alexander Baillie) 
 was detected in carrying intelligence to St. Augustine 
 to the enemy, giving them notice of an expedition then 
 in agitation, and afterwards carried on without success. 
 
 4:t]ihj. That a nephew of the general's, (one Mcin- 
 tosh,) in the Indian nation, was an avowed and open 
 enemy to the American cause, and is stirring up the 
 Indians against the frontier inhabitants of this State. 
 
 The foregoing are part of the many accusations con- 
 tained in the St. Johns petition, as far as a gentleman 
 who heard it read can charge his memory, and which I 
 am told is now on its way to Congress. 
 
 With respect to what is said in the first instance of 
 William Mcintosh, I wrote you my opinion with free- 
 dom and candour some time ago. He was twice exam- 
 ined before the house, and l)oth times honourably ac- 
 
42 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 quitted. Once lie received their tlianks, and I l^elieve 
 it will be acknowledged by those who are not preju- 
 diced, or worse, that no officer in that regiment has 
 ever done the duty and gone through the fatigue that 
 he did. 
 
 As to the treason of George Mcintosh, I presume 
 you are pretty well informed on that score by this 
 time ; it may be here added, however, that there are 
 two gentlemen lately arrived here from London, by the 
 way of Augustine and Providence, Mr. Peronneau and 
 Mr. Bellinger, who inform, that they conversed with 
 Panton in Augustine, who declared that George Mcin- 
 tosh was perfectly innocent of the vessels going to 
 Florida, and that if he w^as allowed to come in safety 
 to this State, he would clear up the matter beyond the 
 possibility of a doubt. 
 
 The next charge, if it can be called so, is diametri- 
 cally opposite to the truth, for Mr. Alexander Baillie is 
 no more related to the general than he is to me ; or, if 
 he was, is that a sufficient ground for an accusation ? 
 
 The following article is likewise equally false and 
 ridiculous; for the young man that is in the Indian 
 nation, and whom they would make out to be the gen- 
 eral's nephew, is no ways related to him, so that this 
 article of the charge must fall with the rest. 
 
 Doctor Hall and Ben Andrew keep the ferment up 
 in the parish of St. John, either of whom I fear would 
 sacrifice the public weal to tlieir private interest. You 
 may form some opinic^n of the doctor by his letter to 
 
LAUKENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 43 
 
 me on Gwinnett's affair with the secret committee, and 
 to whom I forwarded it by Mr. Donaldson. The other 
 has been actually concerned in im2:>orting British goods, 
 in whicli he was caught and the goods condemned, of 
 which I wrote you some days ago, and some other 
 things of a very bad complexion ; but as the public are 
 not concerned, I forbear to mention them till I see you. 
 
 Colonel Baker, too, I heard, drew up his Avhole regi- 
 ment and made them sign this infamous petition; a 
 downright act of mutiny, and, I should think, ought to 
 be punished as such. 
 
 The demagogue for this to^^m and county is that 
 infamous wretch, old Joseph Wood, a delegate elect for 
 the Continental Congress ; a fellow notoriously infamous, 
 and who never stood charged with an honest action in 
 his life. 
 
 The governor, I hear, keeps it up in St. Matthew's 
 parish, where he demeaned himself so much as to go to 
 an election the other day for a vacancy, and would not 
 suffer a man to vote till he first signed a j^etition 
 against the general. 
 
 "Who leads the faction in St. George's parish, I know 
 not; but I believe Colonel Wells keeps it up in St. 
 Paul's parish and the ceded lands, j^erhaps with some 
 assistants. It appears evident to me that General Mc- 
 intosh is too honest for this set of rulers ; that they 
 will stick at nothing, however infamous and wicked, to 
 ruin him and a few others that stand in their way, and 
 will oppose their iniquitous proceedings. 
 
4.4 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 Having now entered pretty fully into this matter, I 
 shall point out to you some articles of our constitution 
 that are broken, and by whom, besides those mentioned 
 in the addition to George Mcintosh's case, enclosed in 
 my last. 
 
 The fourth article relates to the election of mem- 
 bers to represent the State in the assem])ly, and is 
 broke in the following;; instances, viz. : 
 
 " The port and town of Savannah shall be allowed 
 four members to represent their trade ; " and " The 
 port and town of Sunbury shall be allowed two mem- 
 bers to represent their trade." From whence one 
 would naturally conclude that there ought to be four 
 separate and distinct elections, one for each seaport 
 town, and one for each county at large ; yet neither 
 Savannah nor Sunbury have a single member in the 
 house. In the former instance, the whole fourteen 
 members were indiscriminately chosen for the county 
 at large ; and at Sunbury they held a separate election 
 for the town agreeable to the constitution, and chose 
 two members. The county at large chose sixteen, who 
 were all received, and the two chosen by the town 
 rejected by the house. 
 
 The sixth article says: "The representatives shall 
 be chosen out of the residents in each county, who 
 shall have resided at least twelve months in this State, 
 and three months in the county where they shall be 
 elected." The instances wherein this article is violated 
 are as follows: Joseph Wood, an inhabitant of this 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 45 
 
 town, was returned a member for the county of Effing- 
 ham, where he never resided, took and retained his 
 seat in the house as such. George Wells, an inhabi- 
 tant and practitioner of phisic in the town of Augusta, 
 was returned and kept his seat for Wilkes county, in 
 direct violation of this article. A Mr. Jones, who came 
 into the State about three months before the election, 
 was likewise returned a member for Burke county ; 
 and after the meeting of the house was appointed a 
 counsellor. 
 
 This article says farther : "And they shall be of the 
 Protestant religion, and shall be possessed in their own 
 right of two hundred and fifty acres of land, or some 
 property to the value of two hundred and fifty 
 pounds." This part of the article is also broken in 
 two instances: the first, (as I am informed,) by a 
 member for the county of Chatham, who is a Roman 
 Catholic. The other is Wood, who, if any body sus- 
 pects of being worth two hundred and fifty pounds in 
 his own right, let them examine the records of the 
 court and then judge. 
 
 The seventh article says, that the house is to " di- 
 rect writs of election for supplying intermediate vacan- 
 cies." A writ was issued by the house at their last sit- 
 ting for electing two members, which writ was inter- 
 lined, and five came down and were accepted by the 
 house. 
 
 The seventeenth article declares that "No person 
 bearing any post of profit under this State, or any per- 
 
4,Q MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 son bearing any military commission under this or any 
 other State or States, except officers of tlie militia, shall 
 be elected a representative." I shall 2>oint out two in- 
 stances in which this article is violated. The first is 
 by a person holding a place of |)rofit under this State, 
 with a salary annexed, not only being elected, but has 
 taken and kept his seat as a representative for the 
 county of Chatham, and is the same man above-men- 
 tioned, who is not of the Protestant religion, and conse- 
 quently disqualified under l:)oth articles. The other is 
 old "Wood, the paymaster of the first battalion, who, it 
 cannot be doubted, is so to all intents and purj^oses agree- 
 able to the spirit and meaning of the constitution, and 
 has ever acted in that character since such an office was 
 appointed, notwithstanding his son is nominally pay- 
 master : for, in the first place, he is a boy of al)out six- 
 teen or seventeen years of age, and is now at Philadel- 
 phia or some place to the northward, and never acted 
 in that office, and, agreeable to the principles of law 
 and reason, cannot ; for, as he is a minor, he cannot be 
 bound, and it naturally follows that he cannot hold a 
 place of trust, though he might a military commission. 
 From the above premises it is plain to every honest, 
 unprejudiced person that Josej^h, and not John Wood, 
 is paymaster of the first battalion, and consequently 
 disqualified as a representative of the people under 
 three different articles of that constitution, which he 
 would fain have mankind believe he was cajjitally con- 
 cerned in framing, l)y publishing his name at the head 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 47 
 
 of it by way of iutrocluction. In order to put tliis 
 matter still farther past tlie possibility of a doubt, aud 
 to prove that he looks upon himself to be the paymas- 
 ter, and not his son, I assert from imdoubted authority 
 that he offered that office for sale for a valual)le con- 
 sideration. It may l^e his reasons for it were that 
 he might have no incumbrance upon his hands when 
 he set out for Philadelphia to represent the State. The 
 House of Assembly, by their choice of him, acknowledge 
 his fitness for that honourable station ; and of his. fit- 
 ness for the office of paymaster or of any other office 
 where money is in the case ; indubitable testimony can 
 be produced. Witness the fraud attempted against 
 the Spaniard, mtli regard to his cargo of sugar, and his 
 embezzlinof the charitable donations of the Freemasons' 
 Society for the relief of widow^s and orphans, with 
 many others that might be mentioned ; I) at these are 
 matters of record, and cannot be controverted. 
 
 The eighteenth article says : " No person shall hold 
 more than one office of profit under this State at one 
 and the same time." Are not Secretary for the State, 
 and Register of Probates tw^o offices ? Yet they are 
 held by the same person ; but this is of little conse- 
 quence if compared with other matters. 
 
 How^ far the o-overnor and council have maintained 
 inviolate the nineteenth article of the constitution, let 
 the honest, unprejudiced part of mankind declare. 
 
 But what shall be said when we come to take a 
 view of the oaths by which the assembly, governor, 
 
48 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 and council are solemnly bound ? As you have them 
 in the constitution I sent you, 'tis unnecessary to tran- 
 scribe them here. Whether the assembly have exe- 
 cuted the trust reposed in them for the benefit of the 
 State, and the support of the constitution thereof or 
 not, I leave you to judge after the facts above related. 
 If they would come off by pleading that they did so to 
 the best of their knowledge, it may be presumed that 
 their knowledge is inadequate to the purpose for which 
 they were chosen. 
 
 Admitting the forementioned four members to be 
 unduly elected, and to retain their seats contrary to the 
 constitution, and that they all voted for the governor, 
 as 'tis acknowledged they did as w^ell as himself, and 
 upon closing the poll it appeared that he had but a 
 majority of one vote ; with what face could he swear 
 that he had not accej^ted the government contrary to 
 the articles of the constitution, I cannot conceive. He 
 certainly cannot be so stuj^idly ignorant as not to know 
 these things. How well he has protected the people in 
 the secure enjopnent of all their rights, franchises, and 
 privileges, the proceedings against George Mcintosh 
 (whom he declared he ]:)elieved to be innocent) will 
 abundantly evince. 
 
 The president of the council, the constitution says, 
 shall take the same oath as is presci'ibed for the gover- 
 nor ; but with all due deference to the constitution- 
 makers, they have given us two kings of Brentford, in 
 the persons of Treutlon and Andrew; the latter has 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 49 
 
 also been guilty of breaking the constitution lie has 
 sworn to support. But the man frequently says, he 
 is "an ignorant countryman;" this you must readily 
 grant, and believe him to be as ignorant as he pretends 
 to be, when he can mistake his order for punishing a 
 man before he is convicted, by seizing and destroying 
 his property, to be securing him in the enjoyment of 
 all his rights, franchises, and privileges ; and equally 
 ignorant, to mistake the Congress in Philadelphia for a 
 jury of the vicinage in Georgia; both which he has 
 certainly done, and you will readily believe it was 
 through ignorance, as you know that he is a Christian 
 saint, and does unto all men as he would they should 
 do unto him. 
 
 From what I have above set forth, and the addi- 
 tion to George Mcintosh's case, before sent you, with a 
 good deal that might be added, you ^dll readily con- 
 ceive the situation of this State ; neither is there any 
 prospect of a change for the better Some people from 
 the southward, I am told, from being oppressed and 
 plundered of their little means of subsistence, are gone 
 to Augustine ; many more talk seriously of removing 
 to Carolina, and 'tis probable that, by the conduct of 
 those who misrule the State, we shall in a short time be 
 joined to Carolina or Florida. God avert the latter; 
 the former would be infinitely preferable to our present 
 situation, where neither liberty or property are secure. 
 
 In order to show you still farther what chance a 
 man has for to obtain justice after the club has taken 
 
50 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 an active part against liim, I shall relate one circum- 
 stance more to you, for wLicli purpose I kept tliis let- 
 ter open. 
 
 When I found tliere was no obtaining justice for 
 Mr. Mclntosli fi-om the council, and that they had 
 obstructed the judiciary department of government, I 
 resolved to try the House of Assembly, and accordingly 
 di-ew up a spirited remonstrance, complaining of the 
 conduct of the governor and council, praying for a 
 hearing and justice. The hearing indeed v^^as granted, 
 l)ut justice is still denied, and possession is still kept of 
 Mr. Mcintosh's estate and negroes. I have been since 
 told by some of the members that if another applica- 
 tion was made to the house, an order would issue for 
 the restitution of the property ; but this I would not 
 do, as they thought proper to refuse justice upon the 
 former application. 
 
 A j)rinci2)al reason for declining another application 
 to the house was the approaching session in October ; 
 and, upon drawing the grand jury, I found a more 
 respectable one than I have seen for many years. I 
 therefore resolved to lay the matter fully before them, 
 and try if they will take the matter up, which is a 
 measure that I think must succeed. 
 
 The governor and council all threatened to resign 
 if the house did not approve of their conduct in this 
 business; but in this they did not succeed; for the 
 house would not give a sanction to so much infamous 
 villainy, though they refused to do justice themselves. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 51 
 
 Doctor Hall endeavoured, as mucli as lay in his 
 power, to enrage the house, and to get the authors 
 of the addition to the case of George Mcintosh, Esq., 
 taken up and punished ; but, unfortunately for his pur- 
 pose, there was too much truth in it to be controverted, 
 and he failed of his plan. I never observed so much 
 rancor in the conduct of any man as appeared visible 
 in the doctor upon this occasion. 
 
 Your cousin George Walton was buried yesterday. 
 He was taken off very suddenly after two or three 
 days' illness. He died at Colonel Harris' plantation, 
 having gone out so far to accompany some officers who 
 were going upon a command to the southward ; when, 
 being a good deal heated, he drank a large quantity 
 of cold water, and washed hunself before he had time 
 to cool. Your brother has been very ill, and was not 
 able to attend the house ; but I have not heard how he 
 is, since the first account of his illness, which may be 
 about a month ago. I heard he went to some medici- 
 nal springs in Carolina for his health, which I sincerely 
 wish may be serviceable to him. 
 I am, very sincerely. 
 
 Dear Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 John Wereat. 
 
 Henry Laurens. 
 
 I forgot to tell you that an action is instituted 
 against Lang worthy for perjury, which I have great 
 reason to believe will be proved. This country will be 
 hopefully represented in Congress by this genius and 
 
52 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 old Wood. The latter lias as great pretensions to the 
 character of a finished y — 1 — n as any man on the con- 
 tinent. I inclose you copies of Mr. Perronneau s and 
 Mr. Bellinger's afiidavits. 
 
 [an unsigned lettkr.] 
 
 From the camp on the field of battle near Dihcorth, on the heights of Bran- 
 dywine. SeiAernber Wth^ at night. 
 
 I SHOULD have written to thee, O Imperial ! Con- 
 sider the pain of the contusion ! What excessive fa- 
 tigue — a rapid march from four o'clock in the morning 
 till four in the eve, when we engaged till dark. We 
 fought. Describe the battle. 'Twas not like those of 
 Covent Garden or Drury Lane. Thou hast seen Le 
 Brun's paintings and the tapestry peihaps at Blenheim ; 
 are these natural resemblances ? Pshaw ! quoth the 
 captain^ en tin mot. There was a most infernal fire of 
 cannon and musketry ; smoke ; incessant shouting ; " In- 
 cline to the right ! Incline to the left ! Halt ! Charge ! " 
 <fec. The balls ploughing up the ground ; the trees 
 cracking over one's head ; the branches riven by the 
 artillery ; the leaves falling as in autumn, by the grape 
 shot. The affair was general. 
 
 The masters on l)oth sides showed conduct. The 
 action was brilliant. Mr. Washington retreated, (/. e. 
 run away,) and Mr. Howe remained master of the field. 
 We took ten pieces of cannon and a howitzer ; eight 
 were brass, the other two of iron of a new construction. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 53 
 
 I took a uiglit-cap lined with fur, whicli I find very 
 comfortable in the now " not summer evenings in my 
 tent." A ball glanced about my ancle and contused it ; 
 for some days I was lifted oif and on horsel)ack in 
 men's arms. 
 
 I do not wi'ite from the camp on the field of battle, 
 <fec., &c. ; neither do I write in the month of September. 
 Since the above date I have been in a more l:)loody 
 affair at midnight on the 22d of September. The bat- 
 talion I served in, (the second of light infantry,) sup- 
 ported by three regiments and some dragoons, surprised 
 a camp of the rebels consisting of fifteen hundred men, 
 and bayoneted (we hear) fi'om four to five hundred. 
 The aftair was admirably conceived and executed. I 
 will (as it is remarkable) particularize. I was released 
 from picket at sunset — the preceding sunset I mounted 
 — and was waked at nine at night to go on the Ijloody 
 business. The men were ordered to unload ; on no ac- 
 count to fire. We took a circuit in dead silence ; about 
 one in the morning fell in with a rebel vidette, (a vi- 
 dette is a horse sentinel,) who challenged three times 
 and fired. He was pursued, but escaped. Soon after, 
 two foot sentries challenged and fired; these escaped 
 also. We then marched on briskly, still silent; our 
 company was advanced immediately preceding a com- 
 pany of riflemen, who always are in front. A picket 
 fired upon us at the distance of fifteen yards, mii^acu- 
 lously without effect. This unfortunate guard was in- 
 stantly dispatched by the riflemen's swords. We 
 
54 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 marclied on througli a thick wood and received a smart 
 fire from another unfortunate picket ; as the first, in- 
 stantly massacred. We then saw their wigwams or 
 huts partly Ijy the almost extinguished light of their 
 fires, and partly by the glimmer of a few stars, and the 
 frio-htened wretches endeavourino; to form. We then 
 charged. For two miles we drove them, now and then 
 firing scatteringly from behind fences, trees, &,c. The 
 flashes of the pieces had a fine effect in the night. 
 Then followed a dreadful scene of havoc. 
 
 The light di^agoons came on, sword in hand. The 
 shrieks, groans, shouting, imprecations, deprecations ; 
 the clashing of swords and bayonet, <fec., &c., &c., (no 
 firing from us and little from them, except now and 
 then a few, as I said before, scattering shots,) was more 
 expressive of horror than all the thunder of the artillery 
 <fec., on the day of action. 
 
 They threaten retaliation ; vow that they will give 
 no quarter to any of our battalion. We are always on 
 the advanced post of the army ; our present one is un- 
 pleasant; our left too open and unguarded. We ex- 
 pect reinforcements. There has been firing this night 
 all around the sentries, which seems as if they endeav- 
 om^ed to feel our situation. 
 
 I am fatigued and must sleep. Couldst thou sleep 
 thus? No more than I could act Sir Wild air in a Ship 
 on Fire ; nor I at first, (entre nous,) but I grant custom, 
 *fcc., <fec. Yet my rest is interrupted. I wake once or 
 twice, or more ; my ear is susceptible of the least noise. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 55 
 
 Mr. Washington, by the account of some who came 
 in to-day, is eighteen miles distant with his main body. 
 They also say he intends to move nearer us to try the 
 event of another battle. He has been reinforced. 
 
 Before the action of the 11th of September and the 
 noctui'ual bloody scene, our battalion had a skiiinish 
 with General Maxwell's light troops, whom we drove 
 from a very strong post on the Iron Hills. 
 
 N. B. — I write ft'om camp near Beggarstown, seven 
 miles distant fi'om Philadelphia, which is garrisoned at 
 present by the British and Hessian grenadiers under 
 Lord Cornwallis. I have l)een there once. It is a fine 
 town. October 2, twelve midnight, in my tent.^ 
 
 [henry LAURENS TO COLONEL GERTAIS.] 
 
 YoRKTowN, October, 1777. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Yesterday, by the hands of Mr. Lawrence, a l^roth- 
 er of my neighbour at the distillery, I sent you all the 
 intelligence of the day. This morning has produced 
 me the enclosed letters from my son, and copy of east- 
 ern intelligence, on which 1 congratulate with the 
 fi'iends of America. Colonel Pinckney is not come in 
 yet. I wish I had John Laurens' letter by him ; 'tis 
 probable it contains minutia. 
 
 A long letter this morning from General Washing- 
 
 ' This fragment was endorsed by Mr. Laurens, " Unsigned letter, writ- 
 ten immediately after the battle of Brandy wine." 
 
56 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 ton. It does not appear that lie lias in contemi^lation 
 an immediate attack upon tlie enemy ; on tlie contrary, 
 lie complains of the want of many essential articles. 
 He is the most to be pitied of any man I know ; these 
 essentials are to be had, and now I suppose will be ; 
 had they been provided some time ago with those arti- 
 cles, we should have prevented hundreds, perhaps thou- 
 sands of desertions, and there would have been no 
 Howe in Philadelphia. O ! what my pen would truly 
 tell you would I indulge it ; but I must not at present. 
 A letter from camp, ft-om General Smallwood, of the 
 14th, maintains, notwithstanding a Mr. Humphrey's 
 new lying paper, that the loss of the enemy in killed 
 and wounded and prisoners the 4th inst.^ was not less 
 than sixteen hundred ; indeed, the glaring, the impu- 
 dent lies published under General Howe's permission 
 in Philadelj)hia, which you will see in John Laurens' 
 letter, invalidate every thing they say. 
 
 Our president- gave notice yesterday of his purpose 
 to quit the chair and Congress next week. I moved 
 the house to entreat and solicit his continuance ; to my 
 surprise, I was seconded and no more. 
 
 Several other members are about leaving us ; I re- 
 gret the apparent defection. Our house will be reduced 
 in a few days to barely twenty or twenty-one members. 
 
 ' At the battle of Germantown. 
 
 ° John Hancock retired from the presidency of Congress on the twenty- 
 ninth of October, 1777. His speech on the occasion, together with a loyal 
 version of it, is preserved in the " Diary of the American Revolntion." . 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 57 
 
 Mr. Hall now waits for me. I will only desii'e my 
 compliments to His Excellency, to Mr. and Mrs. Mani- 
 gault, to Mrs. Gervais, and to each other friend. 
 God bless and keep yon all. 
 
 Henry Laurens. 
 
 Colonel Gervais. 
 
 P. S. — Don't let the good news from eastward lull 
 you ; the struggle here will be arduous, but 'tis far 
 from impossible, and we ought to believe it probable 
 ships and troops will attempt a winter expedition to 
 the southward; Init let us be prepared. It will be 
 wise if there should be no attack ; to be prepared may 
 discom'age an attack. 
 
 [henry LAURENS TO ROBERT HOWE.] 
 
 YoRKTOWN, Pa., 25th October, IIII. 
 
 Dear General: 
 
 Permit me to refer to my late letter of the 20th by 
 Durst, an express. I have notified Mr. Hancock of this 
 present safe conveyance, and again requested the hon- 
 our of transmitting his letter with your commission. 
 " You may depend upon it, I will send them to you in 
 time if possible," was his reply ; granting the possibili- 
 ty, and you will find his packet in company with this ; 
 but the embarrassment which no doubt he feels from a 
 variety of business in the moment of his leavino- Con- 
 gress, will probably prove an impediment. 
 
 By a new hand from the northei-n department we 
 have a scrap of the detail of General Burgoyne's sur- 
 
58 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 render, whicli you will see on a piece of paj^er witliin ; 
 but no authentic letter from General Gates lias yet ap- 
 peared, wlience some peoj)le begin to doubt tlie truth 
 of the accounts transmitted by General Putnam and 
 General George Clinton; announced also in public 
 orders, and the firing thirteen cannon by General 
 Washington. 
 
 According to Mr. Gates' custom, I say his advice 
 cannot come to hand till this evening or to-morrow ; 
 and in the meantime I will not be l^ilked of the pleas- 
 ure of l)elieving a story so well told and so often re- 
 peated. 
 
 The Delaw^are affair, which you will find upon an- 
 other piece, is glorious. Don't you think those cannon- 
 eering heroes. Commodore Hazlewood of the little fleet. 
 Colonel Smith at Fort Mifflin, and Colonel Greene of 
 Khode Island, at Red Bank, deserve to 1 )e canonized ? 
 
 Colonel Bradford, formerly a printer in Philadel- 
 phia, has had a great share of merit in this noble per- 
 severance. General Washington threw into the fort, a 
 few days before the grand action, two or three hun- 
 dred stout fellows, volunteers, who had Ijeen accus- 
 tomed to fire and water. 
 
 Is not the Knight of the Bath verging fast toward 
 a shameful retreat or a more shameful surrender? I 
 don't think the latter impossible ; his withdrawing fi'om 
 the field, into Philadelphia and fortifying, demonstrates 
 he had not sufficient numl)ers for attack. The large 
 detachments Avhich were made upon the late occasion 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 59 
 
 have rendered him less capable of defence. Be that as it 
 may ; if we continue, as now in all probability we shall, 
 to be masters of the river, he will in a few days have 
 nothing to eat. The game our general is playing I 
 hope is the best, and you shall know it in due time. 
 Some things have happened which have induced me to 
 send Duche's letter ^ to the president, where, if it is 
 worth your trouble, you may read a system of flattery 
 and tampering rascality, becoming the piety, the hon- 
 esty of a wretched Duche or Dodd. I have not been 
 able to obtain a copy of his prayer, (but you may pos- 
 sibly live to read his last dying speech ; his name, 
 wretched man, will be accursed by all generations.) I 
 am well assured, however, by a gentleman of good 
 memory and more veracity, that when he affected to 
 pray, among other equally strong terms he constantly 
 offered these : Bless our general and our army ; shield 
 and give them victory on the day of battle; make 
 them instruments in the establishment of liberty and 
 independency ; teach our hands to war and our fingers 
 to flght; subdue our enemies, let their weapons in 
 
 'The Reverend Jacob Duche, the first cliaphiin of Congress, on the 8th 
 of October, 1777, wrote a letter to General Washington, attemptnig to dis- 
 suade him from continuing in the army of the Congress. The letter was pub- 
 lished in the newspapers of the day, and called forth an able answer from 
 Colonel John Parke. The letter and answer can be found in the appendix 
 to the "Letters from General Washington to several of his friends in the 
 year 1776," published in a small volume in 1778. Sparks' Collection also 
 contains a notice of Duche's letter, together with one on the subject, from 
 Francis Hopkinson to Duche. 
 
60 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 battle fall from tlieir unnerved arms, <fec., tfec. Alas ! 
 tLe frailty of human nature ; in this view I pitied 
 Dodd and I commiserate the abject state of Duche ! 
 
 The more I reflect upon the contents of the letter, 
 particularly upon the truth calculated to deceive, " I 
 write not under the eye," the stronger is conviction that 
 Lord and General Howe are in a state wdiich renders 
 treaty a desirable object, shackled at the same time by 
 orders which mil not admit of an approach from their 
 side ; if such were their circumstances on the 8th Oc- 
 tober, how galling are their fetters now at the 25th ? 
 
 General, I wdll not insult you by advice to be pre- 
 pared, guarded, in the district committed to your 
 charge. I know your vigilance. 'Tis time to relieve 
 you, my dear sir. I wish you all happiness. 
 
 Henry Laurens. 
 
 General Howe. 
 
 [henry lacrens to major huger.] 
 
 YoRKTowN, 15th November, 1111. 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 If it had been in my power, you could not have 
 wished a person more ready to serve you than I should 
 have been in the affair referred to in your favour of the 
 2d of September, which was delivered to me, as it hap- 
 pened, two days too late for a particular interposition 
 on behalf of the appellee in the case of the schooner 
 Rosanna. The cause had been matured for judgment 
 before I had been named to the bench for hearing and 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. (Jl 
 
 deciding upou appeals in prize cases ; therefore I pur- 
 posely refrained from sitting when the final ojiinion 
 was to be pronounced. 
 
 I had indeed perused copies of the proceedings, and 
 from thence had formed a judgment of my own, with- 
 out knowing particularly who were interested. Imme- 
 diately upon receij^t of your letter I determined if need- 
 ful to employ an advocate ; l3ut upon application to 
 Colonel Harnet, mth offers of my assistance, he in- 
 formed me the bench had, by theu^ sentence, reversed 
 the decree given in admiralty, and ordered restitution 
 of property or value to be made to the appellants. 
 Hence I ought in modesty to think my own opinion 
 erroneous ; but although I am far from being an obsti- 
 nate fellow, I cannot, and pay great deference to some 
 gentlemen of the bench, honestly say I acquiesced. 
 Colonel Harnet was my first informant ; when I applied 
 to him with ofters of my service, he said he was of my 
 opinion — he thought the case was in favour of the cap- 
 tors. One of the judges on the bench, meaning no dis- 
 paragement to the other gentlemen, is esteemed a good 
 lawyer, and universally esteemed an honest man ; this 
 circumstance, if I were as nearly concerned as you are, 
 would make the disappointment sit lighter. The pur- 
 suit of that phantom is, however, at an end. 
 
 All the great news of Burgoyne John, Esq., <fec., 
 will have been familiar before this can reach you. 
 Our eyes are now fixed upon Delaware. Forts Mifilin 
 and Mercer, tosrether with some of our armed vessels, 
 
02 
 
 MATERIALS FOR HISTURY. 
 
 have performed sucli acts of defence, against the at- 
 tempts of a British fleet and army, as will unite the com- 
 manders in future history with the name of Franklin, 
 when that valuable man shall be celebrated for his con- 
 struction of the marine chevaux-de-frise. Force upon 
 force are continually repeating attacks upon these brave 
 men; if they tall, honour will attend them, and the 
 enemy will have made a dear and inglorious j^urchase 
 of victory. The details of this portion of our war will 
 astonish Europe, at least will be admired there. Gen- 
 eral Washington has afforded all the reinforcement he 
 can spare to their support ; the forts are respectively in 
 better posture for defence than they were a month ago ; 
 but the late arrival of troops from New York, supposed 
 to be upwards of three thousand, may enal)le the enemy 
 to overpower the garrisons; if ever that happens, it 
 will be accompanied by shocking carnages ; the loss on 
 that side has already been great. A ship of sixty-four 
 guns and one frigate l^urnt, one sixty-four gun ship ex- 
 ceedingly injured, and several others very much hurt ; 
 and at a moderate computation, drowned, slain, and 
 captured, full one thousand men. On our part the 
 killed and wounded scarcely exceed sixty ; the rascals 
 who gave up the ship Delaware, and a few deserters 
 from the galleys to be added. 
 
 I expect the next letters will announce the arrival of 
 reinforcements, fi'om four to six thousand men, to Gen- 
 eral Washington. Our contest will then seem to be 
 di'aAVU to one point, when I hope the camj)aign will 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 63 
 
 happily terminate in our favour. I dare not trust my- 
 self to believe, witli some peoj^le, tliis year's success 
 will end the war. 
 
 Captain Hyrne will relate to you the starving con- 
 dition of the enemy and false friends in Philadelphia ; 
 how we frequently make prisoners and daily receive 
 deserters; the discontents of the Hessian officers and 
 troops, and many other articles, not omitting a scanda- 
 lous retreat from Rhode Island. I will not further 
 trouble you, but to rej^eat that I am with great regard, 
 Dear Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 Henry Laurens. 
 
 Major Huger. 
 
 You may be told our g is under a pernicious 
 
 influence of two g 1 ; sus]3end judgment ; I have 
 
 seen the general's sentiments, very fully and freely 
 AVTitten to a friend on that subject. I will not believe 
 a woi'd of the whisper. 
 
 [jOHN LAURENS TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 November, 1777. 
 
 At break of day on the fifteenth, the enemy's bat- 
 teries began a heavy cannonade upon Fort Mifflin, and 
 their fleet set sail to come up the river with the tide. 
 One of their ships, an old East Indiaman, cut down for 
 a floating battery, and armed with eighteen twenty-four 
 pounders, and two sloops, advanced between Hog Island 
 and the northern point of Tinicum, at the distance of 
 about one thousand yards from our grand battery. Six 
 
04 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 other vessels and a galley, carrying a thirty-six-pounder, 
 approached the chevaux-de-frise, about six hundred 
 yards fi-om the fort. The garrison saluted them with 
 red-hot bullets. At eight o'clock the fire of the six 
 vessels and galley commenced, and was seconded by 
 that of the land-ljatteries; a quarter of an hour after, 
 the sloops with eight pieces, thirty-two and twenty-four 
 pounders, brought their guns to bear on the right of 
 the battery, and after many successive broadsides, laid 
 the j^arapet in ruin, and dismounted one of the two 
 pieces wdiich were on that side, there being only two 
 embrasures on the right, from whence the fire of the 
 sloops was returned. 
 
 The musketry of the tops drove the cannoneers 
 from the platform, and the land-l^atteries, making a 
 cross-fire with that of the vessels, rendered the right of 
 the battery untenable. Major Fleury, who commanded 
 a number of men appointed to answer the fire of the 
 enemy's tops, and Captain Lee of the artillery, remained 
 in this dangerous part of the l:)attery till all their men 
 were either killed or wounded, and the cannon battered 
 to pieces. 
 
 Captain Dickinson commanded two pieces on the 
 left of the battery, and Lieutenant ■ in the centre. 
 
 Major Thayer, the commandant, was everywhere. 
 Major Talbot commanded a reserve in the interior work 
 — a kind of last retreat thrown up in form of a cross, 
 to enable the garrison to dispute the ground inch by 
 inch in case of storm. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. G5 
 
 At eleven oV-lock ammunition began to fail, and 
 Major Thayer ordered the blue flag to be hoisted as a 
 signal of distress to the commodore. Major Fleury and 
 some volunteers ran to the magazine, and after search- 
 ing, found one cartridge for a thii'ty-two pounder, and 
 several eighteen-pounder cartridges. The fire was re- 
 newed; in conformity to Major Thayer's order, they 
 had beorun to lower the fort flao; in order to hoist the 
 signal, but Captain Lee and Major Fleury ran to hinder 
 it, entreatino; the commandant rather to send off some 
 of the boats from the wharf than to make a signal 
 wliich would discover to the enemy the weakness of 
 the garrison. The commandant a])proved of what they 
 said, and ordered the flao; to be hoisted aa;ain. The 
 enemy had for a moment slackened their fire, imagining, 
 no doubt, that the garrison was preparing to surrender ; 
 but our cannon undeceived them. 
 
 At one o'clock the ammunition of the fort was ex- 
 hausted ; only two cannon remained fit for use — the rest 
 were dismounted or l:»roke to pieces ; the parapet was 
 destroyed ; one of the sloops which had moved towards 
 the middle of the fort had demolished the bank, and 
 was knocking down the palisades. A body of troops 
 appeared on the opposite shore ready to embark, and 
 our garrison was small. The commandant called a 
 council at two o'clock, the result of which was, that the 
 garrison must either have ammunition and a reinforce- 
 ment^ or hoats. 
 
 Tlie enemy's fire raged ; ours languished. The 
 
QQ MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 hlockliouses flew about in splinters ; a piece of timber 
 detached from one of tliem knocked down a lieuten- 
 ant and Major Fleury ; tlie former was killed by tke 
 blow, and tlie latter lay senseless. Major Talbot, who 
 ran to their assistance, was wounded in the leg and 
 arm with two grape shot. Night came on, and trans- 
 port boats arriving instead of reinforcement, the garri- 
 son evacuated their post and embarked at half after 
 eleven, at the very moment when the sound of oars 
 announced the approach of troo2:)s to storm our levelled 
 palisades. 
 
 This account of our brave garrison's last day's de- 
 fence is the most circumstantial I have been able to 
 collect, and may be depended upon, coming from the 
 authority of Major Fleury, engineer of the fort. 
 
 On the 18th we received intelligence from different 
 officers commanding outposts, that a detachment of 
 British troops, amounting to two thousand — some al- 
 leged five thousand, but the former is most probal^le — 
 had crossed the Schuylkill, marched down to Chester, 
 and were there eml)arking horses, artillery, tfec. The 
 circumstance of this party's being attended by a num- 
 ber of women and children, induced some persons of 
 little reflection to believe that the enemy were pre- 
 paring to quit Philadelphia ; but, as persons of more 
 judgment expected, these troops, under the command 
 of Lord Cornwallis, crossed the Delaware, landed at Bil- 
 lingsport, were joined by the reinforcement, whatever it 
 be, fi-om New York, and meditated an attack on Fort 
 
LAURENS' CUKKESPONDEXCE. 67 
 
 Mercer. Their apparatun of artillery disclainied any 
 intention of storming tliat post, as tliey marched with 
 twelve cannon and several howitzers. 
 
 General Varnum was warned by express from head- 
 quarters of the enemy's designs. Huntington's bri- 
 gade was detached on the 19th and Greene's division 
 on the 20th, to cooperate with the force under General 
 Varnum in preventing the enemy's laying siege to the 
 fort, and advice was sent to General Varnum of these 
 corps being detached. 
 
 21st. This morning: letters fi'om him and General 
 Greene inform us that Fort Mercer was evacuated on 
 the evening of the 20th ; the garrison and flying camp 
 have moved to Mount Holly. The fort was certainly 
 untenable against formal siege, without a superior force 
 in the field to ol>lige to raise it. The galleys passed 
 Philadelphia and have retreated up the river; a brig 
 and two sloops likewise passed. The large vessels, 
 why, I can't conceive, were burnt. The enemy's force 
 in Jersey are part at Billingsport, part at Fort Mercer, 
 and part at Manto Creek. General Varnum seems to 
 think that an engagement with them is desirable ; he 
 says they were delayed at Billingsport by a rumour 
 prevailing, which intimated that the gi^eatest part of 
 the continental army ^vas in Jersey, and they waited 
 for further reinforcement, before they took their present 
 positions. 
 
 This afternoon a party of the enemy sallied fi'om 
 their lines, skirmished with one of our advanced parties 
 
(J3 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 wliicli was not in force, and in their return burnt Mr. 
 Dickinson's liouse, Mr. Mifflin's, and several others, 
 with valuable furniture in them. As soon as intelli- 
 gence of it was received at head-quarters, six companies 
 were ordered to march and chastise the incendiaries; 
 but they had retired before our party arrived. They 
 gave out that Gerinantown would be burnt to-morrow ; 
 and though it is not usual in war to proclaim one's real 
 intentions, we shall be as much on our guard as if we 
 were sui-e that they will attempt to realize their 
 menaces. 
 
 If all our men were as well clothed and accoutred 
 as one of the New England regiments that arrived in 
 camp two days ago, ^ve could, even with the scanty re- 
 inforcement that we have received from the northward, 
 make a glorious conclusion of the campaign and per- 
 haps of the war. The regiment that I allude to is uni- 
 formly and handsomely clothed, armed, and accoutred ; 
 has a grenadier and light iDfantry company ; both 
 officers and men make as good an appearance and are 
 as well under arms as any troops I ever saw. I have 
 been informed by a foreigner of character, who said he 
 had seen the invoices of military stores shipped from 
 France for America, that clothing, including every mi- 
 nute article of dress, even garters, shoe-l:)Uckles, and 
 stock-buckles, for thirty thousand men, arms, and pro- 
 portionate number of tents, arrived in the Amphitrite 
 and another vessel ; and that these necessary supplies, 
 intended for the use of the continental army, must have 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. ^9 
 
 been monopolized by one of tlie New England States 
 in wliicli tliey were received. If this be the case, such 
 a remarkable attem23t to engross the advantages of the 
 confederacy demands a congressional inquiry. If the 
 Frenchman from whom I had this anecdote was mis- 
 taken, and the stores alluded to were imported on the 
 account of the particular State which received them, 
 that branch of confederac}^ is dangerously politic. 
 
 November 24th. Humphrey's Philadelphia 
 
 paper of the lOtli cites some English intelligence ; the 
 most remarkable paragraph is that the suffrages of the 
 privy council upon the suljject of war with France were 
 six for and six against ; the king gave the casting vote 
 against it. I am desired to mention to you that the 
 letters for Delaware State come out of theii' way at 
 least forty miles when sent to head-quarters. 
 
 I have received your's of the 17th, and am much 
 obliged to you for the orthography of galley ; as it was 
 a word that had not frequently occurred in the course 
 of my former reading and writing, I was tempted to 
 give up my own spelling, and follow that wliicli I ob- 
 served adopted by our officers. 
 
 I am furnished with every important anecdote rela- 
 tive to the forts on Delaware, and will send you the 
 whole history of the siege, or such parts as you may be 
 desirous of seeing, together with a sketch of the posts 
 and the adjacent islands, &c. 
 
 I am exceedingly anxious to see you, my dear father, 
 but can't determine mvself to ask leave of absence at 
 
70 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 this moment. Whether near you or at a distance, I am 
 ever your affectionate, 
 
 John Laurens. 
 
 Henry Laurens. 
 
 [henry LAURENS TO JOHN ADAMS.] 
 
 York, 3d December, \111. 
 
 Sir : 
 
 The 28th ult, I had the honour of writing to you 
 by the messenger, Frederick Weare, and of transmitting 
 a vote of Congress by w^hich you are appointed a com- 
 missioner at the court of France. Inclosed under this 
 cover you will find a commission executed agreeable to 
 the order of Cono-ress. 
 
 You have no doubt heard, or will hear before this 
 can reach you, of the little affair which happened last 
 week in Jersey ; the attack by the Marquis de Lafayette, 
 at the head of about four hundred militia, and a de. 
 tachment from Morgan's rifles, on a picket of three hun- 
 dred Hessians twice reinforced by British, in which our 
 troops were successful ; killed about twenty, wounded 
 more, took fourteen prisoners, and chased the enemy 
 about half a mile. We learn that General Greene, 
 under whom the marquis had acted, had lieen recalled 
 from Jersey ; but 'tis probable, from an account received 
 this morning, in a private letter from Major Clarke, 
 something more must have been done before he re- 
 crossed the Delaware. 
 
 The major writes, that from different and corrobora- 
 ting accounts, Lord Cornwallis was killed or wounded ; 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 71 
 
 that ill au attack made at Gloster the enemy were beat, 
 left thirty dead oii the fiekl, and crossed the water, 
 after having set fire to that pretty little town, by which 
 the whole was consumed; that the English officers, 
 greatly enraged against the French nation, openly de- 
 clare they would gladly forgive America for the ex- 
 chano-e of drubbino; the French ; that General Howe 
 had billeted his soldiers on the inhalntants of Philadel- 
 phia, two in each house, and taken many of their blank- 
 ets for the use of his light horse, which had occasioned 
 universal discontent and murmuring among the cits; 
 that a ship and brig, richly laden, attempting to come 
 up the river, had l^een lost among the chevaux-de-frise. 
 I am, with great regard and esteem, 
 
 Heney Laureists. 
 
 John Adams, Esq. 
 
 [robert morris to henry latrex-s.] 
 
 Maxheim, December 26th, IVTT. 
 
 Sir: 
 
 On" the ITtli inst., I received at tliis place two let- 
 ters from my friend Mr. John Ross, dated in Nantes, 
 the 2d of August and 20th of September, which came, 
 via Virginia, in a sloop called the Congress, lately ar- 
 rived there. These letters were written for the pur- 
 pose of making me acquainted with the unworthy con- 
 duct of my brother, Mr. Thomas Morris, in Nantes, and 
 their contents shocked me to the very soul ; I perceived 
 instantly how grossly I liad long been imposed on, and 
 
fj2 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 deemed it my duty to have liim immediately discharged 
 from the agency in which he was emph)yed for the pub- 
 lic. Accordingly, I wrote that very day to the Hon. 
 William Smith, Esq., a meml;)er of the commercial com- 
 mittee, an account of this intelligence, and enclosing a 
 letter for Mr. Thomas Morris, one lor Messrs. Pliarns, 
 Penet & Co., and another for Mr. J. Gruel, requesting 
 they might be signed, if approved by the committee, 
 and dispatched in order that Mr. Morris might be dis- 
 missed, and the business that had passed under his 
 direction be brought to a settlement soon as possible. 
 All these letters I wished to have laid before the Con- 
 gress for their approbation, and in order to prove ihat 
 I had not a wish to retain my brother in the pul)lic ser- 
 vice one moment after I knew him to l)e unworthy of 
 the employ. I then thought those letters would he all 
 that was necessary on the occasion, and that my broth- 
 er's dismission would have wiped away the discredit 
 his conduct had Ijrought on our commercial depart- 
 ment, and the final settlement of the accounts have 
 ended the disgrace he had brought on me, leaving only 
 himself the victim of his folly. But on the 23d instant 
 I received several letters from Mr. Deane, by the eastern 
 post, wn^ote in consequence of one that I had unfor- 
 tunately written to him the 29th June last, whilst 
 imder the influence of an unjust and erroneous opinion 
 that the commissioners had used my l>rother very 
 cruelly in their manner of mentioning him to Congress. 
 In this letter I censured them freely, l^elieving that I 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 73 
 
 had sufficient reason for doino; so. These censures of 
 the very unwarrantable use Mr. Thomas Morris made 
 of the letter, have excited the keenest resentment of the 
 commissioners against me, and, I confess, as things are 
 ]'eally circumstanced, I am not surprised at it. This re- 
 sentment has impelled them to put the harshest inter- 
 pretation on some passages in my letter, and to repre- 
 sent my conduct, in respect to my brother, in colours it 
 does not deserve. 
 
 The receipt of these letters distressed me exceed- 
 ingly, because I had been convinced by Mr. Ross that I 
 was in the wrong with respect to the commissioners, 
 and had determined to acknowledge it fully and freely 
 to them ; but on finding that, although my letter to Mr. 
 Deane w^as a private one, and his to me the same, yet 
 he desired I should lay his l^efore Congress. It was 
 compelling me to open before that august body a dis- 
 pute that I thought they ought not to be troul)led 
 with ; yet, as his letters insinuate many charges against 
 me, I concluded to comply with his recpiest and vindi- 
 cate myself against insinuations and reflections not 
 founded in justice or reality. I find, however, by a 
 letter received yesterday, that copies of these letters 
 fi'om Mr. Deane to me have already been read in Con- 
 gress, consecpiently that it is unnecessary for me to 
 luring the original ; and my design in giving you, sir, 
 the trouble of reading and Congress of hearing this let- 
 ter, is not to recriminate on Mr. Deane, but to justify 
 myself, and this I propose to do by a plain narrative of 
 10 
 
7i 
 
 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 the facts that have led me into the present embarrass- 
 ments, and I mnst ask a patient and candid hearing 
 from you and them. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Morris and myself are descended from 
 a father, whose virtue and whose memory I have ever 
 revered with the most filial piety. Our mothers were 
 not the same, and this youth was born after our father's 
 decease, Avithout any sufficient provision made for his 
 maintenance. The tender regard I bore to the parent, 
 I determined when very young to extend to his offi 
 spring, and no sooner had I fixed myself in the world 
 than I took charge of this l)rother. I gave him the 
 best education that could be obtained in Philadelphia, 
 and took as much care of his morals as my time and 
 capacity enabled. When he was arrived at a proper 
 ao-e, I took him into my counting-house to instruct him 
 in the profession from which he was to draw his future 
 support. In this situation he remained about three 
 years, during which time he discovered on all occasions 
 'a good understanding, sound judgment, and clear head, 
 with remarkable facility in dispatching Ijusiness. His 
 behaviour was then modest and innocent, his heart 
 pure, and he possessed a mind strongly actuated by 
 principles of honour ; at least these were the opinions 
 I had formed, and such was the character he bore 
 amongst his own acquaintance; fi^om hence I formed 
 the most pleasing expectation, and saw l)ut one source 
 from whence any reverse could spring. This was a 
 fondness he early discovered of being the head of his 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 75 
 
 company, a tlispositioii more dangerous to youtli tlian 
 any otlier, and wliieli in fact lias l^een liis ruin. This it 
 was tliat first led liim to seek improper company, wlio, 
 readily granting him the preeminence he delighted in, 
 soon carried him into the practice of their follies and 
 vices. When I discovered this to be the case, and 
 found that advice had not its proper weight, and think- 
 ing frequent exercise of authority might l)e dangerous, 
 I fell on the exj)edient of sending him to Spain, (in 
 order to l)reak off his connection with worthless com- 
 panions,) and there placed him in an eminent counting- 
 house, where he gained much knowledge and expe- 
 rience, and where he accj[uired the French and Spanish 
 languages so as to w^ite and si)eak l)otli with great 
 fluency. At a proper season I recalled him to America, 
 and took him a partner in our house, promising myself 
 assistance and relief from his aljilities and expected as- 
 siduity, and for some time had great satisfaction in 
 him ; but unfortunately his former associates found him 
 out and again led him astray. At this period the com- 
 mercial business of America was interrupted by certain 
 resolutions of Congress, and, fearing that idle time and 
 these associates would bring him to ruin, I determined 
 on sending him to Europe w^ell recommended, with 
 money in his pocket, in hopes to open his mind, extend 
 his ideas, and give him a lialjit of keeping and seeking 
 good company. He travelled through Spain, Italy, and 
 into France, with reputation kept by means of intro- 
 ductions. I procured for him the best company in 
 
7(j MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 every place he weiit to, and I had the pleasure to re- 
 ceive many letters from my friends as well as from him- 
 self in the most satisfactory style. These letters, his 
 assurances, and those from some friends on his behalf, re- 
 gained my confidence, and I judged he had now arrived 
 at the period of proper reflection ; for such usually hap- 
 pens to young people who have been too volatile in the 
 first stages of manhood. At this period it happened 
 that a commercial agent Ijecame necessary to have a 
 general superintendency of the puljlic business in Eu- 
 rope. My brother was then in France, (as I thought,) 
 possessed of my good 02^inion ; and, reflecting that he 
 was qualified for that agency by his education in two 
 countina-.houses, where he had seen and executed much 
 business ; by his perfect knowledge of the languages, 
 and l)y his being connected with some of the best mer- 
 cantile houses in Europe, and known to many more, I 
 was prompted to offer his services to the committee, 
 firmly believing he would be extremely usefril, and do 
 honour to himself and me. Here I must observe that 
 no part of his conduct had ever given me the least 
 cause to suspect any want of integrity or Tjreach of 
 honour. Therefore, the only doubts I did or could en- 
 tertain were, Avliether he would bestow that attention 
 that he ought to this business ; and for this I depended 
 on the assurances he had given in his letters of a faith- 
 ful execution of any commands I might lay on him. 
 The committee, of which Dr. Franklin was then a 
 member, was pleased to accept the ofi^er, and on the 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 77 
 
 doctor's going to France, lie promised me to become a 
 friend and adviser to my brother if lie found it neces- 
 sary. Mr. Deane had 2:)romised this l>efore his depar- 
 ture, and to make me acquainted with his conduct. I 
 reposed myself in confidence that he could not do any 
 harm, (as I should soon hear how he managed, and 
 could act accordingly,) and he might do much good. 
 At the same time that I recommended him to the a2;en- 
 cy, I intrusted him to collect the debts due to our house 
 in Europe, and ])ay the ])alances we might owe there ; 
 and since then have continued to employ him in the 
 manao;ement of our own lousiness. This must convince 
 every person that I had fall confidence in him, as I 
 would not have intrusted my own proj^erty and affairs 
 in what I could think doul)tful hands. 
 
 I have 2:iven this lon^: detail to show the foundation 
 on Avhich I recommended my brother to his employ- 
 ment, and I think any other person in my situation 
 would have done the same thino;. However, if I am 
 any ways culpable in having done so, it is the event 
 and not the intention that makes me so ; for could I 
 have had the least idea of what has happened, I would 
 sooner have perished than he should have l)een trusted. 
 
 The next thing I am blamed for is granting gi'eater 
 faith to my Ijrother's representations than to the com- 
 missioners' letters. This was only the case in part, for 
 I had other evidence than his letters ; however, I must 
 also account for my conduct in this respect by a detail 
 of circumstances. 
 
YS MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 It liappeued very uiifortimately that, about the time 
 Thomas Morris was appointed in America to this agen- 
 cy, he had gone from France to London, where, totally 
 unal;)le to withstand the tempting scenes of pleasure 
 that siiik of iniquity affords, he gave in to the pursuit 
 with an eagerness (as I am now informed) that de- 
 bauched his mind and laid the foundation for all that 
 has since happened. He was in London at the time 
 his letters of appointment arrived at Paris. Mr. Deane 
 sent for him. He came and promised a faithful atten- 
 tion to lousiness ; he repaired to Nantes, and finding Mr. 
 Penet had been intrusted with a contract for pul^lic 
 business, part of which had been executed, he readily 
 fell into the proposals made by that house and became 
 a party in it, but on what terms I do not know ; con- 
 secpiently he put the pul)lic business into their hands, 
 (which was not inconsistent with the instructions 
 under which he acted.) Whilst things were in this 
 train in France, I received a letter from the ofentleman 
 in Cadiz with wdiom my brother had lived, a worthy 
 man, ^vho had great regard for him and wished to pro- 
 mote his welfare. He gave me reason to suppose his 
 conduct in London had been out of character, and this 
 gave the first alarm to my fears. 
 
 In consequence of which I wrote letters on the 31st 
 January last to Mr. Deane, to Mr. Koss, and to Mr. 
 Thomas Morris, informing them of this intelligence, and 
 pressing their immediate care of and attention to the 
 j^ublic business, should he neglect it. I requested my 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 79 
 
 friend Koss to visit France on pur230se to watcli and in- 
 form nie truly what was his conduct, and insisted to 
 my bi'other that if he had been guilty of any neglect 
 of duty or misconduct in discharge of his pul:)lic trust, 
 that he should resio-u it into the hands of Mr. Deane or 
 Mr. Ross, empowering them regularly to act for him 
 until new arrangements w^ere made. This done, I 
 awaited impatientl)'^ for the event./ In the meantime, 
 some disputes and mutual complaints had arisen be- 
 tween Mr. Deane and my brother, and, on the arrival 
 of the above letters, the latter went to Paris, Avhere 
 they so far settled matters that he returned to Nantes 
 with Mr. Deane's sanction, (Mr. Ross, being at Ham- 
 burg, did not arrive until long aftei'.) Some ships ar- 
 rived fi'om Philadelphia at Nantes about this time with 
 cargoes on pul)lic account, consigned to the order of 
 Thomas Morris ; particularly the Success, Captain An- 
 derson, and Elizabeth and Mary, Captain Young^"^^ 
 the return of one or both of these (I think) came letters 
 from the commissioners, saying, to the l^est of my re- 
 mem1)rance, " that Mr. Thomas Morris must be innne- 
 diately displaced from his agency," and another, quoting 
 the paragraph of Dr. Lee's letter from Bordeaux. 
 Having no private letter then from Mr. Deane on this 
 suljject, I w^as astonished at the style of these to Con- 
 gress ; for, supposing my brother guilty of some inatten- 
 tion, which was the most I did suppose, I could not 
 think it right to Idast entirely a young man's reputa- 
 tion that was just setting out in the world, merely be- 
 
gQ MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 cause lie was fond of j^leasure ; and as the letters lie 
 had written resj^ecting the business under his care were 
 full and clear, they were produced to Congress in his 
 justification, and to prevent any hasty measures. I 
 then related to Congress the substance of what I have 
 now written, but not so fully ; and many members, as 
 well as myself, were surprised at the affair as it then 
 stood. In consequence of what the commissioners had 
 wrote, I referred myself to Mr. Thomas Montis' private 
 letters more particularly. I found there was no good 
 understanding between Mr. Deane and him, (Ijut of 
 Doctor Franklin he wrote respectfully,) and he inti- 
 mated that Mr. Deane was j^rivately his enemy. Not 
 trusting, however, to his letters, I applied to several 
 persons that came from Nantes, who assured me there 
 was nothing amiss in his conduct that they knew or 
 heard of; but more particularly one person who had 
 transacted business with him. This gentleman assured 
 me over and over that he lived two months in the 
 house with my brother ; that he saw him assiduous, at- 
 tentive, and industrious; that if it had not lieen for 
 him, the business of those ships \vould not have been 
 done in any reasonal)le time, and that I might dej)end 
 my brother w^ould give entire satisfaction ; at least he 
 was fully persuaded of this. He said he knew well 
 there were persons in France that envied his appoint- 
 ment, and would leave nothing undone to have him dis- 
 placed, and particularly mentioned Mr. Williams, who 
 he heard was nephew to one and concerned in trade 
 
L'AUREXS' CORRESPOXDENCE. gl 
 
 witli auotlier of tlie commissioners, as tlie person in- 
 tended to suj^ply Lis 2)laee. The relator of tliis account 
 i^ now in America; a man of character, sensil^le, and 
 capable for Lis sphere of life ; and wLen Mr. Deane ar- 
 rives Le sLall Lave tLe satisfaction of seeino; and exam- 
 ' ining Lim ; till tlien I tLink it best to keep Lis name 
 for my own sake. 
 
 TLis relation and otLers less full, my l)rotLer\s and 
 otLer letters, and Mr. Deane's silence, led me to give 
 some credit to tLe story ; and altLougli I was ever will- 
 ing to dis2:)lace my l)rotLer on tlie least just cause ap- 
 pearing, yet I confess I did not like tLat Le sLould be 
 sacrificed to make room for anotLer person ; and wlien 
 Mr. Deane's iSrst letters on tlie subject of my brotLer 
 did arrive, tLey did not remove tLe impressions I Lad 
 received. Still I Lad not full confidence tliat some 
 cause for wLat was ^\Titten Lad not lieen given on Lis 
 part, and I supposed Lis neglect or misconduct to Lave 
 been mao;niiied in tLe account o-iven tliereof to tlie com- 
 missioners, wlio could not Lave been eye-witnesses. In 
 tLis situation, I wrote tLe letter of tlie 29tL June, tLat 
 Las so iri'itated tLem ; telling very fully wliat I Leard, 
 and censuring freely wliat I tLougLt wrong. Before I 
 sent tLis letter I sliowed it to some members of Congress, 
 relating truly, as I Lave now done, tLe circumstances 
 tLat induced me to write it ; and tLe}' tliougLt me rigLt 
 as tilings tlien appeared. WLen Mr. Eoss arrived at 
 Nantes, Le advised me of it, and promised immediately 
 to enter into an examination of my brotLer's conduct, 
 11 
 
32 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 and give me a faithful account of it ; but lie was above 
 ten weeks there Ijefore lie wrote that account, and I do 
 suppose was trying Avhat he could do l>y exhortation, &c. 
 At last the shocking account came on the lYth iust., 
 and that day I requested my brother might be dis- 
 missed from his employment, giving notice to Congress 
 of his malconduct. 
 
 Here, sir, have I given a candid account of my rea- 
 sons for introducing this unhaj^py man into j)ublic em- 
 ploy, and for not sooner soliciting his dismission. I 
 did the first in hopes of his being serviceable to the 
 public, at the same time that he would enjoy an hon- 
 ourable and beneficial employment. I have done the 
 latter as soon as 1 was convinced it ought to be done. 
 Until now I had no conception that it was possible for 
 him to act the part he has done, and nothing carries 
 stronger conviction of his Ijeiiig irretrievably lost than 
 his behaviour with my letter of the 29tli June. Con- 
 gress will observe that Mr. Deaiie complains of my hav- 
 ing urged him to resent the injuries I lielieved they had 
 done him. The paragraph of my said letter to Mr. 
 Deane on that subject is as follows : " I think those 
 public letters were cruel to my brother and extremely 
 unMendly to myself. I shall inform him of them, and 
 if he has spirit to resent them, I hope he will also have 
 judgment to do it properly." 
 
 This letter ^vas enclosed to my Ijrother with the fol- 
 lowing paragraph : " I now wait with impatience to 
 learn the result of your journey wnth Captain Bell to 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 83 
 
 Paris, for on that and your future conduct depends 
 your commission as commercial agent to tlie United 
 States of America, and I find tliere are those that envy 
 you that ap^^ointment and wish it out of your hands, as 
 you may see l)y the enclosed letter for Silas Deane, 
 Esq., which I send open for your perusal ; and if you 
 can determine to merit the continuance of that commis- 
 sion by good behaviour, I think I can maintain it for 
 you in spite of all endeavours to the contrary. But if 
 you will not deserve it, I shall be the fiist to take it 
 from you, and in that case it would hardly l^e worth 
 while sending the letter to Mr. Deane, only there are 
 some commercial matters in it. Therefore, you must 
 seal and send it to him. As to what I have said about 
 your resenting their letters, I think you had best not 
 think of any thing of that kind, lest your past beha- 
 viour will not support you in doing it ; and the best 
 satisfaction you can have will be by holding your post 
 under such good conduct as will deter them from at- 
 tacking you again." 
 
 Thus, sir, you will observe 1 only hinted resentment 
 in the letter to Mr. Deane, and in fact retracted the idea 
 in this to Thomas Morris, and 1 solemnly declare these 
 are the only lines I ever wrote in that style. Here it 
 also appears that thj design was to have the letter de- 
 livered immediately Avithout any person seeing it but 
 Mr. Deane and himself Had that been done, you 
 would not have been troubled on the occasion, but it 
 would have remained a private affair. 
 
8i 
 
 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 The otlier charges and insinuations are chiefly 
 founded on the ill use Mr. Thomas Morris made of this 
 letter on conjecture and on misinformation. If Mr. 
 Deane had seen the whole of that long private letter 
 he speaks of, he would have seen how false and ground- 
 less the several stories told him of it were. Indeed, 
 the contents of that letter, except the paragraph above 
 quoted, would ill suit Thomas Morris to show any one ; 
 for, knowing his own conduct, they must have stung 
 him to the soul every time he read them, unless his 
 soul was grown too callous to have a feeling left. 
 
 Mr. Deane seems to remark on my private letters, 
 requesting him to displace Thomas Morris from his em- 
 ployment if found unworthy of it, as if I meant thereby 
 to exercise an undue authority as member of Congress. 
 But this is a strained construction ; the only authority 
 I must or could mean to exercise was that of an elder 
 brother over a younger, dependent on him for his sup- 
 port and accountable to him for his conduct ; and, under 
 this idea, I insisted that he should empower Mr. Deane 
 or Mr. Ross to act in his stead and under his authority 
 if they thought it necessary, which shows I had no de- 
 sign of exercising any otlier authority than the influence 
 I expected my letters, as an individual, would have had 
 on my brother ; and I still think if these had been in- 
 sisted on at that time, he would have yielded to them. 
 As to the expressions I used, " of supporting him in his 
 appointment if his conduct would justify it, and that 
 all the commissioners together should not remove him 
 
LAURENS' COKKESPONDEXCE. go 
 
 if he did his duty," etc., they may have been too 
 strong ; but I was writing these under the influence of 
 a (groundless) 1:)elief that they had done him injustice, 
 and I knew Congr.ess would not displace him or any 
 of their servants that did their duty. 
 
 Upon the whole, this was a private letter that has 
 produced these animadversions on my conduct, and 
 therefore not wrote with any particular guard or cau- 
 tion ; but it adds very much to the distress and unhap- 
 piness this unworthy young man has involved me in, to 
 think: I should have passed censures on Doctor Frank- 
 lin and Mr. Deane, (Doctor Lee was not mentioned.) 
 which they did not deserve. I did it under a deception 
 that most men of feeling would have fallen into, and 1 
 shall as freely own it to them as I do to you, holding it 
 more honourable to acknowledge an error and atone for 
 any injuries produced by it, than with a vindictive 
 spirit to persist, l^ecause you happen to have committed 
 it. The account given both by Mr. Ross and Mr. 
 Deane of Mr. Thomas Morris' conduct so far surpasses 
 any thing that I could have an idea of, that I do not 
 pretend to animadvert on any part of it. My distress 
 is more than I can describe ; to think that in the midst 
 of the most ardent exertions I wns capable of making 
 to promote the interest and welfare of my country, I 
 should be the means of introducing a worthless ^vi'etch 
 to disgrace and discredit it, is too much to bear. I 
 hope, however, that no pecuniary loss will happen to 
 the public, and that the disgrace and discredit will be 
 
gg MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 wiped away by his dismission. From this hour I re- 
 nounce all connection with him, although I cannot help 
 lamenting the loss of what he was capable of being. I 
 shall enclose Mr. Deane a copy of this letter for his sat- 
 isfaction, and make what I think suitable acknowledg- 
 ments to both Doctor Franklin and him. 
 
 Should Congress think there is any thing more on 
 my part to be done, I am ready to obey their orders ; 
 and with the greatest respect I remain. 
 
 Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 Robert Mokeis. 
 
 To his Excellency, Henry Laurens, Esq., 
 President of Congress. 
 
 (^ 
 
 [r. I., i;SQ., TO H. L., ESQ.] ^ ^ 
 
 1 
 
 A liberal and just translation of the letters of R. /., Esq.^ to His Excel 
 lency, II. Z., Esq.^ done for tTie benefit of those Americans who are ig 
 norant of the language in which they were icrittenJ 
 
 Paris, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I WRITE this to you, and desire you to communicate ^ 
 it to my countrymen in Congress, who, I hope, will ex- 
 ert themselves in my favour. If you and they are satis- ;, 
 iied that my former letters have made the impressions 
 that I wish, you will then be so good as to lay this be- ' 
 fore Congress ; if, on the contrary, you think their ;' ^ 
 minds are not properly prepared, you will withhold it, 
 as I do not wish it publicly known till it is likely to 
 
 f^ 
 
 This " translation " is in the handwriting of Colonel John Laurens. -^ ii 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 produce tlie desired effect. My situation liere is very 
 tormentiug ; I Lave received two tliousaud Louis d'ors 
 of tlie public money, as I informed you in my letter of 
 
 • '^ and have done nothing in my j)roper department ; 
 
 but my letters will convince you tliat I liave not been 
 idle. Upon my coming to this place I found the com- 
 missioners at variance ; I wished to Ije on the side of 
 Franklin and Deane, but the former was too wise to be 
 my dupe, and treated me w^itli reserve ; the latter too 
 haughty to be guided l)y me, and treated me with con- 
 tempt, Avhich you know was too mortifying for me to 
 l)ear. I therefore had nothing left but either to cross 
 the Alps, or fall in with a man, w^ho from many years' 
 acquaintance I knew was not accounted the mildest 
 and best-natured in the world. I chose the latter, and 
 how busily I have l^een engaged, the present, as well 
 as former letters, w^ith the enclosed pa^^ers, will suffi- 
 ciently evince. I do not want to be troublesome to my 
 friends by soliciting their interest in my favour, as it 
 would be much more agreeable they would take a hint, 
 and, without forcing me to a direct application, procure 
 me a post and place most suited to my inclination and 
 ambition ; favours unasked confer a higher gratification. 
 I thought I had spoken plain enough before, and 
 sufficiently explained, my wishes when I told you I was 
 willing to act as envoy or minister-plenipotentiary for 
 Italy, in which case it ^vould be necessary to have as 
 many commissions as courts ; that so I might travel in 
 state from court to court, and reside where I pleased. 
 
gg MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 witliout being confined to Florence or Leghorn ; at the 
 same time I informed yon that it ^vould be still more 
 aa-reeal:)le to be appointed for Versailles until the Brit- 
 ish ministry return to their senses, and, by acknowl- 
 edging our independence, give an opportunity of send- 
 inof me to the court of London, which has ever been the 
 height of my aml)ition. I could not entertain a doubt 
 of ])eing gratified in one or other of these points, and 
 that my first excuse for not crossing the Alps, namely, 
 that the Tuscan minister had informed me his master 
 did not wish to see me, though he entertained a good 
 will for America, until France took a decided part in 
 our favour, as by the conduct of France he means to 
 regulate his own ; that this excuse, I say, would have 
 served my turn until I should receive your answer. 
 Unfortunately, France has come to a determination, has 
 signed a treaty with us, acknowledged our independ- 
 ence, and sent a fleet to assist, and minister to reside in 
 America ; and still I am here without havino; received a 
 line from you or the Committee for Foreign Aftairs, or 
 from Congress, and with only a single commission for 
 the court of Tuscany. For this reason I intimated my 
 pleasure to you that you would oppose the ratification 
 of the treaties, and set matters again afloat, assigning 
 the best reasons I ^vas then able to devise, interspersing 
 with a liljeral hand as much personal al>use on Frank- 
 lin and Deane, who had, in spite of my endeavour, 
 brought this matter to so speedy an issue as I thought 
 was sufficient at least to convince vou how nmcli they 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. gQ 
 
 thwarted my views and liow inucli I hated them, and 
 that, therefore, they ought to be removed with disgrace 
 and infamy ; and until I could know the eftects of this, 
 I cast about for another reason for my not leaving this 
 place ; luckily, the broils in Germany furnished a very 
 ostensible one. I got the Tuscan minister to say that 
 his master wished me not to appear at his court until he 
 knew what part the court of Vienna would take, as by 
 the conduct of that court, with which he is so intimately 
 connected, he must regulate his own. Before that is 
 done, I hope for your answer, and that Congress will 
 gratify me so far as to disgrace Deane and remove 
 Franklin, to make room for me at Versailles, when I 
 assure them that they have acted very foolishly in the 
 appointment of Mr. Deane, who is every way unqualified 
 for the trust reposed in him. It may be said Congress 
 knew him well before they trusted him, he having been 
 for some considerable time a member of that body ; but 
 I say, search the world through, and a more unfit per- 
 son could not be found ; and, as I hope they will allow 
 me to be a better judge of men, manners, and abilities, 
 I say again he is totally unqualified for the post he has 
 filled, and not to be trusted in future. This I hope is 
 sufficient, l)ut if not, I do assert, nay, I can prove that 
 
 he is a New England man ; and though he has 
 
 sent you suj)plies of arms, ammunition, and clothing, 
 fitted out vessels, and without deio^ninar to consult mv 
 worthy friend, A. Lee, Esq., nay, I may say, has almost 
 without him brought about the treaty, and has pro- 
 .12 
 
90 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 cured the fleet and minister to be sent you without the 
 knowledge of A. Lee, Esq., or myself, yet I affirm, nay, 
 I will swear if you require it, that he has such a hau- 
 teur about him that nobody can do business with him. 
 And as to Franklin, he is a crafty old knave ; he would 
 not let me have a coj^y of the treaty after it Avas signed, 
 though he knew how anxious I was to have it, and 
 how much advantage I could have made of it. In my 
 conscience I believe he has neither honour nor honesty ; 
 he has abilities, it is true, but so much the worse when 
 they are not under the restraint of virtue and integrity, 
 and I declare before God, he is under the restraint of 
 neither ; and if Congress still doubt it, I can get Doctor 
 
 , so celebrated in the Quinzaine d'Anglois^ who is 
 
 as honest an Irishman as ever attended a court with a 
 
 straw in his shoe, and Mons. , my two intimate 
 
 friends, together with Thornton and twenty such like, 
 to confirm it by theu^ oaths also. But it will be said, 
 perhaps, he has during a long life of upwards of seventy 
 years supported a good character, and that his repu- 
 tation is established and high through Europe. I 
 deny the fact ; did not Wedderburne abuse him ? But 
 if it were even so, does not that prove what fools they 
 are in Europe to think well of a man who has treated 
 me with contempt ? who refused to consult me on the 
 
 * The reader is referred to a piece entitled " Quinzaine d'Anglois ; or, 
 the Englishman's fifteen days at Paris," in which a certain Irish doctor acts 
 
 a capital part. He is a known character, and often seen with Mr. R. 
 
 I., especially about the time the treaty -was executed, — Mr. Lmirens' Note. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 91 
 
 treaties, or to let me have a copy of tlieni after they 
 were finished ? aucl when I called upon him to explain 
 his conduct, and wrote to him again, again, and again, 
 and sent my secretary, John Julius Pringle, to catechize 
 him in person, at last sent me word, " Have patience, 
 and I will pay thee all ; " but I sent him a Roland for 
 his Oliver. I have shown him that he did not under- 
 stand the text, and desired him to read over the whole 
 chapter. However, if, after all I have said. Congress 
 cannot be induced to dismiss him wholly, there can be 
 no objection to his being sent to Vienna ; he will do well 
 enough there, notwithstanding what I have said of him, 
 but he is not to be trusted at Versailles, which is the 
 place 1 have fixed on for myself, and you may tell Con- 
 gress so.^ 
 
 I am, Dear Sir, etc., etc. 
 
 [jOHN LLOYD TO HENRY LACRKXS.] 
 
 Nantz, 14th February, 1778. 
 
 I BEG leave to refer your honour to the duplicate 
 of my last herewith annexed. By the last advices from 
 London it appears to be the prevalent opinion that war 
 with France is unavoidable, and it is said that Lord 
 Mansfield declared in the House of Lords that he was 
 informed a treaty was actually signed between this 
 court and the commissioners of the United States. 
 
 ' This letter is endorsed by Mr, Laurens, " No. 1 and No. 2, Traits of the N 
 infamous practices of partv in Congress," 
 
92 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 Upon a late motion in the House of Commons not to 
 send any more troops to America, tlie minority divided 
 one hundred and sixty-five, which is the greatest num- 
 ber tliat they have amounted to. It is again suspected 
 that Lord Chatham Avill have the forming of a new ad- 
 ministration. 
 
 We are not yet acquainted with Lord North's pacific 
 projDOsitions ; it is thought they will be submitted to 
 the parliament after the intended incjuiry is made into 
 the state of the nation. 
 
 It is a long time since we have had any authentic 
 intellio-ence throuo-h our own channel from America. 
 The captain of a vessel, which arrived yesterday from 
 Georgia, informs me of a report that you are appointed 
 president of the honourable Congress, which I please 
 myself is true, and rejoice exceedingly on the occasion, 
 from the perfect knowledge I have of your consummate 
 abilities and great integrity. Permit me upon this 
 most conspicuous acknowledgment of your real merit, 
 by the supreme legislature of the L^nited States, to pre- 
 sent to you my sincere congratidations, and which are 
 accompanied with a fervent wish that you may long 
 enjoy the grateful tribute of your country. 
 
 Mr. Thomas Morris, who was one of the continental 
 agents in this kingdom, being dead, my friends at Paris 
 have desired me to j^ostpone my embarkation for 
 America. I am not yet properly acquainted with their 
 reasons for this requisition, but flatter myself it proceeds 
 from a respectful contemplation in my behalf. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. y3 
 
 I heg leave to renew my assurances to you, that I 
 shall be happy to render myself ser\dceable to the 
 United States, whose interest and prosperity I most 
 sincei'ely wish to promote by every means in my power. 
 With the most j^rofound respect, I have the honour 
 to be, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 JoH]sr Lloyd. 
 
 [JOHN RUTLEDGE TO HEXRV LAURENS.] 
 
 Charleston, February lOtli, 1778, 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 You must have so long expected the bearer, that I 
 sup2)ose, ere now, you gave over all thoughts of ever see- 
 ing him again. He was a great while detained by Mr. 
 Attorney-General. Since he allowed him to depart, I 
 have kept him, thinking that the Assembly and Legis- 
 lative Council would have determined on the articles 
 of confederation much sooner than they did. I now 
 send the attorney-general's dispatches relative to i\.r- 
 thur's case, whose appeal I suj^pose cannot have been 
 determined, as such determination would be ex parte. 
 
 By the inclosed papers you ^\nll perceive that sev- 
 eral amendments are 2:)roposed by the Assembly and 
 Legislative Council to the articles sent from Congress ; 
 that our delegates are empowered to ratify a confedera- 
 tion, but that they are instructed to use their utmost 
 endeavours to get the alterations proposed by this State 
 adopted. 
 
'j-t MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 Tlie House lias been employed ever since its first 
 meeting about tlie confederation and constitution ; the 
 third reading of the latter is nearly gone through in 
 the Assembly ; but, as they and the Legislative Council 
 differ widely in some material points, it is impossible to 
 say what may be the event of their deliberations. 
 
 The British cruisers having done much damage on 
 our coast, it was determined, about the 17th of Decem- 
 ber, to fit out some armed vessels to act in concert with 
 the Kandolph and Notre Dame against them. In order 
 to man these vessels and prevent the enemy's obtaining 
 intelligence, our ports were shut till this squadron 
 Stiiled. The preparations for the expedition (like all 
 our other works) took up much more time than was 
 expected, and unfavourable winds prevented its getting 
 to sea till last Thursday. Inclosed is a list of their 
 force ; ^ with which, I hope, Captain Biddle will give a 
 good account of some of the enemy's vessels. 
 
 I asked the Assembly's leave for your return, and 
 they have given it, when a representation shall arrive in 
 Congress. You are, however, reelected ; your colleagues 
 are Messrs. W. H. Drayton, Thomas Heyward, John 
 Mathews, and Richard Hutson. 
 
 You will have, from your other correspondents, a 
 particular account of the dreadful fire in this town, 
 
 ' Ship Gen. Moultrie, Capt. Sullivan, 118 seamen, officers included ; 87 marines. 12 6 and 6 9-pdrs. 
 Brig Notre Dame " Hall, 78 " " " 16 " 18 4-pdrs. 
 
 " Fair American " Morsan, 69 " " " 20 " 8 4 and 6 6-pdrs. 
 
 " Polly, " Anthony, 74 " " " SO " 14 4-pdrs. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 95 
 
 and of any otlier material news here. Drayton says he 
 will set off next Monday, so that he will probably be 
 \vitli you very soon after you receive this, and be able 
 to inform you of every thing here worth knowing which 
 you may not have heard. 
 
 I am, wdth great esteem, Dear Sir, 
 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 John Rutledge. 
 
 The Honourable Henry Laurens. Esq. 
 
 P. S. — I have paid the bearer one hundred and 
 eighty-five continental dollars. 
 
 [fleury Axn DV pi.rssis to laurens.] 
 
 •25 Fevricr, 1778. 
 MoNSIEUE : 
 
 L'areivee d'un de nos nouveaux associes, k I'expe- 
 dition du Canada avec une commission de Lt.-Colonel, 
 nous a rapelle quelques reflexions oubliees, que nous 
 prenons la liberte de confier k votre discrete amitie. 
 Elles seront courtes, mais frappantes, et nous laisserons 
 a votre esprit juste, et k votre ame honnete en faire Pap- 
 plication, ou meme en tirer les conclusions obvieuses. 
 
 Nous sommes depuis pres d'un an k I'armee, et 
 sans interet ni a^ddite n'avons sollicites les graces du 
 Congres, que par des services ; quoique nos petitions 
 eussent pu etre datees successivement des champs de 
 bataille de Brandywine, de Germantown, des forts sur la 
 Delaware, etc. 
 
 Le Cono;res a daio;ne nous honorer du o-rade de Lt.- 
 
96 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 Colonel, et fils adoptes d'une nouvelle patrie. Nous 
 avoiis re^ii avec respect, et reconnoissance, les temoi- 
 gnages pretieiix d'estime et de bienveillance de ceux qui 
 comme vous en sont Phonneur et I'appuy. 
 
 Nos foible services etoient recompenses au-del^ 
 meme de nos desirs et cette grace etoit un titre glorieux, 
 sm* lequel pouvoient se fonder nos pretensions d'avance- 
 nient, en rentraut dans le sein de notre premiere patrie ; 
 bien convaincus, que ce qui constatoit I'utilite de nos ser- 
 vices aupres d'une nation qu'elle regarde deja comme son 
 alliee, nous donnoit droit k ses graces, et a ses faveurs, 
 
 De depuis (sans doute par des raisons que nous de- 
 vons respecter) presque tous nos compatriotes, ont ob- 
 tenu des recompenses egales, quoique nous osons le 
 dire, avec une francliise militaire, il y eut quelques dif- 
 ferences dans les services ; et quoique plusieurs eussent 
 pendant la campagne derniere ete retenus par leurs in- 
 terets pecuniaires au Congres, tandis que nous I'etions 
 par la cause publique h Tarmee. 
 
 Nous prenons la lil)erte. Monsieur, de vous demander 
 k vous meme, si ces comparaisons forces et facheuses 
 n'eussent pas excitees dans votre coeur, a notre place 
 non une sort de mecontentement que notre respect 
 pour le Congres nous interdit, mais au moins des re- 
 flexions peu satisfaisantes, Vous nous olvjecterez peut- 
 etre que la voix du Congres et de I'armee est une re- 
 comj)ense bien flatteuse, et doit suffire k ceux qui n'ont 
 d' autre interet que celui de leur gloire ; mais ces temoi- 
 gnages quelque satisfaisants qu'ils puissent etre, sont 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 97 
 
 passagers, et c'est k denx inilles lieiies de ceiix dont 
 uous les recevons, que uous attendeut les graces de 
 iiotre ]3i'emiere patrie, oil uous n'avous d'autres litres ap- 
 pareut pour les reclamer, que ces memes grades dii de- 
 puis accordes a la politique ou. k la faveur ! Croira-t-ou 
 cpie pour uous seuls ils out etc le prix du merite, et 
 achetes par les fatigues, les daugers, les blessures, etc., 
 etc. 
 
 Dtms iiu gouvernement arbitraire oil la faveur fait 
 la loy, uii miuistre peut-etre procligue k ses creatures 
 les recompenses refusees on avec peine ol)teuues par 
 ceux dont les service, sont runique rccomniandation ; 
 mais sup230sera-t-on en Europe, que les representans d'un 
 peuple lil)re, un Congres sanctuaire de la liherte, de la 
 justice, et de riionneur, 2)uisse dinner les nienie recom- 
 penses a ceux dont les services different taut ; et ne 
 saclie refuser qu'a ceux qui out l)ien servi. 
 
 Ces reflexit)us involontaires a cliaquo jour renouvel- 
 lees nous arruclient enfin un secret (pie nous avions 
 taclie de devorer. Ce n'est ni line basse envie, ni le dessein 
 coupal)le de nuire qui nous sollicite a vous confier nos 
 deplaisirs ; et nous avouons avec plaisir, aiitant pour 
 rendre justice k nos compatriotes (pie pour satisfaire 
 notre proj)re d(^licatesse, qu'ils (^nt peut-t'tre plus de 
 talens que nous, et plus de moyens de vous etre utils, 
 mais auciin d'eiix u'a eii le meme bonlieur, ne s'est 
 troiiV(j dans nos circonstances, ni meme ne s'est efforct^ 
 de les faire naitre ; leiir zele est sans doiite C^gnl au 
 iK^tre, mais nous les defions d'en avoir un plus ardent 
 13 
 
98 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 pour line aussi belle cause, et lui seul peut-etre a pii 
 reparer notre insuffisance. 
 
 Si nous ecrivions k un liomme injuste ou nial informe, 
 nous joindrions des observations encore plus frappantes 
 aux faits que nous venons de vous rappeller, mais vous 
 savez tout : il suffit. Nous ne tacberons ni de Later, ni de 
 forcer, ni de prevenir votre opinion. . . Nous en appel- 
 lons k votre coeur, il plaidera notre cause. Soiez juge, 
 prononcez, nous souscrivons d'avance k un an-et dans 
 lequel nous sommes stirs que la raison et la justice se- 
 ront de moitie. 
 
 Comme notre lettre pourrait etre consideree coinme 
 une sorte de petition pour obtenir une promotion nou- 
 velle, nous declarons que nous ne demandons rien de 
 cette espece, et sommes plus empresses k meriter les 
 graces qu'£l les obtenir. 
 
 C'est dans ces sentimens, aux quels se joignent ceux 
 du plus profond respect que nous avons I'lionneur 
 d'etre, 
 
 Monsieur, 
 Vos tr^s humbles et tres obeissants serviteurs, 
 
 L. Fleury, 
 
 Le Cbevalier de Mauduit du Plessis. 
 
 Son Excellence Henry Laurens, 
 President de Thonorable Congres. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. yy 
 
 [jOHN LLOYD TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 Nantes, February 'iSth, ITYS. 
 
 Sir: 
 
 I BEG leave to refer your honour to what I have ad- 
 dressed you under several late dates. This conveyance 
 being at the moment of departure, I have scarce time 
 to acquaint you that Lord North, on 17th inst., in the 
 House of Commons, spoke in a manner more humilia- 
 ting than a British minister on any occasion ever has 
 done before him ; I should be happy to send his speech 
 complete, but it 's not in my power to procure the paper 
 in which it is contained, and I have not time to copy 
 it ; your honour will, therefore, be pleased to receive 
 the most material extract. 
 
 " One of the bills he proposed to move for was to 
 quiet America on the subject of taxation, and to remove 
 all fears, real or pretended, of parliament ever attempt- 
 ing to tax them again, and to take away all exercise of 
 the right itself in future so far as regarded revenue ; 
 that as to the other particulars in controversy, he o1:»- 
 served the Americans had desired a repeal of all the 
 acts passed since 1763 ; that this could not, however, 
 be supposed to mean any more than those acts which 
 had in some way or other pressed on them ; for that 
 some, which had passed in 1769, were beneficial, and 
 such as themselves must consider in that light, being 
 the granting bounties and premiums or the relaxation 
 of former statutes that had been grievous to them ; that 
 
100 MATERIALS FOIi HISTORY. 
 
 as to the acts, sucli as the Massacliusetts charter, the 
 fishery and prohibitory Ijills, as they were the effects of 
 the quarrel, shoukl cease ; and that as to complaints of 
 matters of various natui^e, authority should be given to 
 settle them to the satisfaction of America ; that all 
 these matters, consisting of a great variety, would lie 
 better left to the discussion of commissioners than to be 
 established here by act of parliament, or by express 
 powers given for each specific purpose; for that the 
 Americans, in the negotiation, would consider every 
 concession made actually here, to be a point of the 
 basis of the treaty, and never to be receded from, and 
 would accumulate new demands upon them ; therefore, 
 that as every thing of that kind might be variously 
 modified by agreement, he was for leaving the whole 
 to commissioners. That the commissioners, formerly ap- 
 pointed, had very large j)owers — so indeed he considered 
 those powers ; but as others seemed to consider them 
 as more limited than in reality they were, he should 
 take care now to l)e very explicit, and that he would 
 give them full powers to treat, discuss, and concur on 
 every ])oint whatever ; that as some difficulties had 
 arisen aljout the powers given to the commissioners of 
 treating Avith Congress by name, he would now remove 
 that difiiculty by empowering and enabling the com- 
 missioners to treat with Congress as if a legal l)ody, 
 and would so i'ar give it authenticity, as to suppose the 
 acts and concessions Avould bind all America ; that they 
 should have powers to treat with auy of the provincial 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. IQl 
 
 assemblies on tlieir present constitiitiun, and Avith any 
 individuals in tlieir j^resent civil capacity or military 
 commands witli General Washington or any otlier offi- 
 cer; tliat tliey slionld have a power, whenever they 
 thought requisite, to order a suspension of arms ; that 
 they should have a 2>ower of granting pardons, im- 
 munities, and rewards ; that they should have a 
 power of restoring all the colonies, or any of them, to 
 the form of its ancient constitution, as it stood before 
 the troul)les : any of those where the king nominated 
 governors, council, judges, and other magistrates, to 
 nominate such at their discretion till the king's further 
 jjleasure be known ; that, as the powers of the former 
 commissioners had been objected to, so the Congress 
 had i-aised a difficulty on pretence of their non-admission 
 of the title to be Independent States. That, meaning 
 peace sincerely, he was resolved this diffiirence should 
 not stand in the way of a negotiation ; for the commis- 
 sioners were to admit, on their entering into a treaty, 
 that they were so, but as a point to be given up on its 
 amicable termination. As the Americans might claim 
 their independence on tlie outset, he would not insist 
 on their renouncing it till the treaty should receive its 
 final ratification by the King and Parliament of Great 
 Britain. That the commissioners should be instructed 
 to neo-otiate for some reasonaljle and moderate contrilju- 
 tion towards the common defence of the empii'e, when 
 reunited, but to take away all 2:>retence for not termina- 
 ting this unhappy difference ; the contril:)ution ^vas not 
 
102 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 to be insisted on as a " sine qua non" of the treaty ; but 
 that, if the Americans should refuse so reasonable and 
 equitable a proposition, they were not to complain if 
 hereafter they were not to look for support from that 
 part of the empire to whose expense they have refrised 
 to contril:)ute." 
 
 The language certainly manifests that Great Britain 
 is sufficiently humbled to solicit America for a peace on 
 such terms as Congress shall be pleased to dictate. It 
 was heard by all parties in the house with surprise and 
 astonishment, but the ^propositions received a general 
 assent. The ministry embraced the opportunity to re- 
 probate, in the severest terms, the conduct of those men 
 who have been the cause of bringing the nation to the 
 very brink of destruction, and to entail eternal infamy 
 and disgrace upon her. 
 
 Some differences having unexpectedly arisen be- 
 tween the king of Prussia and the empress, immense 
 armies are marching towards their respective frontiers, 
 so that a war in Germany is now expected, and which 
 it is thought will have a prevalent influence over the 
 political system of this court. 
 
 Your honour's much obliged friend and most obe- 
 dient servant, 
 
 John Lloyd. 
 
 Henry Laurens. 
 
LAURENS' COERESPONDENCE. 
 
 103 
 
 [JOHN RUTLEDGE TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 Charleston, March 8th, 1778. 
 
 Deae Sie : 
 
 I EECEivED your several favours by the bearer, and 
 have communicated to the Assembly so much of their 
 contents as it seemed proper to lay before them. 
 
 I no longer correspond in a public character with 
 you, but, as I wish that my conduct may always stand 
 fair in the opinion of men of integrity and understand- 
 ing, I hope you will excuse my taking the liberty of 
 giving you a brief account of my resignation. 
 
 On Thursday last, a bill hj which the legislative 
 power was vested in an AssemT)ly and a Senate, (the 
 latter to be chosen by electors in the different parishes 
 and districts, at the time of choosing members of As- 
 sembly,) was presented for my assent — you recollect 
 that it was discussed in the Congress of 1776, whether 
 the Legislature should be composed of two or three 
 branches? and whether the Legislative Council should 
 be eligil^le by the Assembly or the people ? so that we 
 have the sentiments of the people, by their representa- 
 tives in that Congress, on these questions. 1 rejected 
 the bill for the reasons within contained, and resig-ned. 
 
 The more I reflect on the matter, the more I am con- 
 vinced that a legislature has no lawful power to estab- 
 lish a different one, but that such power is only in the 
 people, on a dissolution of government, or subversion 
 of the constitution. I reallv never imao-ined that this 
 
H}4: MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 bill would have reached me, and therefore, though my 
 02)iuion of it was long ago fixed, I had not put pen to 
 paper, before it was ordered to be engrossed, and I had 
 very little time for committing my thoughts to writing, 
 before it was offered to me ; otherwise I should perhaps 
 have l)een more diffuse, but I have laid down the prin- 
 ciple — let that suffice. Reason convinced me that my 
 doctrine was sound l^efore I found it supported by such 
 great authorities as Locke, Boliugbrook, and other cele- 
 brated names. You have, within, the very w^ords of the 
 oath which I have taken, and I imao;ine that no candid 
 and judicious person will think that, without a breach 
 of it, I could have consented to the esta])lisliment of a 
 different legislature ; for though it is clear that the legis- 
 lative authority which imposes an oath, may release 
 another from it, yet it may be doubted whether they 
 can release themselves ; as, if they could, the oath seems 
 of no consequence, binding only as long as they please 
 to l)e bound, and amounting only to this promise : " we 
 will keep it until w^e think proper to break it." (And 
 then, indeed, oaths would be for convenience made.) 
 But, even if they could, they must be absolved by a 
 law from the oath, ]>efore they can pass an act contrary 
 to it — a virtual or implied absolution; an absolution, 
 by an act tantamount to a law for repealing that 
 ^v"hicll imposed the oath, i. e., by a law in direct breach 
 of it, cannot l)e justified, being the very matter intended 
 to be prevented by the oath. It does not lie with me 
 to judge how far the other ])ranches of the Legislature 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. IQo 
 
 could, consistently with the oath established by section 
 thirty-three of the constitution, (and which oath they 
 have taken,) pass a law for altering the legislative 
 power. I meddle not with other men's consciences ; 
 let every one judge for himself in such cases. 
 
 By this bill the Christian Protestant religion is de- 
 clared to be established, and no person is obliged to 
 contribute to tbe support of any sect of which he is not 
 a member ; but why should the legislative authority be 
 altered to come at a measure which may be attained by 
 a law ? 
 
 On balloting for a president in my stead, Mr. A. 
 Middletou had seventy-six votes, (and Gadsden forty ;) 
 but he refused to accept the appointment, declaring 
 that he disapproved of the lull ; that they had no 
 right to pass such a one ; that, if he approved of it, he 
 could not pass it, (having taken the oath,) nor could 
 any man who should take the oath, without being per- 
 jured. It would be impertinent and tedious, (and I 
 have been already more prolix than I intended,) to 
 trouble you with an account of what passed and hap- 
 pened afterwards ; you will hear of it some time or 
 other, and I can easily judge what you will think 
 of it ; I will therefore only add, that, on Mr. Middle- 
 ton's refusal, Mr. Lowndes (who, I am told, opposed 
 the taking away the president's negative) was chosen 
 by twenty-six votes more than Gadsden had. He has 
 accepted the office, and there is an adjournment till 
 next Wednesday. 
 14 
 
106 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 May I request to be favoured, when you have lei- 
 sure, with your sentiments on this affair ? 
 
 I am, with great esteem and respect, 
 
 Dear Sir, your most humble servant, 
 
 John Rutledge. 
 
 The Hou. Henry Laurens, Esq. 
 
 [tIIOMAS PAINE TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 Lancaster, April lltli, 1778. 
 
 Sir: 
 
 I TAKE the liberty of mentioning an affair to you, 
 which I think deserves the attention of Congress. 
 
 The persons who came from Philadelphia some time 
 ago with, or in company with, a flag from the enemy, 
 and were taken uj:) and committed to Lancaster jail for 
 attempting to put off counterfeit continental money, 
 were yesterday brought to trial, and are likely to es- 
 cape by means of an artful and partial construction of 
 an act of this State for punishing such offences. 
 
 The act makes it felony to counterfeit the money 
 emitted by Congress, or to circulate such counterfeits, 
 knowino; them to be so. The offenders' counsel ex- 
 plained the word " emitted " to have only a retrospect 
 meaning, by supplying the idea of whicli have hee)i 
 " emitted by Congress." Therefore, they say, the act 
 cannot be applied to any money emitted after the date 
 of the act. 
 
 I believe the words, " emitted by Congress," mean 
 only and should l)e understood to distinaiuish conti- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 107 
 
 neiital money from other money, and not one time from 
 another time. It has, as I conceive, no reference to any 
 l)articular time, Imt only to the 23articular authority 
 which distinguishes money so emitted from money 
 emitted by the State. It is meant only as a description 
 of the money, and not of the time of striking it, but in- 
 cludes the idea of all time as inseparable from the con- 
 tinuance of the authority of Congress. 
 
 But be this as it may, the offence is continental 
 and the consequences of the same extent. I can have 
 no idea of any particular State pardoning an offence 
 against all, or even their letting an offender slip legally, 
 who is accountable to all and every State alike for his 
 crime. The place where he commits it is the least cir- 
 cumstance of it. It is a mere accident, and has nothing 
 or very little to do with the crime itself. I write this, 
 hoping the information will point out the necessity of 
 tlie Congress supporting their emissions by claiming 
 every offender in this line, where the present deficiency 
 of the law, or the partial interpretation of it, operates 
 to the injustice and injury of the whole continent. 
 
 I beg leave to trouble you with another hint. Con- 
 gress, I learn, has something to propose through the 
 commissioners on the cartel respecting the admission 
 and stability of the continental cuiTency. As forgery 
 is a sin against all men alike, and reprobated by all 
 civil nations, cpiery, would it not be right to require of 
 General Howe the persons of Smithers and others in 
 Philadelphia suspected of this crime ? and if he or any 
 
IQg MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 other commander continues to conceal or protect them 
 in sucli practices, that, in such case, the Congress will 
 consider the crime as the act of the commander-in-chief? 
 Howe aftects not to know the Congress ; he ought to 
 be made to know them ; and the apprehension of per- 
 sonal consequences may have some effect upon his con- 
 duct. 
 
 I am, Dear Sir, 
 Your obedient and humble servant, 
 
 T. PAmE. 
 
 The Honourable Henry Laurens, Esq., 
 
 President of Congress. 
 
 Since writing the foregoing, the prisoners have had 
 their trial ; the one is acquitted, and the other convict- 
 ed only of a fraud ; for, as the law now stands, or rather 
 as it is explained, the counterfeiting or circulating coun- 
 terfeits is only a, fraud. I don't believe it was the in- 
 tention of the act to make it so, and I think it a misap- 
 plied lenity in the court to suffer such an explanation, 
 because it has a tendency to invite and encourage a 
 species of treason, the most prejudicial to us of any or 
 all the other kinds. 
 
 I am aware how very difficult it is to make a law so 
 very perfect at first, as not to be subject to false or per- 
 plexed conclusions. There never was but one act, (said 
 a member of the House of Commons,) which a man 
 might not creep out of; i. e., the act which obliges a man 
 to be buried in woollen. 
 
LAURENS' COKRESPONDENCE. 109 
 
 [colonel ELBERT TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 Frederica Harbour, on board tlie sloop Rebecca, 
 19th April, 1778. 
 
 Deak General: 
 
 I HAVE tlie happiness to inform you that about ten 
 o'clock this forenoon the brigantine Hinchingbrook, the 
 sloop Kebecca, and a prize brig of theirs, all struck the 
 British tyrant's colom^s, and surrendered to the Ameri- 
 can arms. 
 
 Being informed that the above vessels were at this 
 place, I put about three hundred men, by detachments, 
 from the troops under my command at Fort Howe, on 
 board the three galleys : the Washington, Captain Har- 
 dy, the Lee, Captain Braddock, and the Bullock, Cap- 
 tain Hatchet ; a detachment of artillery, with two field 
 pieces, under Captain Young, I also put on board a 
 boat ; and with this little army embarked at Danin, and 
 last evening effected a landing at a bluif about a mile 
 below the town ; leaving Colonel White on board the 
 Lee, Captain Malvin on board the Washington, and 
 Lieutenant Petty on board the Bullock, each with a 
 sufficient party of the troops. Lnmediately on landing, 
 I despatched Lieatenant-Colonel Rae and Major Rob- 
 erts, with about one hundred men, who marched direct- 
 ly up to the town and made prisoners of three marines 
 and two sailors belonging to the Hinchingbrook. It 
 being late, the galleys did not engage till this morning. 
 You must imagine what my feelings were to see our 
 
110 
 
 MATERIALS FUR HISTORY. 
 
 three little men-of-war going on the attack of these 
 three vessels, who have spread terror on our coast, and 
 who were drawn up in order of battle. But the weight 
 of our metal soon damped the courage of those heroes, 
 who took to their boats, and, as many as could, aban- 
 doned their vessels and every thing on board, of which 
 we immediately took possession. What is extraordi. 
 nary, we have not one man hurt. Captain Ellis is 
 drowned, and Captain Mowbray made his escape. As 
 soon as I can see Colonel White, (who has not yet come 
 to us with his prize,) I shall consult with him, the 
 other field officer, and the three captains of the galleys, 
 on the expediency of attacking the Galatea, now laying 
 at Ickyl. I send you this by my brigade-major, Hab- 
 ersham, who will inform you of other particulars. I 
 am in haste, 
 
 Dear General, your most obedient servant, 
 
 S. Elbert, 
 
 Colonel Commanding. 
 The Honourable Hesky Laurens. 
 
 [general gates to KENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 FisHKiLL, 27th May, lYTS. 
 
 Sir: 
 
 I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of 
 your Excellency's letters of the 15th and 19th inst., and 
 to acquaint you of my arrival the iTth at the North 
 River. Inclosed I send your Excellency for i^Q perusal 
 of Congress — 1st, General Washington's letter to me 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. m 
 
 from tlie Valley Forge, dated the ITtli May ; 2d, my 
 answer thereto, dated Fislikill, 21st May; 3d, my let- 
 ter to Lis Excellency, dated Fislikill, 2 ad May; 4tli, my 
 letter to Governor Trumbnll, of 21st May, inclosing a 
 coj^y of General Washington's of the ITtli; otli, my 
 letter to Governor Trumbull, inclosing two letters con- 
 tainino; intellio-ence received of the motions of the ene- 
 my ; Gth, those letters. Since the a1:)ove correspondence, 
 I have received good supplies of provisions, and am 
 happy to find matters in such a train as to be no longer 
 in suspense upon that head. 
 
 General Conwa}^, who is just returned from Albany, 
 seems much chagrined at the sudden and unexpected 
 acceptance of his resignation, with no marks of respect 
 or ap])rol^ation paid to his services. He assui'es me 
 that he only meant to desire his dismission, provided 
 he was not allowed to share in the active service of the 
 campaigns ; as it would otherwise be considered in 
 France as a reproach to his military character to have 
 remained in an inland garrison town, without any suit- 
 able command, while the armies were in the field. Your 
 Excellency will receive General Conway's letter upon 
 this subject ; and I hope, sir. Congress will not think 
 me importunate when I say I wish that the only gentle- 
 man who has left France with the rank of colonel of 
 foot, should not ])e returned to his prince and nation in 
 any other manner than such as l^ecomes the gratitude, 
 honour, and dignity of the United States of America. 
 I am much ol>lig;ed T)y the commission ordered bv Con- 
 
11-2 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 gress for Lieutenant-Colonel Troup ; l)ut a diffidence in 
 his own experience and abilities has induced that young 
 gentleman to decline so important a charge, choosing 
 rather to remain in his former station. I therefore 
 return the commission to your Excellency, and have ap- 
 pointed Colonel Malcolm to act pro tempore as deputy 
 adjutant-general. Colonel Malcolm commands one of 
 the sixteen regiments raised upon the new arrangement 
 of the army in the year 1777, and waits the decision 
 of the present new arrangement to determine his future 
 station. 
 
 I have trusty persons now employed to gain the ear- 
 liest intelligence of the enemy's movements and de- 
 signs ; to get the very best will require some money. 
 I wish to be authorized by Congress to justify my pro- 
 ceedino:s in so essential a service. 
 
 I yesterday published in general orders the resolves 
 of Congress of the loth inst., inclosed in your Excel- 
 lency's letter to me of the 19th following. I doubt not 
 but the gratitude of the army will Ije evinced by their 
 conduct and fidelity, for so generous a reward for their 
 past and future services. Your Excellency will find in 
 the packet General McDougalFs report to me of the 
 present strength of the enemy's army in and near New 
 York ; the authenticity thereof he seems convinced of 
 With great respect I am, sir, 
 Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 
 
 Horatio Gtates. 
 
 His Excellency, Hfnry Laurens, Esq. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 113 
 
 [jOnN RUTLEDGE TO HENRY LAIKENS.] 
 
 Charleston, June loth, 17*78. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I THANK you for tlie intelligence contained in your 
 favours of last montb. Our alliance with France, and 
 tlie prospect of otlier European powers acceding to it, 
 are of tlie utmost importance, and Avill, I liope, give the 
 finishing stroke to tor}'isni. 
 
 The commercial treaty is certainly exceptionable on 
 account of exempting all exports to the French from 
 duty, merely in consideration of their molasses being 
 fi-ee, and I think the conduct of our commissioners on 
 that occasion (of which I presume you have heard) 
 blameable. However, the treaty is much 1 )etter than I 
 ever expected it would have been. 
 
 I am very glad to find that you determined to stay 
 in Congress, it being of great consequence that every 
 State should be well represented, and that the presi- 
 dent's chair should ])e proj^erly filled. 
 
 We have not a word of news worth relating. The 
 southward expedition (as it is termed) goes on very 
 slowly. Our advices this day from Savannah are, that 
 General Howe was encamped last week only five miles 
 beyond Alatamaha, waiting for reinforcements and pro- 
 visions. I wish this expedition may not turn out rather 
 worse than the two former. I believe, if any thing is 
 done, it will be by Colonel Williamson, who is set off 
 with a party of eight hundred horse; but the season 
 15 
 
114 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 is discouraging, and tlie expenses will, I fear, be far be- 
 yond any advantage wliicli may reasonably be exj^ected 
 from the enterj^rise. Perhaps I may be mistaken, but 
 I fancy it will terminate in nothing more than obtain- 
 ing a post at St. Marys, which, from the superiority of 
 our force, I imagine will be evacuated on the approach 
 of our troops, and which the enemy may repossess if 
 they please when our men return home, as it will not 
 be advisaljle for us to garrison it. 
 
 People wait Avitli impatience to hear of some capital 
 stroke by General Washington, of the arrival of the 
 British commissioners, and of a declaration of war. I 
 am singular in my opinion that Howe will embark his 
 forces (without General Washington's being al;)le to 
 get at him) for the West Indies, lest a l>low should be 
 struck there, and that the proposed commissioners will 
 not come out, as we have no account that the bills (of 
 which drafts were sent to America for circulation) have 
 passed, and the M. de Noailles billet-doux may have 
 convinced the British ministry that it would be spend- 
 ing time very idly to waste any more on such laws, 
 and that commissioners might as well stay at home as 
 come on such a fool's errand as to endeavour to ol )tain 
 a renunciation of American independency, or to talk 
 about matters which can have no effect until ratified 
 by parliament. With respect to war, I think if the 
 English will consent to partake of instead of engrossing 
 our trade, Louis w^ill be peaceal)le. He has made his 
 l^rother George a good proposition, and it is not clear 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 215 
 
 that he will reject his advice. Observe how cautiousl}^ 
 he speaks to parliament : " If he shall iincl himself called 
 upon" — "if it shall be found necessary." They echo 
 his WT)rds, by no means determined on war ; and really 
 the wisest thing which Great Britain can do is at once 
 to quit every pretension to any part of America, (for, I 
 suppose, whenever negotiation takes place Congress 
 will insist on her relincpiishing Canada and the Flori- 
 das,) and endeavour to get as much of its trade as she 
 can, which, indeed, would of course be no inconsider- 
 able share. However, the stubborn pride, self-conceit, 
 and infatuation which have prevented her from makiuo- 
 better terms for herself than she can now expect, may 
 perhaps plunge her into a war, from which I do not see 
 what benefit she can possibly derive. But whither am 
 I running on speculation about points which may, ere 
 now, he determined? You will think I forg-ot how 
 precious your time is. Be jileased to j^resent my com- 
 pliments and best wishes to Captain John Laurens, and 
 believe me, with great esteem and respect. 
 
 Dear Sir, your obliged and obedient humble servant, 
 
 John Rutledoe. 
 
 Honourable Hknry Laurens, Esq. 
 
 P. S. — I will trouble you to apologize to Mr. Dray- 
 ton for not giving him a line, having received his of the 
 4th ult., as I have only just now heard (on coming to 
 town) of this opportunity. The inclosed w^ere brought 
 in a packet to me from France, via North Carolina. 
 
1X6 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 [general SULLIVAN TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 Head-quarters, Providence, August 6th, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 I HAVE tlie honour to infomi your Excellency tliat 
 some time since three of tlie enemy's frigates quit their 
 former stations, sailed to the north end of Rhode Isl- 
 and, and anchored between Dyer's Island and Bristol 
 Ferry. 
 
 Count D'Estaing, on the 4th inst., meditated an at- 
 tack upon them, and on the 5th issued orders that two 
 of his ships should turn the north end of Connanicut 
 Islands and give them battle. These orders they pro- 
 ceeded to comply with ; but on their approach the Eng- 
 lish frigates wei'e set fire to, abandoned, and entirely 
 consumed, without making use of any means of defence, 
 or showing the least appearance of resistance. Their 
 names and force have not yet been ascertained, but 
 when kno^vn, shall l3e transmitted to your Excellency. 
 
 I am sorry to inform your Excellency that the mo- 
 tions of the militia are exceedingly tardy ; I have been 
 but inconsiderably reinforced by the militia of Connec- 
 ticut, nor do I expect much from them. Those of New 
 Hampshire and Massachusetts ai-e, I am told, on their 
 march, and have reason to expect them by Saturday 
 next. Your Excellency may rest assured that I shall 
 make every previously necessary preparation for their 
 reception, so that no time be lost between their arrival 
 and the immediate execution of our intended invasion. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. HJ 
 
 I have tlie honour to be, witli tlie greatest respect, 
 your Excellency's most obedient and very humble ser- 
 vant, 
 
 John Sullivan. 
 
 P. S. — I have this moment learned from certain in- 
 telligence that four frigates and one tender were de- 
 stroyed. 
 
 [peter timothy to henry LAURENS.] 
 
 16th August, 17'78. 
 HONOUEABLE SiR : 
 
 The express not having yet called upon me for my 
 packet, I embrace the time to give you some intelli- 
 gence I have just got, in hopes it may tend towards the 
 capture of a copper-bottom ship, the fittest vessels to be 
 assigned for this station. 
 
 William Phillips (the Santee coaster, who you know 
 very well) is just returned from St. Augustine, whither 
 he went with a ilag, to carry one Mackenzie, of that 
 2^1ace, home, being in the lowest state, and who came 
 out in Bach op's privateer for the benefit of sea air. 
 
 He arrived ofl^ St. Augustine bar on the 8th, where 
 he found at anchor the Perseus, man-of-war, of twenty 
 guns, with two victuallers, a ship and brig, which had 
 nearly discharg-ed their caro;oes. The Perseus had an- 
 chored there but the evening before, piloted round l)y 
 Captain Mowbray from St. Johns, whither she had 
 been sent from New York, and where she had lain 
 
118 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 during the ^vhole windmill exj^editiou from Georgia. 
 Mowbray came out of tbe Perseus, and piloted Phillips 
 in. The gale we had here on the 10th w^as also felt 
 there. The Perseus and victuallers, and also the Otter, 
 sloop-of-war, of eighteen guns, which likewise came, an- 
 chored off St. Augustine bar on the 9th, were obliged 
 to slip their cables; but all had returned on the 11th, 
 except the shi]:) victualler. Several vessels were diiven 
 ashore in the harbom*. The Otter had been as lone; at 
 St. Johns as the Perseus. They left there Mowbray's 
 ship, the George, and a galley made of a 1 )rig cut down. 
 Elphinstone said the man who j)lanned the Georgia 
 expedition ought to be hanged. It was reported the 
 number of our backwoods people in East Florida 
 amounted to seven hundred, who were all kept at St. 
 Johns, where they must have an easy time, to be sure. 
 On the 12th, the schooner Oakhampton packet, belong- 
 ino; to Mr. John Rose, another cartel sent from hence 
 on the 8th, with eighty-two prisoners, commanded by 
 Captain John Hatter, arrived at St. Augustine. The 
 Otter having chased her, the crew had taken the com- 
 mand, and fourteen went for the shore in the boat; 
 only twelve landed ; the two others were drowned. 
 The Perseus' boat afterwards came up with the schoon- 
 er. On the 13th the prisoners from Hatter's were 
 landed ; amongst them Jameson (whose ^^dfe and four 
 children remain here). The same evening a very small 
 northward-built sloop, having a c[uarter-deck, mounting 
 six guns, with netting all around, full of cohorns and 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 119 
 
 swivels, very clean, and liaving topsail-yards aloft, ar- 
 rived at St. Auo-nstine from New York. 
 
 The 14tli, Phillips Avas dispatched, and came away. 
 While there, he understood Captain Elphinstone would 
 cruise off this bar. He asked Phillips if he had spoke 
 with no man-of-war on the passage ; but he had not seen 
 a sail either in going or returning. No prizes had been 
 lately carried into Augustine, and there were very few 
 prisoners ; Elphinstone had only six on board his shij^. 
 
 I thought it necessary to give you this infoi'mation, 
 because, as the winds at this season set in from the 
 northeast, if the Perseus cruises a few days here, she 
 may get to the northward Ijefore you receive this intel- 
 ligence ; and it is possible some disposition might be 
 to intercept both her and the Otter before they can 
 reach either New York, Rhode Island, or Halifax. A 
 couple of cruisers, a frigate, and a privateer or State 
 vessel, coming this way, might do the business ; for 
 they cannot lay the hurricane season on the coast of 
 Florida ; but they might go to New Providence. I was 
 so fortunate as to plan the successful expedition against 
 Bachop and Osborn ; I wdsli this hint might be as suc- 
 cessful. Great things may be done from hence by a 
 fast-sailing frigate or two. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, 
 Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant, 
 
 Peter Teviothy.^ 
 
 ' Peter Timothy was the editor and publisher of " The Gazette of the 
 State of South Carolina," from April, 1777, nntil about the time of the sur- 
 
120 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 It is probable Mowbray may come ou a cruise in his 
 ship after the equinox, foi' he can now man her with 
 Osl)oru and Bachop's crews. She mounts eighteen 
 three-pounders. 
 
 Captain Elphinstone said Captain Pine & Co., as 
 they belonged to a State vessel, will not be exchanged 
 for officers of 2:)i'ivateers only. 
 
 [general SULLITAN to henry LAURENS.] 
 
 Camp before Newport, August 16tli, HIS. 
 
 My deae Sir: 
 
 I HAVE been honoured with }our Excellency's fa- 
 vour of the 18th inst., with the gazette inclosed. I 
 most sincerely thank you for the license you hav^e given 
 me to communicate intelligence to your Excellency by 
 private letter, and also for your promise to retaliate in 
 kind. My letters to General Washington, copies of 
 which he is to convey to Congress, from time to time, 
 
 render of Charleston, S. C, to the British in 1780. Eis father was Lewis 
 Tiniothee, a French Protestant refugee, who settled at Philadelphia in tlie 
 early part of the last century; was employed some time in the printing 
 house of Franklin, and was the first librarian of the Philadelphia Library 
 Company. He removed to Charleston in 1733, and soon after became the 
 jirinter to the colony of South Carolina. He died in December, 1738. 
 
 Peter succeeded his father as printer to the colony, and after the com- 
 mencement of the revolution, became printer to the State. At the sur- 
 render of Charleston he was taken prisoner and sent to St. Augustine with 
 General Gadsden and other distinguislied Carolinians. He was exchanged 
 in 1781, and in the autumn of the next year, while making a voyage to St. 
 Domingo the vessel foundering, he, with every soul on board, was lost. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 121 
 
 must have iuformed you of tlie retxu'n of the Frencli 
 fleet ; the loss it sustained in the storm, and their sud- 
 den departure for Boston. This movement has raised 
 every voice against the French nation, revived all those 
 ancient prejudices against the faith and sincerity of 
 that people, and inclines them most heartily to curse 
 the new alliance. These are only the first sallies of 
 passion, which will, in a few days, subside. 
 
 I confess that I do most cordially resent the conduct 
 of the Count, or rather the conduct of his officers, who 
 have, it seems, comj^elled him to go to Boston and leave 
 us on an island without any certain means of retreat ; 
 and ^vliat surprises me exceedingly is, that the Count 
 could be persuaded that it was necessary for ten sail of 
 the line to lay in the harbour to attend one which is 
 refitting. 
 
 I begged the Count to remain only twenty-four 
 hours, and I would agree to dismiss him, but in vain. 
 He well knew that the original plan was for him to 
 land his own troops with a large detachment of mine 
 within their lines, under fire of some of his ships, while 
 with the rest I made an attack in front ; but his depar- 
 ture has reduced me to the necessity of attacking their 
 works in front or of doing nothing. They have double 
 lines across the island in two places, at near quarter of 
 a mile distance. The outer line is covered in fi'ont by 
 redoubts within musket-shot of each other ; the second 
 in the same manner by redoubts thrown up between 
 the lines. Besides this there is an inaccessible pond, 
 16 
 
 L 
 
122 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 wliicli covers more than lialf of the first line. A strong 
 fortress on Tomniiny Hill overlooks and commands the 
 whole adjacent country. 
 
 The enemy have about six thousand men within 
 these works. I have eis^ht thousand one hundred and 
 seventy-four. With this force I am to carry their lines 
 or retu'e with disgrace. Near seven thousand of my 
 men are militia, unaccustomed to the noise of arms. 
 Should I throw my men by stratagem within these 
 lines, it must be my best troops. Should they be de- 
 feated, the want of ships will render their retreat im- 
 practical)le, and most of the army must be sacrificed. 
 You ^vill, therefore, judge of my feelings, and of the 
 situation which my inconstant ally and coadjutor has 
 thrown me into. My feelings as a man press me to 
 make the desperate attempt. My feelings as an ofiicer 
 cause me to hesitate. 
 
 I have submitted the considerations to my officers ; 
 how they will declare, I know not. I feel disgrace will 
 attend this fatal expedition, though it gave at first the 
 most pleasing presages of success. 
 
 I think the new manoeuvre of the comissioners ex- 
 ceeds any thing they have yet attempted. I trust they 
 will return to England with that share of contempt 
 such infamous conduct deserves. 
 
 Your brave and worthy son is a fellow-sufferer with 
 me in this fatal island. Believe me, my dear sir, when 
 I tell you that America has seldom produced his equal 
 for bravery or for judgment. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. i^'S 
 
 I have the hououi' to be, dear Sir, with the highest 
 esteem, youi' Excellency's most obedient and very hum- 
 ble servant, 
 
 John Sullivan. 
 
 His Excellency, Henky Laurens, Esii. 
 
 [peter timothy to henry LAURENS.] 
 
 Charleston, August 17 th, 1778. 
 HONOUEABLE SiK I 
 
 The express not being gone yet, accept more intelli- 
 gence. I have just seen Capt. Thomas Seymour, who 
 was taken the 6th instant, and put ashore at Long Bay 
 the 8th, by a Jamaica privateer schooner of Jamaica, 
 called the Revenge, mounting twenty-two swivel guns 
 and fom- cohorns, manned wdth twenty-four men, and 
 commanded by John Atkinson ; the vessel that drove 
 Philip Will's schooner ashore at Bull's. He tells me he 
 sailed from Bermuda the 20th of July, and that he left 
 Gutridge there, who was to sail the 21st upon a cruise, 
 in a new Virginia boat of fifty-four feet keel, which he 
 had taken, razeed, and armed with fourteen guns ; to- 
 gether with his own sloop of twelve, and a l^rig which 
 he had bought in Bermuda. This Gutrido;e is a daring 
 fellow, and an excellent pilot on the coasts of North 
 Carolina and Virginia. If the Virginians were advised 
 of this, or some other steps could be taken for his re- 
 ception, perhaps his success might be interrupted. 
 
 The greatest injuries our trade has received have 
 
124 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 been from Gutridge's fitting ont at and cruising from 
 Bermuda, where the nest of tories lodged by Lord Dun- 
 more are exceedingly miscliievous. — Would it not be 
 worth an expedition to Bermuda to swear the inhabit- 
 ants as subjects to these States, and to remove the refusers 
 as j)risoners of war? A few small vessels, and one 
 hundred soldiers, under chosen, discreet officers — to have 
 there — might do it. In a war between Britain, Spain, 
 and France, there cannot perhaps be places more injuri- 
 ous to the trade of our allies, nor so convenient rendez- 
 vous for the enemy's privateers, than the Bermuda and 
 Bahama Islands. Is it not worth some attention ? Who- 
 ever possesses or secures Providence first, commands the 
 straits, gulf, and windward passage, and the inha1)itants 
 will go privateering on one side or the othei' — none in 
 the world more mischievous. I have the honour to be 
 Your Excellency's obedient humble servant, 
 
 Peter Timothy. 
 
 Hon. Hexry Lai:ress. 
 
 [W. H. DRAYTON TO JOHN LAUREXS.] 
 
 rHiLADKLPHiA, September Yth, 1778. 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 I MOST affectionately congratulate you upon the 
 glory you have gained in the late action in Rhode Isl- 
 and, and upon your having continued safe in the midst 
 of so many balls and dangers. 
 
 Your post was in the most important, most honom*- 
 able, and most perilous quarter. We had received a 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 125 
 
 copy of General Sullivan's letter to General Wash- 
 ington. Your father had received a letter from the 
 Marquis Lafayette. Three days passed, and not a word 
 fi'oni or of you, after the action. A report prevailed 
 that you had fallen, and it had weight from the above 
 circumstances. However, yesterday, Major Morris ar- 
 rived with the desired accounts and relieved us fi'om 
 our anxiety, and I felt particularly happy on the occa- 
 sion, as well upon your father's as your account. 
 
 A man who is ever vigilant to discharge his duty 
 to his country, is j^leased to have objects pointed out. 
 Give me leave to point one. The public is fully con- 
 vinced that in you they possess a most valualjle officer, 
 and upon this point great hopes are established. It is 
 your duty then, in action, to take some care of such an 
 officer, and not unnecessarily expose those hopes to a 
 Ijlasting shower of balls. 
 
 We have had l)ut little infonnation with respect to 
 the operations of the French fleet during their expedi- 
 tion against Lord Howe. General Sullivan forgot to 
 inclose a copy of D'Estaing's letter to him iimnedkitely 
 upon his return to Ehode Island. We have no account 
 of the names of the officers who signed the protest, nor 
 of the answer of the general officers to General Sulli- 
 van's third proposition to them, immediately upon the 
 departure of the French fleet for Boston ; nor of the 
 precise time when the fleet sailed for and amved at 
 Boston. These, you know, are of importance to me. 
 The stationary nature of the camp at White Plains 
 
12Q MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 may enable you to infoiiQ me oil this point, and on 
 those relative to Monmoiith. 
 
 I am, my dear Sir, yoiu" most obedient humble ser- 
 vant, 
 
 Wm. H. Deatton. 
 
 Lieutenant-Colonel John Lacrens. 
 
 [ROBERT HOWE TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 Charleston, S. C, 22d September, 1778. 
 
 My deae Sie : 
 
 My public letters will convey my oj)inion to Con- 
 gress, how essential the subduction of St. Augustine is 
 to the tranquillity both of this State and of Georgia, of 
 which if Congress should be convinced, they will prob- 
 ably encourage an effectual expedition against it ; to 
 you, therefore, sir, as a friend whose attention to me 
 and whose ser\^ces I never shall forget, I take the lib- 
 erty of addressing myself upon a sul>ject which relates 
 merely to myself. 
 
 I flew to my native country when it was likely to 
 become the seat of war ; it fell to my lot to remain here, 
 (unwillingly, I confess,) when the war progressed north- 
 wardly ; but from a sense of duty I submitted. You, 
 sir, know what a loss of rank I sustained by being ab- 
 sent from the scene of immediate action, and, I flatter 
 myself also, know that nothing but an earnest desire to 
 sacrifice every private consideration to that public cause 
 in which I was engaged, could have detained me a mo- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 127 
 
 ment in a service wliere I was deprived of that promo- 
 tion wliicli was my riglit, and of whicli every soldier of 
 sensibility cannot but be tenacious. 
 
 Now, dear sir, if an expedition against St. Augus- 
 tine should be undertaken, which, long since believing 
 to be absolutely necessary, I endeavoured to prepare 
 myself for ; if, after a great deal of private exj)ense, to 
 which I have put myself to obtain an exact knowledge 
 of its strength and situation ; if, after risking the lives 
 of persons employed as spies for this purpose, who were 
 not insignificant members of society, and after every ex- 
 ertion and strenuous effort I have made, I should be 
 deprived of the only opportunity Avhich has offered in 
 my department of serving my country signally, and of 
 obtaining fame, another, elder in commission than I am, 
 should be sent uj) to reap those laurels, and to avail 
 himself of that information I have laijoured to gather, 
 it cannot but be supposed that I shall feel it sen- 
 sil)ly. 
 
 You, sir, whose sense of honour I know to be deli- 
 cate, will feel for me in such a situation. You, sir, 
 w^hose fiiendship and kindness I have with gratitude 
 experienced, will, I doubt not, exert yourself to prevent 
 a measure which will not only give malevolence an op- 
 j^ortunity of reflecting upon me, but fix an indelilJe 
 stain upon me as a soldier, by implying that I had no 
 talent adequate to actual service. Upon you, therefore, 
 sir, as a friend (for so I know you) and for the sake of 
 justice, I rely, to guard me a2:ainst a mortification and 
 
128 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 disgrace wliicli I am conscious I do not deserve, and 
 wliicli forever will wound tlie honour and peace of, 
 
 Dear Sir, your most obedient liumble servant, 
 
 Robert Howe. 
 
 Honourable Hexry Laurens, Esq. 
 
 P. S. — You will please not to communicate the con- 
 tents of this letter unless you find it necessary. 
 
 [lord STIRLING TO HENRY LACRrNS.] 
 
 MiDDLEBRcoK, December IGth, 177S. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 Our sudden departure from Elizabethtown, in order 
 to meet the enemy on their curious expedition xri Hud- 
 son's River, and being in a moving way ever since, has 
 prevented my acknowledging the receipt of your several 
 letters of 5th, 6th, and 7th instant, with the j^apers 
 mentioned to be inclosed, for which I sincerely thank 
 you. The copies of the treaties I have laid l)y, and 
 shall not make any use of them till I hear further from 
 you. The emendation you propose to a certain verdict 
 I should readily subscribe to, for I never could see the 
 great difference between the retrograde inanoeuvre and 
 running awaij. Mr. Elliot, of New Yoi-k, in a line of 
 the 5th, says he has met one coj)y of Vattel's works, 
 which is among some l^ooks in cases which are un- 
 packed, but has the promise of it as soon as they can 
 conveniently get at it. In another of the 14th, which 
 I received this morning, he says, " he has not yet been 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 129 
 
 able to get Vattel's works." I liave heard of another 
 copy in this State, but it is in a similar situation, 
 packed up and sent back into the country, 
 
 I am sincerely obliged to you for opening your 
 mind so freely on certain matters ; I little thought we 
 were in such jeopardy. Deane's publication will open 
 the eyes of many. 
 
 With the highest respect and esteem, I have the 
 honour to be your most obedient humble servant, 
 
 Stirling. 
 
 The Honourable Henry Laurens. 
 
 [tHOMAS PAINE TO HENRY LAURENS.] 
 
 Sir: 
 
 My anxiety for your ijersonal safety has not only 
 fixed a profound silence upon me, but prevents my ask- 
 ing you a great many questions, lest I should be the 
 unwilling, unfortunate cause of new difiiculties or fatal 
 consequences to you, and in such a case 1 might indeed 
 say, "'^^6' the survivor dies.'''' 
 
 I omitted sending the inclosed in the morning as I 
 intended. It will serve you to parry ill nature and 
 ingratitude with, when undeserved reflections are cast 
 upon me. 
 
 I certainly have some awkward natural feeling, 
 which I never shall get rid of I was sensible of a 
 kind of shame at the Minister's door to-day, lest any 
 one should think I was going to solicit a pardon or a 
 pension. When I come to you I feel only an umvillr 
 17 
 
130 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 ingness to be seen, on your account. I shall never 
 make a courtier, I see tliat. 
 
 I am your obedient humble servant, 
 
 Thomas Paine. 
 
 January U, 1779. 
 
 [general Sri-LIVAX TO IIKNRY LAFREXS.] 
 
 Providence, Jauuary 25tli, 1779. 
 
 Dear Sir: 
 
 I HAD tlie honour (two days since) of receiving 
 your esteemed favour of the 5th instant, with the ga- 
 zette inclosed, for which and the polite attention you 
 have ever been j^leased to pay to me, beg you to accept 
 my most sincere and cordial thanks. 
 
 I lament exceedingly your resignation of the chair, 
 and my unhappiness is greatly increased by a convic- 
 tion that you would not have done it without good 
 and sufficient reasons for so doing. 
 
 Though you are reduced to a private station, permit 
 me to assure you without flattery that I shall always 
 revere your character, and esteem it the highest honour, 
 if I can merit a continuance of that correspondence 
 with which you have heretofore honoured me. 
 
 Permit me, dear sir, to entreat you not to turn your 
 back upon Congress at a time when our finances are 
 low, our best officers resigning, our soldiers ready to 
 mutiny, our credit sunk, and that patriotic zeal which 
 first fired American l)osoms, flying from us, I fear, 
 never to return again. My business is to serve, and 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDEXCE. 131 
 
 not to censure ; but I fear that Congress, in tlieir for- 
 eign appointments, have been too unguarded, and that 
 Mr. Deane has been too much influenced by private re- 
 sentment, in attacking their proceedings^ in every part 
 where there is the least probability of success, with a 
 view of inflaming the minds of the people, and lessen- 
 ing their respect for Congress ; and this at a time when 
 prudence dictated that their influence should be sup- 
 ported and extended ; and I much fear that too much 
 of that time which should be spent in saving a dis- 
 tressed people, is taken up in party disputes, the reason 
 for which should be carefully concealed from our ene- 
 mies, and remain a secret even to our friends. As I am 
 not in the cabinet, I do not attempt to give my opin- 
 ions. I only express my fear, which I could wish had 
 not so probable a foundation. 
 
 Your resiofuation has convinced me that matters are 
 far from being right in Congress ; and the miserable 
 state of our bills of credit, and the distressed situation 
 of the army, alarm my fears exceedingly. 
 
 I wish the late resolution of Congress respecting 
 the bills of credit may answer the intended purj^ose ; 
 l)ut I fear the event mil prove the contrary. If the 
 plan had been the best that could have been devised, 
 does it not at this time bear a strong resemblance to 
 administering medicines to a person whose disorder has 
 
 * See the Pennsylvania newspapers about the period this letter was 
 written. 
 
132 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 been suffered to rage uncontrolled till tlie patient is 
 past recovery. 
 
 I liave tlie honour to inclose you some York and 
 some Providence j^apers, which may afford you some 
 amusement at a leisure hour. There is nothing new in 
 this quarter, save that the enemy are fixing up their 
 flat-bottomed boats, I suppose for the purpose of coming 
 on the main to plunder. I hope our precautions may 
 frustrate their designs. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the most lively senti- 
 ments of esteem and respect, dear Sir, your most obe- 
 dient and very humble servant, 
 
 John Sullivan. 
 
 Honourable Henry Laurens, Esq. 
 
 [general SULLIVAN TO WASHINGTON.] 
 
 April, 1779. 
 
 May it please Youe Excellency. 
 
 I HAVE examined and compared the several maps 
 with the written accounts of the Indian country which 
 were laid before me by your Excellency, and have con- 
 sidered the plan of the expedition proposed, and beg 
 leave to make the following observations, viz. : 
 
 That, though the number of Indians in that country 
 appear, from information, to be about two thousand, yet 
 underrating the number of the enemy has been a pre- 
 vailing error with the Americans since the commence- 
 ment of the war. This is ever a source of misfortune, 
 and has, to some armies, proved fatal. As in no 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. I33 
 
 instance it could be more dangerous than in the present 
 intended expedition, it will be necessary to consider 
 whether there is not a probability of the enemy being 
 more numerous than Gen. Schuyler's account makes 
 them. It is indeed probable that he might have ob- 
 tained nearly a just account of the number of Indians 
 in each tribe, but it is impossible that he should gain 
 an accurate account of the number of tories and French 
 volunteers who have joined the parties commanded l^y 
 Butler and their other leaders. I therefore conclude 
 that his account can only respect the Indians inhaT)iting 
 the part of the country to be invaded. If so, the num- 
 ber of the enemy which may be expected to oppose om* 
 force must far exceed his account. 
 
 The enemy are now possessed of an opinion that an 
 expedition is intended against Canada by way of Lake 
 Ontario. This may probably induce them to send all 
 the force they can possibly spare from Canada, to act in 
 conjunction with the armed vessels to oppose our pass- 
 ing from Mohawk River into the river Iroquois, through 
 the lake ; but should the demonstrations in the Cohass 
 country puzzle and perplex them, it can only serve to 
 keep them in Canada until the real intention is known, 
 which will happen as soon as the main body of the 
 army is formed on the Susquehannah. They will then, 
 undoubtedly, turn their whole force to defeat that party, 
 which passes up the Mohawk River, that they may be 
 the better enabled to combat the other which advances 
 by the Susquehannah. Should, therefore, the party 
 
231 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 whicli advances up the Mohawk River be small, they 
 must (if they advance far into the countiy) be cut off ; 
 and if they do not advance, little or no advantage can 
 be derived fi-om it. I am therefore of opinion that the 
 main body should advance by that route, and the 
 smaller party l^y the Susquehannah, though this last 
 party should, in my opinion, be at least equal to the 
 estimated force of the Indian nations. If this is the 
 case, they must carry conquest before them, as they can 
 have no other force to en2:ao;e but what is derived fi'om 
 the Indians themselves, and probably not all that, as 
 the advancement of the other party must demand the 
 attention of some of them to that quarter. The force 
 of the other party should be nearly equal to the col- 
 lective force of the Indians and that of the Britons and 
 tories, which may probably be detached from Canada. 
 I say nearly equal, because it cannot be doubted but 
 the advancement of the party up the Susquehannah 
 will demand the attention of some of those nations who 
 live nearest the Teoga. 
 
 It has been expected that the retreat of the main 
 body may be cut off if they pass up the Mohawk River 
 and down to the Cayuga Lake. But this objection will 
 apply with much greater force and j)ropriety to the 
 sending a small party that way. It has been said that 
 in case of misfortune a retreat may be better made by 
 the Susquehannah than l^y the Mohawk River. This 
 is an argument much in favour of the smaller body 
 passing that way. But the main body should be of 
 
LAUKENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 135 
 
 sufficient force to command victory wherever tliey o-o, 
 and to form a junction with tlie Susqueliannali j^art/at 
 all events. 
 
 The largeness of the party will much distract the 
 enemy, as they cannot know (until it arrives at the foi'k 
 of the river near Lake Ontario) whether the real design 
 is against Canada or the Indian nations. The pai^y 
 advancing by the Susquehannah may probably be con- 
 sidered as a party destined to make a feint, to keep the 
 Indians at home ; but should it be considered in the 
 only remaining light, which is, that of destroying the 
 Indian country, it will keep those nations at home, give 
 the main body an opportunity to defeat with ease all 
 parties which may be sent against it from Canada, and 
 form a junction with the Susquehannah party between 
 Cayuga Lake and Chemung, which two places are but 
 forty miles distant from each other. 
 
 There will be an additional advantage in the main 
 body coming this way, as it will come in^the rear of the 
 enemy and prevent their retreat to Niagara ; but should 
 the main body advance by Susquehannah, it will come 
 on in front of the enemy, and give them an opportunity 
 to retreat to any part they may think proper, eqyecially 
 as the smaUest part of the army, should it advance l)y 
 Mohawk River must move with great caution and 
 deliberation, lest their retreat shouhf be cut off, or tlie 
 party be subjected to a total defeat. But sho'uhl the 
 main body advance that way, confident of its own 
 superiority, they will move with that necessary firmness 
 
136 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 which a consciousness of superiority seldom fails to in- 
 sj)ii'e, and, of course, will be more likely to cut off the 
 retreat of the Indians, and give them a fatal blow. The 
 smaller party being sure of a retreat, may move without 
 that danger to which it would be exposed in the other 
 route, and much sooner co-operate with the main body. 
 Besides this, let me observe, that, as the party which 
 advances by Mohawk River will have the enemy on all 
 sides, it would be the height of Ijad policy, as well as 
 contrary to every military rule, to sufler that party to 
 be the smallest. 
 
 The number of troops to be sent by Susquehannah 
 should, in my opinion, be two thousand five hundred, 
 which, when the posts for magazines are established at 
 Augusta, Wioming, Wialusing, and Teoga, will be re- 
 duced to less than two thousand. The party sent by 
 Mohawk River should consist of four thousand, which, 
 by draughts for boatmen, provision guards, and a de- 
 tachment to make a feint at Cherry Valley, will be 
 reduced nearly to three thousand. With this force the 
 business may be effectually done, and with such expedi- 
 tion as will prevent the enemy from escaping, and in 
 the end will be attended with much less exj^ense than 
 a small party. 
 
 As this expedition is intended to cut off those Ind- 
 ian nations, and to convince others that we have it in 
 our power to carry the war into their own country 
 whenever they commence hostilities, it will be necessary 
 that the blow should be sure and fatal ; otherwise they 
 
LAUREXS' CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 Will derive conlideiiee from our ineffectual attempts, 
 and become more insolent than before. If therefore 
 the circumstances of the army and country will not 
 admit of a proper force, it will be much better not to 
 make the attempt, than to make an ineffectual one. 
 
 With respect to supplies by the way of Albany, I 
 have no doul)t, as it is a great flour country, and' a 
 sufficiency of live stock may be procured from Con- 
 necticut and other parts, and forage may be had with 
 as little difficulty as by the way of the Susquehannah. 
 Besides this, as the army must embark on Susque- 
 hannah at Augusta, it will not l^e so long a route from 
 a well-inhaliited country on the Mohawk River to the 
 centre of the Indian settlements, as from Augusta to 
 Chemunof. 
 
 In order that the main army may suffer as little as 
 possible from a deduction of force,! would propose, 
 that in addition to the force already mentioned, Poor's 
 brigade should be taken from Connecticut, where they 
 are not wanted, and Glovers from Providence, the 
 place of which may be supplied hy State troops, stipu- 
 lated by the New England States, and in additi(^n to 
 those some militia might l)e ordered, for three months, 
 to complete the number proposed. 
 
 I have the honour to be, Sir, with respect. 
 Your humble servant, 
 „. ^ „ Jno. Sullivax. 
 
 His Excellency Ges. Washington 
 
 18 
 
138 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 [gen. SULLIVAN TO WASHINGTON.] 
 
 MiLSTONE, April Ititli, 1779. 
 
 Dear General : 
 
 As your Excellency has honoured me with an ap- 
 pointment to command the intended expedition, I 
 must beg leave to lay my sentiments before you in 
 writing, as words used in conversation may vanish in 
 air, and the remem])rance of them be lost, while writ- 
 ing will remain to justify my opinion, or to prove it 
 was erroneous. 
 
 The variety of reasons which I urged yesterday for 
 passing with the main body up the Mohawk River 
 and down by Wood Creek to the Cayuga Lake, still 
 have their weight in my mind ; Init as Gen. Schuyler 
 writes that they cannot be sup23lied with provisions, 
 the plan must be given up, and that of passing with 
 the main body up the Susquehannah be adopted. 
 The force which I have requested for that quarter is 
 3,000 effective men, after all proper deductions are 
 made for guards at the several posts, boatmen, hos- 
 pital guards, tenders, tfec. That those should be col- 
 lected before we enter the Indian country, appears to 
 me essentially necessary, as it is supposed that the 
 principal opposition we shall meet with, will be be- 
 tween Wyoming and Teoga. Should this be the case, 
 as seemed to be the general opinion in council yester- 
 day, we can derive no advantage from the party on 
 the Mohawk River, as they are not to join us until 
 we have established a post at Teoga. 
 
LAURENS' COREESPOXDEXCE 10,. 
 
 Should they attempt to join us before, they must 
 be defeated m passing down the Susquehamiah ; and 
 should oui^ numbers be such as will admit of a defeat 
 before we arrive at Teoga, as we can have no commu- 
 nication with the other party, and they are to regulate 
 themselves by a plan fixed before we march, they will 
 remam ignorant of our defeat, and, of course, proceed 
 at the time appointed, and in all probability fall into 
 the hands of the enemy. If we are to expect the 
 principal opposition ]:>efore we arrive at Teoga, it is 
 absurd to reckon for part of our force, troops who are 
 not to attempt joining us before we have passed the 
 principal dangers. 
 
 Indeed, I had no great dependence upon the ad- 
 vantages to be derived from so small a party in that 
 quarter. It was yesterday said, that Vv^e might expect 
 1,400 Indians to oppose us in our march. Your Ex- 
 cellency will permit me to say, that 1,400 Indians, per- 
 fectly acquainted with the countiy, capable of seizing 
 every advantage which the ground can possibly afforcl^ 
 perfectly acquainted wdth the use of arms, inured to 
 war from their youth, and, from their manner of liv- 
 ing, capable of endiuing every kind of fatigue, are no 
 despicable enemy, when opposed to 3,000 troops 
 totally unacquainted with the country, and the Indian 
 manner of fighting, and who, though excellent in the 
 field, are far from having that exactness with fire- 
 amis, or that alertness in a wooded country, ^vliich 
 Indians have. 
 
l^Q MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 As so many have contributed to prove this, it will 
 be unnecessary for me to say more upon the subject. 
 If I was not a party concerned in this ex23edition, and 
 my opinion was asked of the force necessary to insure 
 success, I should give it that the force of each party 
 slfould be equal to the highest estimate of the enemy's 
 force in that country ; that they might be a\Ae to form 
 a junction a#^l events, and put the matter beyond 
 the possibility of a doubt, and after that they would 
 be enabled to detach alftl conquer the country in an 
 eighth part of the time that they would if obliged for 
 their own security to keep in a body. 1 know that 
 the estimated force of the Indians is small ; ]>ut when 
 I consider that underrating the numl)er of the enemy 
 has been a prevailing error with us since the com- 
 mencement of the war, that we have had persons from 
 among them, hoth. inhalutants and deserters, and have 
 had the proceedings, de])ates, and calculations of Par- 
 liament before us, and yet have repeatedly mistaken 
 their numbers more than one-half, I cannot suppose 
 but that we are still liable to fall into the same error, 
 where we can have no evidence, and every thing told 
 us is mere matter of opinion. In addition to this, let 
 me repeat what I observed yesterday, which is the 
 probability of a force being serw*from Canada, to pre- 
 vent (Kir passing into Canada Ujs-^way of Lake Ontario. 
 I also ileg leave to obsetve^ that" when our advance- 
 ment upon the Susquehannah is known, it will prob- 
 aV)ly ])e conjectured that (nir intention is against 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 141 
 
 Niagara, wliich will induce tlie enemy strongly to 
 reinforce tliat post. This they may do in a fortnight, 
 as it is but 110 miles from Montreal to Owegachia, 
 and their vessels can take troops from thence to 
 Niagara in three or four days ; and when they find 
 that our intention is against the Indian settlement, 
 those troops will undoul)tediy join them. From these 
 considerations it must appear that the demand I have 
 made is far from being unreasonable, even exclusive 
 of the party sent on their flanks. I well know that 
 Continental troops cannot be spared for this purpose, 
 but good militia should undoubtedly be called for. 
 This expedition is undertaken against those Indian 
 nations to convince them that we have it in our power 
 to carry the war into their country whenever they 
 commence hostilities. Should we fail in the attempt, 
 the Indians vriW derive confidence from it, and grow 
 more insolent than before. 
 
 Thus have I submitted my sentiments to your 
 Excellency, and trust that my reasoning ujDon the sub- 
 ject must prove that 3,000 good and effective men, at 
 least, will be necessary to march from Teoga, exclusive 
 of those which your Excellency may think proper to 
 direct to operate on the other flank of the enemy. 
 
 I have the honour to be, with the most lively sen- 
 timents of esteem and respect, 
 
 Yoiu" Excellency's most obedient servant, 
 
 John SuLLivA^sr. 
 
 To his Excellcncv General Washington. 
 
142 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 [WASHINGTON TO BRIG.-GEN. SCOTT.] 
 
 Head-Quarters, Middle Brook, May 5tli, 1779. 
 
 Deae Sir : 
 
 I HAVE been favoured witli your letter of tlie 24tla 
 ult., and was sorry to receive such unfavourable ac- 
 counts respecting the levies. The exigency of the ser- 
 vice requires that they should be in the field as soon 
 as possible. 
 
 I am now to inform you, that the original intention 
 of bringing those levies to reinforce the army here, is 
 changed, and that they are destined as a reinforcement 
 to the Southern army. 
 
 Our affairs in Georgia grow daily more alarming, 
 and unless a force of more permanent troops than 
 militia can be collected, sufficient to stop the progress 
 of the enemy in that quarter, we shall have a great 
 deal to apprehend. South Carolina considers herself 
 in imminent danger, and fears she will share the fate 
 of her nei2:hbour, if some effectual succour is not 
 afforded. This has dictated the necessity of sending 
 the Virginia levies, however ill we can disi^ense with 
 their services here. 
 
 I am therefore to desire, considering the pressing 
 importance of the occasion, you will exert yourself to 
 collect them, with the utmost expedition, at such 
 places as you judge most convenient, and to leave 
 them equipped and marched to join the Southern 
 army, as soon as circumstances will possibly permit. 
 There is not a moment's time to be lost, and I am con- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 14-3 
 
 viuced you will not lose any that it is in your power 
 to improve. 
 
 By the levies, I mean such of the 2,000 men voted 
 ])y the late act of Assembly as have been raised in 
 Yii'ginia. The men who re-enlisted with their regi- 
 ments here, and were fui'loughed, are not compre- 
 hended, but are to come on to join their corps. The 
 levies are to be throw*n into three rejj-iments, as I do 
 not imagine you will have more than will fully com- 
 plete this number. I shall immediately send you a 
 detachment of officers from the Virginia line, as men- 
 tioned in the inclosed list, who will be sufficient to 
 officer the three battalions. Part of these are al- 
 ready in Virginia, to whom you w^ill give notice. 
 
 I have written to the Committee of Congress on 
 Southern affairs, on the subject of anns; — they, I 
 doubt not, will take measures to have you supplied as 
 speedily as possible. You will be pleased to march 
 Avith the troops. 
 
 I would recommend, for the facility of the march, 
 that the battalions move one after another. This will 
 render subsistence easier, and conduce to expedition. 
 You will make previous arrangements wdtli the Quar- 
 termaster and Commissary, that you may suffer no 
 delay or difficulty in your route, for want of any thing 
 in either of their Departments. You wall observe in 
 the list, that one of the battalions is without ensigns. 
 I shall endeavour to supply the deficiency, or give 
 some further direction about it. I shall wish to hear 
 
l^^ MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 of the progress you make in assembling and equipping 
 the men, of the time you march, &c. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, with great regard and esteem, 
 Your most obedient servant, 
 
 Geo. Washington. 
 
 Brigadier-Geuei-al Scott. 
 
 [gen. gates to henry LACnESS.] 
 
 PnoviDENCE, 22d June, 1779. 
 
 Deae Sie : 
 
 I WILL not suffer this express to depart without 
 felicitating you on the glorious news from Charles- 
 town, and on the signal honour due to your amiable 
 son. We are in hourly expectation of receiving the 
 indisputable fiat of Charles Thomson. In the mean 
 time, no one doubts the authenticity of the victory we 
 have gained. 
 
 You, Sir, who were formerly my best correspond- 
 ent, may now and then find leisure to drop me a line. 
 For the best information of things this way, I refer 
 you to the contents of my packet of yesterday's date 
 to the President. I request you to consider the whole 
 attentively ; a cursory reading in Congress should not 
 satisfy you. There is, if I do not flatter myself, mat- 
 ter in them, if not to inform, at least to entertain you. 
 The transactions on the North River will, if I foresee 
 aright, produce consequences the most important to 
 America. My friend Lovell can give a list of the 
 papers in the packet. Read them at your leisure. 
 
LAUKENS' COKKESPONDENCE. 145 
 
 When you Avrite Colonel Laurens, present Lim my 
 most affectionate regards. — With every sentiment of 
 respect and esteem, believe me, Sir, 
 
 Your much-obliged and most obedient humble ser- 
 vant, 
 
 Horatio Gates. 
 
 P. S. — I believe I am to wait until you are again 
 President, before I shall receive my gold medal. 
 
 Honourable Henky Laurens, Esq. 
 
 [gE>. EOUKUT HOWE TO LAURENS.] 
 
 RiDGEFIELD, IN CONNECTICUT, 3d AllgUSt, 1779. 
 
 Your letter, my dear Sir, fraught with your good 
 wishes for my health, and the amendment of my 
 morals, reached me yesterday. Believe me, when I 
 say that I was in the execution of my duty when I 
 met with the mortifying accident which befell me, 
 and which afflicts me with its ill eifects at this time, 
 and Avill, I fear, much longer ; though I am, at length, 
 al^le to do my duty, which I pledge m3'self to you, 
 my friend, shall always with me precede every other 
 consideration. 
 
 I am ordered by the General, with a part of my 
 division, viz.. Glover's brigade, Moylan's and Sheldon's 
 horse, and Armand's independent corps, to take com- 
 mand in this neighbourhood, to cover this country 
 and protect the inhabitants as much as possi])le fi'om 
 the insults and ravages of the enemy, as contrary to 
 19 
 
14G MATERIALS YOU HISTORY. 
 
 the dictates of liumanity as disgraceful to it. Our 
 parties liave been down to tlieir very lines, and sev- 
 eral brushes have happened, all terminating favour- 
 ably to us. 
 
 The detachment xuider Captain Hopkins, three or 
 four nights since, fell in with and attacked a party, 
 superior in number, under Colonel Emmerick, drove 
 them, and "would have taken them every man, had not 
 they been supported by a large body of infantry. 
 Many of the enemy were wounded ; three or four 
 taken ; in short, tlie action \vas spirited and well con- 
 ducted, and deserving of applause. There are now^ 
 out, and will be continually kept out, a number of 
 parties, and we shall endeavour to impress the enemy 
 with that alarm and terror they so delight to spread, 
 and, I hope, make some of their light parties smart 
 for their spirit of enterprise. 
 
 I thank you, dear Sir, for many kind things done 
 me, and for those you wish me, particularly for wishing 
 me in service. I am not in it. May my c onduct be 
 such as to merit your approbation, then of my own 
 heart, and render service to my country, I pi ay God. 
 Let me, dear Sir, once more beg you, if the resolution 
 you wrote me about is not yet got into Congress, that 
 it may as soon as possible. It is essential to my peace, 
 my glory, and the service. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, with great regard and respect, your 
 much-obliged and most obedient servant, 
 
 Rob. Howe. 
 
LAUKENS' COKKESPUNDENCE. 147 
 
 P. S. — Do not find fault with my handwriting, but 
 try to read it, for when I write to you I strive to write 
 my best. Please send me the newspapers when you 
 have read th.em. 
 
 [kRANCIS lewis to STEPHEN SAYUE.] 
 
 Philadeli'Hia, lOtli Augu.st, 1779. 
 
 My dear Sir : 
 
 Your letter of the 21st February, 1778, from Co- 
 penhagen via St. Croix, is the only one I have received 
 from }ou since the declaration of American Independ- 
 ence ; about that time I wrote you two several letters, 
 with duplicates for France, but so many of our dis- 
 patches being captured, I much douljt whether any 
 came to ycur hands. 
 
 By the different manoeuvres of the British troops, 
 Congress has been o]3liged to change their places of 
 residence ; from hence to Baltimore, thence to this city, 
 then to Yorktovrn, and ])ack again to this city, v/here 
 tliey now reside. When at Baltimore, I urged your 
 being appointed a conmiissioner to one of the Euro- 
 pean States, l)ut was answered by the Committee of 
 Foreign Correspondence, that you were then Secretary 
 to Mr. A. Lee's eml)assy to the Court of Berlin, and 
 proved a bar to your being appointed at that time to 
 another department. Upon the return of Congress to 
 Philaclelj^hia in April, 1777, l)y a new appointment of 
 delegates for our State, I was not in the nomination, 
 and remained so till December of tlie same year, when 
 
XJ.3 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 I was re-cliosen, aud since tliat time liave been Cliair- 
 nian of the Commercial Committee of Congress. 
 
 Your letter, together with that from Mr. Fal^ritius, 
 (whose high character I was well acquainted with 
 when at Copenhagen,) was laid before Congress, who 
 are very sensiljle of the advantages that would accrue 
 ill a commercial intercourse with Copenhagen, as sev- 
 eral supplies of Kussian manufactures might be ob- 
 tained throui>;h that channel ; but we are at the same 
 time apprehensive the Danish Court are too much in- 
 fluenced by that of G. B. to wink at such commerce, 
 though it may be advantageous to the subject. But 
 our greatest difficulty arises from the mode of estab- 
 lishing a fund. Kice, tobacco, and indigo, are now our 
 principal articles for a European market, and of these 
 w^e have considerable quantities ; but our coasts have 
 been so infested by the British cruisers, that scarcely 
 one vessel in three escapes them ; and unless we can 
 establish a fund, by loan from some European State, 
 it will be impracticable for us, under such circum- 
 stances, to make payment with our produce, though 
 we have more than sufficient in this country to estab- 
 lish large funds in Europe, could we convey it with 
 any prospect of safety. 
 
 France beinsi: now eno-ag^ed in a war with G. B., we 
 cannot expect a loan from thence, and I presume Hol- 
 land is at present solicited by the belligerent powers 
 for money. A postscript to your letter hints a thought 
 by Mr. Fabritius, " that a loan of two or three mil- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. IJ.9 
 
 lion of dollars miglit be negotiated at B nt, and, 
 
 in case of one year's punctual payment of tlie interest, 
 lie is confident any sums may be liad at • a very low 
 interest." 
 
 Your sclieme of sending out goods in Danisli bot- 
 toms, to St. Croix or St. Thomas, is feasible, and 
 where we could lodge tobacco, indigo, tfec, to be re- 
 turned in said ships for payment ; but the risque of cap- 
 tures l)etween this and the islands is fidl as great ; 
 however, I shall urge Congress to make an attempt in 
 one or the other mode ; it will be therefore necessary 
 that you and Mr. Fabritius inform me, with the names 
 of agents in both islands, who may be appointed by 
 you to receive such effects. I would here observe, 
 that Russian manufactures, such as canvas for our 
 navy, brown sheeting and ravensduck for tents, brown 
 and white drillings for the officers and soldiers — also 
 -} Hambr^ Dowlas, and the best Tuckling 6^^ from 
 Hambr" for soldiers' shirts and overalls, cordage of all 
 sizes, is always wanted. 
 
 At the commencement of the present dispute "wdth 
 G. B., in order to pay our armies, <fec., we were under 
 the necessity of making emissions of paper money. 
 This our enemies availed themselves of by counterfeit- 
 ing many of those bills to a considerable amount, 
 which by their emissaries were dispersed through the 
 United States, adding thereby to the then more than 
 necessary quantity for a circulating medium, so alarmed 
 the fears of the people, that it has rapidly depreciated 
 
150 MATERIALS FOR mSTORY. 
 
 tlie present value of our money. The emissions cliiefly 
 counterfeited were of May, 1777, and April, 1778, 
 wHcli, by a resolution of Congress, are called in, and 
 the j^ublic at large, convinced of its Lad effects, now 
 cheerfully submit to a heavy taxation, so as to reduce 
 tlie remainder to nearly its pristine value. Had taxa- 
 tion been made coeval with emissions, the depreciation 
 w^ould in great measure have been j^i'evented ; but 
 taxation has for four years past lain dormant, nor was 
 it possible to be effected sooner, when we consider that 
 the respective States had new modes of government 
 and new constitutions to form. 
 
 General Washington has his head-cpiartei's at the 
 Highlands, on the west side of Hudson Kiver, to cover 
 a strong post that we occupy on the river, at a j^lace 
 called West Point, against which Sir H. Clinton 
 j^lanned an ex]3edition in June last ; l:)ut finding the 
 post of too great strength, he posted his army nine 
 miles below, on both sides of the river, at opposite 
 points called Verplanck's and Stony Point. The lat- 
 ter, strongly fortified, A^^as, on the 15th ult,, at night, 
 taken by storm by Gen. Wayne, with 1,200 men. 
 The garrison, consisting of 606 men, of which 107 were 
 killed and wounded ; the remainder suiTendered pris- 
 oners of war, and are now confined in this city, &c. 
 
 We have also authentic accounts fi*om Connecticut, 
 that another detachment of British troops ft'om New 
 York and Rhode Island, under the command of Sir 
 Georsre Collier and Gen, Trvon, landed at East and 
 
LAURENS' CORKESPONDENCE. {^i 
 
 West Haven, wliicli they burnt, then advanced into 
 New Haven, which they plundered, but before they 
 could fire the town, were obliged by the militia to a 
 precipitate retreat to their ships, fi'om whence they 
 proceeded to Fairfield and Nor^valk, both which they 
 also reduced to ashes. This mode of distressing the 
 inhabitants indiscriminately will, in my opinion, have 
 a contrary effect to what they expected, for by these 
 cruelties the people are become so exasperated, that 
 they will retaliate with the utmost rigor. 
 
 4:f7i August. — A few days past a sortie was made 
 by Major Lee, of the Virginia Light Dragoons, with 
 400 men, in the night, upon Powles' Hook, opposite 
 New York, where the whole garrison, consisting of 
 200 men, were killed or taken ; "43 are brought pris- 
 oners to this city, the remainder were killed. 
 
 We have lately received the Manifesto of His 
 Catholic Majesty, declaratory in favor of France, which 
 has given high spirits to the friends of liberty in 
 these States, and many tories wish to be thought con- 
 verts. 
 
 I had lately a sight of Eivington's newspaper,* 
 printed at New York, wherein were published two let- 
 ters from you, one addressed to Mr. Isaac Sears, the 
 other to myself, taken in a ship from Sweden, belong- 
 ing to this city, l:>ut carried into New York. In 
 future, when you \viite to me, direct your letters to 
 
 * lioynl Gazette, June 26. 1779. 
 
152 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 the care of Messrs. Sweighausen & Co., at Nantz, who 
 are agents for Congress at that port, and who will 
 carefully forward them by packet boats employed for 
 carrying public desj^atches. 
 
 I have frequently urged Mr. Fabritius' plan for 
 improving the loan, but Congress seems at present 
 averse to borrowing money in Europe, upon this prin- 
 ciple, that for what they borrow there, they mortgage 
 the lands of the United States for redemption, but 
 what they borrow here is of the inhabitants, who 
 must contribute to the payment by taxes levied on 
 themselves. 
 
 Congress has been for some time past so pestered 
 with complaints from their commissioners in France, 
 tending to criminate each other, that a resolution is 
 passed to have only one in France, viz., Doctor Frank- 
 lin, who is commissioned Minister Plenipotentiary to 
 that Court ; the rest are recalled. 
 
 I have been early a great sufferer by the British 
 depredators, having all my effects, to the amount of at 
 least £12,000 sterling, plundered by a party under the 
 orders of a Lieut.-Col. Burch, of the Light Dragoons, 
 together with my stock at White Stone, and the build- 
 ings there, totally destroyed. Mrs. Lewis, (after eight 
 months' detention,) my son Frank, with his wife and 
 child, are now with me ; my son Morgan is in the ser- 
 vice at Albany. 
 
 If you can point out any mode, either in public or 
 private business, wherein I can be of service, assure 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 1 -Q 
 
 yourself that my earnest endeavours to j^roniote it 
 shall not be wanting, and that I am, and always shall 
 be, 
 
 Your sincere Mend and humble servant, 
 
 F. L. 
 
 Since the foregoing, I have been favoured with 
 your several letters of the 16th March, 25th and 26th 
 May, 30th June, 1st and 2d August, and your last, a 
 long letter from Amsterdam, which I have at present 
 mislaid. That letter, giving me hopes of seeing you 
 here early in this year, occasioned my not writing to 
 you since ; but being disappointed of that pleasure, I 
 could not let slip this opportunity by Mr. James 
 Searle, a delegate to Congress for the State of Penn- 
 sylvania, whom I would recommend to your notice, and 
 who will inform you of every thing material relative 
 to our public affairs. 
 
 In November last the State of New York made a 
 new appointment of delegates to Congress, by which I 
 was superseded, and thereupon honoured by Congress 
 to preside at the Admiralty Board, in which depart- 
 ment I shall, upon your arrival here, render you every 
 assistance in my power. 
 
 With the pleasing expectation of seeing you soon 
 in America, I am, dear Sir, 
 
 Yours affectionately, F. L. 
 
 P. S. — ^This you will receive by the Hon. Henry 
 Laurens, late President of Congress, who is commis- 
 20 
 
15-]. MATERIALS FOR UISTORY. 
 
 sioned to Ilollaiul upon public business, with wliom I 
 would recommend your cultivating an acquaintance. 
 I am, and ut sujjra. 
 
 [aLEXANPEK HAMILTON TO JOHN LAURENS.] 
 
 From tlie current of intelligence, an embarkation 
 is on foot at New York. A little time will develope 
 its destination. I Lope it may disappoint my conjec- 
 tures ; the general opinion points to tlie West Indies ; 
 and, upon tlie whole, I believe myself the plan of 
 Southern operations is too bold and enlarged for the 
 feeble, shivering, contracted councils of Britain. 
 
 The naval force that arrived under Arbuthnot, by 
 the best intelligence, consists of two ships-of-the-line, 
 two fifty-gun and two smaller frigates. Some seamen, 
 deserters, report that they made at sea two detach- 
 ments of troops, one for Quebec, the other to Halifax, 
 each under convoy of a vessel of the line. If Arbuth- 
 not n;oes to the West Indies, Byron will l)e still infe- 
 rior to D'Estaing, to say nothing of the Spanish fleet 
 in that quarter. The troops and seamen arrived in a 
 veiy^ sickly situation. 
 
 We have just received an account that looks like 
 the approach of D'Estaing to our continent. A vessel 
 arrived at Boston mentions having parted with him in 
 lat. 25°, long. 70°, steering K W., with six thousand 
 troops on l)oard, taken in at the Cape, bound for Geor- 
 o-in and afterwards northward. If this should be 
 
LAUREXS' CORRESPONDENCE. 155 
 
 true, you will jjrobably liear of liiiii before tliis readies 
 you ; but lie may perliaps push directly northward, to 
 lay the axe to the root. This will be a master-stroke, 
 and fix D'Estaiiisr's character as a first-rate officer. The 
 reduction of the euemy's fleets and armies in America 
 will make all their islands fall of course, deprive them 
 of supj^lies from this continent, and enable us to second 
 the operations of the French, with ample succours of 
 provisions. If he touches at Georgia for your relief, 
 and continues his progress northw^ard, you, I kno^v, 
 will endeavour to keep pace with him, and make U3 
 happy again. The lads all join me in embracing you 
 most affectionately. Pray, let me hear from you fre- 
 quently, -and deal a little in military details, as you 
 expect the same from me. 
 
 The Philadelphia papers will toll you of a hand- 
 some stroke by Lee on Powles' Hook. Some folks in 
 the Virginia line, jealous of his glory, had the folly to 
 get him arrested. He has been tried and acquitted 
 with the hio-hest honour. Lee unfolds himself more 
 and more to be an officer of great capacity ; and if he 
 had not a little spice of the Julius Caesar or Crom- 
 well in him, he would be a very clever fellow. Adieu. 
 
 Yours most sincerely, A. HA:.iiLTOisr, 
 
 AjDropo::; — speaking of a Caesar and a Cromwell; 
 don't you think the Cabal have reported that I de- 
 clared in a public house in Philadelphia, that it was 
 Iiigh time for the people to rise, join General AVash- 
 
156 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 ino-ton, and turu Coii<2:ress out of doors. I am run- 
 uiiig the rogues j^i'titty hard. Dana was the first men- 
 tioned to me. He has given uj) Doctor Gordon, of 
 Jamaica Plains. You well remember the old Jesuit — 
 he made us a visit at Fredericksburg, and is writing 
 the history of America. The proverb is verified, 
 " There never was any mischief but had a j^riest or a 
 woman at the bottom." I doubt not subornation and 
 every species of villainy will be made use of to cover the 
 villainy of the attack. I have written to Gordon, and 
 what do you think is his answer i — he will give uj) 
 his author if I will pledge my honor " neither to give 
 nor accept a challenge, to cause it to be given nor ac- 
 cepted, nor to engage in any rencounter that may pro- 
 duce a duel." Pleasant terms enough. I am first to 
 be calumniated, and then, if my calumniator takes it 
 into his head, I am to bear a cudo-ellino* from him with 
 Christian patience and forbearance ; for the terms 
 required, if pursued to their consequences, come to this. 
 I have ridiculed the proposal, and insisted on the 
 author, on the principle of unconditional suhmission. 
 What the Doctor's impudence will answer, I know 
 not. But you who know my sentiments will know 
 how to join me in despising these miserable detractors. 
 On revising my work, I find several strokes of the 
 true school-boy sul)lime. Pray let them pass, and 
 admire them if you can. 
 
 West Point, Sept. 11, IVTQ. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 157 
 
 [tHOMAS PAINE TO HENEY LAURENS.] 
 
 Philadelphia, Sept. 14th, 1119. 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 It was my intention to have communicated to you 
 the substance of this letter hist Sunday, had I not 
 been prevented by a return of my fever ; perhaps 
 finding myself unwell, and feeling, as well as a23i:)re- 
 hending inconveniences, have produced in me some 
 thouo-hts for mvself as well as for others. 
 
 I need not repeat to you the part I have acted, or 
 the principle I have acted upon ; and perhaps America 
 would feel the less obligation to me, did she know, 
 that it was neither place, nor the people, l)ut the cause 
 itself, that irresistibly engaged me in its support ; for 
 I should have acted the same part in any other^ coun- 
 try, could the same circumstances have arisen there 
 which have happened here. I have often been obliged 
 to form this distinction to myself, by Avay of smooth- 
 ing over some disagreeable ingratitudes, which, you 
 well know, have been shown to me from a ceituiu 
 quarter. 
 
 I find myself so curiously circumstanced, that I 
 have both too many friends and too few ; the general- 
 ity of them thinking, that, from the public part I have 
 so lona: acted, I cannot have less than a mine to draw 
 from. What they have had from me, they have got 
 for nothing, and they consequently suppose I must be 
 able to afford it. 
 
158 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 I know but one kind of life I am fit for, and that 
 is a tliinking one, and, of course, a writing one. But 
 I liave confined myself so mucli of late, taken so little 
 exercise, and lived so very sparingly, that unless I 
 alter my way of life, it will alter me. I think I have 
 a right to ride a horse of my own, but I cannot now 
 even afford to hire one, which is a situation I never 
 was in before, and I begin to know that a sedentary 
 life cannot be supported without getting exercise. 
 
 Having said thus much, which, in truth, is Init loss 
 of time to tell you who so well know how I am situ- 
 ated, I take the li]3erty of communicating to you iny 
 design of doing some degree of justice to myself; but 
 even this is accomjDanied with some present difficul- 
 ties ; but it is the easiest, and, I believe, the most use- 
 ful and respectable of any I can think of. 
 
 I intended this winter to collect all my publica- 
 tions, beginning with Common Sense and ending with 
 fisheries, and i^ublishing them in two volumes octavo 
 with notes. I have no douljt of a large subscription. 
 The principal difficulty will l^e to get paper, and I can 
 think of no way more practicable, than to desire Ar- 
 thur Lee to send over a quantity fi'om France in the 
 Confederacy, if she goes there, and settling for it with 
 his brother. 
 
 After that work is completed, I intend prosecuting 
 a history of the Revolution, by means of a subscrip- 
 tion ; but this undertaking will be attended with such 
 an amazing expense, and will take such a length of 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 159 
 
 time, that unless the States individually give some 
 assistance therein, scarcely any man could atford to go 
 through it. 
 
 Some kind of an history might be easily executed, 
 made up of daily events and trilling matters, which 
 would lose their importance in a few years. But a 
 proper history cannot even be begun, unless the secrets 
 of the other side of the water can be ol:>tained, for the 
 first part is so interwoven with the politics of Ensj- 
 land, that that which will be the last to get at, must 
 be the first to begin with ; and this single instance is 
 sufficient to show that no history can take place for 
 some time. 
 
 My design, if I undertake it, is to comjDrise it in 
 three quarto volumes, and to publish one each year 
 from the time of bes-innino:, and to make an abrids^- 
 ment afterwards in an easy, as-reeable lano:ua2:e, for a 
 school-l~»ook. All the histories of ancient wars that 
 are used for this purpose, promote no moral reflection, 
 but, like the Beggars' Opera, render the villain pleas- 
 ins; in the hero. 
 
 Another thing that will prolong the completion of 
 an history, is the w^ant of plates, which only can be 
 done in Europe ; for that part of a history Avhich is 
 intended to convey description of places or persons, 
 will ever be imperfect without them. 
 
 I have now. Sir, acquainted you with my design, 
 and unwilling, as you know I am, to make use of a 
 friend while I can possibly avoid it, I am really obliged 
 
IQQ MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 to say, tliat I should now be glad to consult witli two 
 or three on some matters that regard my situation, till 
 such time as I can bring the first of those subscrip- 
 tions to bear, or set them on foot, which cannot well 
 be until I can get the paper ; for, should I disappoint 
 of that, with the subscriptions in my hand, I might 
 be reflected upon, and the reason, though a true one, 
 would be subject to other explanations. 
 
 Here lies the difficulty I alluded to in the begin- 
 nino' of the letter, and I would rather wish to borrow 
 something of a friend or two, in the interim, than run 
 the risk I have mentioned, because, should I be disap- 
 pointed by the paper being taken, or not arriving in 
 time, the reason being understood by them before- 
 hand, will not injure me ; but in the other case it 
 w^ould, and, in the mean time, I can be preparing for 
 publication. I have hitherto kept all my private mat- 
 ters a secret, but as I know your friendship, and you 
 a great deal of my situation, I can with more ease 
 communicate them to you than to another. 
 
 I am, dear Sir, your obedient humble servant, 
 
 Thomas Paiisie. 
 
 p. S. — If you are not engaged to-morrow evening, 
 I should be glad to spend part of it with you ; if you 
 are, I shall wait your opportunity. 
 
 The Honourable Henry Laurens, Esq. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. IQl 
 
 [kD. L. HAYWAKD to JOHN LAURKNS.] 
 
 Georgetown, December, 1779. 
 
 I SEND you the Journal promised in my letter of 
 the 9tli. A careful reading will verify my remark, that 
 if lying could effect a peace with Old England, the 
 colonies long ere this would be under the ancient j'ule, 
 thinking more of ploughshares and pruning-hooks than 
 of the finesse of horrida hella. — I will write on Tues- 
 day by Miles' shallop. 
 
 Yours ever, in the bonds, tfec, 
 
 Ed. L. IIaywakd. 
 
 jouexal of the siege of savannah. 
 
 Septemhev 3(/, 1779. — Sa^v from Tybee Light-house 
 four large ships in the offing ; sent Lieut. Lock in the 
 pilot-boat to reconnoitre them. 
 
 Uli. — ^The Lieutenant returned, and reported the 
 strange ships in the offing to Ije two French ships-of- 
 the-line, two frigates, and a sloop. 
 
 ^tli. — They stood off this day, and a2:)peared again. 
 
 ^tli. — Lieut. Whitwortli was dispatclied with ad- 
 vice to New York, of the enemy being on this coast, 
 but was chased in l)y the French. 
 
 ^th. — Lieut. Whitwortli sailed again, and, we hope, 
 escaped the enemy ; employed in sounding the North 
 Channel, and bringing the Rose, Keppel, and German 
 men-of-war into it, and mooring them. 
 
 Wh. — The signal was made from tlie Light-house, 
 of seeing 18 sail; at sunset counted 41 sail, 32 of 
 21 
 
1G2 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 wLich appeared large sliij^s ; an officer and reinforce- 
 ment came to Tybee fort, wliicli liad only one 24- 
 pounder and one 8A-incli liowitzer. Came slow from 
 Coclvspnr and anchored in the North Channel; His 
 Majesty's ship Fowey, the Savannah armed ship, trans- 
 ports, and prison-ships, ready to go u]) Savannah 
 River, started all the water except the gi'onnd tier. 
 
 9^/^. — x\.t daylight saw the French fleet, some of 
 them in chase of a schooner with English colours, 
 wdiich they took. 
 
 10th. — Four of the enemy's ships got under way at 
 high water, and stood for Tybee ; the Fowey made 
 the signal to weigh ; weighed with the Fo^vey, Kep- 
 pel, and Comet galley, and ran up Savannah River as 
 far as Long Reach ; the Fowey got aground on White 
 Vester Bank ; ordered the Keppel and Comet to lier 
 assistance, with l)oats, anchors, <fec. ; the fort was 
 abandoned and l^urnt ; the French ships anchored off 
 Tybee ; the Fowey got off at high water. 
 
 IXtlt. — Employed sounding, and laying off the 
 channel leading to Savannah ; the Fowey, Keppel, 
 and Comet galley anchored there. 
 
 12th. — At sunset a French ship anchored off Tybee ; 
 two more anchored in the South Channel, and one in 
 the north ; perceive she was aground. 
 
 13///'. — At 2 p. M. a sloop, the Crawford, came 
 alongside ; sent 8 nine-pounders, 400 shot, and 8 bar- 
 rels of powder, &c., to the army ; the Comet galley 
 moved to Cockspur, and exchanged some shot with 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPOXDENCE. 1^3 
 
 tlie Frencli ship aground ; the French fleet at anchor 
 without the bar; at 7 a. m. weighed, as did the 
 Fowey, Keppel, and Comet galley; at half-past, the 
 ship took the ground, Lut soon floated ; anchored 
 with the small bower at 8 ; weighed and came up 
 the river at 1 1 ; anchored at Five Fathom Hole. 
 
 14//^ — Sent Lieut. Lock, 26 seamen, Captain Ran- 
 kin, and all the marines, to reinforce the army, jDer 
 order from Commodore Henry. 
 
 Ibth. — At 2, the Kepj^el and Comet went down the 
 harbour to cover and protect the troops expected from 
 Beaufort ; this day I joined the army with the remain- 
 ing part of the officers and ship's compau}^, leaving 
 only enough to keep the ship free ; j)osted the officers 
 and seamen to the different batteries in the line ; the 
 General received a summons from Count D'Estaino; to 
 surrender, <tc., &c., To the Ar:\is of tile French 
 King; a council of war was called on the occasion, 
 and an answer was sent ; a trooper of Pulaski « was 
 brought in this morning. 
 
 IQth. — ^The remainder of the Eose and Fowey's 
 guns were landed ; the guns were immediately mount- 
 ed on the different batteries ; Colonel Maitland and 
 the troops from Beaufort arrived, Tlst, and New York 
 Volunteers — brave fellows ; Savannah in the highest 
 spirits. 
 
 1*1 til. — A truce agreed on for twenty-foui' hours, 
 viz., till gun fire p. m. 
 
 I'^tli. — Continued truce. 
 
1(34- MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 19/A. — Hands sent down to bring the ships up 
 nearer the town ; all the ships moored ; the pickets 
 firing most part of the night. 
 
 20//?. — New works thrown up ; the French ship ; 
 rebel galleys moving up the river ; orders from Capt. 
 Henry to scuttle and sink the Kose man-of-war in the 
 channel, which was immediately done after getting out 
 as many of her stores, <fec., as the time would admit ; 
 the Savannah armed ship and Venus transport were 
 burnt, with their guns and j^rovisions, ammunition, 
 &c.; two or three transports sunk at Five Fathom 
 Hole, or thereabouts, with all their sails burnt, <fec,, 
 &c. 
 
 21-9 f. — Two negroes deserted from the enemy ; re- 
 port them strong, Gen. Lincoln, with the rebel army, 
 having joined the French, and that they are preparing 
 for the attack ; strengthening our ^vorks ; firing occa- 
 sionally on the enemy to disturb them. 
 
 22c/. — The enemy still opening works to the left ; 
 fired on them occasionally from the batteries. 
 
 2'M. — Strengthening the works, and throwing up 
 intrenchments in front of the different corps in the 
 line. 
 
 24fh. — At 7 in the morning saw the enemy very 
 busy intrenching themselves to the left of the bar- 
 racks ; three companies of light infantry made a sortie 
 with great spirit; the enemy being too numerous 
 oblio-ed them to retreat under the fire of our batteries, 
 Avith the loss of 21 killed and -wounded; Lieut. Mc- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 105 
 
 Plierson, of the 71st, was killed; it is supposed the 
 enemy suffered consideraLly ; the enemy fired several 
 cannon in our line from two 18-pounders, and some 
 4-pounders ; a flag was sent to bury the dead on both 
 sides ; in the afternoon the enemy's galleys advanced 
 near the works ; our galleys exchanged several shot 
 with them, and returned under the sea battery ; the 
 new battery behind the bai-racks finished this day, 
 mounted with two 18-pounders, two 9-pounders, and 
 field-pieces ; throwing up intrenchments in front of the 
 different corps in the French lines, about half a mus- 
 ket-shot from our abatis ; the pickets exchanged shot 
 the greatest part of the night, we throwing shells into 
 their works, and firing on them from our batteries 
 every fifteen minutes. 
 
 'Hbtli. — ^Tlie French threw up new works on the left 
 of the barracks, in which they mounted two 18-pounders 
 en harhette^ but were driven from them by oiu' bat- 
 teries ; in the evening, the rebel galleys advanced up 
 to the Rose, but were ol^liged to retii'e by the fire from 
 the Comet and Thunderer galleys ; continue thi'owing 
 shells and firing on their works during the night. 
 
 26^7i. — At 11 A. M. the enemy's galleys fired a few 
 shot at the fort on the left of the encampment, with- 
 out effect ; a French frigate advanced to Five Fathom 
 Hole. 
 
 '2*1 til. — At 3 A. M. a small fire of musketry from the 
 pickets ; at 8 a. m. a flag fi-om the French, with private 
 letters from the British prisoners ; destroyed the bar- 
 
IQQ MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 racks, and carried off tlie wood, &c., leaving the lower 
 part as a breastwork, to prevent it being fired from 
 tlie enemy ; continue throwing shells and cannonading 
 the enemy's works during the night. 
 
 28//^. — At 1 in the morning a small firing between 
 the pickets ; a rebel taken close to our abatis ; about 
 2, another firing from our pickets ; at 9 a. m. a French 
 frigate moved up the Back River, and moored her 
 stern and head ; every thing quiet this day ; the enemy 
 are carrying on their works ; 8 p. m., the Thunderer 
 galley moored near the French frigate, and began to 
 cannonade her ; the frigate did not return her fire. 
 
 29fh. — At daylight this morning, saw a new in- 
 trenchment on the left, raised during the night Ijy the 
 enemy, within half a musket-shot of our lines ; em- 
 ployed throwing up breastworks to the right and left 
 of the barracks; fired on the enemy's works every 
 fifteen minutes from the batteries and howitzers dur- 
 ing the night. 
 
 ZOtJi. — At daylight perceived the enemy working 
 and extending their intrenchments ; at 7 a. m. the 
 Thunderer galley advanced towards the French frigate 
 in the Back River, and fired at her ; she did not return 
 a shot; the Thunderer returned, having broken the 
 platform of her gun; at 10 a. m. a brig came up to 
 Five Fathom Hole ; the rebel galleys on their former 
 station near the works below ; the Rose, a boat with a 
 small gun, fired at the Thunderer without eff*ect ; a 
 launch and another boat went up the Back River ; a 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 167 
 
 man came in from the enemy ; giv^es no satisfactory 
 intelligence ; some tiring from the battery on the right, 
 and the armed vessels, on the enemy at Yamacraw, as 
 well as from the batteries in the front and the left on 
 the French intrenchments : this nisrlit an officer of 
 Pulaski's was wounded, and brought into the lines by 
 the pickets. 
 
 October Xst. — At 7 a. m. the French frigate in the 
 Back River fired some shot towards the town, and at 
 the negroes on Hutchinson's Island; perceived the 
 enemy in front and on the left busy in their works, 
 embrasures, tfec. ; a flag from us to the French, with 
 letters from the wounded officer, taken last night; 
 still employed strengthening our lines, particularly in 
 front ; sent out of the lines two dragoons of Pulaski's 
 legion by a flag, who had been detained some time 
 here, and received an officer of the same legion with a 
 flao;, Mons. Bentoloso, who came to see the officer that 
 was wounded and Ijrought in last night ; employed in 
 strongly throwing up a new battery on our left, to be 
 mounted with eight 9-pounders, to act on the enemy's 
 batteries ; in hourly expectation of the attack ; this 
 afternoon fresh lireezes from E. N. E., and rain ; fired 
 durino^ the nio-ht from the batteries in front, and threw 
 some shells into the French intrenchments. 
 
 2r7. — Rainy weathei', \vind E. N. E. ; the enemy 
 still working in their intrenchments, and preparing 
 the batteries; at noon the enemy's galleys advanced 
 near the sea 1 jattery, and began to cannonade, as did 
 
168 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 the frigate in the Back River; several of their shot 
 came into the rear of the camp without doing execu- 
 tion ; the Thunderer returned a few shot, the sea bat- 
 tery did not ; a deserter from Pulaski's legion reports 
 the enemy's batteries to be near ready ; a deserter 
 from the French likewise, with the same account ; the 
 friscate in the Back River fired a^-ain in the afternoon, 
 without eifect ; threw shells, and fired from the l^at- 
 teries into the French intrenchments to disturb them 
 during the night. 
 
 3(^. — Rainy weather, wind E. N. E. ; the enemy still 
 w^orking in the intrenchments, and completing their 
 batteries ; the French frigate firing on the rear of the 
 camp without effect; at 12 o'clock this night the 
 enemy opened the bomb batteries, and threw several 
 shells into the town and camp; at daybreak they 
 opened their batteries, and fired warmly into the town, 
 but none into the field. 
 
 4/7^. — The enemy still continue their fire from the 
 boml) and other batteries ; it was returned by us. 
 
 5M. — ^The enemy still cannonading the camp and 
 town; at night a house took fire, but it went out 
 without communicating to any other building ; the 
 frigate and galleys firing as usual ; heard a cannonade 
 at sea. 
 
 Q)th. — The enemy still firing on the works, camp, 
 and town ; the line turned out at dawn on an alarm 
 that the enemy were approaching ; the cannonade and 
 bombardment continued all night. 
 
LAUKENS' CORRESPONDENCE. ^ f , 
 
 ^itli. — Still continue cannonading and thro win r*- 
 shells on both sides, the enemy thro whig most of their 
 fire towards the tow^n, which suffers considerably ; a 
 9-poimder in our battery to the right of the barracks 
 burst, and wounded a seaman ; carpenter employed in 
 repairing the platform in the Ebenezer battery, which 
 had been broken by the enemy's shells; at 7 at night 
 the enemy threw several carcases into the town, aiid 
 burnt one house, 
 
 S^'A.— The enemy fired little this morning, Init dur- 
 ing the night cannonaded and bomliarded the town 
 furiously. 
 
 9M. — At drum-beating in the morning, the French 
 attacked us warmly on the right, and endeavoured to 
 storm the redoul^t and Ebenezer battery ; the grena- 
 diers of the 60th regiment advanced to support them, 
 and after an obstinate resistance by the French, they 
 drove them back with great slaugliter; their loss is 
 reported to be six or seven hundred killed, w^ounded, 
 and prisoners ; our loss. Captain James, of the dra- 
 goons, who died nol)ly fighting on the parapet of the 
 redoubt, seven of the 60th killed and w^ounded, and 
 two marines killed and four ^vounded ; a flao- fi-om the 
 French to bury their dead, which was granted ; at 8 
 at night the French beat a parley, but were refused 
 by us; they fired cannon and shells during the night 
 without any other effect than destroying the houses. 
 
 '[Otli. — This morning sent a flag to bury their dead ; 
 the rebels sent one for the same purpose ; the truce 
 22 
 
170 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 lasted from 10 a. m. till 4 p. m. ; tlie Frencli fired several 
 caimou when it expired; between 8 and 9 p. m. our 
 l^ickets fired on the right several shots ; the lines lay on 
 their arms all night, and the seamen stood to their can- 
 non ; no other firins: from either side dnrino;; the niixht. 
 
 11th. — ^This morning very foggy; no alarm from 
 the enemy ; our line very alert and in high spirits ; 
 the French and rebels- sent in flags of truce during the 
 greatest part of the day ; the enemy employed bury- 
 ing their dead, carrj^ing off their wounded, and search- 
 ins: for their missins; ; the French take off all their can- 
 non and mortars in the night, leaving only some small 
 field-pieces to amuse us; our whole lines in spirits, 
 ready for another attack ; several deserters, French and 
 rebel, come in, and all report that the enemy are mov- 
 ing, and that their loss in the attack is more than we 
 imagined ; the rebels miss thirteen hundred ; the 
 French loss uncertain, but greater than the rebels, as 
 they fought like soldiers^ and were killed and wound- 
 ed, but the rebels'* loss is from desertion immediately 
 after the defeat. 
 
 12 th. — ^The French amused us with four cannon- 
 shot at daybreak ; more deserters come in, — say they 
 are retreating ; Count D'Estaing was at the attack, and 
 was dangerously wounded in two places, and the 
 flower of the French army killed or wounded ; Count 
 Pulaski mortally wounded ; the enemy very quiet all 
 night; opened a new battery on the right, of three 
 4-p()unders. 
 
LAURExVS' CORRESPONDENCE, l7l 
 
 l^th. — We fired a gun at 2 in the morning; the 
 Frencli returned two shot ; the whole line very alert, 
 and under arms ; a flag out at 9, to return the wound- 
 ed French oflScers and soldiers ; the frigate in the Back 
 River moved down at high water ; heard several guns 
 from the sea, which w^e suppose signals; more desert- 
 ers come in, who reported the enemy's loss to be great ; 
 the rebel militia are mostly gone off, and the rest dis- 
 pirited, and ready to march to Charlestown ; our bat- 
 teries in front fired on the enemy's works at intervals 
 during the night ; the enemy returned the fire, which 
 seemed to come from one gun ; nothing more material 
 during the night. 
 
 lifh. — More deserters from the French and rebels, 
 who make the same report as the former ; at 9 this 
 morning a flag out to settle an exchange of prisoners ; 
 some information gives us reason to expect a vigorous 
 attack from the French, as soon as they have got off 
 their heavy baggage, cannon, sick, and wounded ; we 
 fired at times during the night on the enemy's works ; 
 they returned two shot only from two small pieces, 
 supposed to be 6-pounders. 
 
 15 fJi. — The enemy very quiet this morning; we 
 could not hear the rebels' reveille ; the French beat 
 the drums, but fired no morning gun ; a light-ship 
 came to Five Fathom Hole, suppose for water ; two 
 galleys joined the former one ; more deserters come in, 
 and report the enemy to be on the retreat ; that their 
 loss the morning of the engagement was very great. 
 
172 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 particularly in their l)est officers ; they are very sickly, 
 and discontented with the rebels ; the regiment Dar- 
 niagnac are on their march to Benie, with baggage, sick, 
 and wounded ; the night quiet, firing occasionally from 
 the ground battery on the enemy's intrenchments ; 
 they returned three or four shot. 
 
 16^/^. — The French beat the reveille, the rebels did 
 not ; more deserters from the French confirming the 
 former reports of their great loss and retreat ; we are, 
 however, on our guard ; the frigates in the river loose 
 their topsails, as vv^e suppose, to drop down and cover 
 the retreat of the French ; an alarm at sunset that the 
 enemy was forming in our front ; the lines under arms ; 
 the rebels set fire to some houses on our right, as w^ell 
 as in our front ; our armed negroes skirmishing with 
 the rebels the whole afternoon ; we fired occasionally 
 during the night on the enemy's works and camp ; 
 they returned two phot. 
 
 l^ith. — The French beat the reveille, the rebels did 
 not ; hsard the report of several cannon ; a manager 
 of Sir Jame^^ Wright's, from Ogeechee, reports that the 
 enemy were preparing for a retreat ; that they lost the 
 day of the attack, fifteen hundred men killed and 
 wounded, and the desertion very great ; fired as usual 
 at the enemy's works ; they returned three shots. 
 
 l^th. — The French beat the reveille, the rebels did 
 not, but they were heard working in the woods ; the 
 armed negroes l)r()Ught in two rebel dragoons and 
 eight horses, and killed two rebels who were in a for- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 173 
 
 aging party ; only one deserter tliis clay from tlie 
 Frencli, wlio aives the same account as the former 
 ones ; many "boats observed passing from the enemy's 
 vessels and their army ; nothing material during the 
 night ; we fired as usual on their works, and they re- 
 tui'ned three shots from a 6-pounder ; our lines very 
 alert, and generally on their arms ready to receive the 
 enemy. 
 
 19^/^. — The French beat the reveille, the rebels not, 
 but were heard cutting in the woods ; the ship that 
 came to Five Fathom Hole moved down the river, as 
 we supposed, full of water and the French baggage. 
 
 20^/^. — The French beat the reveille, but did not 
 fire the mornino; jxun : two deserters that came in this 
 day, say the rebels marched off yesterday evening, 
 after having fired their camp ; the frigate fell down 
 lower, but the wind being against her, could not go 
 further. 
 
 [JOHN LATTKENS TO .] 
 
 Charlestowj;, Feb. 25, 1T80. 
 
 TiTE British army, said to be under the command 
 of Sir Henry Clinton, are distributed on Port Royal 
 Island, John's Island, Stono Ferry, and a detachment, 
 last night, upon James's Island. Head-quarters are at 
 Fenwick's House, on John's Island. Four of their gal- 
 leys have been seen between John's and James's Islands ; 
 the number of troops not known — suj^posed to be 
 much diminished since the embarkation at New York. 
 
17J: MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 About twelve deserters fi^oiu the fleet and army Lave 
 come iuto Charlestown, and as many prisoners taken 
 by our Light Horse. Different deserters from fleet 
 and army agree in reporting very heavy losses at sea. 
 Three ships plundered, many dismasted ; one brig, two 
 shij)s taken, and brought into Charlestown ; a brig 
 carried into North Carolina. One of the deserters 
 informs, that thirteen sail were lost on the I'ocks of 
 Bermuda. There is undoubtedly some grand impedi- 
 ment to the enemy's j^rogress. All their horses per- 
 ished at sea, and much of their furniture was captured. 
 Three days ago passed by Charlestown bar, in a hard 
 gale of wind, a sixty-four gun ship, a frigate, and some 
 transports. These may be gone to New York for fur- 
 ther supplies, l)ut all is conjecture. Near the bar of 
 Charlestown daily appear a frigate and other ships of 
 war, reconnoitering and blocking uj) the harbour of 
 Charlestown. We have four Continental frigates, two 
 French armed shij)S, two State armed ships, six other 
 armed vessels, some of them carrying very heavy can- 
 non. The enemy's delay has afforded an opportunity 
 for strenii-theninoi: the lines of Charlestown, which Avill 
 be in pretty good order to-morrow. The number of 
 men within the lines uncertain, but hj far too few for 
 defendino; works of near three miles in circumference, 
 especially considering many of them to be citizens, and 
 unaccustomed to tlie fatigues of a besieged garrison, 
 and many of the Continental troops half naked. Re- 
 inforcements are expected. General Hogan is within 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. I75 
 
 a few miles. The Virginia troops are somewliere ! — 
 Assistance from that sister-State has been expected 
 these eio-hteeu months. General Moultrie is formiu*^ 
 a camp at Baconl^ridge, where he has about five hun- 
 dred horse, being horse of this State, Baylor's and 
 Bland's of Virginia. General Williamson is encamped 
 at Augusta; a thousand men are expected from his 
 brigade. General Eichardsou and Colonel Carhew 
 are raising the militia at and about Camden. At this 
 moment our escape depends on further delay on the 
 enemy's part. Two or three ^veeks more will make 
 this garrison strong ; the iuhaljitants, in general, are 
 in good sjDiiits. Competent judges say, that Sir Henry 
 Clinton will then have cause to repent his enterprise. 
 This affords encouragement, but events in war are un- 
 certain, and if we do not receive assistance, the next 
 intelligence may be quite contrary. Hasten the A"ir- 
 ginia troops, if you meet them. 
 
 J. L. 
 
 [WASHINGTON TO JOHN LAUKENS.] 
 
 Head-quarters, Morristown, 26th of April, 1T80. 
 
 My dear Laurens : 
 
 I HAVE received your letters of the 14th of FeT>ru- 
 ary and 14th of March, and am much obliged to you 
 for the military details they contain. 
 
 I sincerely lament that your prospects are not bet- 
 ter than they are. The impracticability of defending 
 the bar, I fear, amounts to the loss of the to^v^n and 
 
276 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 garrison. At this distance it is difficult to judge for 
 you, and I have the greatest confidence in General 
 Lincoln's prudence ; but it really appears to me that 
 the propriety of attempting to defend the town de- 
 pended on the probability of defending the bar, and 
 that when this ceased, the attempt ought to have been 
 relinquished. In this, however, I suspend a definitive 
 judgment, and wish you to consider wdiat I say as 
 confidential. 
 
 Since your last to me, I have received one fi^om 
 General Lincoln of the 24th of March, in which he 
 informs me that the enemy had gotten a sixty-four gun 
 ship, with a number of other vessels, over the bar, and 
 that it had been determined to abandon the project of 
 disputing the passage by Sullivan's Island, and to 
 draw up the frigates to the to\vn, and take out their 
 cannon. This brings your affairs nearer to a dangerous 
 crisis, and increases my apprehensions. 
 
 You will have learnt from General Lincoln, that a 
 second detachment had sailed from New York tlie 7th 
 instant, supposed to be destined to reinforce Sir Henry 
 Clinton. I have not yet ascertained all the particular 
 corps, but know that the 42 d, the Irish Volunteers, 
 Queen's Rangers, and some foreign troops, are of the 
 number, and have every reason to believe the total is 
 what I mentioned to him— from 2,000 to 2,500. They 
 appeared a few days since off Chesapeake Bay, but 
 immediately continued their voyage. 
 
 I have just received an account of the arrival of 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDExNCE. 177 
 
 tlie 47 transports, the L^-itli iust., at New York from 
 South Carolina, and that there were strong symptoms 
 of another embarkation. This circumstance is to me 
 not of easy explanation. I should imagine that Sir 
 Henry Clinton's present force was equal to his object, 
 and that he would not require more. The garrison of 
 New York and its dependencies, at this time, cannot 
 much exceed 8,000 men — a number barely sufficient 
 for its defence, and not with propriety admitting a 
 diminution. Perhaps, however, counting upon our 
 weakness, the enemy may determine to hazard some- 
 thing here, the more effectually to prosecute and secure 
 conquest to the Southward ; or perhaps he may only 
 intend to detach a force for a temporary divei'sion in 
 Virginia or North Carolina, to return afterwards to 
 New York. I expect more certain advice to-day, and 
 should it confirm the first, any demonstrations it may 
 be in our j^ower to make to retard or prevent the em- 
 barkation, shall 1)6 put in practice ; but unfortunately 
 we have very little in our power. 
 
 In both your letters you express a wish that I 
 should come to the Southward. Though I cannot flat- 
 ter myself with the advantages j'ou look for from such 
 a step, yet if it were proposed by Congress, I confess 
 to you I should not dislike the journey, did our affiurs 
 in this quarter permit it. But unluckily the great 
 departments of the army are now in total confusion, 
 and Congress have just appointed a committee, in con- 
 junction with me, to new-model and rectify them. 
 
178 
 
 MATERIALS FOK HISTORY. 
 
 Till this is done, I could not leave this army. And 
 were not this obstacle in the way, you will easily con- 
 ceive I must have many scruples which forbid me to 
 let the measure in question originate with me. But 
 all this for your private ear. 
 
 Be assured, my dear Laurens, that I am extremely 
 sensible to the expressions of your attachment, and 
 that I feel all for you in your present situation which 
 the warmest friendship can dictate. I am confident 
 you will do your duty, and in doing it you must run 
 great hazards. May success attend you, and restore 
 you, with fresh laui'cls, to your friends, to jour coun- 
 try, and to me. 
 
 With every sentiment of regard and affection, I am 
 sincerely yours. Go. Washington. 
 
 Lieut.-Col. Laurens. 
 
 [m. MARBOIS to henry LAURENS.] 
 
 December, 1780. 
 
 Articles of which you are requested to give some 
 details. 
 
 1. The Charters of your State. 
 
 2. Its present Constitution. 
 
 3. An exact description of its limits and boun- 
 daries. 
 
 4. The Memoirs published in its name, in the time 
 of its being a Colony, and the pamphlets relating to 
 its interior and exterior affairs, present or ancient. 
 
 5. The history of the State. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 179 
 
 0. A notice of the counties, cities, townsliips, vil- 
 lages, rivers, rivulets — and Low rar they are naviga- 
 ble ; cascades, caverns, mountains, productions, trees, 
 plants, fruits, and other natural riches. 
 
 7. The number of its inhabitants. 
 
 8. The diiferent religions received in that State. 
 
 9. The colleges and public establishments, the 
 roads, buildings, etc. 
 
 10. The administration of justice, and a descrip- 
 tion of the laws. 
 
 11. The particular customs and manners that may 
 happen to be received in that State. 
 
 12. The present state of manufactures, commerce, 
 interior and exterior trade. 
 
 13. A notice of the best seaports of the State, and 
 how big are the vessels they can receive. 
 
 14. A notice of the commercial productions j^ar- 
 ticular to that State, and of those olyects which the 
 inhabitants are obliged to get from Europe and other 
 parts of the world. 
 
 15. The weights, measures, and the currency of 
 hard money; some details relating to the exchange 
 with Europe. 
 
 16. The public income and exj)enses. 
 
 17. The measures taken with regard to the estates 
 and possessions of the rebels commonly called tories. 
 
 18. The condition of the regular troops, and the 
 militia, and their pay. 
 
 19. The marine and navicration. 
 
lyy MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 20. The mines and otiier subterniiieaii riches. 
 
 21. Some samples of the mines, and of the extra- 
 ordinary stones ; in short, a notice of all that can 
 increase the progress of human knowledge. 
 
 22. A description of the Indians established in the 
 State before the European settlements, and of those 
 who are still remaining. An indication of the Indian 
 monuments discovered in that State. 
 
 [henry LAURENS TO M. MARBOIS.] 
 
 Answers to the several questions proposed by Mr. 
 Marbois, as far as my recollection extends, without 
 having recourse to any other materials. 
 
 1. There were two Charters from King Charles the 
 Second, to the Lords Proprietors of Carolina, which 
 included all the countries now known l)y the names 
 of North and South Carolina and Georgia ; a division 
 havinor been made of them afterwards, on account of 
 their extent, and for the convenience of their respec- 
 tive Governments ; but I have not the Charters by me 
 at present ; they have been often printed, and I believe 
 may be found, together with the original Constitution, 
 in Mr. Lock's works. 
 
 2. I have furnished a printed copy of the present 
 Constitution. 
 
 8. South Carolina is bounded by the Atlantic 
 Ocean on the east, by the river Savannah on the 
 south, by a division line between that State and North 
 Carolina on the north, and, by the original Charter, 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. ISl 
 
 extended to the Soutli Sea. on the west ; but since the 
 Treaty of 17G3, the Mississippi has been esteemed the 
 western boundary. 
 
 4. Several memoirs have been published relative 
 to the history of this country, and its interior and ex- 
 terior affairs, wdiich I have it not in my power at pres- 
 ent to furnish, but will pi'ocure whenever I return to 
 that State. 
 
 5. Answered by the foregoing article. 
 
 6. This article cannot be fully answered at present. 
 
 7. The number of white inhabitants were com- 
 puted, at the beginning of the present dispute, at sixty 
 thousand, and the negroes from eighty to one hundred 
 thousand, or thereabouts. 
 
 8. The Constitution mentioned in the 2d Article, 
 allows the free exercise of religious denominations of 
 every sect ; at present only the- different sects of Prot- 
 estants have places of public w^orship erected ; about 
 one-third are of the Church of England, and the re- 
 mainder Dissenters of almost every denomination, 
 chiefly Presl-)yterians and Anabaptists, esjDecially in 
 the interior parts. 
 
 9. There is no college as yet erected, but pretty 
 considerable funds are left by legacies and free gifts 
 towards the institution, and nothing but the present 
 w^ar has prevented the establishment. There are en- 
 dowments for many public and private schools through- 
 oiit the State for the educ.ition of youth. The public 
 roads are well laid out, and were kept in good repair 
 
1^33 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 until the war. All tlie j)ul)lic buildings of any note 
 are in Cba^lesto\^^l, several of ^vliicli are large and ele- 
 gant, and some equal, if not superior, to any on tlie 
 continent, particular!}' tlie Excliange, and two cliurclies 
 of Eno^land : also larij^e and convenient barracks, wMcli 
 will contain about 3,000 troops. 
 
 10. The Common Law of England, civil and crimi- 
 nal, with the addition of such local law\s and regula- 
 tions as were adapted to the circumstances of the 
 State, were the foundations for the establishment of 
 justice ; the trial by jury obtained in all its purity, 
 jurors being drawn by ballot in all cases, and not 
 packed or summoned at the pleasure of the judges or 
 sheriffs, was what the people of this State valued as 
 one of their most inestimable blessings. Their judges, 
 in the Revolution, were appointed during good beha- 
 viour, — before during pleasure, — and held circuit courts 
 in the different districts, for the more easy and con- 
 venient administration of justice. 
 
 11. The customs and manners of the people were 
 in general similar to those in the other Southern 
 States. The inhal)itants were remarkable for their 
 politeness and hospitality, and being generally in easy 
 and affluent circumstances, enalded them to live in a 
 style of grandeur not always found in young States. 
 The slaves lived easy and comfortable, were well pro- 
 vided for, and endured a very moderate share of labour, 
 notwithstanding which the incomes of the estates of 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 1^3 
 
 tlie iuliabitants were in general greater in proportion 
 than tliat of any of their Northern neighbours. 
 
 12. Few or no manufactures were raised in South 
 Carolina previous to the present Revolution. The 
 produce of the country, chiefly raised hy agriculture, 
 wave exj^ortecl to England, in return for which tliey 
 imported from thence all kinds of manufactures of that 
 country ; that trade l^eiug stopped by the present war, 
 most of the inhabitants, j^articularly the planters and 
 farmers, were obliged to set up manufactures of their 
 own ; to raise a large C]uantity of cotton, and consider- 
 able flocks of sheep; also flax and hemp; and from 
 the produce of these materials, they had made consid- 
 erable progress in manuracturing all kinds of coarse 
 cloths, and were enabled to clothe at least two-thirds of 
 their negroes, and, in the interior parts of the country, 
 most of the white inhabitants. On many estates were 
 three or four looms constantly employed, and few or 
 none were without one oi* two ; so that, had they been 
 unmolested for three or four years longer, and the war 
 continued, they would have doubled their manufac- 
 tures of these articles. Nevertheless, when peace is 
 restored, there is no doul)t but they would quit the 
 most of these manufactures, and return again to their 
 former employment, preferring to send their raw mate- 
 rials to Europe, and receive in return their manufac- 
 tures, especially those of a finer sort, which they 
 could afford to do greatly to their advantage, by the 
 
184: MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 price of labour being so mueli cheaper in Eurojje tliuu 
 America. 
 
 13. There are only three seaports of any conse- 
 quence in South Carolina, viz., Charlestown, Beaufort, 
 and Georgetown. The harbour of Beaufort will admit 
 of ships of sixty or seventy guns ; Charlestown, frig- 
 ates of thirty-six guns ; and Georgetown only vessels 
 of eleven or twelve feet water. Charlestown being in 
 the centre, the chief part of the trade was brought 
 thither. 
 
 14. Rice, indigo, Indian corn, peas, hemp, lumber, 
 potash, pearlash, and madder, and naval stores, were 
 the princij^al productions of Carolina. Of these, rice, 
 indigo, and naval stores, namely, pitch, tar, turpentine, 
 were chiefly shipped to Europe ; the other articles to 
 the West Indies, in return for which, rum, sugar, mo- 
 lasses, and coffee, were brought from the latter, and all 
 kinds of woollen and linens, fine and coarse, hardware, 
 and, in short, almost all the manufactures of Europe 
 and the East Indies, were imported from England and 
 Scotland in return. In addition to the foregoing, con- 
 siderable quantity of deer skins, salted beef, pork, and 
 butter, were annually exported. From one hundred 
 to one hundred and fifty thousand barrels of rice, and 
 one million pounds weight of indigo to a million and 
 a half, have been exported in one year ; but since the 
 present war, not more than half that quantity has been 
 raised, owing to many labourers being taken ofi" fr^om 
 aoTiculture to manufactures. Materials for shii)-lniild- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 185 
 
 iuo- are iu o-i-eat abuudauce, and of tlie 1)est kinds — ■ 
 live oak and cedar for timbers, and pitch pine for 
 plank. Vessels built of tliese materials will last fifty 
 years or longer. Timber may be furnislied for any 
 number of skips of war, from fifty guns and under. 
 
 15. The weights and measures were in general 
 regulated by those in England. Hard money of the 
 diiferent nations in Europe passed current in the State, 
 and the exchange in general was at par ; the balance 
 of trade, except when large importations of negroes 
 were brou«:ht in, beinsj in favour of Carolina. Great 
 quantities of gold and silver were imported, particu- 
 larly from Portugal, to purchase the products of the 
 country. 
 
 16. The annual expense of the State previous to 
 the war, and in peaceable times, was about twenty 
 thousand pounds sterling, one-half of which was raised 
 by duties on negroes imported ; also on rum, sugar, 
 wines, and a few other luxuries, and the remainder by 
 a tax on lands, negroes, moneys at interest, and stock 
 in trade, collected once a year. The quit-rents went 
 into the King's coffers, and, with the duties laid by 
 the late revenue acts, which brought on the war, went 
 to the support of the officers of the Crown. Since the 
 Ke volution, the civil establishment of the State, with 
 troops, gamsons, fortifications, etc., <fec., make a con- 
 siderable augmentation to the former expenses, and 
 may be estimated from thii'ty to forty thousand pounds 
 sterling per annum. 
 
 21 
 
18(j MATERIALS FOK HISTORY. 
 
 17. Tlie tories and others wlio refused to take tlie 
 oatlis of allegiance, were ordered off the State, and 
 were allowed two years to dispose of their property, 
 and remove it away. No act of confiscation had passed 
 the Leo-islature, when the British took Charlestown. 
 
 18. The reguhir troops were according to the 
 requisitions of Congress, and upon the same footing of 
 other Continental trooj)S, in addition to which the State 
 keep in pay about three hundred infantry and a regi- 
 ment of light horse, with the same pay and establish- 
 ment as the Continentals ; and the militia, when called 
 into the field, were also on the same establishment — 
 the number supposed about ten thousand, only one- 
 third of which could be called out at one time except 
 the State was actually invaded, when the whole, by 
 law, were to turn out. 
 
 19. Before the war, about four hundred sail of 
 vessels were usually employed in the trade of South 
 Carolina, one-tenth of which were owned in the State, 
 since which time most of the trade has been carried 
 on by theu^ own vessels. The marine consisted of two 
 large fleets purchased fi'om Count D'Estaing, three or 
 four armed brigs, four galleys; and they sent Com- 
 modore Gil Ion to Europe to build or purchase three 
 frigates. 
 
 20. No mines except iron mines have ever been 
 opened in this State, and those only since the war, 
 though there is no doul)t but many othei'S may be 
 found in the interior parts, if properly explored. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 187 
 
 21. No sulphur has been discovered in this State 
 hitherto. The best natural history of this country 
 will be found in Catesley's book of Natural History, 
 published l^y a society of noblemen and gentlemen 
 about thirty-live years ago, 
 
 22. All the nations of Indians, who inhabited that 
 part of the country now possessed l)y the white peo- 
 ple, are either extinct, or removed far back and united 
 with the neighbouring nations of Cherokees and 
 Creeks; except the Catawbas, who are settled near 
 Camden, and have a district of forty miles square re- 
 served to themselves. They are much reduced in 
 numbers, not having more than seventy or eighty 
 gun-men left. The Cherokees have about twenty-five 
 hundred or three thousand gun-men ; the Creeks be- 
 tween four and five thousand; the Chicasaw^s, who 
 formerly lived in this country, have removed, many 
 years since, far l)ack between the Creeks and Choc- 
 taws. No Indian monuments now remain of any 
 notice in the country. A history was published of 
 these nations, about 1774 or 1775, in London, l)y 
 James Adair. 
 
 [.JOHN SULLIVAN TO M. BE MARBOIS.] 
 
 Philadelphia, December 10, I'/SO. 
 
 Dear Sir : 
 
 I NOW give myself the pleasure of answering your 
 query, so far as may be done with the materials I am 
 possessed of; and beg leave to assure you that I have 
 
Igg MATEK/ALS FOR lilSTORr. 
 
 taken measures for enabling myself to answer the 
 residue. 
 
 As I apj)reliend, you are only in search of facts 
 wliich your known talents will enable you to cover 
 with the most elegant dress. I shall give them with- 
 out any attention to the style or manner. 
 
 New Hampshire never had a charter from the 
 Crown. King James the First, in 1606, granted to 
 the London and Bristol Companies (in one charter) 
 all the lands from U° to 45° K lat. In 1620, a dis- 
 pute arose between those Companies respecting the 
 right to the fishery near Cape Cod, whereupon a new 
 Charter was granted to a Company sometimes called 
 the Council of Plymouth, and sometimes the New 
 England Company, of all the lands between 40° and 
 48° N. lat., (not possessed by any Christian prince or 
 people.) 
 
 The Company made several private grants, from 
 Avhich Colonies took their origin, to Lord Say and 
 Seal. They granted what is now called Connecticut 
 to Sir Henry Roswell and others ; what was formerly 
 Massachusetts, to Sir Ferdinando Gorges ; they grant- 
 ed, in 1729, the old province of Maine, now part of 
 Massachusetts ; and the same year to Captain Mason, 
 what was afterwards called JSTew^ Hampshire ; and in 
 1735, the New England Company surrendered their 
 Charter to the Crown ; as also did the London Com- 
 pany, who had a grant of all the lands between 34° 
 and 45° N. lat. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 189 
 
 Notwithstanding this surrender, the private grants 
 were valid ; and New Hampshire was claimed in vir- 
 tue of Mason's grant, which extended only sixty miles 
 north from the sea; and was bounded east on the 
 river now called Pescataway, (or Piscataqua,) but 
 formerly Newechawanack River, which was the west- 
 ern limits of Sii' Ferdinando Gorges' Patent; the 
 western boundary was the eastern boundary of Sir 
 Henry Roswell's grant, which extended three miles 
 north of Merrimack River, and was to be fixed by a 
 line three miles north of every part thereof. In 1739, 
 a dispute respecting the Avestern boundaries of New 
 Hampshire, which had subsisted for some years, was 
 settled. New Hampshire contended, that as Merri- 
 mack River ran from Pawtucket Falls due east to the 
 sea, that a line three miles north of it might be well 
 understood ; but that, as its course from its source to 
 the Falls was due north and south, it was impossible 
 to conceive of a line three miles north of it. And the 
 Commissioners determined that the line was to con- 
 tinue fi'om the sea to the Falls, and then cross the 
 river three miles above the Falls, and continue a west 
 coui'se till it met with other governments, leaving all 
 the lands on the north of this line to New Hampshire. 
 In consequence of this determination, commissioners 
 to the Governors of New Hampshire have ever since 
 bounded it east by Newechawanack River, and west 
 T)y a line to be drawn from the sea three miles east of 
 Merrimack River to Pawtucket Falls, and from thence 
 
190 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 to be continued on a west line till it met witli His 
 Majesty's other governments. New Hampshire, of 
 course, claimed an extension of this line to Lake 
 Champlain, and New York claimed to stop it on the 
 banks of the Connecticut River, which gave rise to the 
 dispute respecting Vermont. The northern limits 
 were never ascertained, but New Hampshire has ever 
 claimed to the line settled with the French, viz., the 
 45th deg. of N. lat. Having considered your first and 
 third question under one head, I am almost ashamed 
 to inform you, in answer to your second, that New- 
 Hampshire has at present no Constitution. 
 
 When the British Government was thrown off in 
 1775, a convention drew up something w^hich vested 
 all the legislative and executive power in the House 
 and Council, leaving the people power to choose mili- 
 tary and some civil officers, and no alteration of this 
 has yet taken place, though I soon expect it. 
 
 There is no memoir published in its name, or any 
 particular history of it. Perhaps Hutchinson's His- 
 tory of Massachusetts Bay will afford you more light 
 in this respect than any author extant. 
 
 There are at present four counties, viz., Rocking- 
 ham, Strafford, Hillsborough, and Grafton. Rocking- 
 ham is the south, Strafford the east, and Grafton the 
 western. Hillsborough may be propei'ly called the 
 middle county. 
 
 It has no cities or villages, or places that would be 
 so called in Europe, except Portsmouth and Exeter. 
 
LAUKENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 191 
 
 Portsmoutli is tlie metropolis, and contains about seven 
 hundred Louses ; Exeter, two hundred. The counties 
 are divided into townships. Every man has his seat 
 on his own farm. The houses are numerous, but not 
 compact. 
 
 There are a variety of rivers running through the 
 State. All the principal rivers form a junction, and 
 unite in making the great river of Pescataway, which 
 is the only river of consequence that empties into the 
 sea. This river is navigalde for the largest ships five 
 miles from its mouth, and for ships of three hundred 
 tons for twelve miles, where is a meeting of two riv- 
 ers, viz., the old Newechawanack and the Exeter riv- 
 ers. The last of these is navigable for small vessels 
 fifteen miles further; it receives in its course three 
 small streams, viz.. Back River, Dui'ham, and Lamp- 
 reale River. The two latter are navigable for three 
 miles. Exeter River, where it meets with Lampreale 
 River, forms a fine bay of seven miles in length, and 
 from tw^o to six in width. The Newechawanack branch 
 is navio-able for ten miles from the confluence for com- 
 mon merchant vessels. It receives in its course Dover 
 and Great Works River. Beyond the navigable part 
 the tide does not flow^, and it is a large fresh river full 
 of falls, and has on its banks a great number of mills 
 for sawing boards, and for other purposes ; there it 
 takes the name of Salmon Fall River. Merrimack 
 River also runs through New Hampshire, but dis- 
 charges itself into the sea at Newbury]3ort, in Massa- 
 
192 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 chusetts. This is a large and rapid stream, and has 
 some remarkable falls, particularly Amaskeege. There 
 are between Portsmouth and Newbury some very 
 small streams that empty themselves into the sea, only 
 one of them large enough to furnish water for carrying 
 mills, which is at Hampton, near twenty miles west 
 of Portsmouth. There are a variety of small rivulets 
 interspersed through the country. The general course 
 of all our streams are nearly from northwest to south- 
 east. 
 
 There are no very remarkable mountains in New 
 Hampshire but the Blue Hills and White Hills. The 
 former received their name fi'om the first settlers of 
 the country, who gave them that name from the blue 
 appearance which their distant situation gave them. 
 But they have a variety of different names given them 
 by the inhabitants who are now settled round them 
 on every part. They appear to be a broken and almost 
 unconnected continuation of the Killilany mountains, 
 which run through this and several other States. 
 
 The White Hills are perhaps the most remarkable 
 in the world. They appear like a white cloud, and, 
 thouo;h at the distance of a hundred miles from the 
 seacoast, may in clear weather be discovered at a much 
 greater distance at sea than the highest lands upon the 
 seashore. Their white appearance is owing to bright 
 rocks, and a white moss which seems to cover the 
 whole. There are three of those hills ranging nearly 
 northeast and southwest, which is the general course 
 
LAUREXrf' CORRESPONDENCE. i < -^ 
 
 of mountains in America. Tlie east and west of those 
 mountains have with difficulty ])een ascended ; that in 
 the centre never has, though often attempted. It is 
 called the sugar-loaf, from the resemblance it bears to 
 it when viewed at a distance. Many persons have 
 marched for several days to gain its sunnnit, hut found 
 it impossible. The weather in the midst of summer 
 becomes intolerably cold, and the trees gradually 
 diminish in size as you ascend, till they are reduced 
 to mere shrubs ; and by further continuance you find 
 neither tree, shrub, nor plant — a white moss is the only 
 produce which the severity of its peculiar climate will 
 permit. By this time the weary traveller, finding 
 himself in the midst of winter, without fuel, the ditfi- 
 culty of ascending increased by the almost perpen- 
 dicular declivity of the hill, without even a shrub to 
 support him in advancing or to prevent his tumlilinp- 
 headlong from some of the dangerous precipices, finds 
 himself under a necessity of giving over the danger- 
 ous adventure. The savages, sensible of the diffi- 
 culty, never attempt to ascend it, and endeavour to 
 dissuade others from it. 
 
 From the top of those mountains run a \^ariety of 
 streams fonning delightful cascades, and others* the 
 most astonishing cataracts. In some places you will 
 see a large stream gushing fi-om the mountain, and 
 falling down the rocks perpendicularly more than five 
 hundred feet. These streams form lakes in the coun- 
 try below, fi'om which issue a variety of rivers that 
 25 
 
194: MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 nm tlirougli tlie country. There is also a inoot l^eau- 
 tifal cascade on Salmon Fall Kiver, near its head, at a 
 place called the Flume, from the resemblance it bears 
 to the flume of a mill. It runs through a rock for 
 near a mile, and seems to have opened itself a passage 
 throuo-h it. The sides are smooth as if cut by an 
 instrument. The stream is about eighteen feet in 
 width, and is very rapid, with a variety of falls which 
 form beautiful cascades, one of which is near a hun- 
 dred feet. These are the only remarkable cascades in 
 New Hamj)sliire. 
 
 Caverns there are none. 
 
 The soil produces wheat, corn, grass, herbage, and 
 a great variety of fruit and vegetables. 
 
 Its natural growth is hickory, or walnut, oak, 
 maple, locust, hemlock, birch, beach, ash, pine, chest- 
 nut, cedar, elm, spruce, and a variety of other sorts of 
 wood. 
 
 Its natural riches will be described under other 
 heads. 
 
 The number of inhabitants are about one hundred 
 thousand. All religions are tolerated in New Hamp- 
 shire at this day. The principal sects are Episcopa- 
 lians, Congregationals, Presbyterians, and Baptists ; 
 the three latter are very numerous, particularly the 
 Congregationals and Presbyterians, the religious tenets 
 of which differ but very little. There are some Qua- 
 kers, Separates, and New Lights, the number exceed- 
 ino; small. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDE^X^E 195 
 
 There is one college at Dartmouth, foiiuded about 
 ten years since, for siipj^ort of which very large tracts 
 of land were granted by the late Governor Went- 
 worth, who was the founder. A number of Indian 
 youths from Canada and the Six Nations have been 
 educated at this university. 
 
 The roads in New Hampshire are in general good, 
 and its l^uildings neat, but not elegant, except in some 
 few instances. The State House in Portsmouth is the 
 only public building which may be called so in any 
 degree ; and this was rather the effect of chance than 
 design, convenience being the only thing intended 
 when it was constructed. 
 
 The administration of justice is nearly the same as 
 in Great Britain, though the method admits of more 
 litigation. There are two courts of justice, an infe- 
 rior and superior. All actions are ])rought before 
 the inferior court in the first instance, from the judg- 
 ment of which either party may appeal to the supe- 
 rior, when a new trial is had. If the party aggrieved 
 thinks proper, he may bring a writ of review \vithin 
 three years, and have another trial at the superior 
 court, which is final in these courts. All facts are to 
 be tried by a jury of twelve persons drawn out of 
 boxes in the several towns, in which are written on 
 small ballots the names of all the freeholders. In 
 criminal causes a Grand Jury of between twelve and 
 twenty-four are to find a l)ill or indictment, and the 
 jury of trials are afterwards to determine the facts 
 
19C MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 and give tLeir verdict for or against tlie defendunt. 
 In all capital causes our courts proceed with great ten- 
 derness, and our laws bi'eathe the true spirit of human- 
 ity. A person who is to be tried for life has a right 
 to a copy of the panel, consisting of thirty-six jurors, 
 forty-eight hours before trial, and may object to twenty 
 without a reason, and as many afterwards as he can 
 assign a sufficient reason against. 
 
 Our laws are in general the same as in Great Bri- 
 tain, diflPering only in instances where our local situa- 
 tion rendered such alteration necessary. 
 
 The customs and manners are the same as you 
 have observed in other parts of America. 
 
 Its manufactures are principally coarse linens and 
 woollens of all kinds, but neither in so great a])un- 
 dance as to render foreign supj)lies unnecessary. Hats, 
 pig and bar iron, pot and pearl-ash. 
 
 The present commerce of New^ Hampshire is diffi- 
 cult to describe, being much embarrassed by the pres- 
 ent war. Its principal articles of export are masts, 
 yards, spars, naval stores of all kinds, l)oards, j)lank, 
 staves, hoops, shingles, fish-oil, pot and pearl-ash. 
 Formerly ship-building formed a considerable part of 
 our commerce ; merchants constructed ships on their 
 own account, and loaded them with produce for the 
 West India markets, where they sold the cargoes, tool: 
 sugar on fi-eight for Britain, and there sold the ves- 
 sels, and received the proceeds in dry goods, which 
 they fi-eiglited to Ts ew Hampshire, the j)roceeds of the 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 197 
 
 cargo being received in the produce of the West In- 
 dies, and sent home on freight. These furnished the 
 merchants with dry and West India goods, which 
 were retailed to the inhabitants for lumber and other 
 articles. Sometimes ships were laden with timber and 
 other articles, and sent immediately to the British and 
 other European markets ; sometimes vessels were sent 
 to other colonies with produce, to barter for the pro- 
 duce or manufactures of other States. This formed 
 the interior and exterior trade of New Hampshire. 
 
 Your thirteenth question is answered in the descrip- 
 tion of the Pescataway Eiver. 
 
 The commercial productions of New Hampshire 
 are already described. The articles which the inhabi- 
 tants are obliged to get from other countries are prin- 
 cipally wines, rum, sugar, cotton, fine linens, woollens, 
 s^ilks, stuffs, ^-elvets, &c. ; in short, almost every kind 
 of fine clothing. 
 
 The w^eight of measures are the same as in Britain. 
 Hard money passes at 6-^. per dollar, which is 4-5*. 6^/. 
 in England. 
 
 The income and expenses I am unable to give any 
 accurate account of. 
 
 The estates of the rebel tories have generally been 
 confiscated for the benefit of the State. 
 
 New Hampshire has no regular troops except three 
 regiments in the army. A well-disciplined militia 
 composes the force of the State. They have no pay 
 l)ut when called into actual service. Their numbers I 
 
198 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 am unable to ascertain, but I think them at least 
 twenty-iive thousand. They are by law compelled to 
 be constantly equipped at their own expense, with 
 arms, ammunition, &c., ready to take the field. 
 
 The marine and navigation is in some degree 
 already described. The constant building of ships 
 rendered the shipping formerly very numerous. There 
 are now a great number of privateers, letters of 
 marque, and merchant ships. There is also a seventy- 
 four gun-ship and a frigate building in that State. 
 
 There have been no mines except iron as yet dis- 
 covered in New Hampshire, save a glass mine, if it 
 may be so called, which is perhaps as great a curiosity 
 as has yet been discovered in any part of the world. 
 It was lately discovered by accident in this manner : 
 A very large mountain about seventy miles from Ports- 
 mouth, upon being opened, was found to be full of a 
 very clear glass of the isinglass kind, but much more 
 transparent than any in Europe. It lays in large 
 sheets, and may be cut into what form or size you 
 think proper ; it is proof against fire, and cannot be 
 broken. It is exceeding useful for lanthorns, Arc, and 
 by no means disagreeable for windows. This glass, 
 though perhaps not equal in some respects to Euro- 
 pean glass, must claim a preference from its not being 
 liable to be broken. 
 
 The Indians inhabiting the State prior to the 
 European settlements, answer exactly to the descrip- 
 tion given of them by all geographical w^i'iters. There 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. Hjij 
 
 are none now remaining in the State, nor Lave they left 
 any monuments or curiosities worth notice behind them. 
 
 There are a variety of lakes in New Ham23shire, of 
 
 which Winnepesoka and Osseppee are the principal 
 
 both of them large Ixit irregular bodies of water, par- 
 ticularly the former. The advantages of iishing and 
 beaver-catching on those lakes were sufficient to allure 
 the unthinking native to settle in the neighbourhood 
 of them, and leave the seacoast to our adventurous an- 
 cestors, whose unwarrantable avarice was, in the course 
 of a number of long and bloody wars, often punished 
 with the most inhuman examples of savage barbarity. 
 These wars, however, have at length terminated in the 
 total extirj^ation of the savage race. 
 
 Perhaps few countries have such a variety of ani- 
 mals ; for, beside all kinds of European animals, moose, 
 elk, deer, wolves, catamounts, foxes, hares, l)eavers, ra]> 
 bits, otters, minks, raccoons, squirrels, and other wild 
 quadrupeds are found in greater abundance here than 
 in any other country. Wild fowl are also found here 
 in very great abundance. 
 
 Our seas, rivers, and lakes, al)ound with fishes of 
 almost every sort. The cod, mackerel, and whale fish- 
 ery fLirnishes principal articles in our commerce. 
 
 I will as soon as possible furnish you with a sam- 
 ple of our glass. I have never heard of any extraordi- 
 nary stones being found in New Hampshire. 
 
 Having answered your questions as fully as my 
 time and materials will at present admit, I hope you 
 
200 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 will not think me influenced by any prejudice when I 
 say that I really like the winter in New Hampshire, 
 though long and severe. The clear, settled state of 
 the weather, even in winter, renders its climate more 
 healthy than that of most other States. Its harbour 
 is the most commodious in America ; its advantages 
 for fishing, and the quality and quantity of its timl)er 
 superior, and the fertility of its soil equal to any other 
 State in the Union. 
 
 And I think I do the inhabitants no more than 
 justice, when I say that they possess a frankness of 
 disposition, and a becoming hospitality, which is not 
 to be found in many parts of America. 
 
 I have the honour to be, very respectfully, dear 
 Sir, your most obedient servant, 
 
 Jno. Sullivan. 
 
 [S. H. WEBB TO JOHN LArRENS.] 
 
 Paramus, N. J , Decembei", 1780. 
 
 My dear Laurens : 
 
 I find, on examination, that it is our old acquaint- 
 ance, Stephen De Lancey,* instead of Oliver, who is 
 
 * Steplien De Lancey was the eldest of two sods of Brig.-Gen 
 Oliver De Lancey, and his wife Phila, daughter of David Franks, of 
 Pliiladelphia; and brother of Gen. Oliver De Lancey, of the Britis^h 
 army, Andre's intimate friend and successor as Adjutant-General of the 
 British army in America, and Colonel of the iTtli Light Dragoons; and 
 of Susannah, the wife of Sir William Drnper. 
 
 He was bred a lawyer, and was a resident of ISTew York city. When 
 the American troubles culminated in hostilities, he took up arms on the 
 royal side. In 1776, his father, then "Col. De Lancey," and a Councillor 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 2C1 
 
 the author of the Appeal. llow^ a person of his 
 seeinino- rio-liteoiis character and hearino- could so fal- 
 sify a plain state of facts, is beyond my comprehen- 
 sion. However, nece-s-nty knows no law, and very 
 many times makes us diverge in strange ways from 
 
 of the province of New York, i-aised at his own expense a brigade of 
 three regiments of provincials, called "Do Lancey's Battalions," of which 
 he was appointed Brigadier-General. The second of these battalions had 
 for its Colonel George Brewerton, and the Lieut.-Col. was Stephen De 
 Lancej. The former died in 1779, and the Lieutenant-Colonel com- 
 manded the battalion till the close of hostilities. He served witli his 
 corps in Georgia and the Caroliuas during the entire period of the British 
 occupation, until the evacuation of Charleston, in 1782. He must not be 
 confounded with his cousin, Stephen De Lancey, the eldest son of Peter 
 De Lancey, of Westfarms, and Alice, the daughter of Gov. Colden, who 
 was also a lawyer, and a loyalist, and Recorder of Albany, but who did 
 not take up arms ; nor with another Stephen De Lancey, also a fii-st 
 cousin, who was the second son of Lieut. -Gov. James De Lancey, and a 
 resident, during the war, of Salem, Westchester County, N. Y., and of 
 Burlington, N. J., where lie was a missionary, thougli never in orders. 
 
 At the close of the war, Lieut.-Col. Stephen Do Lancey T\ent to Eng- 
 land, and was appointed Chief-Justice of the Bahama Islands, and resided 
 some years at New Providence, a precinct of which island is to this day 
 called from him, De Lanceytown. Subsequently he was advanced to the 
 higher post of " Governor of Tobago and its dependencies."' In the ycir 
 1796 he revisited England, and after a lengthened sojourn there, sailed 
 again for Tobago, but was lost at sea, the vessel in which he embarked 
 having foundered with all on board. 
 
 He married, June Ifith, 1773, Cornelia, eldest daughter of the Rev. 
 Dr. Barclay, sister of Mrs. Col. Beverley Robiri<?nn the younger, and Col. 
 Thomas Barclay, so well known in New Yni-k before and after the Revo- 
 lution. By this lady he was the father of Col. Sir Win. Howe De Lancey, 
 Quartermaster-General of Wellington's nrniy in 1815, who fell at Water- 
 loo, and of Susan, who married Col. William .Tohnson, son of Sir John 
 Johnson, Bart., and, after his death. Gen. Sir Hudson Lowe, Governor 
 of St. Helena during the captivity of Napoleon the Great. 
 26 
 
.2()-2 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 tlie patli iuclination marks out ; and we slioiikl prac- 
 tise charity, especially in our friend's case, as Lis ideas 
 can have but little weight against our cause ; he being 
 in the military service of the King, and an undergrade 
 at that. When our troubles are over, we should see 
 
 him again at Dr. B 's, and make him confess, or 
 
 explain, or do both ; which, by the way, I thhik can 
 be done without serious trouble. I don't believe he 
 is a loyalist at heart, although he makes pretence to 
 an admiration of " his king." 
 
 I have copied the paper, which is sent herewith, 
 being unwilling to part with the original of so curious 
 a juinl)le of ability and error. The copy sent, how- 
 ever, contains all the corrections and m^irkings of our 
 mutual friends, A II and H L . 
 
 If you honour nie with a line before you sail, 
 direct to Connecticut, as before. I hope to pass a long 
 time there during this season. This goes by " old 
 Kuyp," who will carry his sobriquet so long as there 
 is any remembrance left for him. 
 
 Truly your friend, S. H. Webb. 
 
 Col. Lacrens. 
 
 APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE OF AMERICA. 
 
 The time is at length arrived that has been so long 
 and often foretold would bring forward the destruc- 
 tion of your Continental currency. What the contin- 
 ual and rapid depreciatioii of it would soon have 
 allected, the Continental Congress have anticipated by 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 203 
 
 a single stroke. Tliey were tlie first to set tlie exam- 
 ple of depreciating its valne, and are the first also to 
 produce its anniliilation. By tlie late resolves of the 
 IStli of March last, the Congress, i-egardless of all 
 public faith and honour, have passed a complete act 
 of insolvency in their own favour, and, like desperate 
 adventurers who find they cannot hold out any longer, 
 agree among themselves to l)reak and cheat their cred- 
 itors, with paying scarcely sixpence in the pound. 
 [A mere opinion.] You, the unhappy creditors, the 
 deluded, ruined, and devoted victnns of their folly 
 and am])ition, are not even called upon or consultecl. 
 [Has he read jMr. Morris's letter?] It is their will 
 and pleasure that it shall l)e so, and that is sufiicient. 
 [They represent the people, ergo they are the people.] 
 You gave them power, and lent them credit. These 
 they have traded upon to your destruction. [These 
 shoes fit tory feet] The first has enabled them to 
 raise a standing army l)y which to overawe you ; the 
 second, to defraud you of }'()ur substance, under pre- 
 tence that the bills of credit issued in your name were 
 ecpiivalent in value, and secure of redemption. Mil- 
 lions have accordingly been emitted, and the faith and 
 honour of the Congress most solcnnily pledged to 
 make good to the jDossessor the full nominal value 
 stamped on each bill. Every reflecting man saw 
 through the fallacy of the security, and refused it vol- 
 untary credit, until the great Doctor Franklin urged 
 the necessity of spreading it aniong the ]>e(>])]e ; that 
 
0'j4 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 t»iice done, said lie, it will be tiieir interest to cii-cnlate 
 and give it credit ; and as to the sinking of it, that 
 will be easy enough, for by the time that it answers 
 our purpose, it will sink of itself by its own deprecia- 
 tion. The hint was ado23ted, and what it wanted in 
 credit to give it general circulation, the bayonet and 
 Tender Laws at last effected. 
 
 The Doctor, though in part a true prophet, never 
 dreamt that the war, w^hich he knew must inevitably 
 follow the declaration of independence, would outlive 
 the forced credit of the money ; his calcmlation ex- 
 tended only to thiee or four years, within wdiich time 
 he imagined Great Britain would be obliged, from a 
 want of resources herself, and the embarrassments of 
 a wicked op]) ^sition, to relinquish her claims upon 
 America. Notwithstanding the Doctor is professedly 
 a great politician, and can see deeper into a millstone 
 than most other people, his idea, in this instance, has 
 been evidently founded on wrong principles ; for the 
 war still rages, and wall be carried on in spite of the 
 confederated powers of France and Spain, wdiile Great 
 Britain has a shilling to spend. [Doctor Franklin was 
 right. England is bankrupt, and is every day adding 
 to her debts, which she will eventually be obliged to 
 fund, and in the end never pay.] The truth is, that 
 so long as your assumed independence is in dispute, it 
 will be imjiossible for you to furnish a real and sub- 
 stantial security for any paper money already issued, 
 or which you may hereafter issue. [Paper money is 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 205 
 
 not very desirable at any time, and particularly so if 
 it is not used in defence of freedom, instead of sla- 
 very.] You Lave nothing that can l)e called your 
 own wliile that remains unacknowledo-ed. Who amons: 
 you, with his senses about him, would lend another a 
 thousand, or hundred pounds in gold or silver, on the 
 security of an estate, the title to which you knew to 
 be claimed, and in dispute ? [Stephen mistakes our 
 manners. Of what value is an estate, if the owner 
 has not the liberty to use it as he thinks best ?] Yet 
 this is exactly your situation ; witljut the means of 
 credit, or l^eing able to command 11, your independ- 
 ence and country both in dispute, your foreign trade 
 trifling, — [This bubble of " foreign trade " should be 
 pricked. Internal development is the work of all 
 true Americans. We have lands such as no other m:- 
 tion ever was blessed with, extending from the ocean 
 to the far West, the boundaries of which never have 
 been reached, and from the hills of New Hampshire 
 to the South Sea. What do we want with foreign 
 trade ?] — and of little consetpience, scarcely sufficient 
 to furnish you with even common necessaries, much 
 less to enrich you by its profits, and possessed of so 
 little gold and silver tliat you cannot supj)ly enough 
 for the necessary purposes of your small and preca- 
 rious commerce — how is it possible for you to afford a 
 pennanent and undoubted security equal to the re- 
 demption of any bills, ei^lier emitted or to be emitted? 
 The Congress, however, have boldly tried the experi- 
 
206 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 ment, aud wliat is the consequence ? Your own ruin, 
 distresses, and feelings, can best give tlie answer ; to 
 these I appeal ; they speak more to the purpose than 
 a thousand arguments. The candid will acknowledge 
 them, the disingenuous cannot conceal them. [Hum ! 
 We'll see.] 
 
 But, as if the Congress had not already brought 
 sufficient ruin and misery on you, by damming the 
 little remains of credit which your currency had be- 
 fore their last curious resolves passed, they are now 
 endeavouring to sink you, if possible, deeper in the 
 gulf of destruction, out of which you are never to 
 rise. Having, in order to quiet your well-founded 
 apprehensions and repeated ap23lications for that j)ur- 
 pose, resolved not to emit any more bills of credit on 
 their own authority, and knowing that from the de- 
 preciation and worthlessness of the present money, to 
 use their own words, " The community suifers great 
 injustice, the public finances are deranged, and the 
 necessary disj^ositions for the defence of the country 
 are much impeded and perplexed," they have, by the 
 same resolve, commanded (not requested) you to pro- 
 vide funds and issue other bills in lieu of the present, 
 all of which they have also ordered to be called in 
 by a small, gentle tax of fifteen millions of dollars 
 monthly, equal to five millions six hundred and twenty- 
 five thousand jDOunds Pennsylvania currency, or three 
 millions three hundred and seventy-five thousand 
 pounds sterling, according to the nominal value of the 
 
LAUKENS' CORKESPONDEXCE. 207 
 
 l)ills as issued, and for wMcli nominal value, from their 
 and your public faith and honour pledged for its re- 
 demption, every possessor has a right to call upon 
 them for the full sum stamped on its face. Yet this, 
 it seems, is all to be destroyed without a single doit 
 given to you in the room of it. I ask you, where is 
 all the property, the substance, and produce, which 
 you have been obliged to furnish for five years past 
 for this trash ? You cannot say it is by you in money, 
 as used to be the case formerly, when the farmer sold 
 his produce for honest gold, or bills of credit founded 
 on undisputed funds. Behold ! it has all vanished 
 like a dream, and your supposed riches have taken 
 unto themselves wings and flown away. This magical 
 transmutation of something into nothing is the sleight- 
 of-hand-work of the Congress, a body on whose wis- 
 dom you relied to preserve what you had, or might 
 acquire from your labours, and to free you from taxes. 
 "Where is the fiiith, the honour, and all that was 
 thought to be sacred in the Thirteen United States, 
 and pledged for the redemption of your Contmental 
 money ? Is not the depreciation of it established by 
 the resolves of Congress? Are not many thousands 
 of your best friends absolutely ruined? And will 
 you not lose all credit with foreign nations, and Lie- 
 come (as you deserve) a by-word among the people ? 
 The Congress, however, have directed you to pro- 
 vide new funds, and to issue new bills on the credit 
 of each particular State. By this subterfuge, after 
 
208 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 having done all the mischief they could, and suLject- 
 ing you to anarchy and distress, they mean to get their 
 own necks out of the halter, and saddle you hereafter 
 with the public misfortunes ; but, by imj)osing such 
 iniquitous mandates upon you, do they not require you 
 to make bricks without straw, and to attempt impossi- 
 bilities ? 
 
 The several States, it is true, may strike and issue 
 new bills, but can they furnish any new funds for the 
 redemption of such bills of credit, and to the very 
 large amount, as your necessities must oblige 3'ou to 
 issue, in order to carry on the war ? They know, and 
 you must all know, that you have no other than what 
 you had before. These they commanded, and these 
 they pledged most sacredly for the redemption of their 
 own emissions, liquidated upon, and as quotad to each 
 State ;^iave they answered the purpose ? You are 
 sensible, and feelingly so to your sorrow, that thejr 
 have been totally insufficient. Can it lie imagined 
 that they will be more equal or adequate to the pur- 
 pose of public security now ? For the same reason 
 that your funds failed before, for the very same they 
 wdll and must ftiil now, — that of your independence 
 being yet in dispute. You may mortgage and appro- 
 priate the lands within the limits of your several 
 States, — nay, sell them, if you please, and all the 
 property belonging to every individual, l)ut I defy 
 you to provide such an undoubted substantial and 
 permanent fund in any one or all oC them, as is indis- 
 
LAURExXS' CORRESPONDENCE. 209 
 
 pensably ueces.sary both to redeem any new bills to 
 be issued, or even preserve it from a niucli quicker de- 
 • preciation tlian tlie last has undergone. You really, 
 as I said before, have nothing that you can call your 
 own ; every inch of ground, and every thing you pos- 
 sess, is in dispute, and liable to be taken from you, 
 perhaps in the approaching campaign. It is in vain 
 for you, or any of your political scribl^lers, (the 
 famous Crisis- writer, who boasts himself to be the 
 author of " Common Sense," a pedantic schoolmaster, 
 not worth sixpence, nor possessing as much property 
 in the country,) to assert that your independence is as 
 established as fate, when the fact is, that at this mo- 
 ment it is moi-e precarious than ever, and from every 
 circumstance, both of a public and private nature, 
 absolutely lost to you. The proposed mode prescribed 
 to you by the Congress for issuing new bills of credit, 
 is in fact the same kind of superstructure, varying only 
 in form, and raised upon the very same and former 
 weak foundation. It differs not in any one essential 
 that can possibly add to, or insure the redemption 
 of, the new bills intended to be issued on it. 
 
 The Congress indeed direct that the new bills are 
 not to exceed, when issued, one-twentieth part of the 
 nominal sum of the bills brought in to ])e destroyed. 
 That will depend on the credit your credulity may 
 please to give it on its first emission and circulation, 
 and on the demand your public necessities will require, 
 
 as to the quantity, and which, (to judge from what is 
 •:>7 
 
210 MATEKIALri TOK IIISTOKY. 
 
 past,) as well as the lieavy and natural expenditures 
 of war, cannot l)e very tritilng, nor count in less tlian 
 millions ; but for your comfort, tliese bills, they fui'- 
 ther direct, shall be redeemable in specie, wdthin six 
 years after the present, and bear an interest of five per 
 cent., j)ayable also in specie, either on their redemption 
 here, or annually, in sterling bills of exchange, to be 
 di'awn on their commissioners in Europe. But where 
 is that same specie ? — or how is it to be got at in a 
 quantity equal to the full redemption of any sum you 
 may, or must issue, for the immediate necessities of 
 the war ? [Specie 'y-y. Freedom ; the latter is ours 
 above all other considerations.] They surely will 
 not assert that it is now in the country ; and if it is 
 not, your present small exports and low state of trade 
 cannot introduce it ; and as to a foreign loan, that 
 has long been out of the question, as unattainable 
 from any power in Europe. Neither do they inform 
 you upon what certain funds or credit their sterling 
 bills of exchange are to be drawn, or whether any are 
 in the hands of their commissioners abroad. Who 
 will take their ])ills without being first assured that 
 they will be paid ? or who part with his suljstance 
 here, for a shadow there 'i Take it for granted, how- 
 ever, that the interest may be thus paid by their bills 
 of exchange, will this also pay the jDrincipal 'i It is 
 this that ought to claim your attention ; for if left to 
 chance, or the events of war, you will find few to give 
 your new l)ills credit on the faith of such precarious 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. £11 
 
 funds. Tlie Congress, wisliing to collect some gold 
 and silver for present occasions, kindly resolve also 
 that these precious metals shall be receivable in pay- 
 ment of the quotas of each State, on the fifteen million 
 monthly tax, and at the rate of one Spanish milled 
 dollar in lieu of forty dollars of the bills now in cir- 
 culation. No one doubts their hearty wishes to recei\'e 
 gold or silver in lieu of their present depreciated bills, 
 and to finger it too ; but what man in his senses would 
 make the exchange, more especially since passing these 
 damned — [Stephen only ivrites so] — resolves, which 
 virtually annihilate it ? or pay a silver dollar in to 
 them, at the rate only of forty for one, when upwards 
 of sixty for one can be purchased anywhere almost 
 thi'oughout the country ? 
 
 These are but few of the emljarrassments that 
 must naturally arise on the experiment to Ije made on 
 this new plan to restore your public credit. There 
 are many others not less perplexing, and left for your 
 State financiers to find out and combat. If, after \\\\vX 
 has been already said, those friendly hints should be 
 disregarded ; if you mean to save yourselves from 
 utter destniction, or wish to retain what little the 
 Congress have been pleased to leave you l)y their late 
 paper experiment and pul)lic cheat passed upon your 
 credit, name, and substance, you must not hesitate, 
 one and all, boldly and positively to refuse every kind 
 of credit or circulation to the new imposition ordered 
 to be repeated uj)on you by their late resolves. If 
 
212 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 you do not, you are undone, — [If we don't, we are] — 
 for the security plausibly held out to you is really 
 worse, if possible, than that of the former ; therefore 
 do not temporize or give way in the least. Firm and 
 manly resistance at first, is better than slavish repent- 
 ance at last. Remember, that if you sin again, you 
 sin with your eyes open, and will richly merit the per- 
 dition that will inevital)ly await you, should you be 
 so lost to all sense of interest, good policy, and regard 
 for yourselves, families, and country, as again to trust 
 that Congress, who, by their folly, weakness, wicked- 
 ness, and ambition, have already brought you to a 
 state of ruin, and by this their new devised scheme, 
 replete with madness tenfold, (should you ado^^t it,) 
 wdll again sink you into wretchedness, misery, and 
 irretrievable distress. 
 
 Take, my countrymen, a serious view of your 
 affairs as they stand at present, for you are not fools, 
 nor want for comprehension or abilities to judge, if 
 left to yourselves. [This Appeal has a quiet way of 
 leaving us to ourselves.] You have a right to inquire, 
 to have the truth laid before you, and to determine 
 for your own hapj)iness. Are you not free men ? — the 
 Congress say you are. [Just so, and we intend to 
 continue so.] Assert, then, your privileges, and dis- 
 passionately examine whether you tread on a rock or 
 a quicksand. 
 
 Your situation, finances, and resources at home 
 have already been stated to you. These, you see, in 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPOXDExXCE. 213 
 
 every point of view, are upwards of sixty to one 
 against you ; and every internal dependence to carry 
 on tlie war by your own means and strengtli abso- 
 lutely inadequate. Tlie probable reduction of Cliarles- 
 town, and tlie consequent probable submission of tlie 
 two Carolinas, — [How about this ?] — (tlie principal 
 funds on wliicli you rely to support your foreign 
 credit,) still lessens your abilities here. Abroad, your 
 bopes and expectations are small and precarious in- 
 deed. Your great and good ally, France, as the Con- 
 gress have been pleased to style lier, disgracefully 
 repulsed at Savannali by a liandfull of brave men, 
 tliough opposed by the redouljtable D'Estaing, and 
 some of the most veteran troops of that power, aided 
 by Lincoln, with all his train ; the formidable fleet of 
 France, intended to sweep the seas and coast of Amer- 
 ica, from south to north, last autumn, and to swallow 
 the British fleet and army by surprise; — where are 
 they ? The winds blew, and they were dispersed, dis- 
 masted, shattered, and broke to pieces ; the remahis 
 are scarcely heard of, and no terror of it left. In tlie 
 West Indies, the naval superiority of Great Britain, 
 under the gallant Admiral Ilyde Parker, is decisive 
 beyond all comparison ; and almost every French 
 island there, from various distresses, disappointments, 
 captures, failure of reinforcements, and supplies of 
 naval stores and provision, is now at the command 
 of the active General Vaughan and his forces, and 
 who, we doubt not, by this time, if not before, has 
 
214: MATEKIALS FOR HISTOKY. 
 
 repossessed himself of tliose we lost ; La Motte Piquet, 
 with a few French men-ofwar, scarcely half ours in 
 number, and not likely to be reinforced, being oljliged 
 to skulk, unable to oppose our progress, or alford re- 
 lief to his distressed station. [Take off about " twenty- 
 two shillings in the pound," in receiving this assertion.] 
 In the East Indies, the French have not a single 
 possession left, — [Ti'ue, for they're all right] — the 
 islands of Bourbon and France excepted, and tliose, it 
 is expected, are, or must soon fall to the brave Admi- 
 ral Hughes, and the victorious British troops in that 
 part of the world. Of course, all their valuable trade 
 there is at an end. In Africa, Goree and Senegal are 
 again our own. In Europe and the Mediterranean we 
 are gloriously and most decisively victorious, Admiral 
 Sir Geoi'ge Rodney having, on the memorable 16th day 
 of January last, completely surprised, captured, and 
 totally destroyed the Spanish fleet, — [Plain nuu'der] — 
 consisting of eleven sail of the line, six or eight of 
 which, including the Spanish Admiral himself, Don 
 Juan de Langara, he has taken into Gibraltar, the 
 siege and blockade of that place being immediately 
 raised, and the Spanish army obliged to retreat with 
 precipitation to Cadiz, to protect that important port 
 from destruction. By this great stroke, and the pre- 
 vious capture also of the Vvdiole convoy and fleet of 
 the Spanish Caraccas Company on the 8th of the same 
 month, and by the same British squadron, not only 
 one-fourth of the Spanish Armada (with at least ten 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 215 
 
 thousand seamen) is destroyed and lost to tliem, but 
 seven cajjital sliij^s-of-tlie-line added to our own list, 
 exclusive of seventeen new ones launched from the 
 English docks, and now nearly, if not fjuite ready, to 
 join Admiral Hardy, and who, by these and other 
 acquisitions, will, in the course of this summer, be at 
 the head of upwards of eighty sail-of-the-line, — a fleet 
 which scarcely all the maritime powers in Europe con- 
 joined can match. The destruction of the Spanish 
 fleet, the dismasting of seven out of four-and-twenty 
 French men-of-war sent after Admiral Kodney from 
 Brest, and the whole obliged to put in to Corunna, 
 shattered by a violent storm ; the fate of D'Estaing's 
 formidal )le fleet, almost wrecked on this coast last fall ; 
 and the dreadful mortality among the French seamen 
 on board their grand fleet, — altogether, and when com- 
 pared with our own amazing efforts and increase of 
 naval strength, puts it beyond all human doubt but 
 that the boasted, united, and coml)ined powers and 
 views of the ambitious House of Bourlwn, at sea, for 
 this year at least, if not forever, are at an end. Britain 
 again rides triumphantly Mistress of the Seas. The 
 ^v'ealth of France and Spain lost on this element alone, 
 cannot be estimated at less than twenty millons ster- 
 ling, in the depredations made upon their fleets and 
 commerce, the former being I'educed too low for any 
 capital future attempts, and the latter almost totally 
 ruined ; while Great Britain, on the contrary, is left 
 now more at liberty to prosecute the war at home 
 
216 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 with greater vigour and certainty of success, and here 
 with every prospect of decisive advantage. The full 
 and amicable settlement of the Irish discontents, now 
 no more, puts a stop at once to the sanguine hopes you 
 derived from that quarter, and renders your General, 
 Mr. Washington's public and pul)lislied orders on that 
 occasion for a general festivity and Te Deum on the 
 17th of March last, rather premature and ridiculous. 
 The discontents and low state of his army, cMefy coin- 
 posed of Ij'i'sJi, perhaps required some inspiration of 
 this kind to animate, and prevent them from deser- 
 tion ; l)ut if he has no stronger iniiuence to retain 
 them in the Continental service, very few of them, I 
 aGr;ure you, ^vdio now know that their nation is per- 
 fectly satisfied, and more our friends than ever from 
 reasonable dispositions, will be taken in hy such 
 straw-catchino; artifices. 
 
 This general picture, my countrymen, is drawn for 
 your information. It is not a picture of fancy, but 
 taken from the life, and is really founded in truth. 
 Judge, then, of your present situation and future pros, 
 pects. It is possible to suppose, as your leaders would 
 have you believe, that your unhappy situation is 
 mended, your prospects brighter, or that your inde- 
 pendence is as firmly established as fate. They de- 
 ceive you who tell you so. On the contrary, does not 
 ruin, wretchedness, and distress, stare you full in the 
 face, look which way you will ? And is not destruc- 
 tion to your country, to yourselves, and your wives 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 217 
 
 and little ones, Langing over you, ready to overwhelm 
 you iu unutteraT>le misery and distress ? Tlie events 
 of war, it is true, are uncertain, and wliat aj^pears 
 favourable on our side to-day, may Ije reversed to- 
 morrow ; but tliis is by no means probal)le, from the 
 great and decisive events tliat have taken place in 
 favour of the Crown of Great Britain, thouo^h unallied 
 and standing alone, — a circumstance that proves be- 
 yond the possil^ility of a doubt her power and re- 
 sources to be infinite and superior. You have it yet 
 in your opportunity to be saved from further distress, 
 the deprivation and the calamities of war. These 
 certainly await an obstinate perseverance in those 
 who wilfully continue the rel)ellion ; while, on the 
 other hand, the door of mercy is open to all those 
 who will speedily return to theii' duty and allegiance, 
 and on terms, if properly requested, that will render 
 America the most free, and its inhabitants the hap- 
 piest of any country on the face of the earth, by 
 insuring to them peace, liberty, and safety. A com- 
 mission of peace is again lodged in the British Com- 
 mander in-Chief, Sir Henry Clinton. Embrace the 
 benevolent invitation of your gracious Sovereign lie- 
 fore it is too late, and give praise to Heaven for so 
 great salvation. [This last for our particular consider- 
 ation. Who speaks first ?] 
 
 A Loyal Ameeicak.* 
 
 * The Notes in brackets in this article, are the corrections and addi- 
 tions mentioned in the letter which precedes the Appeal. 
 
 28 
 
218 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 [mOSES young to henry LAURENS.] 
 
 Paris, 10th April, 1782. 
 
 Honourable Sir : 
 
 By particular desire of the M. de La Fayette, I 
 now make tlie following communications : — 
 
 That immediately after the surrender of the Brit- 
 ish army under General Coruw^allis, Colonel John 
 Laurens requested of the M. that he would take an 
 opportunity of learning his Lordship's opinion on the 
 subject of an exchange between him and Mr. Laurens, 
 then a prisoner in the Tower of London. The M. did 
 so, and found the Earl exceedingly desirous -of such an 
 event taking place ; but said he was afraid the British 
 Government would not consent to give up Mr. Lau- 
 rens for him. The M. asked him how it was that that 
 Government made such a blunder as to commit Mr. 
 Laurens, being a puljlic Minister, and not a military 
 man, to confinement upon such a charge ? The Eng- 
 lish nobleman answered that the blunder lay witli the 
 admiral at Newfoundland in sending that gentleman 
 to England, but that he was exceedingly well used 
 there, and treated with the greatest respect. The M. 
 made answer, that America was under no oblio-ation 
 
 7 O 
 
 to Great Britain for such good usage ; that everybody 
 knew the British Government dare not treat Mr. Lau- 
 rens with disrespect, because Congress would in that 
 case order a most -severe retaliation ; and so far as de- 
 pended upon lilia for the execution of such orders, his 
 Lordship already knew his sentiments on the subject 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENTF 210 
 
 of retaliation, and lie also probably knew tliat lie bad 
 the bonoiir to be ranked l>v Mr. Laurens amono- bis 
 particular friends; so tbat botb from duty as an 
 American officer, fi'om principle, and friendship, no 
 relaxation of any orders be migbt receive, could be 
 expected, sbould bis friend be ill-used. 
 
 Tbe Englisb General expressed a strong desire 
 tbat sucb an exchange sbould Ije proposed to General 
 Washington, and said be would wait upon bis Exceb 
 lency for the purpose, Ijut tbat be was afraid of tres- 
 passing upon any part of tbe time of the American 
 Chief in telling bis story, as be bad affairs on hand of 
 much more consequence than the private ones of a cap- 
 tive officer ; he would therefore desire Mr. House, one 
 of his aids, to confer with one of General Wasbino-. 
 ton's aids : and thus tbe affair stood when tbe Mqs. 
 was ordered to another part of tbe Continent. 
 
 Tbe M. desired me to mention that be was ex- 
 ceedingly anxious to see Mr. Laurens on tbe Conti- 
 nent of Europe, Ijotb from public and private motives ; 
 on the public account, because if a negotiation for 
 peace was 023ened, Mr. Laurens was tbe only commis- 
 sioner of the five who was acquainted with tbe inter- 
 ests of the Southern States, and the only one who 
 practically knew the general commercial interests of 
 tbe whole Continent ; tbat Governor Jefferson had 
 declined accepting the appointment, and therefore it 
 was the more necessary tbat Mr. Laurens should be at 
 liberty to act. He wished it on a personal account, 
 
220 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 because it liad lieen hinted before lie left America, 
 that notwithstandiiio: the well-knowii attachment of 
 Ml*. Laurens to the cause of his country, it might have 
 been more proper to appoint a man who never had 
 had an opportunity of contracting prejudices in favour 
 of the enemy, by l)eing much among them. The M. 
 most heartily wished that Mr. Laurens would nego- 
 tiate the matter in such a manner, as that Genei'al 
 Cornwallis should, as the most unexceptional )le method 
 to the British Government, propose, l>y letter, the ex- 
 change to him, (the Marquis,) and he would imme- 
 diately procure a French frigate to carry such proposi- 
 tion to Congress, or General Washington. 
 
 The M. asked me if I had not heard that it was 
 reported Mr. Laurens' intellects were somewhat im- 
 paired by the severe fit of sickness brought on him by 
 the severity of his treatment in the Towner. 
 
 I have the honour to l)e, with the most inviolable 
 
 attachment, honoural)le Sir, your most humble and 
 
 o] )edient servant, 
 
 MosES Young. 
 
 Henry Laurens, Esq. 
 
 [mOSES YOCNG to henry LAURENS.] 
 
 OsTEND, 30th June, 1782. 
 HONOUKED AXD DEAR SiR : 
 
 As you desired, I now enclose the American Peace 
 Bill, and annex an intended one brought into the 
 House of Lords by the Earl of Shelburne, which I 
 have copied, and send as from Mr. Bridgen, who de- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDExVCE. 221 
 
 sire ; my to present liis and Mrs. Bridgen's best respects. 
 The Messrs. Hartly also desire to be particularly men- 
 tioned ; Mr. D. H. is as^ain in Parliament for Kins^- 
 stoD, (or Hull,) and is determined to oppose tlie last- 
 mentioned bill in tlie House, because lie thinks it 
 holds out an idea to the people of England that the 
 dependence of America on the Britisli Crown is yet to 
 be expected, and that something like hrihes is meant 
 to be offered to the Americans. I shall likewise put 
 within this cover a letter directed to Miss Laurens, 
 given me by Mr. Manning, and one which I found in 
 the Post Office at Margate. 
 
 Mr. Benjamin Yaughan thinks it one of the great- 
 est misfortunes of his life that Mr. Laurens refused to 
 p?rmit an explanation of the motives which induced 
 him to mention to Lord Shelburne the affair of the 
 Tavern Bill, because such an exj^lanation Avas abso- 
 lutely necessary for reinstating him in the good opin- 
 ion of Mr. Laurens. He declares most solemnly that 
 liis motive was no other than this : that as a warm 
 friend to the independence of America, he made it his 
 study to give Lord Shelburne and Mr. Laurens such 
 information of each other's temper as he believed 
 necessary towards a perfect understanding, and to the 
 success of any negotiation that might be entered into ; 
 in particular he was anxious that his Lordship might 
 avoid ever}^ thing that would probal)ly displease, and 
 do every thing that ^vould prol)al^ly jDlease IMr. Lau- 
 rens : that he mentioned the affair at the Tavern to 
 
222 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 sliow the delicacy and jealousy of Mr. Laurens's honour, 
 as he rej)resented that of the United States of Amer- 
 ica, and must be treated with more attention than the 
 British ministry might think needful to any British 
 subject. Mr. Vaughan says it occasioned a breach be- 
 tween him and his brother William, who charged him 
 with betraying that confidence which he placed in him 
 alone when he mentioned the affair at the Hotel. Mr. 
 B. V. wrote to Lord Shelburne on the su1)ject, (a copy 
 of which he promised me,) and showed me his Lord- 
 ship's answer, wherein he says he has not met with 
 any thing of a long time that distressed him so much. 
 He there proposes writing to Mr. Laurens, or that Mr. 
 Vauffhan himself shall write the letter, and he will 
 sign it ; this Mr. Vaughan told me he declined accept- 
 ing of, depending upon his own personal explanation. 
 Upon my arrival at Ostend, I found that I could 
 not expect an answer to my letter written to Mr. 
 Vauo;han until after three davs ; rather than wait so 
 long, I took a passage immediately, went up to Lon- 
 don, and presented myself to that gentleman. He 
 said he was glad I had come so soon, but had it not 
 now in his power to make the adventure so consider- 
 able, because he had placed a moiety of £5,000 in 
 another channel ; the remaining £5,000 he would sliip 
 under my direction and management in the line at first 
 proposed, and desired I would look out for a vessel of 
 about two hundred tons to charter. Several days I 
 employed in this business, and met with several ves- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 223 
 
 sels of Mr. Yauglian's description, to be made neutral 
 l:>y the owners ; but none of tliem would agree to liis 
 terms. At last lie heard of a very fine Danish ship at 
 Newry, in Ireland, of four hundred tons burthen, and 
 was so well pleased with the account he had of her, 
 and with the terms, that he chartered her at once to 
 the islands of Grenada and St. Thomas, with li])erty 
 to touch at Madeira. She is to be principally loaded 
 in Ireland ^^dth salted provisions, and the property in- 
 tended to be vested in her is from £10,000 to £12,000 
 sterling, on which I am to have the customary com- 
 missions on sales and returns. As my attendance 
 during the loading of the ship is not necessary, Mr. 
 Vaughan has given me a month, in order that I may 
 apply to Dr. Fi-anldin for the money due to me, and I 
 am now on my way to Paris. If I should be so lucky 
 as to get it there, it will enable me to take out to the 
 West Indies twice or three times the amount in East 
 India and Russia goods on my own account ; the 
 amount I can here insure at a premimn between six 
 and eight per cent., and ship in different bottoms to 
 the Continent of America. I have not much doubt 
 but that Dr. Franklin will at least enable me to remit 
 Bab'ut and Laliouchere fifty guineas. Mr. Vaughan 
 has given me to understand that I may finish his busi- 
 ness at St. Thomas. In case of a probability of the 
 war continuing a year longer, it would, I believe, be 
 most for my own interest to settle on the island until 
 peace is concluded. I know I could have consign- 
 
224 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 ments from PliilaclelpLia, and I tliink from France, 
 
 Ireland, and probably from London. I now write to 
 
 my friends at Nantes and L'Orient ; tlieir answers will 
 
 enable me to form some judgment of wliat business I 
 
 may expect from France. The application to those in 
 
 London and Ireland will be personal, and I shall write 
 
 to America to prepare my friends for what I shall 
 
 pi-obal)ly solicit from the Island of St. Thomas. Your 
 
 commands, Sir, if dii'ected to the care of Mr. James 
 
 Falls, I shall receive here on my return to London. 
 
 Permit me. Sir, to ])resent my best resj^ects to Mr. 
 
 Henry Laurens, and to repeat my assurances of the 
 
 most inviolable attachment to yourself and family, 
 
 with which I am, honoured and dear Sir, your most 
 
 faithful servant, 
 
 Moses Young. 
 
 The Honourable Henry Laurens, Esq. 
 
 AN ACT 
 
 To prei^ent in future any office to he exercised in any colony or 
 plantation noio or at any lime hereafter belonging to the 
 Crotcn of Great Britain^ for any longer term than during 
 such term as the grantee thereof or person appointed thereto^ 
 shall discharge the duty thereof and beJiave well therein. 
 
 Whereas, the practice of granting offices in his 
 Majesty's colonies and plantations in America and the 
 West Indies to persons resident and intending to re- 
 side in Great Britain, (in consequence whereof such 
 offices are exercised b)' deputy, and have been fre- 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 095 
 
 queutly farmed out to the best bidder,) has been long 
 complained of as a grievance by his Majesty's loyal 
 subjects in those parts, who have been thereby ex- 
 posed to exactions and opj^ressious, as ^vell as to incon- 
 veniences arising from neglect of dutv. 
 
 And whereas, such offices, if the persons holding 
 the same were resident, and in person discharged the 
 duties thereof, might have been and may still be a 
 means of encouraging and rewarding the attachment 
 of the inhabitants of his Majesty's colonies and plan- 
 tations to his royal person and government, and to 
 the general interests of the British empire : May it 
 please, &c., that from henceforth no office to be exer- 
 cised in any colony or plantation now or at any time 
 hereafter belonging to the Crown of Great Britain, 
 shall be granted or grantable for any longer time than 
 during such time as the grantee thereof, or person ap- 
 pointed thereto, shall discharge the duty, and l)ehave 
 well therein. 
 
 And be it further enacted by the authority afore- 
 said, that if any person or persons holding such office 
 shall be wilfully absent from the colony or plantation 
 wherein the same is or ought to be exercised, without 
 a reasonable cause, to be allowed by the Governor and 
 Council for the time being of such colony or planta- 
 tion, or shall neglect the duty of such office, or other- 
 wise misbehave therein, it shall and may be lawful for 
 such Governor and Council to remove such person or 
 persons from every or any such office. And in case 
 2'J 
 
2'2(] MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 any person or j)ersons so removed shall tliink liiuiself 
 jic.-cri'ieved tlierel^y, it sliall and may be lawful to and 
 for any such person or persons so aggrieved to appeal 
 therefrom, as in other cases of appeal from such colony 
 or plantation, wherein such a motion shall be finally 
 judged of and determined l)y his Majesty in Coimcil. 
 Provided, always, that it shall and ma}' l)e lawful for 
 the Governor and Council of any colony or plantation 
 to give such leave of absence as they shall see occa- 
 sion ; and in such case, as likewise in the case of 
 vacancy occasioned by death, or a motion to provide 
 for the due discharge of the duties of such office or 
 offices, until the King's pleasure shall be known. 
 
 Provided, also, that nothing herein contained shall 
 operate to the prejudice of any subsisting grant of 
 such office or offices, or to prevent any office being 
 granted determinable at pleasure.* 
 
 A TOKY SKETCH OF HENRY LAUEENS. 
 
 History and Character of Mr. Laurens, late President of the 
 Eehel 'Congress, now a prisoner in the Tower of London. 
 
 Mr. Laurens was born in the year 1722. His 
 countenance is swarthy ; his figure rather mean ; his 
 stature rather below the middle size. He has C|uick 
 piercing eyes, and a sharp meaning face, but such a 
 
 * This act was endorsed by Mr. Young, as follows : 
 21st Jnne, 1782. Presented liy Lord Wycombe, fSlielbnrne.) and 
 read a first time.— 24th June, 17S2. Read a second time, and committed 
 
 tu a Committee of the whole House to-morrow. 
 
LAURENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 227 
 
 meaning as to put any person of penetration on liis 
 guard in dealing with liini. HU father was a saddler 
 in Chavlestown, a Frenchman l)\' birth, and a Protes- 
 tant, and wished to breed his son Harry to his own 
 trade. The young man, however, soon deserted his 
 mechanic employment, and applied himself to com- 
 merce. He first came to London al)Out the year 1740. 
 He never lived as a clerk with Messrs. Rawlinson <fc 
 Davidson, as has been so often asserted, l)ut was for 
 some years in that station with Mr. James Crokatt, a 
 Carolina merchant in London. A lucky stroke in the 
 ^vay of insurance laid the foundation of his fortune. 
 On his return to Charlestown, fortune smiled on his 
 industry, and loaded him with riches.. He was clear 
 and indefatigable in business, and had the general 
 character of being honest in his dealings ; though at 
 the same time he was always reckoned, what is not 
 very respectable among merchants, a keen, sharp, and 
 strict man. This is a very common character over all 
 British America. He is a man of such incessant ap- 
 plication, that no degree of trouble can discourage 
 him in the pursuit of an object of interest or andjition. 
 His early education was very limited ; but when he 
 became more affluent, by that unremitting attention 
 which forms so remarkable a part of his character, he 
 acquired a fund of miscellaneous literature. Tliis 
 fund, however, is said to be ill-digested ; it is ratlier a 
 farrago. His address is so replete with industrious 
 civility, he is so attentive to tliose with whom he con- 
 
228 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 verses, and so careful lest an improper word should 
 escajje him, that a man of plain honest}^ and discern- 
 ment is infellibly led to conceive Mr. Laurens has some 
 desio'n on him, that he wishes to conceal something 
 from his view, which he would readily see, were it not 
 artfully shaded. By different men, this behaviour is 
 differently thought of and denominated. The weak 
 and ignorant, judging of him from this circumstance, 
 call him affal)le and wise ; the more discerning think 
 him insinuating and cunning. He certainly wants 
 that sincere, open manliness of manner which a liberal 
 education, natural good sense, and a consciousness of 
 integrit}', always confer upon their possessor. 
 
 Last war, in 1761, he was Lieutenant-Colonel of a 
 regiment of militia in Gen. Grant's expedition against 
 the Cherokee Indians. His military exploits are no- 
 where recorded. But in a private broil between Gen. 
 Grant and a Col. Middleton, an American, and a 
 militia colonel, he took part with Gen. Grant ; for 
 very different purposes, as was supposed by those 
 who kne^v him best, to what appeared to be his mo- 
 tives to the undiscernhig part of mankind. The dis- 
 pute between Gen. Grant, then only Col. Grant, and 
 Col. Middleton, terminated in a duel, which was not 
 attended with any fatal consequences. 
 
 In the time of the Stamp Act, 1764-65, Mr. Lau- 
 rens drew upon himself the hatred of the populace of 
 Charlestown, 1)y declaring their opposition to the act 
 illegal and unconstitutional. They threatened him 
 
I.AUREXS' CORRESPONDENCE. 99^ 
 
 with tlie effects of tLeir resentment, Isiit were induced 
 l)y persuasion to leave liim unmolested. After tlie 
 repeal of the Stamp Act, the Americans looked for- 
 ward to new triumphs ; they demanded the repeal of 
 the duties on glass and painters' colours. This ^^as 
 refused. They adopted the non-importation scheme. 
 Mr. Laurens at first showed himself averse to this 
 measure ; l>ut when he saw that the different colonies 
 were no longer to try their several strengths by sepa- 
 rate contests with the mother countiy, but were to 
 concentrate their scattered powers by forming a Gen- 
 eral Congress, he eagerly entered into the scheme 
 which he had formerly reprobated. Such stal)ility 
 was now given to the proceedings of the factious colo- 
 nies, that even a man of Mr. Laurens' art and wari- 
 ness thought it no longer unsafe to strengthen them 
 by his approl)ation and concurrence. In this, as in 
 the former struggle, the Americans came off victo- 
 rious. 
 
 In the cessation of political struggles between the 
 Stamp Act and the Glass Act, Mr. Laurens, who was 
 of that sort of mercantile genius which often occasions 
 the enterprising merchant to forget the laws of trade, 
 or persuades him that he shall escape them, had a ship 
 seized by one of his Majesty's cruisers. The vessel 
 was brought into Charlestown, where Sir Egerton 
 Leio-h, who was man'ied to a niece of Mr. Laurens, 
 was Judge of the Court of Admiralty. Sir Egerton, 
 in this case, acted with the virtue of an old Eoman, 
 
230 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 aud as a just judge. He coiulemiied Mr. Laurens' 
 ship. Such conduct astonished Mr. Laurens. Such a 
 near relation to condemn one of his ships, roused his 
 implacable resentment. He traduced Sir Egerton as 
 an unjust judge over all the Continent of America. 
 As mo>t of the Americans were illicit traders, Mr. 
 Laurens had many partisans. He wrote as many 
 pamphlets against Sir Egerton as made a pretty large 
 volume. These he circulated wherever the English 
 language was read in that quarter. Many peojole re- 
 member to have seen a box full of them, addressed to 
 different persons, no less than twelve hundred miles 
 from Charlestown. 
 
 When things began to assume a more settled ap- 
 pearance after the non-importation agreement was 
 annulled, Mr. Laurens left Carolina and came over 
 to Europe. He remained about three years out of 
 America, the greatest part of which he spent in Eng- 
 land. About the beo-innino; of 1775 he returned to 
 Charlestown, in time enouo^h to fan the kindlino; flame 
 of rebellion. His wealth, his knowledge of trade, his 
 well-known industry and assiduity in every scheme he 
 entered into, and the information he had acquired 
 from his residence in England, rendered him a most 
 valuable acquisition to the American cause, and marked 
 him out as the most proper person the Carolinians 
 could elect to l>e President of their Provincial Con- 
 fess. But even here his habitual caution, and 
 even cunning, were not laid aside ; for, not with stand- 
 
LAUKENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 231 
 
 iiig tlie decisive part wliicli li's actions denioiis;trated 
 he liad taken in tiie grand dispute, lie still pretended 
 lie was averse to the measures which the Americans 
 were pursuing, and that for his part he was absolutely 
 forced into them by his countrymen. He dreaded the 
 vengeance of Britain if she should j)i'ove successful, 
 and thought to elude it by this shallow artifice. 
 
 After liavino; been chosen President of the Provin- 
 cial Concrress of Carolina, he was sent as a deles'ate to 
 the Continental Congress at Philadelphia. In 1777 
 he was elected President of the Continental Congress ; 
 and in that station the infamous convention at Sara- 
 too'a was entered into between Gates and Buro-ovne. 
 These things are yet recent ; and this nation still boils 
 with indignation at American treacheiy in the refusal 
 of Congress to fulfil the terms concluded upon hy 
 their own General, disgraceful as they were to this 
 country. But fe^v of us know that Mr. Laurens was 
 the principal, if not the original adviser of this breach 
 of the faith of nations. He even added insult to 
 injury ; for instead of telling us openly, and with a 
 manly confidence, tli:it as the safety of the people 
 was paramount to all conventions and stipulations 
 between individuals, the troops could not be allowed 
 to leave America, and as that event would enable us 
 to make such vigorous exertions as would proT)al)ly 
 destroy their beloved scheme of independence ; he 
 attempted to show that what he had done was agree- 
 able to the established notions of right, and tLis in a 
 
232 MATERIALS FOR HISTORY. 
 
 train of argument wliich its absurdity rendered un- 
 answerable. It would be as difficult to prove the 
 truth of an axiom of Euclid, as to demonstrate the 
 falsehood of the reasons Mr. Laurens pul)lished to the 
 world in vindication of his conduct. 
 
 What has been said, may serve in helping us to 
 form a more just and accurate notion of Mr. Laurens' 
 character than what is generally entertained. Li illus- 
 tration of what has been advanced, it may be affirmed, 
 that if the ministry attempt to negotiate with the 
 Americans through the medium of Mr. Laurens, he 
 will outwit them. He will pretend to be a moderate 
 man, and a friend to this country. Little regard will 
 be }iaid to truth, where there will be no dread of im- 
 mediate detection ; for whatever an American may be 
 in private life, honour avd good faith enter Qiot into 
 his ideas of a politician. Time will be lost, ojiportu- 
 nities will be omitted, and Mr. Laurens will have the 
 satisfaction of laughing at our credulity. If the na- 
 tion wishes for peace, let us treat with the Americans 
 as our decl red enemies. We, will then expect and be 
 prepared against all the tricks of negotiation, which 
 one nation employs against another. But let us not 
 trust too much to the friendship and integrity of the 
 breaker of the Saratoga Convention. 
 
 Mr. Laurens is naturally of an irascible temper, 
 ]jut has generally the art to conceal it. His last 
 voyage to England was to enter his eldest son in the 
 Middle Temple for the study of the law. This son 
 
LA.URENS' CORRESPONDENCE. 233 
 
 was educated in true republican principles at Geneva. 
 During Mr. Lnurens' stay in England, opposition got 
 hold of him, and a mutual game of deception was 
 played betwixt them ; they thought they had made 
 him a convert, and he thought he had made them the 
 warm friends of America. He returned to America, 
 as we have already mentioned, in the end of 1774, or 
 beginning of 1775. His fortune there is very con- 
 siderable. He has great possessions in Carolina and 
 Georgia; and at the commencement of the rebellion 
 had a large sum in the English funds. His son soon 
 after married here, but the rebellion breaking out in 
 a few months, he went oif for America. He has been 
 in several stations in the army, and aid-de-camp to 
 Washington, and was wounded in one of the skir- 
 mishes last year to the Southward.* 
 
 * This paper is endorsed by Mr. Laureus, "A British Opinion of Me; 
 — correct in some points. It was published in a Political Magazine in 
 1780." 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Act relating to the dispensing of govern- 
 ment ofSces in the American Colonies, 
 224. 
 
 Adair, James, 187. 
 
 Adams, John, appointed a Commissioner 
 to France, 70. 
 
 Andrew, Benjamin, 42. 
 
 Appeal to the people of America, by 
 Stephen De Lancey, 202. 
 
 Arbitrary arrests, cases of, 30. 
 
 Arbuthnot, Admiral, 154. 
 
 Armand, Independent Corps of, 145. 
 
 Armstrong, John, Brig.-Gen., 23. 
 
 Atkinson, John, commander of the " Re- 
 venge," 123. 
 
 Baillie, Alexander, 41. 
 Barclay, Thomas, Col., 201. 
 
 , Henry, Rev. Dr., 201, 203. 
 
 Baj^lor, Lieut.-Colonel, 175. 
 
 Bland, Theodoric, 175. 
 
 Board of Admiralty, 153. 
 
 Bradford, William, Col., at Red Bank, 58. 
 
 Brandy wine, descriptioa of the battle of, 
 
 52. 
 Brewerton, George, Col., 201. 
 
 Bridgen, , Mr., 220. 
 
 Bull's Island, S. C, British attack on, in 
 
 1776, 25. 
 Burgoyne, Sir John, surrender of, 57, 
 61. 
 -, noticed, 231. 
 
 Byron, Admiral, 154. 
 
 Cameron, Alexander; see Indians, 26. 
 
 Carhew, , Col., 175. 
 
 Charleston, S. C, attack on, in 1776, 21. 
 
 , fire in, 1778, 94. 
 
 , affairs at, in 1780, 174. 
 
 Chatham, Lord, 92. 
 
 Cherokee Indians, ravages of the, 25. 
 
 Clinton, Geortje, Gen., 58. 
 
 , Sir Henry, 150, 173, 175. 
 
 , his "Commission of Peace," 217. 
 
 Collier, Sir George, 150. 
 
 "Common Sense," noticed, 158, 209. 
 
 Confiscation, 50. 
 
 Continental Congress, " Traits of the 
 
 infamous practices of party in," 91. 
 Continental Currency, 149, 152, 203, 204. 
 Conway, Thomas, Gen., resignation of, 
 
 111. 
 Cooper, , Rev., dismissed by liis 
 
 parishioners, 30. 
 Cornwallis, Lord, noticed, 55. 
 -, surrender of, 218. 
 
 Cotton manufactures, 149. 
 Counterfeiting Continental money, 106. 
 Cowles, William, 34. 
 Creek Indians, 28. 
 Crokatt, James, 227. 
 Cunningham, Robert, Col., 29. 
 Currency ; see Continental Currency. 
 
 Dana, Francis, 156. 
 Dartmouth College, N. H., 195. 
 Deane, Silas, 35, 73, 77, 78, 82, 83, 87, 
 129, 131. 
 
236 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Declaration of Independence, proclaimed 
 at Charleston, S. C., 25. 
 
 , noticed, 147, 
 
 "Delaware," capture of the ship, 62. 
 
 Delaware River, British operations on 
 the, 62. 
 
 De Lancey, James, Lieut.-Gov., 201. 
 
 , Oliver, Gen., 200. 
 
 , Oliver, Brig.-Gen., 200. 
 
 , Peter, 201. 
 
 , Stephen, notice of, 200. 
 
 , Appeal to the People of Amer- 
 ica, 202. 
 
 , Sir William Howe, 201. 
 
 De Noailles, M., 114. 
 
 D'Estaing, Count, 116, 121, 125, 154, 213. 
 
 , wounded at Savannah, 163, ITO. 
 
 Diary of the American Revolution, 56. 
 
 Dickinson, John, 68. 
 
 Dilworth, on the Heights of Brandy- 
 wine, 52. 
 
 Disloyal Americans, 29. 
 
 Drayton, W. H., Letter to John Laurens, 
 124. 
 
 , noticed, 94, 115. 
 
 Duche, Jacob, Rev., venality of, 59. 
 
 Dunmore, Lord, routed in Virginia, 31. 
 
 , noticed, 124. 
 
 Du Plessis, Mauduit, Letter to Henry 
 Laurens, 95. 
 
 " Ebenezer Battery," at Savannah, Ga., 
 
 169. 
 Education, in South Carolina, 181. 
 Elbert, S., Col, letter to Henry Laurens, 
 
 109. 
 Elections, interference with, 43. 
 
 Elphinstonc, , Capt., 119. 
 
 Emmerick, , Col., 146. 
 
 England, Privy Council of, on the war 
 
 with France, 69. 
 Englishmen, the authors of American 
 
 slavery, 19. 
 
 Fabritius, M., 148. 
 
 Fairfield, Conn., British descent on, 151. 
 
 Falls, James, 224. 
 
 Fleury, L., Maj., at Fort Mifflin, 63. 
 
 , letter to Henry Laurens, 95. 
 
 Florida, Howe's expedition into, II L 
 
 Fort Mercer, evacuation of, 67. 
 
 Fort Mifflin, John Laurens' account of 
 
 the attack on, 62. 
 France, Treaty of 1778, 91. 
 
 -, operations of troops of, at Sa- 
 
 vannah, 213. 
 Franklin, Benjamin, noticed, 38, 77, 80, 
 87, 202, 223. 
 
 , constructs a chevaux-de-frise 
 
 on the Delaware, 62. 
 -, mission to France, 152. 
 
 Fredonia Harbor, naval battle near, 109. 
 
 Gadsden, Christopher, 24, 105. 
 Gates, Horatio, 58, 231. 
 
 -, letters to Henry Laurens, 110, 
 
 144. 
 
 ''Gazette of the State of South Caro- 
 
 hna," 119. 
 Georgia; see State Rights, 39. 
 Germantown, Pa., the battle of, 56. 
 
 Gervais, , Col., 55. 
 
 Gloster, N. J., skirmish at, 7 1. 
 Glover, General, 137. 
 Gordon, William, Dr., 156. 
 Grant, James, Gen., noticed, 24. 
 , expedition against the Chero- 
 
 kees in 17 01, 228. 
 Greene, Nathanael, Gen., at Fort Mercer, 
 67. 
 
 ', noticed, 70. 
 
 Greene, , Col., of Rhode Island, 58. 
 
 Gruel, J., 72. 
 
 Gutridge, , the Carolina pilot, 123. 
 
 Gwinett (Button), Mr., 43. 
 
 Habersham, Joseph, noticed, 19. 
 
 Hall, , Dr., 42. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, letter to John 
 
 Laurens, 154. 
 , his remarks on De Lancey's 
 
 " Appeal," 202. 
 Hancock, John, noticed, 16. 
 , retires from the Presidency of 
 
 Congress, 56. 
 Hardy, Admiral, 215. 
 Harnet, Cornelius, Col., 61. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 23^ 
 
 Hajrward, Ed. L., letter to John Lau- 
 rens, 161. 
 
 Hazlesvood, , Commodore, 58. 
 
 Heyv.ard, Thomas, Si. 
 
 Hogan, , Gen., 17-4. 
 
 Hopkinson, Francis, 59. 
 
 Howe, Robert, letter to, from Henry 
 Laurens, 57. 
 
 , letters to Henry Laurens, 126, 
 
 145. 
 
 , noticed, 23, 31. 
 
 Howe, Lord Admiral, 60, 125. 
 
 Howe, Sir William, Gen., at Philadel- 
 phia, 56. 
 
 , noticed, 60. 
 
 Huger, Benjamin, Maj., 60. 
 
 Humi^lireys, , Ms "lying news- 
 
 pajjer," 56. 
 
 Hutchinson, Thomas, his History of 
 Massachusetts Bay, 190. 
 
 Hutson, Richard, 94. 
 
 Indians, ravages of, 25, 26, 28. 
 
 ■ , see Sl'LLIvan, 133. 
 
 in South Carolina. 187. 
 
 Insurrection in the Carolinas, 28. 
 Internal improvement advocated, 205. 
 "Irish discontents" in Washington's 
 
 army, 216. 
 [Izard Ralph], letter to Henry Laurens, 
 
 86. 
 
 James, , Capt., Royal Dragoons, 
 
 169. 
 James' Island, S. C, British troops on, 
 
 173. 
 Jefferson, Thomas, 219. 
 Jolmson, Sir John, 201. 
 Johnson, William, Col., 201. 
 John's Island, S. C, Brltisli troops on, 
 
 173. 
 
 Kirkland, 
 
 -, Mr., 30, 
 
 Lafayette, Marquis de, 70, 125, 218. 
 
 Langworthy, , Mr. 51. 
 
 Laurens, Henry, portrait of, title-page. 
 , letter to John Laurens, 1. 
 
 Laurens, Henry, sentiments concerning 
 the Declaration of Indepen- 
 dence. 26. 
 
 , letter to Col. Gervais, 55. 
 
 , letter to Gen. Robert Howe, 57. 
 
 ; letter to Maj. Huger, 60. 
 
 , letter to John Adams, 70. 
 
 ■ , commissioned to Holland, 153. 
 
 , description of South Carolina, 
 
 180. 
 
 , some particulars concerning his 
 
 capture and exchange, 218. 
 
 , a Tory sketch of. 226. 
 
 , noticed, IIG, 117, 157. 
 
 Laurens, John, letter from Henry Lau- 
 rens to, August 14, 1776, 17. 
 
 ■ , account of the attack on Fort 
 
 Mifflin, 63. 
 
 , at Rhode Island, 122, 124. 
 
 , noticed, 55, 86, 173. 
 
 Lee, Arthur, noticed, 37, 79, 85, 89, 147, 
 15S. 
 
 Lee, Charles, Gen., noticed, 23. 
 
 , visits Georgia, 31. 
 
 Lee, Henrv, Maj., descent on Powles' 
 iiook, 151. 
 
 , complimented by Alexander 
 
 Hamilton, 155. 
 
 Leigh, Sir Egcrton, 229. 
 
 Lewis, Francis, letter to Stephen Savro, 
 147. 
 
 , Frank, 152. 
 
 , Morgan, Gen., 152. 
 
 Lloyd, John, letters to Henry Laurens, 
 91, 99. 
 
 Lincoln, Benjamin, Gen., 164, 213. 
 
 ■ , Gen. Washington's conlidence 
 
 in, 176. 
 
 Lord Dunmore ; see Dunmore. 
 
 Lovell. James, 144. 
 
 Lowe, Sir Hudson, Gen., 201. 
 
 Maitland, , Col., 1 63. 
 
 Malcolm, , CoL, 112. 
 
 Manigault, , Mr., 57. 
 
 Mansheld, Lord, 91. 
 
 Marbois, M., queries to Henry Laurens 
 in reference to the resources of South 
 Carolina, 178. Sec Joii.v Sullivan. 
 
238 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Massachusetts, militia of, 116. 
 
 Massachusetts Bay, Hutchiuson's His- 
 tory of, 190. 
 
 Mathews, John, 94. 
 
 Maxwell, William, Gen., 55. 
 
 McDougal, John, Gen., 112. 
 
 Mcintosh, George, 41. 
 
 , Lachlan, 19. 
 
 , William, 19, 41. 
 
 McPherson, , Lieut. (Royal army), 
 
 164. 
 
 Middleton, Arthur, 105. 
 
 Mifflin, Thomas, G8. 
 
 Monmoatli, N. J., 126. 
 
 Morris, , Major, 125. 
 
 , Robert, letter on the unworthy 
 
 conduct of his brother, 71. 
 
 , noticed, 3G, 203. 
 
 , Thomas, 35, 71, 83, 92. 
 
 Moultrie, Wihiam, Gen., 24, 175. 
 
 Mowbray, , Capt. of St. Johns, 117. 
 
 Moylan, Stephen, 145. 
 
 New England, the regiments of, " well- 
 clothed," 68. 
 
 , attempts to engross the advan- 
 tages of the Confederacy, GO. 
 
 New Hampshire, militia of, IIG. 
 
 , Gen. Sullivan's account of, 187. 
 
 , the mountains of, 192. 
 
 New Haven, Conn., British descent on, 
 in 1779, 150. 
 
 "New Lights," the, 194. 
 
 New York, the seat of war, 31. 
 
 Volunteers, loyal, at the siege of 
 
 Savannah, 103. 
 
 North, Lord, pacific propositions of, 
 92. 
 
 , speech in the House of Com- 
 mons, February 17, 1778, 99. 
 
 Norwalk, Conn., British burn, 151. 
 
 Outerbridge, , Mr., imprisonment 
 
 of, 30. 
 
 Paine, Thomas, letters to Henry Lau- 
 rens, lOG, 129, 157. 
 
 , proposes the publication of his 
 
 works, 158, 
 
 Paper, scarcity of, during the Revolu- 
 tion, 158. 
 
 Parke, John, Col., answer to Rev. Jacob 
 Duche, 59. 
 
 Parker, Hyde, Admiral, 213. 
 
 Paroles, dishonored, 29. 
 
 Peronneau, , Mr., 42. 
 
 "Perseus," British man-of-war, 117. 
 
 Philadclpliia, Pa., British capture, 56. 
 
 , British soldiers billeted on the 
 
 inhabitants of, 71. 
 
 Pliiladelphia Library Company, 120. 
 
 Phillips, William, the Santee coaster, 
 117. 
 
 Pinckney, C. C, Col., 55. 
 
 Piquet, La Motte, 214. 
 
 Pliarns, Penet & Co., 72. 
 
 Port Royal Island, S. C, British troops 
 on, 173. 
 
 Powlos' Hook, N. J., 151. 
 
 Prizes ; see Rosanna, 60. 
 
 Property men, in South Carolina, 30. 
 
 Pulaski, Casimir, Count, wounded at Sa- 
 vannah, 170. 
 
 Putnam, Israel, 58. 
 
 Queen's Rangers, The, 176. 
 
 Religions in New Hampshire, 194. 
 
 Religions in South Carolina, 181. 
 
 Religious tests, 45, 105. 
 
 " Revenge," the privateer, 123. 
 
 Rhode Island, British attack on, in 1778, 
 117, 124. 
 
 Richardson, Richard, Gen., 175. 
 
 Rilliet, M., noticed, 18. 
 
 Rivingtou, James, his " Royal Gazette," 
 151. 
 
 Robinson, Beverley, Col., 201. 
 
 Rodney, Sir George, attacks the Span- 
 ish fleet, 214. 
 
 "Rosanna," the case of the schooner, 
 60. 
 
 Ross, John, letter to Silas Deane, 35. 
 
 , noticed, 78, 81, 85. 
 
 Russia, the manufactures of, 148. 
 
 Rutherford, Brig.-Gen., 27. 
 
 Rutledge, John, noticed, 23, 93, 113. 
 
 , resignation of, and reasons for 
 
 it, 103. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 239 
 
 Salvador, , Mr., death of, 28. 
 
 Saratoga, the surrender at, 2;>2. 
 
 Savannah, Ga., The Liberty Society in, 
 .39. 
 
 , Tory Journal of the Siege of 
 
 1779, 161. 
 
 Sayre, Stephen, 147. 
 
 Schuyler, Philip, Maj.-Gcn., 138. 
 
 Scott, Charles, Brig.-Gen., 142. 
 
 Searle, James, 153. 
 
 Sears, Isaac, 151. 
 
 "Separates," the, 194. 
 
 Seymour, Thomas, Capt., 123. 
 
 Shelburne, Earl of, his Peace Bill, 220. 
 
 Sheldon, , 145. 
 
 Shubrick. , Capt., 25. 
 
 Slavery, Henry Laurens' opinion of, 
 19. 
 
 Smith, Samuel, Col., at Fort Mifflin, 58. 
 
 , William, 72. 
 
 South Carolina, property men in, 30. 
 
 , Declaration of Independence 
 
 adopted by the Assembly of, 
 31. 
 
 , Articles of Confederation rati- 
 fied in, 93. 
 
 , naval foi-ces of, in 1778, 94. 
 
 , the resources of, 180. 
 
 , manufactures in, 183. 
 
 Sparks, Jared, 59. 
 
 Specie vs. Freedom, 210. 
 
 Stamp Act, The, 228. 
 
 State Currency, considered, 204, 208. 
 
 State Rights, 39. 
 
 St. Augustine, Fla., British fleet dam- 
 aged off, 118. 
 
 , the expedition against, 127. 
 
 Stirling, Earl of, letter to Henry Lau- 
 rens, 128. 
 
 St. John's Petition, The, 41. 
 
 Stono Ferry, S. C, British troops at, 
 173. 
 
 Stony Point, Hudson River, 150. 
 
 Stuart, Henry; see Indians, 26. 
 
 Stuart, John; see Indians, 26. 
 
 Stuart, , Mrs., arrest of, 31. 
 
 Sullivan, John, Maj.-Gcn., letters to 
 Henry Laurens, 110, 120. 
 
 , urges Henry Laurens to remain 
 
 Chairman of Congress, 120. 
 
 Sullivan, John, Maj.-Gcn., letter to 
 Washington concerning hia 
 Indian expedition, 132. 
 
 , expedition of, 138. 
 
 , his account of New Hampshire, 
 
 187. 
 
 , noticed, 125. 
 
 SuUivan's Island, S. C, British attack 
 on, in 177G, 24. 
 
 Talbot, Silas, Maj., at Fort Mifflin, 63. 
 "Tavern Bill," the aftair of, 221. 
 
 Thayer, , Maj., at Fort Mifflin, 63. 
 
 "The Cabal," some account of, 155. 
 
 "The Crisis," the writer of, 209. 
 
 The "Liberty Society" of Savannah, 
 
 Ga., 39. 
 The Royal Gazette, 151. 
 Thomson, Charles, 144. 
 Timothy, Peter, letters to Henry Lau- 
 rens, 117, 123. 
 
 , sketch of, 119. 
 
 Tomminy Hill, R. I., fortress on, 122. 
 
 Troup, , Lieut. -Col., 112. 
 
 Tryon, William, Gen., 150. 
 
 Varnum, James M., Gen., 67. 
 Vaughan, Benjamin, 221. 
 Vaughan, William, 222. 
 
 Vaughan, , Gen., 213. 
 
 Vcrplanck's Point, N. Y., 150. 
 Virginia, Lord Dunmore's operations in, 
 31. 
 
 , tardiness of the troops of, 175. 
 
 Virginia Light Dragoons, 151. 
 
 Walton, George, 51. 
 Washington, George, Gen , at Brandy- 
 wine, 52. 
 
 , the wants of, 55. 
 
 , letter to John Laurens, 175. 
 
 , confidence of, in Gen. Lincoln, 
 
 176. 
 
 , called "Mr.", 216. 
 
 , letter to Brig.-Gen. Scott, 14 2. 
 
 , noticed, 55, 58, 114, 120, 132, 
 
 138, 144, 150, 219. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Wayne, Anthony, at Stony Point, 150. 
 
 Weare, Frederick, 70. 
 
 Webb, Samuel H., Gen., letter to John 
 
 Laurens, 200. 
 Wells, George, Dr., 45. 
 Wells, John, printer, 21. 
 Wercat, John, letter to Henry Laurens, 
 
 39. 
 White Plains, N. Y., American camp at, 
 
 125. 
 WJiite Stone, Long Island, 152. 
 
 Whitworth, , Lieut., 161. 
 
 Wickes, Capt., 38. 
 
 Will, Philip, 123. 
 
 Williamson, Colonel, 25. 
 
 Williamson, General, 175. 
 
 Women, arrest of, 31. 
 
 Wood, John, 46. 
 
 Wood, Joseph, 43. 
 
 Wright, James, Governor of Georgia, 
 
 17, 172. 
 Wycombe, , Lord, Act in reference 
 
 to offices in the Colonies, 224. 
 
 Young, Moses, letters to Henry Lau- 
 rens, 218, 220.