A? <*&■ * <**. or • • ■ • ♦ **b A 4 . * ' • - Q v ^ o « • '-• ^ %ft • "Or O * :•. V* c .v^kfr. °^./ .•;»>. V.« c ■>•+< ■*. 'imgi j°~ : .i»* ***** "WS°> : f 5"£? - JUDGE RICHARD HENDERSON From a drawing by T. Gilbert White Detail of painting, The Great Treaty, in Kentucky State Capitol THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST THE ROMANTIC STORY OF THE EARLY PIONEERS INTO VIRGINIA, THE CAROLINAS, TENNESSEE, AND KENTUCKY 1740-1790 BY ARCHIBALD HENDERSON, Ph.D., D.C.L. Some to endure and many to fail. Some to conquer and many to quail Toiling over the Wilderness Trail. NEW YORK THE CENTURY CO. 1920 *" / Co Copyright, 1920, by The Century Co. m ■-? » ffl CI.A565830 V ^' TO THE HISTORIAN OF OLD WEST AND NEW WEST FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER WITH ADMIRATION AND REGARD The country might invite a prince from his palace, merely for the pleasure of contemplating its beauty and excellence; but only add the rapturous idea of property, and what allure- ments can the world offer for the loss of so glorious a prospect? — Richakd Henderson. The established Authority of any government in America, and the policy of Government at home, are both insufficient to restrain the Americans. . . . They acquire no attachment to Place : But wander- ing about Seems engrafted in their Nature ; and it is a weakness incident to it, that they Should for ever immagine the Lands further off, are Still better than those upon which they are already settled. — Lord Dunmore, to the Earl of Dartmouth. INTRODUCTION The romantic and thrilling story of the southward and westward migration of succes- sive waves of transplanted European peoples throughout the entire course of the eighteenth century is the history of the growth and evo- lution of American democracy. Upon the American continent was wrought out, through almost superhuman daring, incredible hard- ship, and surpassing endurance, the formation of a new society. The European rudely con- fronted with the pitiless conditions of the wil- derness soon discovered that his maintenance, indeed his existence, was conditioned upon his individual efficiency and his resourcefulness in adapting himself to his environment. The very history of the human race, from the age of primitive man to the modern era of en- lightened civilization, is traversed in the Old ix INTRODUCTION Southwest throughout the course of half a century. A series of dissolving views thrown upon the screen, picturing the successive episodes in the history of a single family as it wended its way southward along the eastern valleys, reso- lutely repulsed the sudden attack of the In- dians, toiled painfully up the granite slopes of the Appalachians, and pitched down into the transmontane wilderness upon the western waters, would give to the spectator a vivid con- ception, in miniature, of the westward move- ment. But certain basic elements in the grand procession, revealed to the sociologist and the economist, would perhaps escape his scrutiny. Back of the individual, back of the family, even, lurk the creative and formative impulses of colonization, expansion, and government. In the recognition of these social and economic tendencies the individual merges into the group; the group into the community; the community into a new society. In this clear perspective of historic development the spec- tacular hero at first sight seems to diminish; INTRODUCTION but the mass, the movement, the social force which he epitomizes and interprets, gain in im- pressiveness and dignity. 1 As the irresistible tide of migratory peoples swept ever southward and westward, seeking room for expansion and economic independ- ence, a series of frontiers was gradually thrust out toward the wilderness in successive waves of irregular indentation. The true leader in this westward advance, to whom less than his deserts has been accorded by the historian, is the drab and mercenary trader with the In- dians. The story of his enterprise and of his adventures begins with the planting of Euro- pean civilization upon American soil. In the mind of the aborigines he created the passion for the fruits, both good and evil, of the white man's civilization, and he was welcomed by the Indian because he also brought the means for repelling the further advance of that civiliza- tion. The trader was of incalculable service to the pioneer in first spying out the land and charting the trackless wilderness. The trail rudely marked by the buffalo became in time xi INTRODUCTION the Indian path and the trader's "trace"; and the pioneers upon the westward march, follow- ing the line of least resistance, cut out their roads along these very routes. It is not too much to say that had it not been for the trader — brave, hardy, and adventurous however often crafty, unscrupulous, and immoral — the expansionist movement upon the American continent would have been greatly retarded. So scattered and ramified were the enter- prises and expeditions of the traders with the Indians that the frontier which they established was at best both shifting and unstable. Fol- lowing far in the wake of these advance agents of the civilization which they so often dis- graced, came the cattle-herder or rancher, who took advantage of the extensive pastures and ranges along the uplands and foot-hills to raise immense herds of cattle. Thus was formed what might be called a rancher's frontier, thrust out in advance of the ordinary farming settlements and serving as the first serious bar- rier against the Indian invasion. The west- ward movement of population is in this respect xii INTRODUCTION a direct advance from the coast. Years before the influx into the Old Southwest of the tides of settlement from the northeast, the more ad- venturous struck straight westward in the wake of the fur-trader, and here and there erected the cattle-ranges beyond the farming frontier of the piedmont region. The wild horses and cattle which roamed at will through the upland barrens and pea-vine pastures were herded in and driven for sale to the city mar- kets of the East. The farming frontier of the piedmont pla- teau constituted the real backbone of western settlement. The pioneering farmers, with the adventurous instincts of the hunter and the explorer, plunged deeper and ever deeper into the wilderness, lured on by the prospect of free and still richer lands in the dim interior. Settlements quickly sprang up in the neighbor- hood of military posts or rude forts established to serve as safeguards against hostile attack; and trade soon flourished between these settle- ments and the eastern centers, following the trails of the trader and the more beaten paths xiii INTRODUCTION of emigration. The bolder settlers who ven- tured farthest to the westward were held in communication with the East through their dependence upon salt and other necessities of life; and the search for salt-springs in the virgin wilderness was an inevitable conse- quence of the desire of the pioneer to shake off his dependence upon the coast. The prime determinative principle of the progressive American civilization of the eight- eenth century was the passion for the acquisi- tion of land. The struggle for economic in- dependence developed the germ of American liberty and became the differentiating principle of American character. Here was a vast un- appropriated region in the interior of the con- tinent to be had for the seeking, which served as lure and inspiration to the man daring enough to risk his all in its acquisition. It was in accordance with human nature and the principles of political economy that this un- known extent of uninhabited transmontane land, widely renowned for beauty, richness, and fertility, should excite grandiose dreams xiv INTRODUCTION in the minds of English and Colonials alike. England was said to be "New Land mad and everybody there has his eye fixed on this coun- try." 2 Groups of wealthy or well-to-do in- dividuals organized themselves into land com- panies for the colonization and exploitation of the West. The pioneer promoter was a pow- erful creative force in westward expansion; and the activities of the early land companies were decisive factors in the colonization of the wilderness. Whether acting under the au- thority of a crown grant or proceeding on their own authority, the land companies tended to give stability and permanence to settlements otherwise hazardous and insecure. The second determinative impulse of the pioneer civilization was wanderlust — the pas- sionately inquisitive instinct of the hunter, the traveler, and the explorer. This restless class of nomadic wanderers was responsible in part for the royal proclamation of 1763, a second- ary object of which, according to Edmund Burke, was the limitation of the colonies on the West, as "the charters of many of our old XV INTRODUCTION colonies give them, with few exceptions, no bounds to the westward but the South Sea." The Long Hunters, taking their lives in their hands, fared boldly forth to a fabled hunter's paradise in the far-away wilderness, because they were driven by the irresistible desire of a Ponce de Leon or a De Soto to find out the truth about the unknown lands beyond. But the hunter was not only thrilled with the passion of the chase and of discovery; he was intent also upon collecting the furs and skins of wild animals for lucrative barter and sale in the centers of trade. He was quick to make "tomahawk claims" and to assert "corn rights" as he spied out the rich virgin land for future location and cultivation. Free land and no taxes appealed to the backwoods- man, tired of paying quit-rents to the agents of wealthy lords across the sea. Thus the settler speedily followed in the hunter's wake. In his wake also went many rude and lawless characters of the border, horse thieves and criminals of different sorts, who sought to hide their delinquencies in the merciful liberality xvi INTRODUCTION of the wilderness. For the most part, how- ever, it was the salutary instinct of the home- builder — the man with the ax, who made a little clearing in the forest and built there a rude cabin that he bravely defended at all risks against continued assaults — which, in defiance of every restraint, irresistibly thrust westward the thin and jagged line of the frontier. The ax and the surveyor's chain, along with the rifle and the hunting-knife, constituted the armorial bearings of the pioneer. With in- dividual as with corporation, with explorer as with landlord, land-hunger was the master impulse of the era. The various desires which stimulated and promoted westward expansion were, to be sure, often found in complete conjunction. The trader sought to exploit the Indian for his own advantage, selling him whisky, trinkets, and firearms in return for rich furs and costly pel- tries; yet he was often a hunter himse'f and collected great stores of peltries as the result of his solitary and protracted hunting-expedi- tions. The rancher and the herder sought to xvii INTRODUCTION exploit the natural vegetation of marsh and upland, the cane-brakes and pea-vines; yet the constantly recurring need for fresh pas- turage made him a pioneer also, drove him ever nearer to the mountains, and furnished the economic motive for his westward advance. The small farmer needed the virgin soil of the new region, the alluvial river-bottoms, and the open prairies, for the cultivation of his crops and the grazing of his cattle; yet in the inter- vals between the tasks of farm life he scoured the wilderness in search of game and spied out new lands for future settlement. This restless and nomadic race, says the keenly observant Francis Baily, "delight much to live on the frontiers, where they can enjoy undisturbed, and free from the control of any laws, the blessings which nature has bestowed upon them." 3 Independence of spirit, impa- tience of restraint, the inquisitive nature, and the nomadic temperament — these are the strains in the American character of the eighteenth century which ultimately blended to create a typical democracy. The rolling xviii INTRODUCTION of wave after wave of settlement westward across the American continent, with a rever- sion to primitive conditions along the line of the farthest frontier, and a marked rise in the scale of civilization at each successive stage of settlement, from the western limit to the eastern coast, exemplifies from one aspect the history of the American people during two centuries. 4 This era, constitut- ing the first stage in our national existence, and productive of a buoyant national char- acter shaped in democracy upon a free soil, closed only yesterday with the exhaustion of cultivable free land, the disappearance of the last frontier, and the recent death of "Buffalo Bill." The splendid inauguration of the period, in the region of the Carolinas, Vir- ginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, during the second half of the eighteenth century, is the theme of this story of the pioneers of the Old Southwest. XIX CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE Introduction ix I The Migration of the Peoples . . 3 II The Cradle of Westward Expansion 19 III The Back Country and the Border 32 IV The Indian War 49 V In Defense of Civilization ... 64 VI Crushing the Cherokees .... 78 VII The Land Companies 96 VIII The Long Hunters in the Twilight Zone 116 IX Daniel Boone and Wilderness Ex- ploration 130 X Daniel Boone in Kentucky . . . 144> XI The Regulators 160 XII Watauga — Haven of Liberty . . 175 XIII Opening the Gateway — Dunmore's War 196 xxi CONTENTS XIV Richard Henderson and the Tran- sylvania Company 216 XV Transylvania — A Wilderness Com- monwealth 237 XVI The Repulse of the Red Men . . 252 XVII The Colonization of the Cumber- land 269 XVIII King's Mountain 289 XIX The State of Franklin .... 306 XX The Lure of Spain — The Haven of Statehood 327 List of Notes 351 Bibliographical Notes .... 363 Index 371 XXII LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Richard Henderson Frontispiece FACING PAGE Col. Daniel Boone 36 Fort Dobbs 36 The Transylvania Fort at Boonesborough . . 56 The Right Honorable Archibald, Earl of Eglin- town, Lord Montgomery Kilvinning (1726- 1796) 88 Colonel James Grant (1720-1806) .... 92 Arthur Dobbs, Governor of North Carolina . 132 General Hugh Waddell 132 Title-Page of Herman Husband's Impartial Re- lation, etc 178 Alexander Martin, Governor of North Carolina 182 General William Lenoir 182 Jameg Robertson 188 The Old Southwest, 1740-1790 . . . .192 Daniel Boone Leading Colonists for Kentucky —1773 202 xxiii ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE John Murray, Earl of Dunmore .... 210 Advertisement of the Transylvania Company . 220 First Page of Richard Henderson's Diary . . 226 Lord Dunmore's Proclamation Against the Transylvania Company 240 The Capture of Jemima Boone and the Calla- away Girls by the Indians 270 Isaac Shelby ' 302 Title Page of Proposed Constitution of the State of Frankland . 320 John Sevier (1745-1815) 328 XXIV THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST CHAPTER I THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES Inhabitants flock in here daily, mostly from Pensilvania and other parts of America, who are over-stocked with people and some directly from Europe, they commonly seat themselves towards the West, and have got near the mountains. — Gabriel Johnston, Governor of North Carolina, to the Secretary of the Board of Trade, February 15, 1751. AT the opening of the eighteenth century the tide of population had swept inland to the "fall line," the westward boundary of the established settlements. The actual fron- tier had been advanced by the more aggres- sive pioneers to within fifty miles of the Blue Ridge. So rapid was the settlement in North Carolina that in the interval 1717-32 the popu- lation quadrupled in numbers. A map of the THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST colonial settlements in 1725 reveals a narrow strip of populated land along the Atlantic coast, of irregular indentation, with occasional isolated nuclei of settlements further in the in- terior. The civilization thus established con- tinued to maintain a close and unbroken com- munication with England and the Continent. As long as the settlers, for economic reasons, clung to the coast, they reacted but slowly to the transforming influences of the frontier.. Within a triangle of continental altitude with its apex in New England, bounded on the east by the Atlantic, and on the west by the Appalachian range, lay the settlements, di- vided into two zones — tidewater and piedmont. As no break occurred in the great mountain system south of the Hudson and Mohawk val- leys, the difficulties of cutting a passage through the towering wall of living green long proved an effective obstacle to the crossing of the grim mountain barrier. In the beginning the settlements gradually extended westward from the coast in irregular outline, the indentations taking form around THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES such natural centers of attraction as areas of fertile soil, frontier posts, mines, salt-springs, and stretches of upland favorable for grazing. After a time a second advance of settlement was begun in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, running in a southwesterly direc- tion along the broad terraces to the east of the Appalachian Range, which in North Caro- lina lies as far as two hundred and fifty miles from the sea. The Blue Ridge in Virginia and a belt of pine barrens in North Carolina were hindrances to this advance, but did not entirely check it. This second streaming of the population thrust into the long, narrow wedge of the piedmont zone a class of people differing in spirit and in tendency from their more aristocratic and complacent neighbors to the east. These settlers of the Valley of Virginia and the North Carolina piedmont region — English, Scotch-Irish, Germans, Scotch, Irish, Welsh, and a few French — were the first pioneers of the Old Southwest. From the joint efforts of two strata of population, geo- 5 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST graphically, socially, and economically distinct — tidewater and piedmont, Old South and New South — originated and flowered the third and greatest movement of westward expansion, opening with the surmounting of the mountain barrier and ending in the occupation and as- sumption of the vast medial valley of the con- tinent. Synchronous with the founding of James- town in Virginia, significantly enough, was the first planting of Ulster with the English and Scotch. Emigrants from the Scotch Lowlands, sometimes as many as four thou- sand a year (1625), continued throughout the century to pour into Ulster. "Those of the North of Ireland . . .," as pungently de- scribed in 1679 by the Secretary of State, Leo- line Jenkins, to the Duke of Ormond, "are most Scotch and Scotch breed and are the Northern Presbyterians and phanatiques, lusty, able-bodied, hardy and stout men, where one may see three or four hundred at every meeting-house on Sunday, and all the North of Ireland is inhabited by these, which is the 6 THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES popular place of all Ireland by far. They are very numerous and greedy after land." Dur- ing the quarter of a century after the English Revolution of 1688 and the Jacobite uprising in Ireland, which ended in 1691 with the com- plete submission of Ireland to William and Mary, not less than fifty thousand Scotch, according to Archbishop Synge, settled in Ulster. Until the beginning of the eighteenth century there was no considerable emigra- tion to America; and it was first set up as a consequence of English interference with trade and religion. Repressive measures passed by the English parliament (1665- 1699), prohibiting the exportation from Ire- land to England and Scotland of cattle, beef, pork, dairy products, etc., and to any country whatever of manufactured wool, had aroused deep resentment among the Scotch-Irish, who had built up a great commerce. This discon- tent was greatly aggravated by the imposition of religious disabilities upon the Presbyterians, who, in addition to having to pay tithes for the support of the established church, were 7 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST excluded from all civil and military office (1704), while their ministers were made liable to penalties for celebrating marriages. This pressure upon a high-spirited people resulted inevitably in an exodus to the New World. The principal ports by which the Ulsterites entered America were Lewes and Newcastle (Delaware), Philadelphia and Bos- ton. The streams of immigration steadily flowed up the Delaware Valley; and by 1720 the Scotch-Irish began to arrive in Bucks County. So rapid was the rate of increase in immigration that the number of arrivals soon mounted from a few hundred to upward of six thousand, in a single year (1729) ; and within a few years this number was doubled. According to the meticulous Franklin, the proportion increased from a very small ele- ment of the population of Pennsylvania in 1700 to one fourth of the whole in 1749, and to one third of the whole (350,000) in 1774. Writing to the Penns in 1724, James Logan, Secretary of the Province, caustically refers to the Ulster settlers on the disputed Mary- 8 THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES land line as "these bold and indigent strangers, saying as their excuse when challenged for titles, that we had solicited for colonists and they had come accordingly." The spirit of these defiant squatters is succinctly expressed in their statement to Logan that it "was against the laws of God and nature that so much land should be idle while so many Chris- tians wanted it to work on and to raise their bread." The rising scale of prices for Pennsylvania lands, changing from ten pounds and two shill- ings quit-rents per hundred acres in 1719 to fifteen pounds ten shillings per hundred acres with a quit-rent of a halfpenny per acre in 1732, soon turned the eyes of the thrifty Scotch-Irish settlers southward and south- westward. In Maryland in 1738 lands were offered at five pounds sterling per hundred acres. Simultaneously, in the Valley of Vir- ginia free grants of a thousand acres per fam- ily were being made. In the North Carolina piedmont region the proprietary, Lord Gran- ville, through his agents was disposing of the 9 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST most desirable lands to settlers at the rate of three shillings proclamation money for six hun- dred and forty acres, the unit of land-division ; and was also making large free grants on the condition of seating a certain proportion of set- tlers. "Lord Carteret's land in Carolina," says North Carolina's first American histo- rian, "where the soil was cheap, presented a tempting residence to people of every denom- ination. Emigrants from the north of Ire- land, by the way of Pennsylvania, flocked to that country; and a considerable part of North Carolina ... is inhabited by those people or their descendants." 5 From 1740 onward, attracted by the rich lure of cheap and even free lands in Virginia and North Carolina, a tide of immigration swept cease- lessly into the valleys of the Shenandoah, the Yadkin, and the Catawba. The immen- sity of this mobile, drifting mass, which some- times brought "more than 400 families with horse waggons and cattle" into North Carolina in a single year (1752-3), is attested by the fact that from 1732 to 1754, mainly as the 10 THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES result of the Scotch-Irish inundation, the pop- ulation of North Carolina more than doubled. The second important racial stream of popu- lation in the settlement of the same region was composed of Germans, attracted to this coun- try from the Palatinate. Lured on by the highly colored stories of the commercial agents for promoting immigration — the "newland- ers," who were thoroughly unscrupulous in their methods and extravagant in their repre- sentations — a migration from Germany began in the second decade of the eighteenth century and quickly assumed alarming proportions. Although certain of the emigrants were well- to-do, a very great number were "redemp- tioners" (indentured servants), who in order to pay for their transportation were compelled to pledge themselves to several years of servi- tude. This economic condition caused the German immigrant, wherever he went, to be- come a settler of the back country, necessity compelling him to pass by the more expensive lands near the coast. For well-nigh sixty years the influx of Ger- 11 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST man immigrants of various sects was very great, averaging something like fifteen hun- dred a year into Pennsylvania alcne from 1727 to 1775. Indeed, Pennsylvania, one third of whose population at the beginning of the Revo- lution was German, early became the great distributing center for the Germans as well as for the Scotch-Irish. Certainly by 1727 Adam Miiller and his fellow Germans had established the first permanent white settle- ment in the Valley of Virginia. 6 By 1732 Jost Heydt, accompanied by sixteen families, came from York, Pennsylvania, and settled on the Opeckon River, in the neighborhood of the present Winchester. 7 There is no longer any doubt that "the portion of the Shenandoah Valley sloping to the north was almost en- tirely settled by Germans." It was about the middle of the century that these pioneers of the Old Southwest, the shrewd, industrious, and thrifty Pennsylvania Germans (who came to be generally called "Pennsylvania Dutch" from the incorrect translation of Pennsylvanische Deutsche), be- 12 THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES gan to pour into the piedmont region of North Carolina. In the autumn, after the harvest was in, these ambitious Pennsylvania pioneers would pack up their belongings in wagons and on beasts of burden and head for the south- west, trekking down in the manner of the Boers of South Africa. This movement into the fertile valley lands of the Yadkin and the Catawba continued unabated throughout the entire third quarter of the century. Owing to their unfamiliarity with the English language and the solidarity of their instincts, the Ger- man settlers at first had little share in govern- ment. But they devotedly played their part in the defense of the exposed settlements and often bore the brunt of Indian attack. 8 The bravery and hardihood displayed by the itinerant missionaries sent out by the Pennsyl- vania Synod under the direction of Count Zinzendorf (1742-8), and by the Moravian Church (1748-53) , are mirrored in the numer- ous diaries, written in German, happily pre- served to posterity in religious archives of Pennsylvania and North Carolina. These 13 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST simple, earnest crusaders, animated by pure and unselfish motives, would visit on a single tour of a thousand miles the principal German settlements in Maryland and Virginia (includ- ing the present West Virginia) . Sometimes they would make an extended circuit through North Carolina, South Carolina, and even Georgia, everywhere bearing witness to the truth of the gospel and seeking to carry the most elemental forms of the Christian religion, preaching and prayer, to the primitive fron- tiersmen marooned along the outer fringe of white settlements. These arduous journeys in the cause of piety place this type of pioneer of the Old Southwest in alleviating contrast to the often relentless and bloodthirsty figure of the rude borderer. Noteworthy among these pious pilgrimages is the Virginia journey of Brothers Leonhard Schnell and John Brandmuller (October 12 to December 12, 1749) . 9 At the last outpost of civilization, the scattered settlements in Bath and Alleghany counties, these courageous mis- sionaries — feasting the while solely on bear 14 THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES meat, for there was no bread — encountered conditions of almost primitive savagery, of which they give this graphic picture: "Then we came to a house, where we had to lie on bear skins around the fire like the rest. . . . The clothes of the people consist of deer skins, their food of Johnny cakes, deer and bear meat. A kind of white people are found here, who live like savages. Hunting is their chief occupation." Into the valley of the Yadkin in December, 1752, came Bishop Spangenberg and a party of Moravians, accompanied by a surveyor and two guides, for the purpose of locating the one hundred thousand acres of land which had been offered them on easy terms the preceding year by Lord Granville. This journey was remarkable as an illustration of sacrifices willingly made and extreme hard- ships uncomplainingly endured for the sake of the Moravian brotherhood. In the back coun- try of North Carolina near the Mulberry Fields they found the whole woods full of Cherokee Indians engaged in hunting. A beautiful site for the projected settlement met 15 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST their delighted gaze at this place ; but they soon learned to their regret that it had already been "taken up" by Daniel Boone's future father- in-law, Morgan Bryan. On October 8, 1753, a party of twelve single men headed by the Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube, set out from Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, to trek down to the new-found haven in the Carolina hinterland — -"a corner which the Lord has reserved for the Brethren" — in An- son County. 10 Following for the most part the great highway extending from Philadel- phia to the Yadkin, over which passed the great throng sweeping into the back country of North Carolina — through the Valley of Virginia and past Robert Luhny's mill on the James River — they encountered many hard- ships along the way. Because of their "long wagon," they had much difficulty in crossing one steep mountain; and of this experience Brother Grube, with a touch of modest pride, observes: "People had told us that this hill was most dangerous, and that we would scarcely be able to cross it, for Morgan Bryan, 16 THE MIGRATION OF THE PEOPLES the first to travel this way, had to take the wheels off his wagon and carry it piecemeal to the top, and had been three months on the journey from the Shanidore [Shenandoah] to the Etkin [Yadkin]." These men were the highest type of the pio- neers of the Old Southwest, inspired with the instinct of home-makers in a land where, if idle rumor were to be credited, "the people lived like wild men, never hearing of God or His Word." In one hand they bore the implement of agriculture, in the other the book of the gos- pel of Jesus Christ. True faith shines forth in the simply eloquent words : "We thanked our Saviour that he had so graciously led us hither, and had helped us through all the hard places, for no matter how dangerous it looked, nor how little we saw how we could win through, everything always went better than seemed possible." The promise of a new day — the dawn of the heroic age — rings out in the pious carol of camaraderie at their journey's end: We hold arrival Lovefeast here, In Carolina land, 17 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST A company of Brethren true, A little Pilgrim-Band, Called by the Lord to be of those Who through the whole world go, To bear Him witness everywhere, And nought but Jesus know. 18 CHAPTER II . THE CRADLE OF WESTWARD EXPANSION In the. year 1746 I was up in the country that is now Anson, Orange and Rowan Counties, there was not then above one hundred fighting men there is now at least three thousand for the most part Irish Protestants and Germans and dailey increasing. — Matthew Rowan, President of the North Caro- lina Council, to the Board of Trade, June 28, 1753. THE conquest of the West is usually at- tributed to the ready initiative, the stern self-reliance, and the libertarian instinct of the expert backwoodsmen. These bold, nomadic spirits were animated by an unquenchable de- sire to plunge into the wilderness in search of an El Dorado at the outer verge of civilization, free of taxation, quit-rents, and the law's re- straint. They longed to build homes for them- selves and their descendants in a limitless, free domain; or else to fare deeper and deeper into the trackless forests in search of adventure. 19 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Yet one must not overlook the fact that behind Boone and pioneers of his stamp were men of conspicuous civil and military genius, construc- tive in purpose and creative in imagination, who devoted their best gifts to actual conquest and colonization. These men of large intel- lectual mold — themselves surveyors, hunters, and pioneers — were inspired with the larger vision of the expansionist. Whether colo- nizers, soldiers, or speculators on the grand scale, they sought to open at one great stroke the vast trans -Alleghany regions as a peaceful abode for mankind. Two distinct classes of society were grad- ually drawing apart from each other in North Carolina and later in Virginia — the pioneer democracy of the back country and the upland, and the planter aristocracy of the lowland and the tide- water region. From the frontier came the pioneer explorers whose individual enter- prise and initiative were such potent factors in the exploitation of the wilderness. From the border counties still in contact with the East came a number of leaders. Thus in the heart THE CRADLE OF WESTWARD EXPANSION of the Old Southwest the two determinative principles already referred to, the inquisitive and the acquisitive instincts, found a fortunate conjunction. The exploratory passion of the pioneer, directed in the interest of commercial enterprise, prepared the way for the great westward migration. The warlike disposition of the hardy backwoodsman, controlled by the exercise of military strategy, accomplished the conquest of the trans-Alleghany country. Fleeing from the traditional bonds of caste and aristocracy in England and Europe, from economic boycott and civil oppression, from re- ligious persecution and favoritism, many worthy members of society in the first quarter of the eighteenth century sought a haven of refuge in the "Quackerthal" of William Penn, with its trustworthy guarantees of free toler- ance in religious faith and the benefits of repre- sentative self-government. From East Dev- onshire in England came George Boone, the grandfather of the great pioneer, and from Wales came Edward Morgan, whose daughter Sarah became the wife of Squire Boone, 21 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Daniel's father. These were conspicuous rep- resentatives of the Society of Friends, drawn thither by the roseate representations of the great Quaker, William Penn, and by his ad- vanced views on popular government and re- ligious toleration. 11 Hither, too, from Ireland, whither he had gone from Denmark, came Morgan Bryan, settling in Chester County, prior to 1719; and his children, William, Jo- seph, James, and Morgan, who more than half a century later gave the name to Bryan's Sta- tion in Kentucky, were destined to play im- portant roles in the drama of westward migra- tion. 12 In September, 1734, Michael Finley from County Armagh, Ireland, presumably accompanied by his brother Archibald Finley, settled in Bucks County, Pennsylvania. Ac- cording to the best authorities, Archibald Fin- ley was the father of John Finley, or Findlay as he signed himself, Boone's guide and compan- ion in his exploration of Kentucky in 1769- 71. 13 To Pennsylvania also came Mordecai Lincoln, great-grandson of Samuel Lincoln, who had emigrated from England to Hingham, 22 THE CRADLE OF WESTWARD EXPANSION Massachusetts, as early as 1637. This Mor- decai Lincoln, who in 1720 settled in Chester County, Pennsylvania, the great-great-grand- father of President Lincoln, was the father of Sarah Lincoln, who was wedded to William Boone, and of Abraham Lincoln, who married Anne Boone, William's first cousin. Early settlers in Pennsylvania were members of the Hanks family, one of whom was the maternal grandfather of President Lincoln. 14 No one race or breed of men can lay claim to exclusive credit for leadership in the hinter- land movement and the conquest of the West. Yet one particular stock of people, the Ulster Scots, exhibited with most completeness and picturesqueness a group of conspicuous quali- ties and attitudes which we now recognize to be typical of the American character as molded by the conditions of frontier life. Cautious, wary, and reserved, these Scots concealed be- neath a cool and calculating manner a relent- lessness in reasoning power and an intensity of conviction which glowed and burned with almost fanatical ardor. Strict in religious ob- 23 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST servance and deep in spiritual fervor, they never lost sight of the main chance, combining a shrewd practicality with a wealth of devo- tion. It has been happily said of them that they kept the Sabbath and everything else they could lay their hands on. In the polity of these men religion and education went hand in hand; and they habitually settled together in communities in order that they might have teachers and preachers of their own choice and persuasion. In little-known letters and diaries of trav- elers and itinerant ministers may be found many quaint descriptions and faithful char- acterizations of the frontier settlers in their habits of life and of the scenes amidst which they labored. In a letter to Edmund Fan- ning, the cultured Robin Jones, agent of Lord Granville and Attorney-General of North Carolina, summons to view a piquant image of the western border and borderers: "The inhabitants are hospitable in their way, live in plenty and dirt, are stout, of great prowess in manly athletics; and, in private conversation, 24 THE CRADLE OF WESTWARD EXPANSION bold, impertinent, and vain. In the art of war (after the Indian manner) they are well- skilled, are enterprising and fruitful of strate- gies; and, when in action, are as bold and in- trepid as the ancient Romans. The Shawnese acknowledge them their superiors even in their own way of fighting. . . . [The land] may be truly called the land of the mountains, for they are so numerous that when you have reached the summit of one of them, you may see thousands of every shape that the imagi- nation can suggest, seeming to vie with each other which should raise his lofty head to touch the clouds. ... It seems to me that nature has been wanton in bestowing her blessings on that country." 15 An excellent pen-picture of educational and cultural conditions in the backwoods of North Carolina, by one of the early settlers in the middle of the century, exhibits in all their bar- ren cheerlessness the hardships and limitations of life in the wilderness. The father of Wil- liam Few, the narrator, had trekked down from Maryland and settled in Orange County, some 25 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST miles east of the little hamlet of Hillsborough. "In that country at that time there were no schools, no churches or parsons, or doctors or lawyers; no stores, groceries or taverns, nor do I recollect during the first two years any officer, ecclesiastical, civil or military, except a justice of the peace, a constable and two or three itinerant preachers. . . . These people had few wants, and fewer temptations to vice than those who lived in more refined society, though ignorant. They were more virtuous and more happy. ... A schoolmaster ap- peared and offered his services to teach the children of the neighborhood for twenty shill- ings each per year. ... In that simple state of society money was but little known; the schoolmaster was the welcome guest of his pupil, fed at the bountiful table and clothed from the domestic loom. ... In that country at that time there was great scarcity of books." 16 The journals of itinerant ministers through the Valley of Virginia and the Carolina pied- mont zone yield precious mementoes of the 26 THE CRADLE OF WESTWARD EXPANSION people, their longing after the things of the spirit, and their pitiful isolation from the regu- lar preaching of the gospel. These mission- aries were true pioneers in this Old Southwest, ardent, dauntless, and heroic — carrying the word into remote places and preaching the gos- pel beneath the trees of the forest. In his journal (1755-6), the Rev. Hugh McAden, born in Pennsylvania of Scotch-Irish paren- tage, a graduate of Nassau Hall (1753), makes the unconsciously humorous observation that wherever he found Presbyterians he found people who "seemed highly pleased, and very desirous to hear the word" ; whilst elsewhere he found either dissension and defection to Bap- tist principles, or "no appearance of the life of religion." In the Scotch-Irish Presbyte- rian settlements in what is now Mecklenburg County, the cradle of American liberty, he found "pretty serious, judicious people" of the stamp of Moses, William, and James Alex- ander. While traveling in the upper country of South Carolina, he relates with gusto the story of "an old gentleman who said to the 27 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Governor of South Carolina, when he was in those parts, in treaty with the Cherokee In- dians that 'he had never seen a shirt, been in a fair, heard a sermon, or seen a minister in all his life.' Upon which the governor promised to send him up a minister, that he might hear one sermon before he died." The minister came and preached; and this was all the preaching that had been heard in the upper part of South Carolina before Mr. McAden's visit. 17 Such, then, were the rude and simple people in the back country of the Old Southwest — the deliberate and self -controlled English, the aggressive, land-mongering Scotch-Irish, the buoyant Welsh, the thrifty Germans, the debo- nair French, the impetuous Irish, and the cal- culating Scotch. The lives they led were marked by independence of spirit, democratic instincts, and a forthright simplicity. In de- scribing the condition of the English settlers in the backwoods of Virginia, one of their num- ber, Doddridge, says: "Most of the articles were of domestic manufacture. There might 28 THE CRADLE OF WESTWARD EXPANSION have been incidentally a few things brought to the country for sale in a primitive way, but there was no store for general supply. The table furniture usually consisted of wooden vessels, either turned or coopered. Iron forks, tin cups, etc., were articles of rare and deli- cate luxury. The food was of the most whole- some and primitive kind. The richest meat, the finest butter, and best meal that ever de- lighted man's palate were here eaten with a relish which health and labor only know. The hospitality of the people was profuse and pro- verbial." The circumstances of their lives compelled the pioneers to become self-sustaining. Every immigrant was an adept at many trades. He built his own house, forged his own tools, and made his own clothes. At a very early date rifles were manufactured at the High Shoals of the Yadkin; Squire Boone, Daniel's brother, was an expert gunsmith. The difficulty of securing food for the settlements forced every man to become a hunter and to scour the for- est for wild game. Thus the pioneer, through THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST force of sheer necessity, became a dead shot — which stood him in good stead in the days of In- dian incursions and bloody retaliatory raids. Primitive in their games, recreations, and amusements, which not infrequently degener- ated into contests of savage brutality, the pio- neers always set the highest premium upon personal bravery, physical prowess, and skill in manly sports. At all public gatherings, general musters, "vendues" or auctions, and even funerals, whisky flowed with extraor- dinary freedom. It is worthy of record that among the effects of the Rev. Alexander Craighead, the famous teacher and organizer of Presbyterianism in Mecklenburg and the adjoining region prior to the Revolution, were found a punch bowl and glasses. The frontier life, with its purifying and hardening influence, bred in these pioneers in- tellectual traits which constitute the basis of the American character. The single-handed and successful struggle with nature in the tense solitude of the forest developed a spirit of in- dividualism, restive under control. On the 30 THE CRADLE OF WESTWARD EXPANSION other hand, the sense of sharing with others the arduous tasks and dangers of conquering the wilderness gave birth to a strong sense of solidarity and of human sympathy. With the lure of free lands ever before them, the pio- neers developed a restlessness and a nervous energy, blended with a buoyancy of spirit, which are fundamentally American. Yet this same untrammeled freedom occasioned a dis- regard for law and a defiance of established government which have exhibited themselves throughout the entire course of our history. Initiative, self-reliance, boldness in conception, fertility in resource, readiness in execution, acquisitiveness, inventive genius, appreciation of material advantages — these, shot through with a certain fine idealism, genial human sym- pathy, and a high romantic strain — are the traits of the American national type as it emerged from the Old Southwest. 31 CHAPTER III THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER Far from the bustle of the world, they live in the most de- lightful climate, and richest soil imaginable; they are every- where surrounded with beautiful prospects and sylvan scenes; lofty mountains, transparent streams, falls of water, rich valleys, and majestic woods; the whole interspersed with an infinite variety of flowering shrubs, constitute the landscape surrounding them; they are subject to few diseases; are gen- erally robust; and live in perfect liberty; they are ignorant of want and acquainted with but few vices. Their inex- perience of the elegancies of life precludes any regret that they possess not the means of enjoying them, but they possess what many princes would give half their dominion for, health, con- tent, and tranquillity of mind. — Andrew Buhnaby: Travels Through North America. THE two streams of Ulstermen, the greater through Philadelphia, the lesser through Charleston, which poured into the Carolinas toward the middle of the century, quickly flooded the back country. The former occupied the Yadkin Valley and the region to the westward, the latter the Waxhaws and the Anson County region to the northwest. The 3% THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER first settlers were known as the "Pennsylvania Irish," because they had first settled in Penn- sylvania after migrating from the north of Ire- land ; while those who came by way of Charles- ton were known as the "Scotch-Irish." The former, who had resided in Pennsylvania long enough to be good judges of land, shrewdly made their settlements along the rivers and creeks. The latter, new arrivals and less ex- perienced, settled on thinner land toward the heads of creeks and water courses. 18 Shortly prior to 1735, Morgan Bryan, his wife Martha, and eight children, together with other families of Quakers from Pennsylvania, settled upon a large tract of land on the north- west side of the Opeckon River near Win- chester. 19 A few years later they removed up the Virginia Valley to the Big Lick in the present Roanoke County, intent upon pushing westward to the very outskirts of civilization. In the autumn of 1748, leaving behind his brother William, who had followed him to Roanoke County, Morgan Bryan removed with his family to the Forks of the Yadkin 33 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST River. 20 The Morgans, with the exception of Richard, who emigrated to Virginia, remained in Pennsylvania, spreading over Philadelphia and Bucks counties; while the Hanks and Lin- coln families found homes in Virginia — Mor- decai Lincoln's son, John, the great-grand- father of President Lincoln, removing from Berks to the Shenandoah Valley in 1765. On May 1, 1750, Squire Boone, his wife Sarah (Morgan) , and their eleven children — a verita- ble caravan, traveling like the patriarchs of old — started south; and tarried for a space, according to reliable tradition, on Linville Creek in the Virginia Valley. In 1752 they removed to the Forks of the Yadkin, and the following year received from Lord Granville three tracts of land, all situated in Rowan County. 21 About the hamlet of Salisbury, which in 1755 consisted of seven or eight log houses and the court house, there now rapidly gathered a settlement of people marked by strong individuality, sturdy independence, and virile self-reliance. The Boones and the Bry- ans quickly accommodated themselves to fron- 34? THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER tier conditions and immediately began to take an active part in the local affairs of the county. Upon the organization of the county court Squire Boone was chosen justice of the peace; and Morgan Bryan was soon appear- ing as foreman of juries and director in road improvements. The Great Trading Path, leading from Vir- ginia to the towns of the Catawbas and other Southern Indians, crossed the Yadkin at the Trading Ford and passed a mile southeast of Salisbury. Above Sapona Town near the Trading Ford was Swearing Creek, which, ac- cording to constant and picturesque tradition, was the spot where the traders stopped to take a solemn oath never to reveal any unlawful proceedings that might occur during their so- journ among the Indians. 22 In his divertingly satirical "History of the Dividing Line" Wil- liam Byrd in 1728 thus speaks of this locality: "The Soil is exceedingly rich on both sides the Yadkin, abounding in rank Grass and prodigiously large Trees; and for plenty of Fish, Fowl and Venison, is inferior to No Part 35 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST of the Northern Continent. There the Traders commonly lie Still for some days, to recruit their Horses' Flesh as well as to recover their own spirits." In this beautiful country happily chosen for settlement by Squire Boone — who erected his cabin on the east 'side of the Yadkin about a mile and a quarter from Alleman's, now Boone's, Ford — wild game abounded. Buffaloes were encountered in eastern North Carolina by Byrd while running the dividing line ; and in the upper country of South Carolina three or four men with their dogs could kill fourteen to twenty buffaloes in a single day. 23 Deer and bears fell an easy prey to the hunter; wild turkeys filled every thicket; the watercourses teemed with beaver, otter, and muskrat, as well as with shad and other delicious fish. Panthers, wildcats, and wolves overran the country; and the veracious Brother Joseph, while near the present Wilkesboro, amusingly records: "The wolves wh. are not like those in Germany, Poland, and L if land (because they fear men and don't easily come near) give us such music of six 36 COLONEL DANIEL BOONE From lithograph after Chester Harding in Jefferson Memorial Courtesy Missouri Historical Society THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER different cornets the like of wh. I have never heard in my life." 24 So plentiful was the game that the wild deer mingled with the cattle grazing over the wide stretches of luxuriant grass. In the midst of this sylvan paradise grew up Squire Boone's son, Daniel Boone, a Penn- sylvania youth of English stock, Quaker persuasion, and Baptist proclivities. 25 Seen through a glorifying halo after the lapse of a century and three quarters, he rises before us a romantic figure, poised and resolute, sim- ple, benign — as naive and shy as some wild thing of the primeval forest — five feet eight inches in height, with broad chest and shoul- ders, dark locks, genial blue eyes arched with fair eyebrows, thin lips and wide mouth, nose of slightly Roman cast, and fair, ruddy coun- tenance. Farming was irksome to this rest- less, nomadic spirit, who on the slightest excuse would exchange the plow and the grubbing- hoe for the long rifle and keen-edged hunting- knife. In a single day during the autumn season he would kill four or five deer; or as 37 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST many bears as would make from two to three thousand pounds weight of bear-bacon. Fas- cinated with the forest, he soon found profit as well -as pleasure in the pursuit of game; and at excellent fixed prices he sold his peltries, most often at Salisbury, some thirteen miles away, sometimes at the store of the old "Dutch- man," George Hartman, on the Yadkin, and occasionally at Bethabara, the Moravian town sixty-odd miles distant. Skins were in such demand that they soon came to replace hard money, which was incredibly scarce in the back country, as a medium of exchange. Upon one occasion a caravan from Bethabara hauled three thousand pounds, upon another four thousand pounds, of dressed deerskins to Charleston. 20 So immense was this trade that the year after Boone's arrival at the Forks of Yadkin thirty thousand deerskins were ex- ported from the province of North Carolina. We like to think that the young Daniel Boone was one of that band of whom Brother Joseph, while in camp on the Catawba River (Novem- ber 12, 1752) wrote: "There are many THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER hunters about here, who live like Indians, they kill many deer selling their hides, and thus live without much work." 27 In this very class of professional hunters, living like Indians, was thus bred the spirit of individual initiative and strenuous leader- ship in the great westward expansionist move- ment of the coming decade. An English traveler gives the following minute picture of the dress and accoutrement of the Carolina backwoodsman : Their whole dress is very singular, and not very materially different from that of the In- dians ; being a hunting shirt, somewhat resem- bling a waggoner's frock, ornamented with a great many fringes, tied round the middle with a broad belt, much decorated also, in which is fastened a tomahawk, an instrument that serves every purpose of defence and conven- ience ; being a hammer at one side and a sharp hatchet at the other; the shot bag and powder- horn, carved with a variety of whimsical fig- ures and devices, hang from their necks over one shoulder; and on their heads a flapped hat, of a reddish hue, proceeding from the in- tensely hot beams of the sun. THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Sometimes they wear leather breeches, made of Indian dressed elk, or deer skins, but more frequently thin trowsers. On their legs they have Indian boots, or leggings, made of coarse woollen cloth, that either are wrapped round loosely and tied with garters, or laced upon the outside, and always come better than half-way up the thigh. On their feet they sometimes wear pumps of their own manufacture, but generally Indian moccossons, of their own construction also, which are made of strong elk's, or buck's skin, dressed soft as for gloves or breeches, drawn together in regular plaits over the toe, and lacing from thence round to the fore part of the middle of the ancle, without a seam in them, yet fitting close to the feet, and are indeed perfectly easy and pliant. Their hunting, or rifle shirts, they have also died in a variety of colours, some yellow, others red, some brown, and many wear them quite white. 28 No less unique and bizarre, though less pic- turesque, was the dress of the women of the region — in particular of Surry County, North Carolina, as described by General William Lenoir : 40 THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER The women wore .linsey [flax] petticoats and 'bed-gowns' [like a dressing-sack], and often went without shoes in the summer. Some had bonnets and bed-gowns made of calico, but generally of linsey; and some of them wore men's hats. Their hair was com- monly clubbed. Once, at a large meeting, I noticed there but two women that had on long gowns. One of these was laced genteelly, and the body of the other was open, and the tail thereof drawn up and tucked in her apron or coat-string. 29 While Daniel Boone was quietly engaged in the pleasant pursuits of the chase, a vast world-struggle of which he little dreamed was rapidly approaching a crisis. For three quar- ters of a century this titanic contest between France and England for the interior of the continent had been waged with slowly accumu- lating force. The irrepressible conflict had been formally inaugurated at Sault Ste. Marie in 1671, when Daumont de Saint Lusson, swinging aloft his sword, proclaimed the sover- eignty of France over "all countries, rivers, lakes, and streams . . . both those which have 41 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST been discovered and those which may be dis- covered hereafter, in all their length and breadth, bounded on the one side by the seas of the North and of the West, and on the other by the South Sea." Just three months later, three hardy pioneers of Virginia, despatched upon their arduous mission by Colonel Abra- ham Wood in behalf of the English crown, had crossed the Appalachian divide ; and upon the banks of a stream whose waters slipped into the Ohio to join the Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico, had carved the royal insignia upon the blazed trunk of a giant of the forest, the while crying: "Long live Charles the Second, by the grace of God, King of Eng- land, Scotland, France, Ireland and Virginia and of the territories thereunto belonging." La Salle's dream of a New France in the heart of America was blotted out in his tragic death upon the banks of the River Trinity (1687). Yet his mantle was to fall in turn upon the square shoulders of Le Moyne d'lber- ville and of his brother — the good, the constant Bienville, who after countless and arduous 42 THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER struggles laid firm the foundations of New Orleans. In the precious treasury of Margry we learn that on reaching Rochelle after his first voyage in 1699 Iberville in these prophetic words voices his faith: "If France does not immediately seize this part of America which is the most beautiful, and establish a colony which is strong enough to resist any which England may have, the English colonies (al- ready considerable in Carolina) will so thrive that in less than a hundred years they will be strong enough to seize all America." 30 But the world-weary Louis Quatorze, nearing his end, quickly tired of that remote and unpro- ductive colony upon the shores of the gulf, so industriously described in Paris as a "terres- trial paradise"; and the "paternal providence of Versailles" willingly yielded place to the monumental speculation of the great financier Antoine Crozat. In this Paris of prolific pro- motion and amazed credulity, ripe for the colossal scheme of Law, soon to blow to burst- ing-point the bubble of the Mississippi, the very songs in the street echoed flamboyant, 43 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST half-satiric panegyrics upon the new Utopia, this Mississippi Land of Cockayne: It 's to-day no contribution To discuss the Constitution And the Spanish war 's forgot For a new Utopian spot; And the very latest phase Is the Mississippi craze. 31 Interest in the new colony led to a great development of southwesterly trade from New France. Already the French coureurs de bois were following the water route from the Illi- nois to South Carolina. Jean Couture, a de- serter from the service in New France, jour- neyed over the Ohio and Tennessee rivers to that colony, and was known as "the greatest Trader and Traveller amongst the Indians for more than Twenty years." In 1714 young Charles Charleville accompanied an old trader from Crozat's colony on the gulf to the great salt-springs on the Cumberland, where a post for trading with the Shawanoes had already been established by the French. 32 But the British were preparing to capture this trade 44 THE BACK COUNTRY AND THE BORDER as early as 1694, when Tonti warned Viller- mont that Carolinians were already established on a branch of the Ohio. Four years later, Nicholson, Governor of Maryland, was urging trade with the Indians of the interior in the effort to displace the French. At an early date the coast colonies began to trade with the Indian tribes of the back country: the Ca- tawbas of the Yadkin Valley; the Cherokees, whose towns were scattered through Tennes- see; the Chickasaws, to the westward in north- ern Mississippi; and the Choctaws farther to the southward. Even before the beginning of the eighteenth century, when the South Caro- lina settlements extended scarcely twenty miles from the coast, English traders had established posts among the Indian tribes four hundred miles to the west of Charleston. Following the sporadic trading of individuals from Vir- ginia with the inland Indians, the heavily laden caravans of William Byrd were soon regularly passing along the Great Trading Path from Virginia to the towns of the Catawbas and other interior tribes of the Carolinas, delight - 45 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST ing the easily captivated fancy and provoking the cupidity of the red men with "Guns, Powder, Shot, Hatchets (which the Indians call Tomahawks), Kettles, red and blue Planes, Duffields, Stroudwater blankets, and some Cutlary Wares, Brass Rings and other Trinkets." 33 In Pennsylvania, George Crog- han, the guileful diplomat, who was emissary from the Council to the Ohio Indians (1748), had induced "all-most all the Ingans in the Woods" to declare against the French; and was described by Christopher Gist as a "meer idol among his countrymen, the Irish traders." Against these advances of British trade and civilization, the French for four decades had artfully struggled, projecting tours of explor- ation into the vast medial valley of the conti- nent and constructing a chain of forts and trading-posts designed to establish their claims to the country and to hold in check the threat- ened English thrust from the east. Soon the wilderness ambassador of empire, Celoron de Bienville, was despatched by the far-visioned 46 THE BACK COTOTRY AND THE BORDER Galissoniere at Quebec to sow broadcast with ceremonial pomp in the heart of America the seeds of empire, grandiosely graven plates of lasting lead, in defiant yet futile symbol of the asserted sovereignty of France. Thus threatened in the vindication of the rights of their colonial sea-to-sea charters, the English threw off the lethargy with which they had failed to protect their traders, and in grants to the Ohio and Loyal land companies began resolutely to form plans looking to the occu- pation of the interior. But the French seized the English trading-house at Venango which they converted into a fort ; and Virginia's pro- test, conveyed by a calm and judicious young man, a surveyor, George Washington, availed not to prevent the French from seizing Cap- tain Trent's hastily erected military post at the forks of the Ohio and constructing there a formidable work, named Fort Duquesne. Washington, with his expeditionary force sent to garrison Captain Trent's fort, defeated Jumonville and his small force near Great 47 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Meadows (May, 1754) ; but soon after he was forced to surrender Fort Necessity to Coulon de Villiers. The titanic struggle, fittingly precipitated in the backwoods of the Old Southwest, was now on — a struggle in which the resolute pio- neers of these backwoods first seriously meas- ured their strength with the French and their copper-hued allies, and learned to surpass the latter in their own mode of warfare. The por- tentous conflict, destined to assure the eastern half of the continent to Great Britain, is a grim, prophetic harbinger of the mighty move- ment of the next quarter of a century into the twilight zone of the trans- Alleghany territory 48 CHAPTER IV THE INDIAN WAR All met in companies with their wives and children, and set about building little fortifications, to defend themselves from such barbarian and inhuman enemies, whom they con- cluded would be let loose upon them at pleasure. — The Reverend Hugh McAden: Diary, July, 1755. LONG before the actual outbreak of hos- tilities powerful forces were gradually converging to produce a clash between the ag- gressive colonials and the crafty Indians. As the settlers pressed farther westward into the domain of the red men, arrogantly grazing their stock over the cherished hunting-grounds of the Cherokees, the savages, who were already well disposed toward the French, began to manifest a deep indignation against the British colonists because of this callous encroachment upon their territory. During the sporadic forays by scattered bands of Northern Indians 49 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST upon the Catawbas and other tribes friendly to the pioneers the isolated settlements at the back part of the Carolinas suffered rude and sanguinary onslaughts. In the summer of 1753 a party of northern Indians warring in the French interest made their appearance in Rowan County, which had just been organized, and committed various depredations upon the scattered settlements. To repel these attacks a band of the Catawbas sallied forth, encoun- tered a detached party of the enemy, and slew five of their number. Among the spoils, sig- nificantly enough, were silver crucifixes, beads, looking-glasses, tomahawks and other imple- ments of war, all of French manufacture. 34 Intense rivalry for the good will of the near-by southern tribes existed between Vir- ginia and South Carolina. In strong remon- strance against the alleged attempt of Gover- nor Dinwiddie of Virginia to alienate the Cherokees, Catawbas, Muscogees, and Chicka- saws from South Carolina and to attach them to Virginia, Governor Glen of South Carolina made pungent observations to Dinwiddie: 50 THE INDIAN WAR "South Carolina is a weak frontier colony, and in case of invasion by the French would be their first object of attack. We have not much to fear, however, while we retain the affection of the Indians around us ; but should we forfeit that by any mismanagement on our part, or by the superior address of the French, we are in a miserable situation. The Chero- kees alone have several thousand gunmen well acquainted with every inch of the province . . . their country is the key to Carolina." By a treaty concluded at Saluda (November 24, 1753), Glen promised to build the Chero- kees a fort near the lower towns, for the pro- tection of themselves and their allies ; and the Cherokees on their part agreed to become the subjects of the King of Great Britain and hold their lands under him. 35 This fort, erected this same year on the headwaters of the Sa- vannah, within gunshot distance of the impor- tant Indian town of Keowee, was named Fort Prince George. "It is a square," says the founder of the fort (Governor Glen to the Board of Trade, August 26, 1754), "with 51 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST regular Bastions and four Ravelins it is near Two hundred foot from Salient Angle to Sali- ent Angle and is made of Earth taken out of the Ditch, secured with fachines and well rammed with a banquet on the Inside for the men to stand upon when they fire over, the Ravelins are made of Posts of Lightwood which is very durable, they are ten foot in length sharp pointed three foot and a half in the ground." 36 The dire need for such a fort in the back country was tragically illustrated by the sudden onslaught upon the "House of John Gutry & James Anshers" in York County by a party of sixty French Indians (December 16, 1754), who brutally murdered sixteen of the twenty-one persons present, and carried off as captives the remaining five. 37 At the outbreak of the French and Indian War in 1754 North Carolina voted twelve thousand pounds for the raising of troops and several thousand pounds additional for the construction of forts — a sum considerably larger than that voted by Virginia. A regi- ment of two hundred and fifty men was placed 52 THE INDIAN WAR under the command of Colonel James Innes of the Cape Fear section; and the ablest officer under him was the young Irishman from the same section, Lieutenant Hugh Waddell. On June 3, 1754, Dinwiddie appointed Innes, his close friend, commander-in-chief of all the forces against the French; and immediately after the disaster at Great Meadows (July, 1754), Innes took command. Within two months the supplies for the North Carolina troops were exhausted; and as Virginia then failed to furnish additional supplies, Colonel Innes had no recourse but to disband his troops and permit them to return home. Appointed governor of Fort Cumberland by General Braddock, he was in command there while Braddock advanced on his disastrous march. The lesson of Braddock's defeat (July 9, 1755) was memorable in the history of the Old Southwest. Well might Braddock exclaim with his last breath: "Who would have thought it? . . . We shall know better how to deal with them another time." Led on by the reckless and fiery Beaujeu, wearing an Indian 53 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST gorget about his neck, the savages from the protection of trees and rough defenses, a pre- pared ambuscade, poured a galling fire into the compact divisions of the English, whose scarlet coats furnished ideal targets. The ob- stinacy of the British commanders in refusing to permit their troops to fight Indian fashion was suicidal; for as Herman Alrichs wrote Governor Morris of Pennsylvania (July 22, 1755) : "... the French and Indians had cast an Intrenchment across the road before our Army which they Discovered not Untill the [y] came Close up to it, from thence and both sides of the road the enemy kept a con- stant fireing on them, our Army being so con- fused, they could not fight, and they would not be admitted by the Gen 1 or Sir John St. Clair, to break thro' their Ranks and Take behind trees." 38 Daniel Boone, who went from North Carolina as a wagoner in the com- pany commanded by Edward Brice Dobbs, was on the battle-field; but Dobbs's company at the time was scouting in the woods. When the fierce attack fell upon the baggage train, 54 THE INDIAN WAR Boone succeeded in effecting his escape only by cutting the traces of his team and fleeing on one of the horses. To his dying day Boone continued to censure Braddock's conduct, and reprehended especially his fatal neglect to em- ploy strong flank-guards and a sufficient num- ber of Provincial scouts thoroughly acquainted with the wilderness and all the wiles and strate- gies of savage warfare. For a number of months following Brad- dock's defeat there was a great rush of the frightened people southward. In a letter to Dinwiddie, Washington expresses the appre- hension that Augusta, Frederick, and Hamp- shire County will soon be depopulated, as the whole back country is in motion toward the southern colonies. During this same summer Governor Arthur Dobbs of North Carolina made a tour of exploration through the west- ern part of the colony, seeking a site for a fort to guard the frontier. 39 The frontier com- pany of fifty men which was to garrison the projected fort was placed under the command of Hugh Waddell, now promoted to the rank 55 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST of captain, though only twenty-one years old. In addition to Waddell's company, armed patrols were required for the protection of the Rowan County frontier; and during the sum- mer Indian alarms were frequent at the Mora- vian village of Bethabara, whose inhabitants had heard with distress on March 31st of the slaughter of eleven Moravians on the Mahoni and of the ruin of Gnadenhutten. Many of the settlers in the outlying districts of Rowan fled for safety to the refuge of the little village ; and frequently every available house, every place of temporary abode was filled with panic- stricken refugees. So persistent were the dep- redations of the Indians and so alarmed were the scattered Rowan settlers by the news of the murders and the destruction of Vaux's Fort in Virginia (June 25, 1756) that at a conference on July 5th the Moravians "de- cided to protect our houses with palisades, and make them safe before the enemy should in- vade our tract or attack us, for if the people were all going to retreat we would be the last left on the frontier and the first point of at- 56 •Fort Dobbs FORT.DOBBS Sketch made from official description of fort THE TRANSYLVANIA FORT AT BOONESBOROUGH Built by Daniel Boone and the pioneers from plans by Richard Henderson THE INDIAN WAR tack." By July 23d, they had constructed a strong defense for their settlement, afterward called the "Dutch Fort" by the Indians. The principal structure was a stockade, triangular in plan, some three hundred feet on a side, enclosing the principal buildings of the settle- ment; and the gateway was guarded by an observation tower. The other defense was a stockade embracing eight houses at the mill some distance away, around which a small settlement had sprung up. 40 During the same year the fort planned by Dobbs was erected upon the site he had chosen — between Third and Fourth creeks; and the commissioners Richard Caswell and Francis Brown, sent out to inspect the fort, made the following picturesque report to the Assembly (December 21, 1756) : That they had likewise viewed the State of Fort Dobbs, and found it to be a good and Sub- stantial Building of the Dimentions following (that is to say) The Oblong Square fifty three feet by forty, the opposite Angles Twenty four feet and Twenty-Two In Height Twenty four and a half feet as by the Plan 57 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST annexed Appears, The Thickness of the Walls which are made of Oak Logs regularly Dimin- ished from sixteen Inches to Six, it contains three floors and there may be discharged from each floor at one and the same time about one hundred Musketts the same is beautifully scit- uated in the fork of Fourth Creek a Branch of the Yadkin River. And that they also found under Command of Cap e Hugh Waddel Forty six Effective men Officers and Soldiers . . . the said Officers and Soldiers Appearing well and in good Spirits. 41 As to the erection of a fort on the Tennessee, promised the Cherokees by South Carolina, difficulties between the governor of that prov- ince and of Virginia in regard to matters of policy and the proportionate share of expenses made effective cooperation between the two colonies well-nigh impossible. Glen, as we have seen, had resented Dinwiddie's efforts to win the South Carolina Indians over to Vir- ginia's interest. And Dinwiddie had been very indignant when the force promised him by the Indians to aid General Braddock did not arrive, attributing this defection in part 58 THE INDIAN WAR to Glen's negotiations for a meeting with the chieftains and in part to the influence of the South Carolina traders, who kept the Indians away by hiring them to go on long hunts for furs and skins. But there was no such con- tention between Virginia and North Caro- lina. Dinwiddie and Dobbs arranged (No- vember 6, 1755) to send a commission from these colonies to treat with the Cherokees and the Catawbas. Virginia sent two commis- sioners, Colonel William Byrd, third of that name, and Colonel Peter Randolph; while North Carolina sent one, Captain Hugh Wad- dell. Salisbury, North Carolina, was the place of rendezvous. The treaty with the Ca- tawbas was made at the Catawba Town, pre- sumably the village opposite the mouth of Sugaw Creek, in York County, South Caro- lina, on February 20-21, 1756; that with the Cherokees on Broad River, North Carolina, March 13-17. As a result of the negotiations and after the receipt of a present of goods, the Catawbas agreed to send forty warriors to aid Virginia within forty days; and the 59 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Cherokees, in return for presents and Vir- ginia's promise to contribute her proportion toward the erection of a strong fort, undertook to send four hundred warriors within forty- days, "as soon as the said fort shall be built." Virginia and North Carolina thus wisely- cooperated to "straighten the path" and "brighten the chain" between the white and the red men, in important treaties which have largely escaped the attention of historians. 42 On May 25, 1756, a conference was held at Salisbury between King Heygler and war- riors of the Catawba nation on the one side and Chief Justice Henley, doubtless attended by Captain Waddell and his frontier company, on the other. King Heygler, following the lead set by the Cherokees, petitioned the Gov- ernor of North Carolina to send the Catawbas some ammunition and to "build us a fort for securing our old men, women and children when we turn out to fight the Enemy on their coming." The chief justice assured the King that the Catawbas would receive a necessary supply of ammunition (one hundred pounds of 60 THE INDIAN WAR gunpower and four hundred pounds of lead were later sent them) and promised to urge with the governor their request to have a fort built as soon as possible. Pathos not unmixed with dry humor tinges the eloquent appeal of good old King Heygler, ever the loyal friend of the whites, at this conference: I desire a stop may be put to the selling of strong Liquors by the White people to my people especially near the Indian nation. If the White people make strong drink, let them sell it to one another, or drink it in their own families. This will avoid a great deal of mis- chief which otherwise will happen from my people getting drunk and quarrelling with the White people. I have no strong prisons like you to confine them for it. Our only way is to put them under ground and all these ( point- ing proudly to his Warriors) will be ready to do that to those who shall deserve it. 43 In response to this request, the sum of four thousand pounds was appropriated by the North Carolina Assembly for the erection of "a Fort on our western frontier to protect and se- cure the Catawbas" and for the support of two 61 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST companies of fifty men each to garrison this and another fort building on the sea coast. The commissioners appointed for the purpose recommended (December 21, 1756) a site for the fort "near the Catawba nation"; and on January 20, 1757, Governor Dobbs reported: "We are now building a Fort in the midst of their towns at their own Request." The fort thereupon begun must have stood near the mouth of the South Fork of the Catawba River, as Dobbs says it was in the "midst" (r of their towns, which are situated a "few miles north and south of 38°" and might properly be included within a circle of thirty miles radius. 44 During the succeeding months many dep- redations were committed by the Indians upon the exposed and scattered settlements. Had it not been for the protection afforded by all these forts, by the militia companies under Alexander Osborne of Rowan and Nathaniel Alexander of Anson, and by a special company of patrollers under Green and Moore, the back 62 THE INDIAN WAR settlers who had been so outrageously "pil- fered" by the Indians would have "retired from the Frontier into the inner settle- ments." 45 63 CHAPTER V IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION We give thanks and praise for the safety and peace vouch- safed us by our Heavenly Father in these times of war. Many of our neighbors, driven hither and yon like deer before wild beasts, came to us for shelter, yet the accustomed order of our congregation life was not disturbed, no, not even by the more than 150 Indians who at sundry times passed by, stopping for a day at a time and being fed by us. — Wachovia Community Diary, 1757. WITH commendable energy and expedi- tion Dinwiddie and Dobbs, acting in concert, initiated steps for keeping the engage- ments conjointly made by the two colonies with the Cherokees and the Catawbas in the spring and summer of 1756. Enlisting sixty men, "most of them Artificers, with Tools and Provisions," Major Andrew Lewis proceeded in the late spring to Echota in the Cherokee country. Here during the hot summer months they erected the Virginia Fort on the path from Virginia, upon the northern bank 64 IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION of the Little Tennessee, nearly opposite the Indian town of Echota and about twenty-five miles southwest of Knoxville. 46 While the fort was in process of construction, the Chero- kees were incessantly tampered with by emis- saries from the Nuntewees and the Savannahs in the French interest, and from the French themselves at the Alibamu Fort. So effective were these machinations, supported by extrav- agant promises and doubtless rich bribes, that the Cherokees soon were outspokenly express- ing their desire for a French fort at Great Tellico. Dinwiddie welcomed the departure from America of Governor Glen of South Caro- lina, who in his opinion had always acted con- trary to the king's interest. From the new governor, William Henry Lyttelton, who ar- rived in Charleston on June 1, 1756, he hoped to secure effective cooperation in dealing with the Cherokees and the Catawbas. This hope was based upon Lyttelton's recognition, as stated in Dinwiddie's words, of the "Necessity of strict Union between the whole Colonies, 65 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST with't any of them considering their particular Interest separate from the general Good of the whole." After constructing the fort "with't the least assistance from South Caro- lina," Major Lewis happened by accident upon a grand council being held in Echota in September. At that time he discovered to his great alarm that the machinations of the French had already produced the greatest imaginable change in the sentiment of the Cherokees. Captain Raymond Demere of the Provincials, with two hundred English troops, had arrived to garrison the fort; but the head men of all the Upper Towns were secretly in- fluenced to agree to write a letter to Captain Demere, ordering him to return immediately to Charleston with all the troops under his command. At the grand council, Atta-kulla- kulla, the great Cherokee chieftain, passion- ately declared to the head men, who listened approvingly, that "as to the few soldiers of Captain Demere that was there, he would take their Guns, and give them to his young men to hunt with and as to their clothes they would 66 IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION soon be worn out and their skins would be tanned, and be of the same colour as theirs, and that they should live among them as slaves." With impressive dignity Major Lewis rose and earnestly pleaded for the ob- servance of the terms of the treaty solemnly negotiated the preceding March. In re- sponse, the crafty and treacherous chieftains desired Lewis to tell the Governor of Virginia that "they had taken up the Hatchet against all Nations that were Enemies to the English" ; but Lewis, an astute student of Indian psy- chology, rightly surmised that all their glib professions of friendship and assistance were "only to put a gloss on their knavery." 47 So it proved; for instead of the four hundred warriors promised under the treaty for service in Virginia, the Cherokees sent only seven war- riors, accompanied by three women. Al- though the Cherokees petitioned Virginia for a number of men to garrison the Virginia fort, Dinwiddie postponed sending the fifty men provided for by the Virginia Assembly until he could reassure himself in regard to the 67 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST "Behaviour and Intention" of the treacherous Indian allies. This proved to be a prudent decision; for not long after its erection the Virginia fort was destroyed by the Indians. Whether on account of the dissatisfaction expressed by the Cherokees over the erection of the Virginia fort or because of a recognition of the mistaken policy of garrisoning a work erected by Virginia with troops sent from Charleston, South Carolina immediately pro- ceeded to build another stronghold on the southern bank of the Tennessee at the mouth of Tellico River, some seven miles from the site of the Virginia fort ; and here were posted twelve great guns, brought thither at immense labor through the wilderness. 48 To this fort, named Fort Loudoun in honor of Lord Lou- doun, then commander-in-chief of all the Eng- lish forces in America, the Indians allured arti- sans by donations of land ; and during the next three or four years a little settlement sprang up there. The frontiers of Virginia suffered most from the incursions of hostile Indians during the 68 IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION fourteen months following May 1, 1755. In July, the Rev. Hugh McAden records that he preached in Virginia on a day set apart for fasting and prayer "on account of the wars and many murders, committed by the savage Indians on the back inhabitants." On July 30th a large party of Shawano Indians fell upon the New River settlement and wiped it out of existence. William Ingles was absent at the time of the raid; and Mrs. Ingles, who was captured, afterward effected her escape. 41 ' The following summer (June 25, 1756), Fort Vaux on the headwaters of the Roanoke, under the command of Captain John Smith, was cap- tured by about one hundred French and In- dians, who burnt the fort, killed John Smith junior, John Robinson, John Tracey and John Ingles, wounded four men, and captured twen- ty-two men, women, and children. Among the captured was the famous Mrs. Mary Ingles, whose husband, John Ingles, was killed; but after being "carried away into Captivity, amongst whom she was barbarously treated," according to her own statement, she 69 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST finally escaped and returned to Virginia. 50 The frontier continued to be infested by- marauding bands of French and Indians; and Dinwiddie gloomily confessed to Dobbs (July 22d) : "I apprehend that we shall always be harrass'd with fly'g Parties of these Banditti unless we form an Expedit'n ag'st them, to attack 'em in y'r Towns." 51 Such an expedi- tion, known as the Sandy River Expedition, had been sent out in February to avenge the massacre of the New River settlers; but the enterprise engaged in by about four hundred Virginians and Cherokees under Major An- drew Lewis and Captain Richard Pearis, proved a disastrous failure. Not a single In- dian was seen ; and the party suffered extraor- dinary hardships and narrowly escaped star- vation. 52 In conformity with his treaty obligations with the Catawbas, Governor Dobbs commis- sioned Captain Hugh Waddell to erect the fort promised the Catawbas at the spot chosen by the commissioners near the mouth of the South Fork of the Catawba River. This fort, 70 IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION for which four thousand pounds had been ap- propriated, was for the most part completed by midsummer, 1757. But owing, it appears, both to the machinations of the French and to the intermeddling of the South Carolina traders, who desired to retain the trade of the Catawbas for that province, Oroloswa, the Ca- tawba King Heygler, sent a "talk" to Gov- ernor Lyttelton, requesting that North Caro- lina desist from the work of construction and that no fort be built except by South Carolina. Accordingly, Governor Dobbs ordered Cap- tain Waddell to discharge the workmen (Au- gust 11, 1757) 53 ; and every effort was made for many months thereafter to conciliate the Ca- tawbas, erstwhile friends of North Carolina. The Catawba fort erected by North Carolina was never fully completed; and several years later South Carolina, having succeeded in alienating the Catawbas from North Carolina, which colony had given them the best possible treatment, built for them a fort 54 at the mouth of Line Creek on the east bank of the Catawba River. 71 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST In the spring and summer of 1757 the long- expected Indian allies arrived in Virginia, as many as four hundred by May — Cherokees, Catawbas, Tuscaroras, and Nottaways. But Dinwiddie was wholly unable to use them ef- fectively; and in order to provide amusement for them, he directed that they should go "a scalping" with the whites — "a barbarous method of war," frankly acknowledged the governor, "introduced by the French, which we are oblidged to follow in our own defense." Most of the Indian allies discontentedly re- turned home before the end of the year, but the remainder waited until the next year, to take part in the campaign against Fort Du- quesne. Three North Carolina companies, composed of trained soldiers and hardy fron- tiersmen, went through this campaign under the command of Major Hugh Waddell, the "Washington of North Carolina." Long of limb and broad of chest, powerful, lithe, and active, Waddell was an ideal leader for this arduous service, being fertile in expedient and skilful in the employment of Indian tactics. 72 IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION With true provincial pride Governor Dobbs records that Waddell "had great honor done him, being employed in all reconnoitring par- ties, and dressed and acted as an Indian; and his sergeant, Rogers, took the only Indian pris- oner, who gave Mr. Forbes certain intelligence of the forces in Fort Duquesne, upon which they resolved to proceed." This apparently trivial incident is remarkable, in that it proved to be the decisive factor in a campaign that was about to be abandoned. The information in regard to the state of the garrison at Fort Duquesne, secured from the Indian, for the capture of whom two leading officers had of- fered a reward of two hundred and fifty pounds, emboldened Forbes to advance rather than to retire. Upon reaching the fort (No- vember 25th) , he found it abandoned by the enemy. Sergeant Rogers never received the reward promised by General Forbes and the other English officer ; but some time afterward he was compensated by a modest sum from the colony of North Carolina. 55 A series of unfortunate occurrences, chiefly 73 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST the fault of the whites, soon resulted in the precipitation of a terrible Indian outbreak. A party of Cherokees, returning home in May, 1758, seized some stray horses on the frontier of Virginia — never dreaming of any wrong, says an old historian, as they saw it frequently done by the whites. The owners of the horses, hastily forming a party, went in pursuit of the Indians and killed twelve or fourteen of the number. The relatives of the slain In- dians, greatly incensed, vowed vengeance upon the whites. 56 Nor was the tactless conduct of Forbes calculated to quiet this resentment; for when Atta-kulla-kulla and nine other chieftains deserted in disgust at the treatment accorded them, they were pursued by Forbes's orders, apprehended and disarmed. 57 This rude treat- ment, coupled with the brutal and wanton mur- der of some Cherokee hunters a little earlier, by an irresponsible band of Virginians under Captain Robert Wade, still further aggra- vated the Indians. 58 Incited by the French, who had fled to the southward after the fall of Fort Duquesne, 74 IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION parties of bloodthirsty young Indians rushed down upon the settlements and left in their path death and desolation along the frontiers of the Carolinas. 59 On the upper branch of the Yadkin and below the South Yadkin near Fort Dobbs twenty-two whites fell in swift succession before the secret onslaughts of the savages from the lower Cherokee towns. 00 Many of the settlers along the Yadkin fled to the Carolina Fort at Bethabara and the stock- ade at the mill; and the sheriff of Rowan County suffered siege by the Cherokees, in his home, until rescued by a detachment under Brother Loesch from Bethabara. While many families took refuge in Fort Dobbs, frontiersmen under Captain Morgan Bryan ranged through the mountains to the west of Salisbury and guarded the settlements from the hostile incursions of the savages. So gravely alarmed were the Rowan settlers, com- pelled by the Indians to desert their planting and crops, that Colonel Harris was despatched post-haste for aid to Cape Fear, arriving there on July 1st. With strenuous energy 75 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Captain Waddell, then stationed in the east, rushed two companies of thirty men each to the rescue, sending by water-carriage six swivel guns and ammunition on before him; and these reinforcements brought relief at last to the harassed Rowan frontiers. 61 During the remainder of the year, the borders were kept clear by bold and tireless rangers — under the leadership of expert Indian fighters of the stamp of Griffith Rutherford and Morgan Bryan. When the Cherokee warriors who had wrought havoc along the North Carolina bor- der in April arrived at their town of Settiquo, they proudly displayed the twenty -two scalps of the slain Rowan settlers. Upon the de- mand for these scalps by Captain Demere at Fort Loudon and under direction of Atta- kulla-kulla, the Settiquo warriors surrendered eleven of the scalps to Captain Demere who, according to custom in time of peace, buried them. New murders on Pacolet and along the Virginia Path, which occurred shortly afterward, caused gloomy forebodings; and it 76 IN DEFENSE OF CIVILIZATION was plain, says a contemporary gazette, that "the lower Cherokees were not satisfied with the murder of the Rowan settlers, but intended further mischief." 62 On October 1st and again on October 31st, Governor Dobbs re- ceived urgent requests from Governor Lyttel- ton, asking that the North Carolina provin- cials and militia cooperate to bring him assist- ance. Although there was no law requiring the troops to march out of the province and the exposed frontiers of North Carolina sorely needed protection, Waddell, now commis- sioned colonel, assembled a force of five small companies and marched to the aid of Governor Lyttelton. But early in January, 1760, while on the march, Waddell received a letter from Lyttelton, informing him that the assistance was not needed and that a treaty of peace had been negotiated with the Cherokees. 03 77 CHAPTER VI CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES Thus ended the Cherokee war, which was among the last humbling strokes given to the expiring power of France in North America. — Hewatt: An Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia. 1779. GOVERNOR LYTTELTON'S treaty of "peace," negotiated with the Chero- kees at the close of 1759, was worse than a crime: it was a crass and hideous blunder. His domineering attitude and tyrannical treat- ment of these Indians had aroused the bitterest animosity. Yet he did not realize that it was no longer safe to trust their word. No sooner did the governor withdraw his army from the borders than the cunning Cherokees, whose pas- sions had been inflamed by what may fairly be called the treacherous conduct of Lyttelton, rushed down with merciless ferocity upon the 78 CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES innocent and defenseless families on the fron- tier. On February 1, 1760, while a large party (including the family of Patrick Calhoun), numbering in all about one hundred and fifty persons, were removing from the Long Cane settlement to Augusta, they were suddenly attacked by a hundred mounted Cherokees, who slaughtered about fifty of them. After the massacre, many of the children were found helplessly wandering in the woods. One man alone carried to Augusta no less than nine of the pitiful innocents, some horribly mutilated with the tomahawk, others scalped, and all yet alive. Atrocities defying description continued to be committed, and many people were slain. The Cherokees, under the leadership of Si- lou-ee, or the Young Warrior of Estatoe, the Round O, Tiftoe, and others, were baffled in their persistent efforts to capture Fort Prince George. On February 16th the crafty Oconos- tota appeared before the fort and under the pretext of desiring some white man to accom- pany him on a visit to the governor on urgent 79 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST business, lured the commander, Lieutenant Coytomore, and two attendants to a confer- ence outside the gates. At a preconceived sig- nal a volley of shots rang out ; the two attend- ants were wounded, and Lieutenant Coyto- more, riddled with bullets, fell dead. En- raged by this act of treachery, the garrison put to death the Indian hostages within. During the abortive attack upon the fort, Oconostota, unaware of the murder of the hostages, was heard shouting above the din of battle: "Fight strong, and you shall be re- lieved." 64 Now began the dark days along the Rowan border, which were so sorely to test human en- durance. Many refugees fortified themselves in the different stockades; and Colonel Hugh Waddell with his redoubtable frontier com- pany of Indian-fighters awaited the onslaught of the savages, who were reported to have passed through the mountain defiles and to be approaching along the foot-hills. The story of the investment of Fort Dobbs and the splen- didly daring sortie of Waddell and Bailey is 80 CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES best told in Waddell's report to Governor Dobbs (February 29, 1760) : For several Days I observed a small party of Indians were constantly about the fort, I sent out several parties after them to no pur- pose, the Evening before last between 8 & 9 o'clock I found by the Dogs making an un- common Noise there must be a party nigh a Spring which we sometimes use. As my Gar- rison is but small, and I was apprehensive it might be a scheme to draw out the Garrison, I took our Capt. Bailie who with myself and party made up ten: We had not marched 300 yds. from the fort when we were attacked by at least 60 or 70 Indians. I had given my party Orders not to fire until I gave the word, which they punctually observed: We reed the Indians' fire : When I perceived they had almost all fired, I ordered my party to fire which We did not further than 12 steps each loaded with a Bullet and 7 Buck Shot, they had nothing to cover them as they were advancing either to tomahawk us or make us Prisoners : They found the fire very hot from so small a Number which a good deal confused them: I then ordered my party to retreat, as I found the Instant our skirmish began an- other party had attacked the fort, upon our reinforcing the garrison the Indians were soon 81 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST repulsed with I am sure a considerable Loss, from what I myself saw as well as those I can confide in they cou'd not have less than 10 or 12 killed and wounded; The next Morning we found a great deal of Blood and one dead whom I suppose they cou'd not find in the night. On my side I had 2 Men wounded one of whom I am afraid will die as he is scalped, the other is in way of Recovery, and one boy killed near the fort whom they durst not ad- vance to scalp. I expected they would have paid me another visit last night, as they attack all Fortifications by Night, but find they did not like their Reception. 65 Alarmed by Waddell's "offensive-defen- sive," the Indians abandoned the siege. Rob- ert Campbell, Waddell's ranger, who was scalped in this engagement, subsequently re- covered from his wounds and was recompensed by the colony with the sum of twenty pounds. 66 In addition to the frontier militia, four in- dependent companies were now placed under Waddell's command. Companies of volun- teers scoured the woods in search of the lurking Indian foe. These rangers, who were clad in hunting-shirts and buckskin leggings, and who CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES employed Indian tactics in fighting, were cap- tained by such hardy leaders as the veteran Morgan Bryan, the intrepid Griffith Ruther- ford, the German partisan, Martin Phifer (Pfeiffer), and Anthony Hampton, the father of General Wade Hampton. They visited periodically a chain of "forest castles" erected by the settlers — extending all the way from Fort Dobbs and the Moravian fortifications in the Wachau to Samuel Stalnaker's stockade on the Middle Fork of the Holston in Vir- ginia. About the middle of March, thirty volunteer Rowan County rangers encountered a band of forty Cherokees, who fortified them- selves in a deserted house near the Catawba River. The famous scout and hunter, John Perkins, assisted by one of his bolder com- panions, crept up to the house and flung lighted torches upon the roof. One of the In- dians, as the smoke became suffocating and the flames burned hotter, exclaimed: "Better for one to die bravely than for all to perish miserably in the flames," and darting forth, dashed rapidly hither and thither, in order to 83 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST draw as many shots as possible. This act of superb self-sacrifice was successful; and while the rifles of the whites, who riddled the brave Indian with balls, were empty, the other sav- ages made a wild dash for liberty. Seven fell thus under the deadly rain of bullets ; but many escaped. Ten of the Indians, all told, lost their scalps, for which the volunteer rangers were subsequently paid one hundred pounds by the colony of North Carolina. 67 Beaten back from Fort Dobbs, sorely de- feated along the Catawba, hotly pursued by the. rangers, the Cherokees continued to lurk in the shadows of the dense forests, and at every opportunity to fall suddenly upon way- faring settlers and isolated cabins remote from any stronghold. On March 8th William Fish, his son, and Thompson, a companion, were riding along the "trace," in search of provi- sions for a group of families fortified on the Yadkin, when a flight of arrows hurtled from the cane-brake, and Fish and his son fell dead. Although pierced with two arrows, one in the hip and one clean through his body, Thomp- 84. CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES son escaped upon his fleet horse; and after a night of ghastly suffering finally reached the Carolina Fort at Bethabara. The good Dr. Bonn, by skilfully extracting the barbed shafts from his body, saved Thompson's life. The pious Moravians rejoiced over the recov- ery of the brave messenger, whose sensational arrival gave them timely warning of the close proximity of the Indians. While feeding their cattle, settlers were shot from ambush by the lurking foe; and on March 11th, a fam- ily barricaded within a burning house, which they were defending with desperate courage, were rescued in the nick of time by the militia. No episode from Fenimore Cooper's Leather- stocking Tales surpasses in melancholy inter- est Harry Hicks's heroic defense of his little fort on Bean Island Creek. Surrounded by the Indians, Hicks and his family took refuge within the small outer palisade around his humble home. Fighting desperately against terrific odds, he was finally driven from his yard into his log cabin, which he continued to defend with dauntless courage. With 85 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST every shot he tried to send a redskin to the happy hunting-grounds; and it was only after his powder was exhausted that he fell, fighting to the last, beneath the deadly tomahawk. So impressed were the Indians by his bravery that they spared the life of his wife and his little son; and these were afterward rescued by Waddell when he marched to the Cherokee towns in 1761. 68 The kindly Moravians had always enter- tained with generous hospitality the roving bands of Cherokees, who accordingly held them in much esteem and spoke of Bethabara as "the Dutch Fort, where there are good peo- ple and much bread." But now, in these dread days, the truth of their daily text was brought forcibly home to the Moravians: "Neither Nehemiah nor his brethren put off their clothes, but prayed as they watched." With Bible in one hand and rifle in the other, the inhabitant of Wachovia sternly marched to religious worship. No Puritan of bleak New England ever showed more resolute cour- age or greater will to defend the hard-won CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES outpost of civilization than did the pious Mo- ravian of the Wachau. At the new settlement of Bethania on Easter Day, more than four hundred souls, including sixty rangers, listened devoutly to the eloquent sermon of Bishop Spangenberg concerning the way of salvation — the while their arms, stacked without the Gemein Haus, were guarded by the watchful sentinel. On March 14th the watchmen at Bethania with well-aimed shots repelled the Indians, whose hideous yells of baffled rage sounded down the wind like "the howling of a hundred wolves." Religion was no protec- tion against the savages; for three ministers journeying to the present site of Salem were set upon by the red men — one escaping, an- other suffering capture, and the third, a Bap- tist, losing his life. A little later word came to Fort Dobbs that John Long and Robert Gillespie of Salisbury had been shot from am- bush and scalped — Long having been pierced with eight bullets and Gillespie with seven. 69 There is one beautiful incident recorded by the Moravians, which has a truly symbolic sig- 87 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST nificance. While the war was at its height, a strong party of Cherokees, who had lost their chief, planned in retaliation to attack Bethab- ara. "When they went home," sets forth the Moravian Diary, "they said they had been to a great town, where there were a great many people, where the bells rang often, and during the night, time after time, a horn was blown, so that they feared to attack the town and had taken no prisoners." The trumpet of the watchman, announcing the passing of the hour, had convinced the Indians that their plans for attack were discovered; and the regular eve- ning bell, summoning the pious to prayer, rang in the stricken ears of the red men like the clamant call to arms. Following the retirement from office of Gov- ernor Lyttelton, Lieutenant-Governor Bull proceeded to prosecute the war with vigor. On April 1, 1760, twelve hundred men under Colonel Archibald Montgomerie arrived at Charleston, with instructions to strike an im- mediate blow and to relieve Fort Loudon, then invested by the Cherokees. With his own 88 COLONEL ARCHIBALD MONTGOMERIE (1726-1796) Mezzotint by S. W. Reynolds after the original painting by C. F. v. Breda CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES force, two hundred and ninety-five South Carolina Rangers, forty picked men of the new "levies," and "a good number of guides," Montgomerie moved from Fort Ninety- Six on May 28th. On the first of June, crossing Twelve-Mile River, Montgomerie began the campaign in earnest, devastating and burning every Indian village in the Valley of Keowee, killing and capturing more than a hundred of the Cherokees, and destroying immense stores of corn. Receiving no reply to his summons to the Cherokees of the Middle and Upper Towns to make peace or suffer like treatment, Montgomerie took up his march from Fort Prince George on June 24th, resolved to carry out his threat. On the morning of the 27th, he was drawn into an ambuscade within six miles of Et-chow-ee, eight miles south of the present Franklin, North Carolina, a mile and a half below Smith's Bridge, and was vigor- ously attacked from dense cover by some six hundred and thirty warriors led by Si-lou-ee. Fighting with" Indian tactics, the Provincial Rangers under Patrick Calhoun particularly 89 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST distinguished themselves; and the blood-curd- ling yells of the painted savages were re- sponded to by the wild huzzas of the kilted Highlanders who, waving their Scotch bon- nets, impetuously charged the redskins and drove them again and again from their lurk- ing-places. Nevertheless Montgomerie lost from eighty to one hundred in killed and wounded, while the loss of the Indians was supposed to be about half the loss of the whites. Unable to care for his wounded and lacking the means of removing his baggage, Montgom- erie silently withdrew his forces. In so doing, he acknowledged defeat, since he was com- pelled to abandon his original intention of re- lieving the beleaguered garrison of Fort Lou- don. Captain Demere and his devoted little band, who had been resolutely holding out, were now left to their tragic fate. After the bread was exhausted, the garrison was reduced to the necessity of eating dogs and horses; and the loyal aid of the Indian wives of some of the garrison, who secretly brought them supplies 90 CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES of food daily, enabled them to hold out still longer. Realizing at last the futility of pro- longing the hopeless contest, Captain Demere surrendered the fort on August 8, 1760. At daylight the next morning, while on the march to Fort Prince George, the soldiers were set upon by the treacherous Cherokees, who at the first onset killed Captain Demere and twenty-nine others. A humane chieftain, Outassitus, says one of the gazettes of the day, "went around the field calling upon the In- dians to desist, and making such representa- tions to them as stopped the further progress and effects of their barbarous and brutal rage," which expressed itself in scalping and hacking off the arms and legs of the defenseless whites. Atta-kulla-kulla, who was friendly to the whites, claimed Captain Stuart, the second officer, as his captive, and bore him away by stealth. After nine days' journey through the wilderness they encountered an advance party under Major Andrew Lewis, sent out by Colonel Byrd, head of a relieving army, to rescue and succor any of the garrison who 91 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST might effect their escape. Thus Stuart was restored to his friends. This abortive and tragic campaign, in which the victory lay con- clusively with the Indians, ended when Byrd disbanded his new levies and Montgomerie sailed from Charleston for the north (August, 1760). During the remainder of the year, the prov- ince of North Carolina remained free of fur- ther alarms from the Indians. But the view was generally entertained that one more joint effort of North Carolina, South Carolina, and Virginia would have to be made in order to humble the Cherokees. At the sessions of the North Carolina Assembly in November and again in December, matters in dispute between Governor Dobbs and the representatives of the people made impossible the passage of a pro- posed aid bill, providing for five hundred men to cooperate with Virginia and South Caro- lina. Nevertheless volunteers in large num- bers patriotically marched from North Caro- lina to Charleston and the Congaree (Decem- ber, 1760, to April, 1761), to enlist in the fa- 92 COLONEL JAMES GRANT (1720-1806), From I. Kay's Original Portraits (1798) , CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES mous regiment being organized by Colonel Thomas Middleton. 70 On March 31, 1761, Governor Dobbs called together the Assembly to act upon a letter received from General Amherst, outlining a more vigorous plan of campaign appropriate to the succession of a young and vigorous sovereign, George III. An aid bill was passed, providing twenty thou- sand pounds for men and supplies; and one regiment of five companies of one hundred men each, under the command of Colonel Hugh Waddell, was mustered into service for seven months' duty, beginning May 1, 1761. 71 On July 7, 1761, Colonel James Grant, de- tached from the main army in command of a force of twenty-six hundred men, took up his march from Fort Prince George. Attacked on June 10th two miles south of the spot where Mon!:gomerie was engaged the preceding year, Grant's army, after a vigorous engagement lasting several hours, drove off the Indians. The army then proceeded at leisure to lay waste the fifteen towns of the Middle Settle- ments; and, after this work of systematic de- 93 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST vastation was over, returned to Fort Prince George. Peace was concluded in September as the result of this campaign; and in conse- quence the frontier was pushed seventy miles farther to the west. Meantime, Colonel Waddell with his force of five hundred North Carolinians had acted in concert with Colonel William Byrd, com- manding the Virginia detachment. The com- bined forces went into camp at Captain Sam- uel Stalnaker's old place on the Middle Fork of Holston. Because of his deliberately dila- tory policy, Byrd was superseded in the com- mand by Colonel Adam Stephen. Marching their forces to the Long Island of Holston, Ste- phen and Waddell erected there Fort Robin- son, in compliance with the instructions of Governor Fauquier, of Virginia. The Chero- kees, heartily tired of the war, now sued for peace, which was concluded, independent of the treaty at Charleston, on November 19, 1761. The successful termination of this campaign had an effect of signal importance in the de- 94 CRUSHING THE CHEROKEES velopment of the expansionist spirit. The rich and beautiful lands which fell under the eye of the North Carolina and Virginia pioneers under Waddell, Byrd, and Stephen, lured them irresistibly on to wider casts for fortune and bolder explorations into the unknown, beckoning West. 95 CHAPTER VII THE LAND COMPANIES It was thought good policy to settle those lands as fast as possible, and that the granting them to men of the first con- sequence who were likeliest and best able to procure large bodies of people to settle on them was the most probable means of effecting the end proposed. — Acting-Governor Nelson of Virginia to the Earl of Hillsborough: 1770. ALTHOUGH for several decades the Vir- ginia traders had been passing over the Great Trading Path to the towns of the Chero- kees and the Catawbas, it was not until the early years of the eighteenth century that Vir- ginians of imaginative vision directed their eyes to the westward, intent upon crossing the mountains and locating settlements as a firm barrier against the imperialistic designs of France. Acting upon his oft-expressed con- viction that once the English settlers had estab- lished themselves at the source of the James 96 THE LAND COMPANIES River "it would not be in the power of the French to dislodge them," Governor Alexan- der Spotswood in 1716, animated with the spirit of the pioneer, led an expedition of fifty men and a train of pack-horses to the moun- tains, arduously ascended to the summit of the Blue Ridge, and claimed the country by right of discovery in behalf of his sovereign. In the journal of John Fontaine this vivacious account is given of the historic episode: "I graved my name on a tree by the river side; and the Governor buried a bottle with a paper enclosed on which he writ that he took posses- sion of this place in the name and for King George the First of England. We had a good dinner, and after it we got the men together and loaded all their arms and we drank the King's health in Burgundy and fired a volley, and all the rest of the Royal Family in claret and a volley. We drank the Governor's health and fired another volley." By this jovial picnic, which the governor afterward commemorated by presenting to each of the gentlemen who accompanied him 97 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST a golden horseshoe, inscribed with the legend, Sic juvat transcendere montes, Alexander Spotswood anticipated by a third of a century the more ambitious expedition on behalf of France by Celoron de Bienville (see Chapter III), and gave a memorable object-lesson in the true spirit of westward expansion. Dur- ing the ensuing years it began to dawn upon the minds of men of the stamp of William Byrd and Joshua Gee that there was impera- tive need for the establishment of a chain of settlements in the trans-Alleghany, a great hu- man wall to withstand the advancing wave of French influence and occupation. By the fifth decade of the century, as we have seen, the Virginia settlers, with their squatter's claims and tomahawk rights, had pushed on to the mountains; and great pressure was brought to bear upon the council to issue grants for vast tracts of land in the uncharted wilderness of the interior. At this period the English ministry adopted the aggressive policy already mentioned in connection with the French and Indian war, 98 THE LAND COMPANIES indicative of a determination to contest with France the right to occupy the interior of the continent. This policy had been inaugurated by Virginia with the express purpose of stimu- lating the adoption of a similar policy by North Carolina and Pennsylvania. Two land com- panies, organized almost simultaneously, ac- tively promoted the preliminaries necessary to settlement, despatching parties under expert leadership to discover the passes through the mountains and to locate the best land in the trans- Alleghany. In June, 1749, a great corporation, the Loyal Land Company of Virginia, received a grant of eight hundred thousand acres above the North Carolina line and west of the moun- tains. Dr. Thomas Walker, an expert sur- veyor, who in company with several other gen- tlemen had made a tour of exploration through eastern Tennessee and the Holston region in 1748, was chosen as the agent of this company. Starting from his home in Albemarle County, Virginia, March 6, 1750, accompanied by five stalwart pioneers, Walker made a tour of ex- 99 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST ploration to the westward, being absent four months and one week. On this journey, which carried the party as far west as the Rockcastle River (May 11th) and as far north as the present Paintsville, Kentucky, they named many natural objects, such as mountains and rivers, after members of the party. Their two principal achievements were the erection of the first house built by white" men between the Cumberland Mountains and the Ohio River — a feat, however,' which led to no important de- velopments ; and the discovery of the wonder- ful gap in the Alleghanies to which Walker gave the name Cumberland, in honor of the ruthless conqueror at Culloden, the "bloody duke." , In 1748 the Ohio Company was organized by Colonel Thomas Lee, president of the Vir- ginia council, and twelve other gentlemen, of Virginia and Maryland. In their petition for five hundred thousand acres, one of the de- clared objects of the company was "to antici- pate the French by taking possession of that country southward of the Lakes to which the 100 THE LAND COMPANIES French had no right. . . ." By the royal order of May 19, 1749, the company was awarded two hundred thousand acres, free of quit-rent for ten years; and the promise was made of an additional award of the remainder petitioned for, on condition of seating a hun- dred families upon the original grant and the building and maintaining of a fort. Christo- pher Gist, summoned from his remote home on the Yadkin in North Carolina, was in- structed "to search out and discover the Lands upon the river Ohio & other adjoining branches of the Mississippi down as low as the great Falls thereof." In this journey, which began at Colonel Thomas Cresap's, in Maryland, in October, 1750, and ended at Gist's home on May 18, 1751, Gist visited the Lower Shawnee Town and the Lower Blue Licks, ascended Pilot Knob almost two decades before Find- lay and Boone, from the same eminence, "saw with pleasure the beautiful level of Kentucky,'* intersected Walker's route at two points, and crossed Cumberland Mountain at Pound Gap on the return journey. This was a far more 101 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST extended journey than Walker's, enabling Gist to explore the fertile valleys of the Musk- ingum, Scioto, and Miami rivers and to gain a view of the beautiful meadows of Kentucky. 72 It is eminently significant of the spirit of the age, which was inaugurating an era of land- hunger unparalleled in American history, that the first authentic records of the trans-Alle- ghany were made by surveyors who visited the country as the agents of great land companies. The outbreak of the French and Indian War so soon afterward delayed for a decade and more any important colonization of the West. Indeed, the explorations and findings of Walker and Gist were almost unknown, even to the companies they represented. But the conclusion of peace in 1763, which gave all the region between the mountains and the Missis- sippi to the British, heralded the true begin- ning of the westward expansionist movement in the Old Southwest, and inaugurated the constructive leadership of North Carolina in the occupation and colonization of the imperial domain of Kentucky and the Ohio Valley. 102 THE LAND COMPANIES In the middle years of the century many families of Virginia gentry removed to the back countiy of North Carolina in the fertile region ranging from Williamsborough on the east to Hillsborough on the west. 73 There soon arose in this section of the colony a so- ciety marked by intellectual distinction, social graces, and the leisured dignity of the land- lord and the large planter. So conspicuous for means, intellect, culture, and refinement were the people of this group, having "abun- dance of wealth and leisure for enjoyment," that Governor Josiah Martin, in passing through this region some years later, signifi- cantly observes: "They have great pre-emi- nence, as well with respect to soil and cultiva- tion, as to the manners and condition of the inhabitants, in which last respect the difference is so great that one would be led to think them people of another region." 74 This new wealthy class which was now turning its gaze toward the unoccupied lands along the frontier was "dominated by the democratic ideals of pioneers rather than by the aristocratic tend- 103 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST encies of slave-holding planters." 75 From the cross-fertilization of the ideas of two social groups — this back-country gentry, of innate qualities of leadership, democratic instincts, economic independence, and expansive tenden- cies, and the primitive pioneer society of the frontier, frugal in taste, responsive to leader- ship, bold, ready, and thorough in execution — there evolved the- militant American expan- sion in the Old Southwest. A conspicuous figure in this society of Vir- ginia emigrants was a young man named Rich- ard Henderson, whose father had removed with his family from Hanover County, Vir- ginia, to Bute, afterward Granville County, North Carolina, in 1742. 70 Educated at home by a private tutor, he began his career as as- sistant of his father, Samuel Henderson, the High Sheriff of Granville County; and after receiving a law-license, quickly acquired an extensive practice. "Even in the superior courts where oratory and eloquence are as brilliant and powerful as in Westminster- hall," records an English acquaintance, "he 104 THE LAND COMPANIES soon became distinguished and eminent, and his superior genius shone forth with great splendour, and universal applause." This young attorney, wedded to the daughter of an Irish lord, often visited Salisbury on his legal circuit; and here he became well ac- quainted with Squire Boone, one of the "Worshipfull Justices," and often appeared in suits before him. By his son, the nomadic Daniel Boone, conspicuous already for his solitary wanderings across the dark green mountains to the sun-lit valleys and bound- less hunting-grounds beyond, Henderson was from time to time regaled with bizarre and fascinating tales of western exploration; and Boone, in his dark hour of poverty and distress, when he was heavily involved finan- cially, turned for aid to this friend and his partner, who composed the law-firm of Wil- liams and Henderson. 77 Boone's vivid descriptions of the paradise of the West stimulated Henderson's imagina- tive mind and attracted his attention to the rich possibilities of unoccupied lands there. 105 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST While the Board of Trade in drafting the royal proclamation of October 7, 1763, forbade the granting of lands in the vast interior, which was specifically reserved to the Indians, it was clearly not their intention to set permanent western limits to the colonies. 78 The prevail- ing opinion among the shrewdest men of the period was well expressed by George Wash- ington, who wrote his agent for preempting western lands: "I can never look upon that proclamation in any other light (but I say this between ourselves) than as a temporary ex- pedient to quiet the minds of the Indians." And again in 1767: "It [the proclamation of 1763] must fall, of course, in a few years, especially when those Indians consent to our occupying the lands. Any person, therefore, who neglects the present opportunity of hunt- ing out good lands, and in some measure mark- ing out and distinguishing them for his own, in order to keep others from settling them, will never regain it." Washington had added greatly to his holdings of bounty lands in the West by purchasing at trivial prices the claims 106 THE LAND COMPANIES of many of the officers and soldiers. Three years later we find him surveying extensive tracts along the Ohio and the Great Kanawha, and, with the vision of the expansionist, mak- ing large plans for the establishment of a colony to be seated upon his own lands. Hen- derson, too, recognized the importance of the great country west of the Appalachians. He agreed with the opinion of Benjamin Frank- lin, who in 1756 called it "one of the finest in North America for the extreme richness and fertility of the land, the healthy temperature of the air and the mildness of the climate, the plenty of hunting, fishing and fowling, the facility of trade with the Indians and the vast convenience of inland navigation or water car- riage." 70 Henderson therefore proceeded to organize a land company for the purpose of acquiring and colonizing a large domain in the West. This partnership, which was entitled Richard Henderson and Company, was com- posed of a few associates, including Richard Henderson, his uncle and law-partner, John Williams, and, in all probability, their close 107 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST friends Thomas and Nathaniel Hart of Orange County, North Carolina, immigrants from Hanover County, Virginia. Seizing the opportunity presented just after the conclusion of peace, the company engaged Daniel Boone as scout and surveyor. He was instructed, while hunting and trapping on his own account, to examine, with respect to their location and fertility, the lands which he vis- ited, and to report his findings upon his re- turn. The secret expedition must have been transacted with commendable circumspection; for although in after years it became common knowledge among his friends that he had acted as the company's agent, Boone himself con- sistently refrained from betraying the confi- dence of his employers. 80 Upon a similar mis- sion, Gist had carefully concealed from the suspicious Indians the fact that he carried a compass, which they wittily termed "land stealer"; and Washington likewise imposed secrecy upon his land agent Crawford, insist- ing that the operation be carried on under the guise of hunting game. 81 The discreet Boone, 108 THE LAND COMPANIES taciturn and given to keeping his own counsel, in one instance at least deemed it advantageous to communicate the purpose of his mission to some hunters, well known to him, in order to secure the results of their information in re- gard to the best lands they had encountered in the course of their hunting expedition. Boone came among the hunters, known as the "Blevens connection," at one of their Tennes- see station camps on their return from a long hunt in Kentucky, in order, as expressed in the quaint phraseology of the period, to be "informed of the geography and tocography of these woods, saying that he was employed to explore them by Henderson & Company." The acquaintance which Boone on this occa- sion formed with a member of the party, Henry Scaggs, the skilled hunter and ex- plorer, was soon to bear fruit ; for shortly after- ward Scaggs was employed as prospector by the same land company. In 1764 Scaggs had passed through Cumberland Gap and hunted for the season on the Cumberland; and ac- cordingly the following year, as the agent of 109 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Richard Henderson and Company, he was des- patched on an extended exploration to the lower Cumberland, fixing his station at the salt lick afterward known as Mansker's Lick. 83 Richard Henderson thus, it appears, "en- listed the Harts and others in an enterprise which his own genius planned," says Peck, the personal acquaintance and biographer of Boone, "and then encouraged several hunters to explore the country and learn where the best lands lay." Just why Henderson and his asso- ciates did not act sooner upon the reports brought back by the hunters — Boone and Scaggs and Callaway, who accompanied Boone in 1764 in the interest of the land company 84 — is not known; but in all probability the frag- mentary nature of these reports, however glow- ing and enthusiastic, was sufficient cause for the delay of five years before the land company, through the agency of Boone and Findlay, suc- ceeded in having a thorough exploration made of the Kentucky region. Delay was also caused by rival claims to the territory. In the Virginia Gazette of December 1, 1768, Hen- 110 THE LAND COMPANIES derson must have read with astonishment not unmixed with dismay that "the Six Nations and all their tributaries have granted a vast extent of country to his majesty, and the Proprietaries of Pennsylvania, and settled an advantageous boundary line between their hunting country and this, and the other colo- nies to the Southward as far as the Cherokee River, for which they received the most valu- able present in goods and dollars that was ever given at any conference since the settlement of America." The news was now bruited about through the colony of North Carolina that the Cherokees were hot in their resentment because the Northern Indians, the inveterate foes of the Cherokees and the perpetual dis- putants for the vast Middle Ground of Ken- tucky, had received at the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, November 5, 1768, an immense com- pensation from the crown for the territory which they, the Cherokees, claimed from time immemorial. 85 Only three weeks before, John Stuart, Superintendent for Indian Affairs in the Southern Department, had negotiated with 111 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST the Cherokees the Treaty of Hard Labor, South Carolina (October 14th), by which Gov- ernor Tryon's line of 1767, from Reedy River to Tryon Mountain, was continued direct to Colonel Chiswell's mine, the present Wythe- ville, Virginia, and thence in a straight line to the mouth of the Great Kanawha. 86 Thus at the close of the year 1768 the crown through both royal governor and superintendent of In- dian affairs acknowledged in fair and open treaty the right of the Cherokees, whose Tennessee villages guarded the gateway, to the valley lands east of the mountain barrier as well as to the dim mid-region of Kentucky. In the very act of negotiating the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, Sir William Johnson privately acknowledged that possession of the trans- Alleghany could be legally obtained only by extinguishing the title of the Cherokees. 87 These conflicting claims soon led to colli- sions between the Indians and the company's settlers. In the spring of 1769 occurred one of those incidents in the westward advance which, though slight in itself, was to have a 112 THE LAND COMPANIES definite bearing upon the course of events in later years. In pursuance of his policy, as agent of the Loyal Land Company, of pro- moting settlement upon the company's lands, Dr. Thomas Walker, who had visited Powell's Valley the preceding year and come into pos- session of a very large tract there, simultane- ously made proposals to one party of men in- cluding the Hartleys, Captain Rucker, and others, and to another party led by Joseph Martin, trader of Orange County, Virginia, afterward a striking figure in the Old South- west. The fevered race by these bands of eighteenth-century "sooners" for possession of an early " Cherokee Strip" was won by the latter band, who at once took possession and began to clear; so that when the Kirtleys ar- rived, Martin coolly handed them "a letter from Dr. Walker that informed them that if we got to the valley first, we were to have 21,000 acres of land, and they were not to interfere with us." Martin and his compan- ions were delighted with the beautiful valley at the base of the Cumberland, quickly "eat 113 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST and destroyed 23 deer — 15 bears — 2 buffaloes and a great quantity of turkeys," and enter- tained gentlemen from Virginia and Maryland who desired to settle more than a hundred fam- ilies there. The company reckoned, however, without their hosts, the Cherokees, who, forti- fied by the treaty of Hard Labor (1768) which left this country within the Indian reservation, were determined to drive Martin and his com- pany out. While hunting on the Cumberland River, northwest of Cumberland Gap, Martin and his company were surrounded and dis- armed by a party of Cherokees who said they had orders from Cameron, the royal agent, to rob all white men hunting on their lands. When Martin and his party arrived at their sta- tion in Powell's Valley, they found it broken up and their goods stolen by the Indians, which left them no recourse but to return to the settlements in Virginia. It was not until six years later that Martin, under the stable in- fluence of the Transylvania Company, was en- abled to return to this spot and erect there 114 THE LAND COMPANIES the station which was to play an integral part in the progress of westward expansion. 88 Before going on to relate Boone's explora- tions of Kentucky under the auspices of the land company, it will be convenient to turn back for a moment and give some account of other hunters and explorers who visited that territory between the time of its discovery by Walker and Gist and the advent of Boone. 115 CHAPTER VIII THE LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE The long Hunters principally resided in the upper coun- tries of Virginia & North Carolina on New River & Holston River, and when they intended to make a long Hunt (as they calld it) they Collected near the head of Holston near whare Abingdon now stands. . . . — General William Hall. BEFORE the coming of Walker and Gist in 1750 and 1751 respectively, the region now called Kentucky had, as far as we know, been twice visited by the French, once in 1729 when Chaussegros de Lery and his party vis- ited the Big Bone* Lick, and again in the sum- mer of 1749 when the Baron de Longueuil with four hundred and fifty-two Frenchmen and Indians, going to join Bienville in an ex- pedition against "the Cherickees and other In- dians lying at the back of Carolina and Georgia," doubtless encamped on the Ken- tucky shore of the Ohio. Kentucky was also 116 LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE traversed by John Peter Sailing with his three adventurous companions in their journey through the Middle West in 1742. But all these early visits, including the memorable ex- peditions of Walker and Gist, were so little known to the general public that when John Filson wrote the history of Kentucky in 1784 he attributed its discovery to James McBride in 1754. More influential upon the course of westward expansion was an adventure which occurred in 1752, the very year in which the Boones settled down in their Yadkin home. In the autumn of 1752, a Pennsylvania trader, John Findlay, with three or four com- panions, descended the Ohio River in a canoe as far as the falls at the present Louisville, Kentucky, and accompanied a party of Shawa- noes to their town of Es-kip-pa-ki-thi-ki, eleven miles east of what is now Winchester. This was the site of the "Indian Old Corn Field," the Iroquois name for which ("the place of many fields," or "prairie") was Ken- ta-ke, whence came the name of the state. Five miles east of this spot, where still may 117 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST be seen a mound and an ellipse showing the outline of the stockade, is the famous Pilot Knob, from the summit of which the fields surrounding the town lie visible in their smooth expanse. During Findlay's stay at the In- dian town other traders from Pennsylvania and Virginia, who reported that they were "on their return from trading with the Cuttawas (Catawbas), a nation who live in the Territo- ries of Carolina," assembled in the vicinity in January, 1753. Here, as the result of dis- putes arising from their barter, they were set upon and captured by a large party of strag- gling Indians (Coghnawagas from Montreal) on January 26th; but Findlay and another trader named James Lowry were so fortunate as to escape and return through the wilder- ness to the Pennsylvania settlements. 89 The incident is of important historic significance; for it was from these traders, who must have followed the Great Warriors' Path to the coun- try of the Catawbas, that Findlay learned of the Ouasioto (Cumberland) Gap traversed by the Indian path. His reminiscences — of this 118 LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE gateway to Kentucky, of the site of the old Indian town on Lulbegrud Creek, a tributary of the Red River, and of the Pilot Knob — were sixteen years later to fire Boone to his great tour of exploration in behalf of the Transylvania Company. During the next two decades, largely be- cause of the hostility of the savage tribes, only a few traders and hunters from the east ranged through the trans-Alleghany. But in 1761, a party of hunters led by a rough frontiersman, Elisha Walden, penetrated into Powell's Val- ley, followed the Indian trail through Cumber- land Gap, explored the Cumberland River, and finally reached the Laurel Mountain where, encountering a party of Indians, they deemed it expedient to return. With Walden went Henry Scaggs, afterward explorer for the Henderson Land Company, William Blevens and Charles Cox, the famous Virginia hunters, one Newman, and some fifteen other stout pioneers. Their itinerary may be traced from the names given to natural objects in honor of members of the party — Walden's 119 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Mountain and Walden's Creek, Scaggs' Ridge and Newman's Ridge. Following the peace of 1763, which made travel in this region mod- erately safe once more, the English proceeded to occupy the territory which they had won. In 1765 George Croghan with a small party, on the way to prepare the inhabitants of the Illi- nois country for transfer to English sover- eignty, visited the Great Bone Licks of Ken- tucky (May 30th, 31st) ; and a year later Cap- tain Harry Gordon, chief engineer in the Western Department in North America, vis- ited and minutely described the same licks and the falls. But these, and numerous other water- journeys and expeditions of which no records were kept, though interesting enough in themselves, had little bearing upon the larger phases of westward expansion and coloniza- tion. The decade opening with the year 1765 is the epoch of bold and ever bolder exploration — the more adventurous frontiersmen of the border pushing deep into the wilderness in search of game, lured on by the excitements of 120 LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE the chase and the profit to be derived from the sale of peltries. In midsummer, 1766, Cap- tain James Smith, Joshua Horton, Uriah Stone, William Baker, and a young mu- latto slave passed through Cumberland Gap, hunted through the country south of the Cherokee and along the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers, and as Smith reports "found no vestige of any white man." During the same year a party of five hunters from South Carolina, led by Isaac Lindsey, pene- trated the Kentucky wilderness to the tribu- tary of the Cumberland, named Stone's River by the former party, for one of their number. Here they encountered two men, who were among the greatest of the western pioneers, and were destined to leave their names in historic association with the early settlement of Kentucky — James Harrod and Michael Stoner, a German, both of whom had descended the Ohio from Fort Pitt. With the year 1769 began those longer and more ex- tended excursions into the interior which were to result in conveying at last to the outside 121 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST world graphic and detailed information con- cerning "the wonderful new country of Can- tucky." In the late spring of this year Han- cock and Richard Taylor (the latter the father of President Zachary Taylor), Abraham Hempinstall, and one Barbour, all true-blue frontiersmen, left their homes in Orange County, Virginia, and hunted extensively in Kentucky and Arkansas. Two of the party traveled through Georgia and East and West Florida; while the other two hunted on the Washita during the winter of 1770-1. Ex- plorations of this type became increasingly hazardous as the animosity of the Indians in- creased; and from this time onward for a num- ber of years almost all the parties of roving hunters suffered capture or attack by the crafty red men. In this same year Major John McCulloch, living on the south branch of the Potomac, set out accompanied by a white man-servant and a negro, to explore the western country. While passing down the Ohio from Pittsburgh McCulloch was cap- tured by the Indians near the mouth of the 122 LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE Wabash and carried to the present site of Terre Haute, Indiana. Set free after four or five months, he journeyed in company with some French voyageurs first to Natchez and then to New Orleans, whence he made the sea voyage to Philadelphia. Somewhat later, Benjamin Cleveland (afterward famous in the Revolution), attended by four companions, set out from his home on the upper Yadkin to explore the Kentucky wilderness. After pass- ing through Cumberland Gap, they encoun- tered a band of Cherokees who plundered them of everything they had, even to their hats and shoes, and ordered them to leave the Indian hunting-grounds. On their return journey they almost starved, and Cleveland, who was reluctantly forced to kill his faithful little hunting-dog, was wont to declare in after years that it was the sweetest meat he ever ate. Fired to adventure by the glowing accounts brought back by Uriah Stone, a much more formidable band than any that had hitherto ventured westward — including Uriah Stone as pilot, Gasper Mansker, John Rains, the Bled- 123 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST soes, and a dozen others — assembled in June, 1769, in the New River region. "Each Man carried two horses," says an early pioneer in describing one of these parties, "traps, a large supply of powder and led, and a small hand vise and bellows, files and screw plate for the purpose of fixing the guns if any of them should get out of fix." Passing through Cum- berland Gap, they continued their long jour- ney until they reached Price's Meadow, in the present Wayne County, Kentucky, where they established their encampment. In the course of their explorations, during which they gave various names to prominent natural features, they established their "station camp" on a creek in Sumner County, Tennessee, whence origi- nated the name of Station Camp Creek. Isaac Bledsoe and Gasper Mansker, agreeing to travel from here in opposite directions along a buffalo trace passing near the camp, each succeeded in discovering the famous salt-lick which bears his name — namely Bledsoe's Lick and Mansker's Lick. The flat surrounding the lick, about one hundred acres in extent, LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE discovered by Bledsoe, according to his own statement "was principally Covered with buf- felows in every direction — not hundreds but thousands." As he sat on his horse, he shot down two deer in the lick; but the buffaloes blindly trod them in the mud. They did not mind him and his horse except when the wind blew the scent in their nostrils, when they would break and run in droves. Indians often lurked in the neighbourhood of these hunters — plundering their camp, robbing them, and even shooting down one of their number, Rob- ert Crockett, from ambush. After many trials and vicissitudes, which included a jour- ney to the Spanish Natchez and the loss of a great mass of peltries when they were plun- dered by Piomingo and a war party of Chicka- saws, they finally reached home in the late spring of 1770. 90 The most notable expedition of this period, projected under the auspices of two bold lead- ers extraordinarily skilled in woodcraft, Joseph Drake and Henry Scaggs, was organized in the early autumn of 1770. This imposing 125 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST band of stalwart hunters from the New River and Holston country, some forty in number, garbed in hunting shirts, leggings, and mocca- sins, with three pack-horses to each man, rifles, ammunition, traps, dogs, blankets, and salt, pushed boldly through Cumberland Gap into the heart of what was later justly named the "Dark and Bloody Ground" (see Chapter XIV) — "not doubting," says an old border chronicler, "that they were to be encountered by Indians, and to subsist on game." From the duration of their absence from home, they received the name of the Long Hunters — the romantic appellation by which they are known in the pioneer history of the Old Southwest. Many natural objects were named by this party — in particular Dick's River, after the noted Cherokee hunter, Captain Dick, who, pleased to be recognized by Charles Scaggs, told the Long Hunters that on his river, point- ing it out, they would find meat plenty — add- ing with laconic significance: "Kill it and go home." From the Knob Lick, in Lincoln County, as reported by a member of the party, 126 LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE "they beheld largely over a thousand animals, including buffaloe, elk, bear, and deer, with many wild turkies scattered among them; all quite restless, some playing, and others busily employed in licking the earth. . . . The buffa- loe and other animals had so eaten away the soil, that they could, in places, go entirely un- derground." Upon the return of a detach- ment to Virginia, fourteen fearless hunters chose to remain; and one day, during the ab- sence of some of the band upon a long explor- ing trip, the camp was attacked by a straggling party of Indians under Will Emery, a half- breed Cherokee. Two of the hunters were car- ried into captivity and never heard of again; a third managed to escape. In embittered commemoration of the plunder of the camp and the destruction of the peltries, they inscribed upon a poplar, which had lost its bark, thi : emphatic record, followed by their names : 2300 Deer Skins lost Ruination by God 91 Undismayed by this depressing stroke of fortune, they continued their hunt in the di- 127 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST rection of the lick which Bledsoe had discov- ered the preceding year. Shortly after this discovery, a French voyageur from the Illinois who had hunted and traded in this region for a decade, Timothe de Monbreun, subsequently famous in the history of Tennessee, had visited the lick and killed an enormous number of buffaloes for their tallow and tongues with which he and his companion loaded a keel boat and descended the Cumberland. An early pioneer, William Hall, learned from Isaac Bledsoe that when "the long hunters Crossed the ridge and came down on Bledsoe's Creek in four or five miles of the Lick the Cane had grown up so thick in the woods that they thought they had mistaken the place until they Came to the Lick and saw what had been done. . . . One could walk for several hundred yards a round the Lick and in the lick on buffellows Skuls, & bones and the whole flat round the Lick was bleached with buffellows bones, and they found out the Cause of the Canes grow- ing up so suddenly a few miles around the 128 LONG HUNTERS IN THE TWILIGHT ZONE Lick which was in Consequence of so many buffellows being killed." This expedition was of genuine importance, opening the eyes of the frontiersmen to the charms of the country and influencing many to settle subsequently in the West — some in Tennessee, some in Kentucky. The elaborate and detailed information brought back by Henry Scaggs exerted an appreciable influ- ence, no doubt, in accelerating the plans of Richard Henderson and Company for the acquisition and colonization of the trans-Alle- ghany. But while the "Long Hunters" were in Tennessee and Kentucky the same region was being more extensively and systematically explored by Daniel Boone. To his life, char- acter, and attainments, as the typical "long hunter" and the most influential pioneer we may now turn our particular attention. 129 CHAPTER IX DANIEL BOONE AND WILDERNESS EXPLORATION Here, where the hand of violence shed the blood of the innocent; where the horrid yells of the savages, and the groans of the distressed, sounded in our ears, we now hear the praises and adorations of our Creator; where wretched wigwams stood, the miserable abodes of savages, we behold the foun- dations of cities laid, that, in all probability, will equal the glory of the greatest upon earth. — Daniel Boone, 1784. THE wandering life of a border Nimrod in a surpassingly beautiful country teem- ing with game was the ideal of the frontiers- man of the eighteenth century. As early as 1728, while running the dividing line between North Carolina and Virginia, William Byrd encountered along the North Carolina frontier the typical figure of the professional hunter: "a famous Woodsman, call'd Epaphroditus Bainton. This Forester Spends all his time in ranging the Woods, and is said to make great Havock among the Deer, and other In- 130 DANIEL BOONE AND EXPLORATION habitants of the Forest, not much wilder than himself." By the middle of the century, as he was threading his way through the Carolina piedmont zone, the hunter's paradise of the Yadkin and Catawba country, Bishop Spang- enberg found ranging there many hunters, liv- ing like Indians, who killed thousands of deer each year and sold the skins in the local mar- kets or to the fur-traders from Virginia whose heavy pack-trains with their tinkling bells constantly traversed the course of the Great Trading Path. The superlative skill of one of these hunters, both as woodsman and marksman, was pro- verbial along the border. The name of Daniel Boone became synonymous with expert hunts- manship and almost uncanny wisdom in forest lore. The bottoms of the creek near the Boone home, three miles west of present Mocksville, contained a heavy growth of beech, which dropped large quantities of its rich nuts or mast, greatly relished by bears; and this creek received its name, Bear Creek, because Daniel and his father killed in its rich bottoms 131 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST ninety-nine bears in a single hunting-season. After living for a time with his young wife, Rebecca Bryan, in a cabin in his father's yard, Daniel built a home of his own upon a tract of land, purchased from his father on Octo- ber 12, 1759, and lying on Sugar Tree, a trib- utary of Dutchman's Creek. Here he dwelt for the next five years, with the exception of the period of his temporary removal to Vir- ginia during the terrible era of the Indian war. Most of his time during the autumn and win- ter, when he was not engaged in wagoning or farming, he spent in long hunting- journeys into the mountains to the west and northwest. During the hunting-season of 1760 he struck deeper than ever before into the western moun- tain region and encamped in a natural rocky shelter amidst fine hunting-grounds, in what is now Washington County in east Tennessee. Of the scores of inscriptions commemorative of his hunting-feats, which Boone with pardon- able pride was accustomed throughout his life- time to engrave with his hunting-knife upon trees and rocks, the earliest known is found 132 D. Boon A. BAR On Tree The yEAR 1760 DANIEL BOONE AND EXPLORATION upon a leaning beech tree, only recently fallen, near his camp and the creek which since that day has borne his name. This is a character- istic and enduring record in the history of American exploration : CillED in Late in the summer of the following year Boone marched under the command of the noted Indian-fighter of the border, Colonel Hugh Waddell, in his campaign against the Cherokees. From the lips of Waddell, who was outspoken in his condemnation of Byrd's futile .delays in road-cutting and fort-building, Boone learned the true secret of success in Indian warfare, which was lost upon Brad- dock, Forbes, and later St. Clair: that the art of defeating red men was to deal them a sud- den and unexpected blow, before they had time either to learn the strength of 'the .force em- 133 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST ployed against them or to lay with subtle craft their artful ambuscade. In the late autumn of 1761, Daniel Boone and Nathaniel Gist, the son of Washington's famous guide, who were both serving under Waddell, temporarily detached themselves from his command and led a small party on a "long hunt" in the Valley of the Holston. While encamping near the site of Black's Fort, subsequently built, they were violently assailed by a pack of fierce wolves which they had con- siderable difficulty in beating off; and from this incident the locality became known as Wolf Hills (now Abingdon, Virginia) , 92 From this time forward Boone's roving in- stincts had full sway. For many months each year he threaded his way through that mar- velously beautiful country of western North Carolina felicitously described as the Switzer- land of America. Boone's love of solitude and the murmuring forest was surely inspired by the phenomenal beauties of the country through which he roamed at will. Blowing Rock on one arm of a great horseshoe of moun- 134 DANIEL BOONE AND EXPLORATION tains and Tryon Mountain upon the other arm, overlooked an enormous, primeval bowl, studded by a thousand emerald-clad eminences. There was the Pilot Mountain, the towering and isolated pile which from time immemorial had served the aborigines as a guide in their forest wanderings; there was the dizzy height of the Roan on the border ; there was Mt. Mitchell, portentous in its grandeur, the tallest peak on the continent east of the Rockies ; and there was the Grandfather, the oldest moun- tain on earth according to geologists, of which it has been written: Oldest of all terrestrial things — still holding Thy wrinkled forehead high ; Whose every seam, earth's history enfolding, Grim science doth defy ! Thou caught'st the far faint ray from Sirius rising, When through space first was hurled The primal gloom of ancient voids surprising, This atom, called the World ! What more gratifying to the eye of the wan- derer than the luxuriant vegetation and lavish 135 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST profusion of the gorgeous flowers upon the mountain slopes, radiant rhododendron, rose- bay, and laurel, and the azalea rising like flame; or the rare beauties of the water — the cataract of Linville, taking its shimmering leap into the gorge, and that romantic river poeti- cally celebrated in the lines: Swannanoa, nymph of beauty, I would woo thee in my rhyme, Wildest, brightest, loveliest river Of our sunny Southern clime. *. * * Gone forever from the borders But immortal in thy name, Are the Red Men of the forest Be thou keeper of their fame ! Paler races dwell beside thee, Celt and Saxon till thy lands Wedding use unto thy beauty — Linking over thee their hands. The long rambling excursions which Boone made through western North Carolina and eastern Tennessee enabled him to explore every nook and corner of the rugged and beau- tiful mountain region. Among the compan- 136 DANIEL BOONE AND EXPLORATION ions and contemporaries with whom he hunted and explored the country were his little son James and his brother Jesse; the Linville who gave the name to the beautiful falls; Julius Caesar Dugger, whose rock house stood near the head of Elk Creek; and Nathaniel Gist, who described for him the lofty gateway to Kentucky, through which Christopher Gist had passed in 1751. Boone had already heard of this gateway, from Findlay, and it was one of the secret and cherished ambitions of his life to scale the mountain wall of the Appala- chians and to reach that high portal of the Cumberland which beckoned to the mysterious new Eden beyond. Although hunting was an endless delight to Boone he was haunted in the midst of this pleasure, as was Kipling's Ex- plorer, by the lure of the undiscovered : Till a voice as bad as conscience, rang interminable changes On one everlasting whisper day and night repeated — so: 'Something hidden. Go and find it. Go and look behind the ranges — 137 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST 'Something lost behind the ranges. Lost and wait- ing for you. Go.' Of Boone's preliminary explorations for the land company known as Richard Henderson and Company, an account has already been given; and the delay in following them up has been touched on and in part explained. Meanwhile Boone transferred his efforts for a time to another field. Toward the close of the summer of 1765 a party consisting of Major John Field, William Hill, one Slaughter, and two others, all from Culpeper County, Virginia, visited Boone and induced him to accompany them on the "long Journey" to Florida, whither they were attracted by the liberal offer of Colonel James Grant, governor of the eastern section, the Florida of to-day. On this long and arduous expedition they suf- fered many hardships and endured many pri- vations, found little game, and on one occa- sion narrowly escaped starvation. They ex- plored Florida from St. Augustine to Pensa- cola ; and Boone, who relished fresh scenes and a new environment, purchased a house and lot 138 DANIEL BOONE AND EXPLORATION in Pensacola in anticipation of removal thither. But upon his return home, finding his wife un- willing to go, Boone once more turned his eager eye toward the West, that mysterious and alluring region beyond the great range, the fabled paradise of Kentucky. The following year four young men from the Yadkin, Benjamin Cutbird, John Stewart (Boone's brother-in-law who afterwards ac- companied him to Kentucky), John Baker, and James Ward made a remarkable journey to the westward, crossing the Appalachian mountain chain over some unknown route, and finally reaching the Mississippi. The signifi- cance of the journey, in its bearing upon west- ward expansion, inheres in the fact that while for more than half a century the English trad- ers from South Carolina had been winning their way to the Mississippi along the lower routes and Indian trails, this was the first party from either of the Carolinas, as far as is known, that ever reached the Mississippi by crossing the great mountain barrier. When Cutbird, a superb woodsman and veritable Leather- 139 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST stocking, narrated to Boone the story of his adventures, it only confirmed Boone in his determination to find the passage through the mountain chain leading to the Mesopotamia of Kentucky. Such an enterprise was attended by terrible dangers. During 1766 and 1767 the steady encroachments of the white settlers upon the ancestral domain which the Indians reserved for their imperial hunting-preserve aroused bit- ter feelings of resentment among the red men. Bloody reprisal was often the sequel to such encroachment. The vast region of Tennessee and the trans-Alleghany was a twilight zone, through which the savages roamed at will. From time to time war parties of northern In- dians, the inveterate foes of the Cherokees, scouted through this no-man's land and even penetrated into the western region of North Carolina, committing murders and depreda- tions upon the Cherokees and the whites indis- criminately. During the summer of 1766, while Boone's friend and close connection, Captain William Linville, his son John, and 140 DANIEL BOONE AND EXPLORATION another young man, named John Williams, were in camp some ten miles below Linville Falls, they were unexpectedly fired upon by a hostile band of Northern Indians, and before they had time to fire a shot, a second volley killed both the Linvilles and severely wounded Williams, who after extraordinary sufferings finally reached the settlements. 93 In May, 1767, four traders and a half-breed child of one of them were killed in the Cherokee country. In the summer of this year Gover- nor William Tryon of North Carolina laid out the boundary line of the Cherokees, and upon his return issued a proclamation forbid- ding any purchase of land from the Indians and any issuance of grants for land within one mile of the boundary line. Despite this wise precaution, seven North Carolina hunters who during the following September had law- lessly ventured into the mountain region some sixty miles beyond the boundary were fired upon, and several of them killed, by the resent- ful Cherokees. 94 Undismayed by these signs of impending 141 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST danger, undeterred even by the tragic fate of the Linvilles, Daniel Boone, with the deter- mination of the indomitable pioneer, never dreamed of relinquishing his long-cherished de- sign. Discouraged by the steady disappear- ance of game under the ruthless attack of in- numerable hunters, Boone continued to direct his thoughts toward the project of exploring the fair region of Kentucky. The adventur- ous William Hill, to whom Boone communi- cated his purpose, readily consented to go with him; and in the autumn of 1767 Boone and Hill, accompanied, it is believed, by Squire Boone, Daniel's brother, set forth upon their almost inconceivably hazardous expedition. They crossed the Blue Ridge and the Alle- ghanies, the Holston and Clinch rivers near their sources, and finally reached the head waters of the West Fork of the Big Sandy. Surmising from its course that this stream must flow into the Ohio, they pushed on a hundred miles to the westward and finally, by following a buffalo path, reached a salt-spring in what is now Floyd County, in the extreme 142 DANIEL BOONE AND EXPLORATION eastern section of Kentucky. Here Boone be- held great droves of buffalo that visited the salt-spring to drink the water or lick the brack- ish soil. After spending the winter in hunting and trapping, the Boones and Hill, discouraged by the forbidding aspect of the hilly country which with its dense growth of laurel was ex- ceedingly difficult to penetrate, abandoned all hope of finding Kentucky by this route and wended their arduous way back to the Yadkin. The account of Boone's subsequent accom- plishment of his purpose must be postponed to the next chapter. 143 CHAPTER X DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY He felt very much as Columbus did, gazing from his caravel on San Salvador; as Cortes, looking down from the crest of Ahualco, on the Valley of Mexico; or Vasco Nufiez, standing alone on the peak of Darien, and stretching his eyes over the hitherto undiscovered waters of the Pacific. — William Gilmore Simms: Views and Reviews. A CHANCE acquaintance formed by- Daniel Boone, during the French and Indian War, with the Irish lover of adventure, John Findlay, 95 was the origin of Boone's cher- ished longing to reach the El Dorado of the West. In this slight incident we may discern the initial inspiration for the epochal move- ment of westward expansion. Findlay was a trader and horse peddler, who had early mi- grated to Carlisle, Pennsylvania. He had been licensed a trader with the Indians in 1747. During the same year he was married to Eliza- beth Harris, daughter of John Harris, the In- 144 DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY dian-trader at Harris's Ferry on the Susque- hanna River, after whom Harrisburg was named. During the next eight years Find- lay carried on his business of trading in the interior. Upon the opening of the French and Indian War he was probably among "the young men about Paxtang who enlisted immediately," and served as a waggoner in Braddock's expedition. Over the camp-fires, during the ensuing campaign in 1765, young Boone was an eager listener to Findlay's stir- ring narrative of his adventures in the Ohio Valley and on the wonderfully beautiful levels of Kentucky in 1752. The fancies aroused in his brooding mind by Findlay's moving recital and his description of an an- cient passage through the Ouasioto or Cum- berland Gap and along the course of the War- rior's Path, inspired him with an irrepressible longing to reach that alluring promised land which was the perfect realization of the hunt- er's paradise. Thirteen years later, while engaged in sell- ing pins, needles, thread, and Irish linens in 145 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST the Yadkin country, Findlay learned from the Pennsylvania settlers at Salisbury or at the Forks of the Yadkin of Boone's removal to the waters of the upper Yadkin. At Boone's rustic home, in the winter of 1768-9, Findlay visited his old comrade-in-arms of Braddock's campaign. On learning of Boone's failure during the preceding year to reach the Ken- tucky levels by way of the inhospitable Sandy region, Findlay again described to him the route through the Ouasioto Gap traversed sixteen years before by Pennsylvania trad- ers in their traffic with the Catawbas. Boone, as we have seen, knew that Christopher Gist, who had formerly lived near him on the upper Yadkin, had found some passage through the lofty mountain denies; but he had never been able to discover the passage. Findlay's renewed descriptions of the immense herds of buffaloes he had seen in Kentucky, the great salt-licks where they congregated, the abundance of bears, deer, and elk with which the country teemed, the innumerable flocks of wild turkeys, geese, and ducks, aroused in 146 DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY Boone the hunter's passion for the chase ; while the beauty of the lands, as mirrored in the vivid fancy of the Irishman, inspired him with a new longing to explore the famous country which had, as John Filson records, "greatly engaged Mr. Findlay's attention." Y^ In the comprehensive designs of Henderson, now a judge, for securing a -graphic report of the trans-Alleghany region in behalf of his land company, Boone divined the means of securing the financial backing for an expedition of considerable size and ample equipment. 96 In numerous suits for debt, aggregating hun- dreds of dollars, which had been instituted against Boone by some of the leading citizens of Rowan, Williams and Henderson had acted as Boone's attorneys. In order to collect their legal fees, they likewise brought suit against Boone; but not wishing to press the action against the kindly scout who had hitherto acted as their agent in western exploration, they con- tinued the litigation from court to court, in lieu of certain "conditions performed" on be- half of Boone, during his unbroken absence, 147 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST by his attorney in this suit, Alexander Martin. 97 Summoned to appear in 1769 at the March term of court at Salisbury, Boone seized upon the occasion to lay before Judge Henderson the designs for a renewed and extended ex- ploration of Kentucky suggested by the golden opportunity of securing the services of Find- lay as guide. Shortly after March 6th, when Judge Henderson reached Salisbury, the con- ference, doubtless attended by John Stewart, Boone's brother-in-law, John Findlay, and Boone, who were all present at this term of court, must have been held, for the purpose of devising ways and means for the expedition. Peck, the only reliable contemporary bio- grapher of the pioneer, who derived many facts from Boone himself and his intimate acquaint- ances, draws the conclusion (1847) : "Daniel Boone was engaged as the master spirit of this exploration, because in his judgment and fidel- ity entire confidence could be reposed. . . . He was known to Henderson and encouraged by him to make the exploration, and to examine particularly the whole country south of the 148 DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY Kentucky — or as then called the Louisa River." 08 As confidential agent of the land company, Boone carried with him letters and instructions for his guidance upon this ex- tended tour of exploration." On May 1, 1769, with Findlay as guide, and accompanied by four of his neighbors, John Stewart, a skilled woodsman, Joseph Holden, James Mooney, and William Cooley, Boone left his "peaceable habitation" on the upper Yadkin and began his historic journey "in quest of the country of Kentucky." Already heavily burdened with debts, Boone must have incurred considerable further financial obliga- tions to Judge Henderson and Colonel Wil- liams, acting for the land company, in order to obtain the large amount of supplies requisite for so prolonged an expedition. Each of the adventurers rode a good horse of strength and endurance; and behind him were securely strapped the blanket, ammunition, salt, and cooking-utensils so indispensable for a long so- journ in the wilderness. In Powell's Valley they doubtless encountered the party led 149 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST thither by Joseph Martin (see Chapter VII), and there fell into the "Hunter's Trail" commented on in a letter written by Martin only a fortnight before the passing of Boone's cavalcade. Crossing the mountain at the Ouasioto Gap, they made their first "sta- tion camp" in Kentucky on the creek, still named after that circumstance, on the Red Lick Fork. After a preliminary journey for the purpose of locating the spot, Findlay led the party to his old trading-camp at Es- kip-pa-ki-thi-ki, where then (June 7, 1769) remained but charred embers of the Indian huts, with some of the stockading and the gate-posts still standing. In Boone's own words, he and Findlay at once "proceeded to take a more thorough survey of the country"; and during the autumn and early winter, en- countering on every hand apparently inex- haustible stocks of wild game and noting the ever-changing beauties of the country, the va- rious members of the party made many hunt- ing and exploring journeys from their "station camp" as base. On December 22, 1769, while 150 DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY engaged in a hunt, Boone and Stewart were surprised and captured by a large party of Shawanoes, led by Captain Will, who were returning from the autumn hunt on Green River to their villages north of the Ohio. Boone and Stewart were forced to pilot the Indians to their main camp, where the savages, after robbing them of all their peltries and supplies and leaving them inferior guns and little ammunition, set off to the northward. They left, on parting, this menacing admoni- tion to the white intruders: "Now, brothers, go home and stay there. Don't come here any more, for this is the Indians' hunting-ground, and all the animals, skins, and furs are ours. If you are so foolish as to venture here again, you may be sure the wasps and yellow jackets will sting you severely." Chagrined particularly by the -loss of the horses, Boone and Stewart for two days pur- sued the Indians in hot haste. Finally ap- proaching the Indians' camp by stealth in the dead of night, they secured two of the horses, upon which they fled at top speed. In turn 151 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST they were immediately pursued by a detach- ment of the Indians, mounted upon their fleet- est horses; and suffered the humiliation of re- capture two days later. Indulging in wild hilarity over the capture of the crestfallen whites, the Indians took a bell from one of the horses and, fastening it about Boone's neck, compelled him under the threat of bran- dished tomahawks to caper about and jingle the bell, jeering at him the while with the derisive query, uttered in broken English: "Steal horse, eh?" With as good grace as they could summon — wry smiles at best — Boone and Stewart patiently endured these humiliations, following the Indians as captives. Some days later (about January 4, 1770), while the vigi- lance of the Indians was momentarily relaxed, the captives suddenly plunged into a dense cane-brake and in the subsequent confusion succeeded in effecting their escape. Finding their camp deserted upon their return, Boone and Stewart hastened on and finally overtook their companions. Here Boone was both sur- prised and delighted to encounter his brother 152 DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY Squire, loaded down with supplies. Having heard nothing from Boone, the partners of the land company had surmised that he and his party must have run short of ammunition, flour, salt, and other things sorely needed in the wilderness ; and because of their desire that the party should remain, in order to make an ex- haustive exploration of the country, Squire Boone had been sent to him with supplies. 100 Findlay, Holden, Mooney, and Cooley re- turned to the settlements; but Stewart, Squire Boone, and Alexander Neely, who had accom- panied Squire, threw in their lot with the in- trepid Daniel, and fared forth once more to the stirring and bracing adventures of the Ken- tucky wilderness. In Daniel Boone's own words, he expected "from the furs and peltries they had an opportunity of taking . . . to re- cruit his shattered circumstances ; discharge the debts he had contracted by the adventure ; and shortly return under better auspices, to settle the newly discovered country." 101 Boone and his party now stationed them- selves near the mouth of the Red River, and 153 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST soon provided themselves, against the hard- ships of the long winter, with jerk, bear's oil, buffalo tallow, dried buffalo tongues, fresh meat, and marrow-bones as food, and buffalo robes and bearskins as shelter from the in- clement weather. Neely had brought with him, to while away dull hours, a copy of "Gulli- ver's Travels"; and in describing Neely's suc- cessful hunt for buffalo one day, Boone in after years amusingly deposed: "In the year 1770 I encamped on Red River with five other men, and we had with us for our amusement the History of Samuel Gulliver's Travels, wherein he gave an account of his young mas- ter, Glumdelick, careing him on market day for a show to a town called Lulbegrud. A young man of our company called Alexander Neely came to camp and told us he had been that day to Lulbegrud, and had killed two Brobdignags in their capital." 102 Far from unlettered were pioneers who indulged together in such literary chat and gave to the near-by creek the name (after Dean Swift's Lorbrul- grud) of Lulbegrud which name, first seen 154 DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY on Filson's map of Kentucky (1784), it bears to this day. From one of his long, solitary hunts Stewart never returned; and it was not until five years later, while cutting out the Transylvania Trail, that Boone and his com- panions discovered, near the old crossing at Rockcastle, Stewart's remains in a standing hollow sycamore. The wilderness never gave up its tragic secret. The close of the winter and most of the spring were passed by the Boones, after Neely's return to the settlements, in explora- tion, hunting, and trapping beaver and otter, in which sport Daniel particularly excelled. Owing to the drain upon their ammunition, Squire was at length compelled to return to the settlements for supplies; and Daniel, who re- mained alone in the wilderness to complete his explorations for the land company, must often have shared the feelings of Balboa as, from lofty knob or towering ridge, he gazed over the waste of forest which spread from the dim out- lines of the Alleghanies to the distant waters of the Mississippi. He now proceeded to 155 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST make those remarkable solitary explorations of Kentucky which have given him immortality — through the valley of the Kentucky and the Licking, and along the "Belle Riviere" (Ohio) as low as the falls. He visited the Big Bone Lick and examined the wonderful fossil re- mains of the mammoth found there. Along the great buffalo roads, worn several feet be- low the surface of the ground, which led to the Blue Licks, he saw with amazement and de- light thousands of huge shaggy buffalo gam- boling, bellowing, and making the earth rum- ble beneath the trampling of their hooves. One day, while upon a cliff near the junction of the Kentucky and Dick's Rivers, he sud- denly found himself hemmed in by a party of Indians. Seizing his only chance of escape, he leaped into the top of a maple tree growing 1 beneath the cliffs and, sliding to safety full sixty feet below, made his escape, pursued by the sound of a chorus of guttural "Ughs" from the dumbfounded savages. Finally making his way back to the old camp, Daniel was rejoined there by Squire 156 DANIEL BOONE IN KENTUCKY on July 27, 1770. During the succeeding months, much of their time was spent in hunt- ing and prospecting in Jessamine County, where two caves are still known as Boone's caves. Eventually, when ammunition and supplies had once more run low, Squire was compelled a second time to return to the settle- ments. Perturbed after a time by Squire's failure to rejoin him at the appointed time, Daniel started toward the settlements, in search of him; and by a stroke of good fortune en- countered him along the trail. Overjoyed at this meeting (December, 1770) the indomita- ble Boones once more plunged into the wil- derness, determined to conclude their explora- tions by examining the regions watered by the Green and Cumberland rivers and their tribu- taries. In after years, Gasper Mansker, the old German scout, was accustomed to describe with comic effect the consternation created among the Long Hunters, while hunting one day on Green River, by a singular noise which they could not explain. Steathily slipping from tree to tree, Mansker finally beheld with 157 \ THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST mingled surprise and amusement a hunter, bare-headed, stretched flat upon his back on a deerskin spread on the ground, singing mer- rily at the top of his voice! It was Daniel Boone, joyously whiling away the solitary hours in singing one of his favorite songs of the border. In March, 1771, after spending some time in company with the Long Hunters, the Boones, their horses laden with furs, set their faces homeward. On their return jour- ney, near Cumberland Gap, they had the misfortune to be surrounded by a party of Indians who robbed them of their guns and all their peltries. With this humiliating conclu- sion to his memorable tour of exploration, Daniel Boone, as he himself says, "once more reached home after experiencing hardships which would defy credulity in the recital." 103 Despite the hardships and the losses, Boone had achieved the ambition of years : he had seen Kentucky, which he "esteemed a second para- dise." The reports of his extended explora- tions, which he made to Judge Henderson, were soon communicated to the other partners 158 DANIEL UOONE IN KENTUCKY of the land company; and their letters of this period, to one another, bristle with glowing and minute descriptions of the country, as detailed by their agent. Boone was immediately en- gaged to act in the company's behalf to sound the Cherokees confidentially with respect to their willingness to lease or sell the beautiful hunting-grounds of the trans-Alleghany. 104 The high hopes of Henderson and his asso- ciates at last gave promise of brilliant real- ization. Daniel Boone's glowing descriptions of Kentucky excited in their minds, says a gifted early chronicler, the "spirit of an enter- prise which in point of magnitude and peril, as well as constancy and heroism displayed in its execution, has never been paralleled in the history of America." 159 CHAPTER XI THE REGULATORS It is not a persons labour, nor yet his effects that will do, but if he has but one horse to plow with, one bed to lie on, or one cow to give a little milk for his children, they must all go to raise money which is not to be had. And lastly if his personal estate (sold at one tenth of its value) will not do, then his lands (which perhaps has cost him many years of toil and labour) must go the same way to satisfy these cursed hungry caterpillars, that are eating and will eat out the bowels of our Commonwealth, if they be not pulled down from their nests in a very short time. — George Sims: A Serious Address to the In- habitants of Granville County, containing an Account of our deplorable Situation we suffer . . . and some necessary Hints with Respect to a Reformation. June 6, 1765. IT is highly probable that even at the time of his earlier explorations in behalf of Richard Henderson and Company, Daniel Boone anticipated speedy removal to the West. Indeed, in the very year of his first tour in their interest, Daniel and his wife Rebeckah sold all their property in North Carolina, con- sisting of their home and six hundred and forty 160 THE REGULATORS acres of land, and after several removals estab- lished themselves upon the upper Yadkin. This removal and the later western explora- tions just outlined were due not merely to the spirit of adventure and discovery. Three other causes also were at work. In the first place there was the scarcity of game. For fifteen years the shipments of deerskins from Bethabara to Charleston steadily increased; and the number of skins bought by Gammern, the Moravian storekeeper, ran so high that in spite of the large purchases made at the store by the hunters he would sometimes run entirely out of money. Tireless in the chase, the far- roaming Boone was among "the hunters, who brought in their skins from as far away as the Indian lands"; and the beautiful upland pas- tures and mountain forests, still teeming with deer and bear, doubtless lured him to the upper Yadkin, where for a time in the immediate neighborhood of his home abundance of game fell before his unerring rifle. Certainly the deer and other game, which were being killed in enormous numbers to satisfy the insatiable 161 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST demand of the traders at Salisbury, the Forks, and Bethabara, became scarcer and scarcer; and the wild game that was left gradually fled to the westward. Terrible indeed was the havoc wrought among the elk; and it was re- ported that the last elk was killed in western North Carolina as early as 1781. Another grave evil of the time with which Boone had to cope in the back country of North Carolina was the growth of undisguised outlawry, similar to that found on the western plains of a later era. This ruthless brigand- age arose as the result of the unsettled state of the country and the exposed condition of the settlements due to the Indian alarms. When rude borderers, demoralized by the en- forced idleness attendant upon fort life during the dark days of Indian invasion, sallied forth upon forays against the Indians, they found much valuable property — horses, cattle, and stock — left by their owners when hurriedly fleeing to the protection of the frontier stock- ades. The temptations thus afforded were too great to resist; and the wilder spirits of the 162 THE REGULATORS backwoods, with hazy notions of private rights, seized the property which they found, slaugh- tered the cattle, sold the horses, and appro- priated to their own use the temporarily aban- doned household goods and plantation tools. The stealing of horses, which were needed for the cultivation of the soil and useful for quickly carrying unknown thieves beyond the reach of the owner and the law, became a common prac- tice; and was carried on by bands of outlaws living remote from one another and acting in collusive concert. Toward the end of July, 1755, when the Indian outrages upon the New River settle- ments in Virginia had frightened away all the families at the Town Fork in the Yadkin coun- try, William Owen, a man of Welsh stock, who had settled in the spring of 1752 in the upper Yadkin near the Mulberry Fields, was sus- pected of having robbed the storekeeper on the Meho. Not long afterward a band of outlaws who plundered the exposed cabins in their owners' absence, erected a rude fort in the mountain region in the rear of the Yadkin 163 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST settlements, where they stored their ill-gotten plunder and made themselves secure from at- tack. Other members of the band dwelt in the settlements, where they concealed their robber friends by day and aided them by night in their nefarious projects of theft and rapine. The entire community was finally aroused by the bold depredations of the outlaws; and the most worthy settlers of the Yadkin coun- try organized under the name of Regulators to break up the outlaw band. When it was discovered that Owen, who was well known at Bethabara, had allied himself with the high- waymen, one of the justices summoned one hundred men; and seventy, who answered the call, set forth on December 26, 1755, to seek out the outlaws and to destroy their fortress. Emboldened by their success, the latter upon one occasion had carried off a young girl of the settlements. Daniel Boone placed himself at the head of one of the parties, which included the young girl's father, to go to her rescue; and they fortunately succeeded in effecting the release of the frightened maiden. One of 164 THE REGULATORS the robbers was apprehended and brought to Salisbury, where he was thrown into prison for his crimes. Meanwhile a large amount of plunder had been discovered at the house of one Cornelius Howard; and the evidences of his guilt so multiplied against him that he fi- nally confessed his connection with the outlaw band and agreed to point out their fort in the mountains Daniel Boone and George Boone joined the party of seventy men, sent out by the colonial authorities, under the guidance of Howard, to attack the stronghold of the bandits. Boone afterward related that the robbers' fort was situated in the most fitly chosen place for such a purpose that he could imagine — beneath an overhanging cliff of rock, with a large natural chimney, and a considerable area in front well stockaded. The frontiersmen surrounded the fort, captured five women and eleven children, and then burned the fort to the ground. Owen and his wife, Cumberland, and several others were ultimately made prisoners; but Harman and the remainder of the band escaped by 165 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST flight. Owen and his fellow captives were then borne to Salisbury, incarcerated in the prison there, and finally (May, 1756) con- demned to the gallows. Owen sent word to the Moravians, petitioning them to adopt his two boys and to apprentice one to a tailor, the other to a carpenter. But so infuriated was Owen's wife by Howard's treachery that she branded him as a second Judas; and this at once fixed upon him the sobriquet "Judas" Howard — a sobriquet he did not live long to bear, for about a year later he was ambushed and shot from his horse at the crossing of a stream. He thus paid the penalty of his be- trayal of the outlaw band. For a number of years, the Regulators continued to wage war against the remaining outlaws, who from time to time committed murders as well as thefts. As late as January, 1768, the Regulators caught a horse thief in the Hollows of Surry County and brought him to Bethabara, whence Richter and Spach took him to the jail at Salisbury. After this year, the outlaws were 166 THE REGULATORS heard of no more; and peace reigned in the settlements. Colonel Edmund Fanning — of whom more anon — declared that the Regulation began in Anson County which bordered upon South Carolina. 105 Certain it is that the upper coun- try of that province was kept in an uproar by civil disturbances during this early period. Owing to the absence of courts in this section, so remote from Charleston, the inhabitants found it necessary, for the protection of prop- erty and the punishment of outlaws, to form an association called, like the North Carolina society, the Regulation. Against this associa- tion the horse thieves and other criminals made common cause, and received tacit support from certain more reputable persons who condemned "the irregularity of the Regulators." The Regulation which had been thus organized in upper South Carolina as early as 1764 led to tumultuous risings of the settlers; and finally in the effort to suppress these disorders, the governor, Lord Charles Montagu, appointed 167 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST one Scovil, an utterly unworthy representa- tive, to carry out his commands. After vari- ous disorders, which became ever more unen- durable to the law-abiding, matters came to a crisis (1769) as the result of the high-handed proceedings of Scovil, who promiscuously seized and flung into prison all the Regulators he could lay hands on. In the month of March the back country rose in revolt against Scovil and a strong body of the settlers was on the point of attacking the force under his com- mand when an eleventh-hour letter arrived from Montagu, dismissing Scovil from office. Thus was happily averted, by the narrowest of margins, a threatened precursor of the fight at Alamance in 1771 (see Chapter XII). As the result of the petition of the Calhouns and others, courts were established in 1760, though not opened until four years later. Many horse thieves were apprehended, tried, and punished. Justice once more held full sway. Another important cause for Boone's re- moval from the neighborhood of Salisbury into 168 THE REGULATORS the mountain fastnesses was the oppressive ad- ministration of the law by corrupt sheriffs, clerks, and tax-gatherers, and the dissatisfac- tion of the frontier squatters with the owners of the soil. At the close of the year 1764 reports reached the town of Wilmington, after the adjournment of the assembly in Novem- ber, of serious disturbances in Orange County, due, it was alleged, to the exorbitant exactions of the clerks, registers, and some of the attor- neys. 106 As a result of this disturbing news, Governor Dobbs issued a proclamation for- bidding any officer to take illegal fees. Trou- bles had been brewing in the adjacent county of Granville ever since the outbreak of the citizens against Francis Corbin, Lord Gran- ville's agent (January 24, 1759), and the is- suance of the petition of Reuben Searcy and others (March 23d) protesting against the alleged excessive fees taken and injustices prac- tised by Robert (Robin) Jones, the famous lawyer. These disturbances were cumulative in their effect; and the people at last (1765) found in George Sims, of Granville, a fit 169 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST spokesman of their cause and a doughty cham- pion of popular rights. In his "Serious Ad- dress to the Inhabitants of Granville County, containing an Account of our deplorable Sit- uation we suffer . . . and some necessary Hints with Respect to a Reformation," re- cently brought to light, he presents a crushing indictment of the clerk of the county court, Samuel Benton, the grandfather of Thomas Hart Benton. After describing in detail the system of semi-peonage created by the merci- less exactions of lawyers and petty court offi- cials, and the insatiable greed of "these cursed hungry caterpillars," Sims with rude eloquence calls upon the people to pull them down from their nests for the salvation of the Common- wealth. 107 Other abuses were also recorded. So ex- orbitant was the charge for a marriage-license, for instance, that an early chronicler records: "The consequence was that some of the inhabi- tants on the head-waters of the Yadkin took a short cut. They took each other for better or for worse; and considered themselves as 170 THE REGULATORS married without further ceremony." The ex- traordinary scarcity of currency throughout the colony, especially in the back country, was another great hardship and a perpetual source of vexation. All these conditions gradually became intolerable to the uncultured but free- spirited men of the back country. Events were slowly converging toward a crisis in gov- ernment and society. Independent in spirit, turbulent in action, the backwoodsmen revolted not only against excessive taxes, dishonest sheriffs, and extortionate fees, but also against the rapacious practices of the agents of Lord Granville. These agents industriously picked flaws in the titles to the lands in Granville's proprietary upon which the poorer settlers were seated ; and compelled them to pay for the land if they had not already done so, or else to pay the fees twice over and take out a new patent as the only remedy of the alleged defect in their titles. In Mecklenburg Comity the spirit of backwoods revolt flamed out in pro- test against the proprietary agents. Acting under instructions to survey and close bargains 171 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST for the lands or else to eject those who held them, Henry Eustace McCulloh, in February, 1765, went into the county to call a reckoning. The settlers, many of whom had located with- out deeds, indignantly retorted by offering to buy only at their own prices, and forbade the surveyors to lay out the holdings when this smaller price was declined. They not only terrorized into acquiescence those among them who were willing to pay the amount charged for the lands, but also openly declared that they would resist by force any sheriff in eject- ment proceedings. On May 7th an outbreak occurred ; and a mob, led by Thomas Polk, set upon John Frohock, Abraham Alexander, and others, as they were about to survey a parcel of land, and gave them a severe thrashing, even threatening the young McCulloh with death. 108 The choleric backwoodsmen, instinctively in agreement with Francis Bacon, considered re- venge as a sort of wild justice. Especial ob- jects of their animosity were the brothers Fro- hock, John and Thomas, the latter clerk of the court at Salisbury, and Edmund Fanning, 172 THE REGULATORS a cultured gentleman-adventurer, associate justice of the superior court. So rapacious and extortionate were these vultures of the courts who preyed upon the vitals of the common people, that they were savagely lam- pooned by Rednap Howell, the backwoods poet-laureate of the Regulation. The temper of the back country is well caught in Howell's lines anent this early American "grafter," the favorite of the royal governor : When Fanning first to Orange came, He looked both pale and wan ; An old patched coat was on his back, An old mare he rode on. Both man and mare wan't worth five pounds, As I 've been often told ; But by his civil robberies, He 's laced his coat with gold. 109 The germs of the great westward migration in the coming decade were thus working among the people of the back country. If the tense nervous energy of the American people is the transmitted characteristic of the border set- tlers, who often slept with loaded rifle in hand 173 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST in grim expectation of being awakened by the hideous yells, the deadly tomahawk, and the lurid firebrand of the savage, the very buoy- ancy of the national character is in equal meas- ure "traceable to the free democracy founded on a freehold inheritance of land." The de- sire for free land was the fundamental factor in the development of the American democ- racy. No colony exhibited this tendency more signally than did North Carolina in the turbu- lent days of the Regulation. The North Carolina frontiersmen resented the obligation to pay quit-rents and firmly believed that the first occupant of the soil had an indefeasible right to the land which he had won with his rifle and rendered productive by the imple- ments of toil. Preferring the dangers of the free wilderness to the paying of tribute to ab- sentee landlords and officials of an intolerant colonial government, the frontiersman found title in his trusty rifle rather than in a piece of parchment, and was prone to pay his obliga- tions to the owner of the soil in lead rather than in gold. 174 CHAPTER XII WATAUGA — HAVEN OF LIBERTY The Regulators despaired of seeing better times and there- fore quitted the Province. It is said 1,500 departed since the Battle of Alamance and to my knowledge a great many more are only waiting to dispose of their plantations in order to follow them. — Reverend Morgan Edwards, 1772. THE five years (1766-1771) which saw the rise, development, and ultimate defeat of the popular movement known as the Regula- tion, constitute a period not only of extraordi- nary significance in North Carolina but also of fruitful consequences in the larger move- ments of westward expansion. With the reso- lute intention of having their rulers "give ac- count of their stewardship," to employ their own words, the Sandy Creek Association of Baptists (organized in 1758), in a series of papers known as Regulators' Advertisements (1766-8) proceeded to mature, through popu- 175 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST lar gatherings, a rough form of initiative and referendum. At length, discouraged in its ef- forts, and particularly in the attempt to bring county officials to book for charging illegal fees, this association ceased actively to func- tion. It was the precursor of a movement of much more drastic character and formidable proportions, chiefly directed against Colonel Edmund Fanning and his associates. This movement doubtless took its name, "the Regu- lation," from the bands of men already de- scribed who were organized first in North Carolina and later in South Carolina, to put down highwaymen and to correct many abuses in the back country, such as the tyrannies of Scovil and his henchmen. Failing to secure redress of their grievances through legal chan- nels, the Regulators finally made such a pow- erful demonstration in support of their refusal to pay taxes that Governor William Tryon of North Carolina, in 1768, called out the pro- vincial militia, and by marching with great show of force through the disaffected regions, succeeded temporarily in overawing the people 176 WATAUGA— HAVEN OF LIBERTY and thus inducing them to pay their assess- ments. 11 " The suits which had been brought by the Regulators against Edmund Fanning, regis- ter, and Francis Nash, clerk, of Orange County, resulted in both being "found guilty of taking too high fees." ni Fanning imme- diately resigned his commission as register; while Nash, who in conjunction with Fanning had fairly offered in 1766 to refund to any one aggrieved any fee charged by him which the Superior Court might hold excessive, gave bond for his appearance at the next court. Similar suits for extortion against the three Frohocks in Rowan County in 1769 met with failure, however ; and this outcome aroused the bitter resentment of the Regulators, as re- corded by Herman Husband in his "Impartial Relation." During this whole period the in- surrectionary spirit of the people, who felt themselves deeply aggrieved but recognized their inability to secure redress, took the form of driving local justices from the bench and threatening court officials with violence. 177 An Impaitial RELATION O F T H E Firft Rife and Caufe O F T H E Recent DIFFERENCES, 1 N PUBLICK AFFAIRS, In the Province of North-Ca- rolina ; and of the paft Tu~ muhs and Riots that lately happened in that- Province. Containing moft of the true and genuine Copies of Letters, Meffages and Rfimonftrances, between the Parties contending r— — By which? any impartial Man may eafily gatherand fee the true Ground and Reaibns of the /i t Jttn. Sc- the 1 6 1 1 ■. Day of Itbruayij-y, v of Fflntttity laft i 'J his is ta ^Ifighment of laid Bond, dcbtcd Co the laid Sbeltcn a fingle .inyDeljt. , * . ANDERSON, Junior,- /A COMPANY 6| Gentlemen of North J- -*- Carolina bavin", Tor a large and valuable Confide.- purcbafcd from the Chief: of the Cherokee Indians, bybndwilh . Confcnt of the whole Nation, a confiderabie Tract of tlitii i now call ti.TranJylvataet, lying on theKiveisOWo, Oumberltnti Louifa; and junderftanding that many People are cU-firous 'tr' be- Adventiin i.- in that :pMt of the World, and wi/h to'-.. . the Term* "ii which Lands in that Country may be had, the,- ,. fore hereby inform the PabJicj that anyPerfon who will fetdc on and- inhabit the t me befoi ' the firft Day of 'June \n beeafdy and conveniently made. Large Trails of the land lie t>l\ Lime-Hone, and iii fijveral Places there is Abundance of Iron Oie. The Fertility of the Soil, and Goodnefs of the Range, almott fut pals Belief ; and it is at preient well ftored with Rt'ffalo, Elk, Deer, Bear, H aver, &c. and the Rivers abound ytajti Fiih of" various Kinds. Vaft Crowds of people ore daily flocKing to it, and m?r.v Gentlemen of the flirt Rank and Character gave bar- gained foi Lands in it ; fothat there is a great Appearance of a rapid Settlement, and that it will toon become a conliderable Colony, and one of" tiie moft a greeable Countries in America. (6) Huntingtoup, Sejt. 14, 1775. TH E Lands I have for fome Time paft advertife'd for Sale are not as yet fold. I will fell them at a very low Price, and allow a realisable Time of'Payjnhent for Part of the Money. The Reafcn why I have not fold them wu, tliat I would ; ;ive no Credit. a ANTHONY WINSTON. L ADVERTISEMENT OF THE TRANSYLVANIA COMPANY From The Virginia Gazette, September 30, 1775 RICHARD HENDERSON very spot where he had made corn several years before." m In speaking of the startling de- sign, unmasked by Henderson, of establishing an independent government, Colonel Preston writes to George Washington of the contem- plated "large Purchase by one Col.° Hender- son of North Carolina from the Cherokees. ... I hear that Henderson talks with great Freedom & Indecency of the Governor of Vir- ginia, sets the Government at Defiance & says if he once had five hundred good Fellows set- tled in that Country he would not Value Vir- ginia." 155 Early in 1775 runners were sent off to the Cherokee towns to summon the Indians to the treaty ground at the Sycamore Shoals of the Watauga; and Boone, after his return from a hunt in Kentucky in January, was summoned by Judge Henderson to aid in the negotia- tions preliminary to the actual treaty. The dominating figure in the remarkable assem- blage at the treaty ground, consisting of twelve hundred Indians and several hundred whites, was Richard Henderson, "comely in 221 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST person, of a benign and social disposition," with countenance betokening the man of strenu- ous action — "noble forehead, prominent nose, projecting chin, firm-set jaw, with kindness and openness of expression." Gathered about him, picturesque in garb and striking in ap- pearance, were many of the buckskin-clad lead- ers of the border — James Robertson, John Sevier, Isaac Shelby, William Bailey Smith, and their compeers — as well as his Carolina friends John Williams, Thomas and Nathaniel Hart, Nathaniel Henderson, Jesse Benton, 156 and Valentine Searcy. Little was accomplished on the first day of the treaty (March 14th) ; but on the next day, the Cherokees offered to sell the section bar- gained for by Donelson acting as agent for Virginia in 1771. Although the Indians pointed out that Virginia had never paid the promised compensation of five hundred pounds and had therefore forfeited her rights, Hen- derson flatly refused to entertain the idea of purchasing territory to which Virginia had the prior claim. Angered by Henderson's refusal, 222 RICHARD HENDERSON The Dragging Canoe, leaping into the circle of the seated savages, made an impassioned speech touched with the romantic imagination peculiar to the American Indian. With pathetic elo- quence he dwelt upon the insatiable land-greed of the white men, and predicted the extinction of his race if they committed the insensate folly of selling their beloved hunting-grounds. Roused to a high pitch of oratorical fervor, the savage with uplifted arm fiercely exhorted his people to resist further encroachments at all hazards — and left the treaty ground. This incident brought the conference to a startling and abrupt conclusion. On the following day, however, the savages proved more tractable, agreeing to sell the land as far south as the Cumberland River. In order to secure the additional territory watered by the tributaries of the Cumberland, Henderson agreed to pay an additional sum of two thousand pounds. Upon this day there originated the ominous phrase descriptive of Kentucky when The Dragging Canoe, dramatically pointing to- ward the west, declared that a Dark Cloud 223 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST hung over that land, which was known as the Bloody Ground. On the last day, March 17th, the negotia- tions were opened with the signing of the "Great Grant." The area purchased, some twenty millions of acres, included almost all the present state of Kentucky, and an immense tract in Tennessee, comprising all the territory watered by* the Cumberland River and all its tributaries. For "two thousand weight of leather in goods" Henderson purchased "the lands lying down Holston and between the Watauga lease, Colonel Donelson's line and Powell's Mountain" as a pathway to Kentucky — the deed for which was known as the "Path Deed." By special arrangement, Carter's Valley in this tract went to Carter and Lucas ; two days later, for two thousand pounds, Charles Robertson on behalf of the Watauga Association purchased a large tract in the val- leys of the Holston, Watauga, and New Riv- ers; and eight days later Jacob Brown pur- chased two large areas, including the Noli- chucky Valley. (Compare map.) This his- 2M RICHARD HENDERSON toric treaty, which heralds the opening of the West, was conducted with absolute justice and fairness by Judge Henderson and his associ- ates. No liquor was permitted at the treaty ground; and Thomas Price, the ablest of the Cherokee traders, deposed that "he at that time understood the Cherokee language, so as to comprehend everything which was said and to know that what was observed on either side was fairly and truly translated ; that the Cherokees perfectly understood, what Lands were the subject of the Treaty. . . ." The amount paid by the Transylvania Company for the im- perial domain was ten thousand pounds ster- ling, in money and in goods. 157 Although Daniel Boone doubtless assisted in the proceedings prior to the negotiation of the treaty, his name nowhere appears in the voluminous records of the conference. In- deed, he was not then present; for a fortnight before the conclusion of the treaty he was com- missioned by Judge Henderson to form a party of competent woodmen to blaze a pas- sage through the wilderness. On March 10th 225 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST this party of thirty ax-men, under the leader- ship of Boone, started from the rendezvous, the Long Island of Holston, to engage in the arduous labor of cutting out the Transylvania Trail. 158 Henderson, the empire-builder, now faced with courage and resolution the hazardous task of occupying the purchased territory and estab- lishing an independent government. No mere financial promoter of a vast speculative enter- prise, he was one of the heroic figures of the Old Southwest ; and it was his dauntless cour- age, his unwavering resolve to go forward in the face of all dangers, which carried through the armed "trek" to a successful conclusion. At Martin's Station, where Henderson and his party tarried to build a house in which to store their wagons, as the road could be cleared no further, they were joined by another party, of five adventurers from Prince William County, Virginia. 159 In Henderson's party were some forty men and boys, with forty pack- horses and a small amount of powder, lead, 226 ™ /Us, 9^ ^ >,/?i > , / .» FIRST PAGE OF RICHARD HENDERSON'S DIARY From the original owned by the Wisconsin State Historical Society RICHARD HENDERSON salt, and garden-seeds. The warning freely given by Joseph Martin of the perils of the path was soon confirmed, as appears from the following entry in Henderson's diary: Friday the 7th. [April] About Brake of Day began to snow. About 11 oClock re- ceived a letter from Mr. Luttrells camp that were five persons kill d . on the road to the Can- tuckie by Indians. Cap*. [Nathaniel] Hart, uppon the receipt of this News Retreated back with his Company, & determined to Settle in the Valley to make Corn for the Cantucky people. The same Day Received a Letter from Da 11 . Boone, that his Company was fired uppon by Indians, Kill'd Two of his men — tho he kept the ground & saved the Baggage &V 6U The following historic letter, which reveals alike the dogged resolution of Boone and his reliance upon Henderson and his company in this black hour of disaster, addressed "Colonel Richard Henderson — these with care," is elo- quent in its simplicity: Dear Colonel: After my compliments to you, I shall acquaint you of our misfortunes. 227 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST On March the 25 a party of Indians fired on my Company about half an hour before day, and killed Mr. Twitty and his negro, and wounded Mr. Walker very deeply, but I hope he will recover. On March the 28 as we were hunting for provisions, we found Samuel Tate's son, who gave us an account that the Indians fired on their camp on the 27th day. My brother and I went down and found two men killed and sculped, Thomas McDowell and Jeremiah Mc- Feters. I have sent a man down to all the lower companies in order to gather them all at the mouth of Otter Creek. My advice to you, Sir, is to come or send as soon as possible. Your company is desired greatly, for the people are very uneasy, but are willing to stay and venture their lives with you. and now is the time to fluster ate their [the Indians'] intentions, and keep the coun- try, whilst we are in it. If we give way to them now, it will ever be the case. This day we start from the battle ground, for the mouth of Otter Creek, where we shall immediately erect a Fort, which will be done before you can come or send, then we can send ten men to meet you, if you send for them. I am, Sir, your most obedient Omble Sarvent Daniel Boone. 228 RICHARD HENDERSON N.B. We stood on the ground and guarded our baggage till day, and lost nothing. We have about fifteen miles to Cantuck [Kentucky River] at Otter Creek. 161 This dread intelligence caused the hearts of strong men to quail and induced some to turn back, but Henderson, the jurist-pioneer, was made of sterner stuff. At once (April 8th) he despatched an urgent letter in hot haste to the proprietors of Transylvania, enclosing Boone's letter, informing them of Boone's plight and urging them to send him immediately a large quantity of powder and lead, as he had been compelled to abandon his supply of saltpeter at Martin's Station. "We are all in high spir- its," he assures the proprietors, "and on thorns to fly to Boone's assistance, and join him in defense of so fine and valuable a country." Laconically eloquent is this simple entry in his diary: "Saturday the 8th. Started ab\ 10 °Clock Crossed Cumberland Gap about 4 miles met about 40 persons Returning from the Cantucky, on Ace*, of the Late Murders by the Indians could prevail on one only to 229 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST return. Mem Several Virginians who were with us return'd." There is no more crucial moment in early Western history than this, in which we see the towering form of Henderson, clad in the pic- turesque garb of the pioneer, with outstretched arm resolutely pointing forward to the "dark and bloody ground," and in impassioned but futile eloquence pleading with the pale and panic-stricken fugitives to turn about, to join his company, and to face once more the mortal dangers of pioneer conquest. Significant in- deed are the lines : Some to endure, and many to fail, Some to conquer, and many to quail, Toiling over the Wilderness Trail. The spirit of the pioneer knight-errant inspires Henderson's words: "In this situation, some few, of genuine courage and undaunted reso- lution, served to inspire the rest; by the help of whose example, assisted by a little pride and some ostentation, we made a shift to march on with all the appearance of gallantry, and, 230 RICHARD HENDERSON cavalier like, treated every insinuation of dan- ger with the utmost contempt." Fearing that Boone, who did not even know that Henderson's cavalcade was on the road, would be unable to hold out, Henderson real- ized the imperative necessity for sending him a message of encouragement. The bold young Virginian, William Cocke, volunteered to brave alone the dangers of the murder- haunted trail — to undertake a ride more truly memorable and hazardous than that of Revere. "This offer, extraordinary as it was, we could by no means refuse," remarks Henderson, who shed tears of gratitude as he proffered his sin- cere thanks and wrung the brave messenger's hand. Equipped with "a good Queen Anne's musket, plenty of ammunition, a tomahawk, a large cuttoe knife [French, couteau], a Dutch blanket, and no small quantity of jerked beef," Cocke on April 10th rode off "to the Cantuckey to Inform Cap* Boone that we were on the road." The fearful apprehensions felt for Cocke's safety were later relieved, when along the road were discovered his letters in- 231 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST forming Henderson of his arrival and of his having been joined on the way by Page Port- wood of Rowan. On his arrival at Otter Creek, Cocke found Boone and his men, and on relating his adventures, "came in for his share of applause." Boone at once despatched the master woodman, Michael Stoner, with pack-horses to assist Henderson's party, which he met on April 18th at their encampment "in the Eye of the Rich Land." Along with "Ex- cellent Beef in plenty," Stoner brought the story of Boone's determined stand and an ac- count of the erection of a rude little fortifica- tion which they had hurriedly thrown up to resist attack. With laconic significance Hen- derson pays the following tribute to Boone which deserves to be perpetuated in national annals: "It was owing to Boone's confidence in us, and the people's in him, that a stand was ever attempted in order to wait for our coming." In the course of their journey over the mountains and through the wilderness, the pioneers forgot the trials of the trail in the 232 RICHARD HENDERSON face of the surpassing beauties of the country. The Cumberlands were covered with rich un- dergrowth of the red and white rhododendron, the delicate laurel, the mountain ivy, the flame- azalea, the spicewood, and the cane; while the white stars of the dogwood and the carmine blossoms of the red-bud, strewn across the verdant background of the forest, gleamed in the eager air of spring. "To enter uppon a detail of the Beuty & Goodness of our Coun- try," writes Nathaniel Henderson, "would be a task too arduous. . . . Let it suffice to tell you it far exceeds any country I ever saw or herd off. I am conscious its out of the power of any man to make you clearly sensible of the great Beuty and Richness of Kentucky." Young Felix Walker, endowed with more vivid powers of description, says with a touch of native eloquence : Perhaps no Adventureor Since the days of donquicksotte or before ever felt So Cheerful & Hated in prospect, every heart abounded with Joy & excitement ... & exclusive of the Novelties of the Journey the advantages & 233 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST accumalations arising on the Settlement of a new Country was a dazzling object with many of our Company. . . . As the Cain ceased, we began to discover the pleasing & Rapturous appearance of the plains of Kentucky, a New Sky & Strange Earth to be presented to our view. ... So Rich a Soil we had never Saw before, Covered with Clover in full Bloom, the Woods alive abounding in wild Game, turkeys so numerous that it might be said there ap- peared but one flock Universally Scattered in the woods ... it appeared that Nature in the profusion of her Bounties, had Spread a feast for all that lives, both for the Animal & Ra- tional World, a Sight so delightful to our View and grateful to our feelings almost Induced us> in Immitation of Columbus in Transport to Kiss the Soil of Kentucky, as he haild & Saluted the sand on his first setting his foot on the Shores of America. 162 On the journey Henderson was joined in Powell's Valley by. Benjamin Logan, after- ward so famous in Kentucky annals, and a companion, William Galaspy. At the Crab Orchard they left Henderson's party; and turning their course westward finally pitched camp in the present Lincoln County, where 234 RICHARD HENDERSON Logan subsequently built a fort. On Sunday, April 16th, on Scaggs's Creek, Henderson records: "About 12 oClock Met James Mc- Afee with 18 other persons Returning from Cantucky." They advised Henderson of the "troublesomeness and danger" of the Indians, says Robert McAfee junior: "but Henderson assured them that he had purchased the whole country from the Indians, that it belonged to him, and he had named it Transylvania. . . . Robt, Samuel, and William McAfee and 3 others were inclined to return, but James op- posed it, alleging that Henderson had no right to the land, and that Virginia had previously bought it. The former (6) returned with Henderson to Boonesborough." Among those who had joined Henderson's party was Abra- ham Hanks from Virginia, the maternal grand- father of Abraham Lincoln; but alarmed by the stories brought by Stewart and his party of fugitives, Hanks and Drake, as recorded by William Calk on that day (April 13th), turned back. 163 At last the founder of Kentucky with his 235 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST little band reached the destined goal of their arduous journeyings. Henderson's record on his birthday runs: "Thursday the 20th [April] Arrived at Fort Boone on the Mouth of Oter Creek Cantuckey River where we were Saluted by a running fire of about 25 Guns; all that was then at Fort. . . . The men appeared in high spirits & much rejoiced in our arrival." It is a coincidence of his- toric interest that just one day after the em- battled farmers at Lexington and Concord "fired the shots heard round the world," the echoing shots of Boone and his sturdy back- woodsmen rang out to announce the arrival of the proprietor of Transylvania and the birth of the American West. 236 CHAPTER XV TKANSYLVANIA — A WILDERNESS COMMONWEALTH You are about a work of the utmost importance to the well-being of this country in general, in which the interest and security of each and every individual are inseparably connected. . . . Our peculiar circumstances in this remote coun- try, surrounded on all sides with difficulties, and equally sub- ject to one common danger, which threatens our common overthrow, must, I think, in their effects, secure to us an union of interests, and, consequently, that harmony in opinion, so essential to the forming good, wise and wholesome laws. — Judge Richard Henderson: Address to the Legislature of Transylvania, May 23, 1775. THE independent spirit displayed by the Transylvania Company, and Hender- son's procedure in open defiance of the royal governors of both North Carolina and Vir- ginia, naturally aroused grave alarm through- out these colonies and South Carolina. "This in my Opinion," says Preston in a letter to George Washington (January 31, 1775), "will soon become a serious Affair, & highly 237 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST deserves the Attention of the Government. For it is certain that a vast Number of People are preparing to go out and settle on this Pur- chase ; and if once they get fixed there, it will be next to impossible to remove them or reduce them to Obedience ; as they are so far from the Seat of Government. Indeed it may be the Cherokees will support them." 164 Governor Martin of North Carolina, already deeply dis- turbed in anticipation of the coming revolu- tionary cataclysm, thundered in what was gen- erally regarded as a forcible-feeble proclama- tion (February 19, 1775) against "Richard Henderson and his Confederates" in their "daring, unjust and unwarrantable proceed- ings." 165 In a letter to Dartmouth he de- nounces "Henderson the famous invader" and dubs the Transylvania Company "an infamous Company of land Pyrates." Officials who were themselves eager for land naturally opposed Henderson's plans. Lord Dunmore, who in 1774, as we have seen, was heavily interested in the Wabash Land Com- pany engineered by William Murray, took the TRANSYLVANIA ground that the Wabash purchase was valid under the Camden-Yorke decision. This is so stated in the records of the Illinois Company, likewise under Murray's control. But al- though the "Ouabache Company," of which Dunmore was a leading member, was initiated as early as May 16, 1774, the purchase of the territory was not formally effected until Oc- tober 18, 1775 — too late to benefit Dunmore, then deeply embroiled in the preliminaries to the Revolution. Under the cover of his agent's name, it is believed, Dunmore, with his "passion for land and fees," illegally entered tracts aggregating thousands of acres of land surveyed by the royal surveyors in the summer of 1774 for Dr. John Connolly. 166 Early in this same year, Patrick Henry, who, as already pointed out, had entered large tracts in Ken- tucky in violation of Virginia's treaty obliga- tions with the Cherokees, united with William Byrd 3d, John Page, Ralph Wormley, Samuel Overton, and William Christian, in the effort to purchase from the Cherokees a tract of land west of Donelson's line, being firmly persuaded 239 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST of the validity of the Camden- Yorke opinion. Their agent, William Kenedy, considerably later in the year, went on a mission to the Cherokee towns, and upon his return reported that the Indians might be induced to sell. When it became known that Judge Henderson had organized the Transylvania Company and anticipated Patrick Henry and his associates, Colonel Arthur Campbell, as he himself states, applied to several of the partners of the Transylvania Company on behalf of Patrick Henry, requesting that Henry be taken in as a partner. 167 It was afterward stated, as com- monly understood among the Transylvania proprietors, that both Patrick Henry and Thomas Jefferson desired to become members of the company; but that Colonel Richard Henderson was instrumental in preventing their admission "lest they should supplant the Colonel [Henderson] as the guiding spirit of the company." 168 Fully informed by Preston's elaborate com- munication on the gravity of the situation, Dunmore acted energetically, though tardily, 240 By his Excellency the Right Honourable JOHN Earl of DUN MO RE, his Majclrys Lieutenant and Governor General of the Colony and Dominion of Virginia, and Vice Admiral of the fame. ♦ A PROCLAMATION. Virginia, to wit. WH E R E A S his Majesty did, at the Rcqnett of the Affcmbly of this Colony, permit the Weflem Boundary thereof w be ctten.Iel . the fame has been ran and ascertained by Colonel Dcnel/in, and other Surveyors, deputed for the Purpofe ; and whereas hit Majerty bath, for the greater Convenience of, and the preventing of Litigation and Difputes among, futh Perfons as shall be inclined to fettle upon any of his vacant Lands, ordered that all that Tract of Land included withiu the aforesaid Boundary, and all other vacant Lands within this Colony, be furveyed in Diltricts, and laid out in Lota of from one Hundred to one Thou-and Acres, and as (aft as the faid Survey} mail be compleaeed by the Surveyors, duly authorized, an.! the Surveys thereof returned, that the Lands, {v furveyed and allotcd, be put up Co pobhc Sale, at futh Time and Place as (nail be appointed by public Notice t and that tuchiheft Bidder for fnch Lots and Parcels of Land, ttfuch Sales, be the Pur- chafer thereof, and be entitled to aCrant in Fee Simple of the Land fo purchalcd as aforeliid, by Letters Patent under the ^eae Seal of the Colony. fubjaS to no Conditions or Refervalions whatever, other than the Payment of the anuual Quit-Rent of one half Penny Sterling per Acre, and alio of all Mines of Gold, Stiver, and precious Stonesi And whereas Advice his been received, that one KrcWo' Hndtifm, and other disorderly Perfon., Lis Aflbciatos, under Pretence of a Pus-chafe made from the /avri.nu, contrary to the aforefaid Orders and Regulations of his Majctly, do fee up a Claim to the Lands of the Crown within the Limits of this Colony; I have thought St. therefore, to iITue this my Proclsanacion, (Inclly ch.r/.ng Vail Justices of the Peace, Sheriffs, and other Officers, civil and military, to life their utmoft Endeavours to prevent the ttsrwarrarstable and Begad Designs of Che Hid Ri*J,,fn and his Abettors : and if the laid flns*r/m, or others concerned with him, Hull take PcdBstaon of, or occupy any 'Lands within the Limits of his Majesty's Government of lVr„mi, merely under any Purchafe, or pretended Purchafe, made from As/,a«. withou. jany omer Title, that he or chey be required, in h,s MajetV, Name, forthwith to derassv, and rel.no.uiHi the HotTellion fo sjnjsjllly obt.ined. snd 'in Cafe of Refusal and of violent dctainiug fuch PoQciEon, chat he or chey be immediately hard and impr.foned in aha- Manner ch: Law. In i.-l. Cafes direct. I r £ N mJ - "'- ■-, » " : -" - '"' ^ ." - V : - ... v v- ? HI L jtajtr&P:, S'^A: Printed by Francis Bailey, at f^fflV ffW. M.DCC.CXXXVt* 320 THE STATE OF FRANKLIN constitution of North Carolina, almost un- changed, was adopted. Under this Hous- ton constitution, the name "Frankland" was chosen for the new state. The legislature was to consist of but a single house. In a section excluding from the legislature "min- isters of the gospel, attorneys at law, and doctors of physics," those were declared in- eligible for office who were of immoral char- acter or guilty of "such flagrant enormities as drunkenness, gaming, profane swearing, lewdness, Sabbath-breaking and such like," or who should deny the existence of God, of heaven, and of hell, the inspiration of the Scriptures, or the existence of the Trin- ity. Full religious liberty and the rights of conscience were assured — but strict orthodoxy was a condition for eligibility to office. No one should be chosen to office who was "not a scholar to do the business." This remark- able document, which provided for many other curious innovations in government, was the work of pioneer doctrinaires — Houston, Campbell, Cocke, and Tipton — and deserves 321 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST study as a bizarre reflection of the spirit and genius of the western frontiersmen. 210 The liberal policy of Martin, followed by the no less conciliatory attitude of his successor, Caswell, for the time proved wholly abortive. However, Martin's appointment of Evan Shelby in Sevier's place as brigadier, and of Jonathan Tipton as colonel of his county, pro- duced disaffection among the Franks ; and the influence of Joseph Martin against the new government was a powerful obstacle to its success. At first the two sets of military, civil, and judicial officers were able to work amica- bly together ; and a working-basis drawn up by Shelby and Sevier, although afterward repu- diated by the Franklin legislature, smoothed over some of the rapidly accumulating diffi- culties. The persistent and quiet assertion of authority by North Carolina, without any overt act of violence against the officers of Franklin state, revealed great diplomatic skill in Governors Martin and Caswell. It was doubtless the considerate policy of the latter, coupled with the defection from Sevier's cause 322 THE STATE OF FRANKLIN of men of the stamp of Houston and Tipton, after the blundering and cavalier rejection of their singular constitution, which undermined the foundations of Franklin. Sevier himself later wrote with considerable bitterness: "I have been faithfull, and my own breast acquits myself that I have acted no part but what has been Consistent with honor and justice, tem- pered with Clemency and mercy. How far our pretended patriots have supported me as their pretended chiefe magistrate, I leave the world at large to Judge." Arthur Camp- bell's plans for the formation of a greater Franklin, through the union of the people on the western waters of Virginia with those of North Carolina, came to nought when Vir- ginia in the autumn of 1785 with stern deci- siveness passed an act making it high treason to erect an independent government within her limits unless authorized by the assembly. Sevier, however, became more fixed in his de- termination to establish a free state, writing to Governor Caswell: "We shall continue to act independent and would rather suffer death, 323 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST in all its various and frightful shapes, than conform to anything that is disgraceful." North Carolina, now proceeding with vigor (November, 1786), fully reassumed its sover- eignty and jurisdiction over the mountain counties, but passed an act of pardon and ob- livion, and in many ways adopted moderate and conciliatory measures. Driven to extremities, Cocke and Sevier in turn appealed for aid and advice to Benjamin Franklin, in whose honor the new state had been named. In response to Cocke, Frank- lin wrote (August 12, 1786) : "I think you are perfectly right in resolving to submit them [the Points in Dispute] to the Decision of Congress and to abide by their Determina- tion." 211 Franklin's views change in the in- terim; for when, almost a year later, Sevier asks him for counsel, Franklin has come to the conclusion that the wisest move for Sevier was not to appeal to Congress, but to endeavor to effect some satisfactory compromise with North Carolina (June 30, 1787) : THE STATE OF FRANKLIN There are only two Things that Humanity induces me to wish you may succeed in : The Accomodating your Misunderstanding with the Government of North Carolina, by amica- ble Means; and the Avoiding an Indian war, by preventing Encroaching on their Lands. . . . The Inconvenience to your People at- tending so remote a Seat of Government, and the difficulty to that Government in ruling well so remote a People, would I think be powerful Inducements with it, to accede to any fair & reasonable Proposition it may receive from you towards an Accomodation. 212 Despite Sevier's frenzied efforts to achieve independence — his treaty with the Indians, his sensational plan to incorporate the Cherokees into the new state, his constancy to an ideal of revolt against others in face of the reality of revolt against himself, his struggle, equivocal and half-hearted, with the North Carolina au- thorities under Tipton — despite all these heroic efforts, the star of Franklin swiftly declined. The vigorous measures pursued by General Joseph Martin, and his effective influence fo- cussed upon a movement already honey- 325 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST combed with disaffection, finally turned the scale. To the Franklin leaders he sent the urgent message: "Nothing will do but a sub- mission to the laws of North Carolina." Early in April, 1788, Martin wrote to Gov- ernor Randolph of Virginia: "I returned last evening from Green Co. Washington destrict, North Carolina, after a tower through that Co'ntry, and am happy to inform your Ex- cellency that the late unhappy dispute between the State of North Carolina, and the pretended State of Franklin is subsided." Ever brave, constant, and loyal to the interest of the pio- neers, Sevier had originally been drawn into the movement against his best judgment. Caught in the unique trap, created by the pas- sage of the cession act and the sudden volte- face of its repeal, he struggled desperately to extricate himself. Alone of all the leaders, the governor of ill-starred Franklin remained recalcitrant. S9X CHAPTER XX THE LURE OF SPAIN 213 — THE HAVEN OF STATEHOOD The people of this region have come to realize truly upon what part of the world and upon which nation their future happiness and security depend, and they immediately infer that their interest and prosperity depend entirely upon the protection and liberality of your government. — John Sevier to Don Diego de Gardoqui, Sep- tember 12, 1788. From the early settlements in the eastern parts of this Continent to the late & more recent settlements on the Ken- tucky in the West the same difficulties have constantly oc- curred which now oppress you, but by a series of patient sufferings, manly and spirited exertions and unconquerable perseverance, they have been altogether or in great measure subdued. — Governor Samuet, Johnston to James Robert- son and Anthony Bledsoe, January 29, 1788. A STRANGE sham-battle, staged like some scene from opera bouffe, in the bleak snow-storm of February, 1788, is really the prelude to a remarkable drama of revolt in which Sevier, Robertson, Bledsoe, and the 327 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Cumberland stalwarts play the leading roles. On February 27th, incensed beyond measure by the action of Colonel John Tipton in har- boring some of his slaves seized by the sheriff under an execution issued by one of the North Carolina courts, Sevier with one hundred and fifty adherents besieged Tipton with a few of his friends in his home on Sinking Creek. The siege was raised at daybreak on February 29th by the arrival of reinforcements under Colonel Maxwell from Sullivan County; and Sevier, who was unwilling to precipitate a conflict, withdrew his forces after some desultory fir- ing, in which two men were killed and several wounded. Soon afterward Sevier sent word to Tipton that on condition his life be spared he would submit to North Carolina. On this note of tragi-comedy the State of Franklin appeared quietly to expire. The usually sanguine Sevier, now thoroughly chastened, sought shelter in the distant settlements — deeply despondent over the humiliating fail- ure of his plans and the even more depressing defection of his erstwhile friends and sup- 328 JOHN SEVIER (1745-1815) From a miniature attributed to C. W. Peale, in the possession of Mr. Daniel V. Sevier THE LURE OF SPAIN porters. The revolutionary designs and sepa- ratist tendencies which he still harbored were soon to involve him in a secret conspiracy to give over the State of Franklin into the pro- tection of a foreign power. The fame of Sevier's martial exploits and of his bold stroke for independence had long since gone abroad, astounding even so famous an advocate of liberty as Patrick Henry and winning the sympathy of the Continental Con- gress. One of the most interested observers of the progress of affairs in the State of Frank- lin was Don Diego de Gardoqui, who had come to America in the spring of 1785, bearing a com- mission to the American Congress as Spanish charge d'affaires (Encargados de Negocios) to the United States. In the course of his negotiations with Jay concerning the right of navigation of the Mississippi River, which Spain denied to the Americans, Gardoqui was not long in discovering the violent resentment of the Western frontiersmen, provoked by Jay's crass blunder in proposing that the American republic, in return for reciprocal 329 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST foreign advantages offered by Spain, should waive for twenty-five years her right to navi- gate the Mississippi. The Cumberland trad- ers had already felt the heavy hand of Spain in the confiscation of their goods at Natchez; but thus far the leaders of the Tennessee fron- tiersmen had prudently restrained the more turbulent agitators against the Spanish policy, fearing lest the spirit of retaliation, once aroused, might know no bounds. Throughout the entire region of the trans-Alleghany, a feeling of discontent and unrest prevailed — quite as much the result of dissatisfaction with the central government which permitted the wholesale restraint of trade, as of resentment against the domination of Spain. No sooner had the shrewd and watchful Gardoqui, who was eager to utilize the sepa- ratist sentiment of the western settlements in the interest of his country, learned of Sevier's armed insurrection against the authority of North Carolina than he despatched an emis- sary to sound the leading men of Franklin and the Cumberland settlements in regard to an 330 THE LURE OF SPAIN alliance. This secret emissary was Dr. James White, who had been appointed by the United States Government as Superintendent of In- dian Affairs for the Southern Department on November 29, 1786. Reporting as instructed to Don Estevan Miro, governor of Louisiana, White, the corrupt tool of Spain, stated con- cerning his confidential mission that the lead- ers of "Frankland" and "Cumberland district" had "eagerly accepted the conditions" laid down by Gardoqui: to take the oath of alle- giance to Spain, and to renounce all submis- sion or allegiance whatever to any other sover- eign or power. Satisfied by the secret advices received, the Spanish minister reported to the home authorities his confident belief that the Tennessee backwoodsmen, if diplomatically handled, would readily throw in their lot with Spain. 214 After the fiasco of his siege of Tipton's home, Sevier had seized upon the renewal of hostilities by the Cherokees as a means of re- gaining his popularity. This he counted upon doing by rallying his old comrades-in-arms 331 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST under his standard and making one of his me- teoric, whirlwind onslaughts upon their ancient Indian foe. The victory of this erstwhile pop- ular hero, the beloved "Nolichucky Jack of the Border," over the Indians at a town on the Hiwassee "so raised him in the esteem of the people on the frontier," reports Colonel Max- well, "that the people began [once more] to flock to his standard." Inspirited by this good turn in his fortunes, Sevier readily responded to Dr. White's overtures. Alarmed early in the year over the unpro- voked depredations and murders by the In- dians in several Tennessee counties and on the Kentucky road, Sevier, Robertson, and An- thony Bledsoe had persuaded Governor Sam- uel Johnston of North Carolina to address Gardoqui and request him to exert his influ- ence to prevent further acts of savage bar- barity. In letters to Governor Johnston, to Robertson, and to Sevier, all of date April 18th, Gardoqui expressed himself in general as being "extremely surprised to know that there is a suspicion that the good government 332 THE LURE OF SPAIN of Spain is encouraging these acts of bar- barity." The letters to Robertson and Sevier, read between the lines as suggestive reinforce- ments of Spain's secret proposals, possess real significance. The letter to Sevier contains this dexterously expressed sentiment: "His Majesty is very favorably inclined to give the inhabitants of that region all the protection that they ask for and, on my part, I shall take very great pleasure in contributing to it on this occasion and other occasions." This letter, coupled with the confidential proposals of Dr. White, furnished a conven- ient opening for correspondence with the Spaniards ; and in July Sevier wrote to Gardo- qui indicating his readiness to accede to their proposals. After secret conferences with men who had supported him throughout the vicis- situdes of his ill-starred state, Sevier carefully matured his plans. The remarkable letter of great length which he wrote to Gardoqui on September 12, 1788, reveals the conspiracy in all its details and presents in vivid colors the strong separatist sentiment of the day. Sevier 333 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST urgently petitions Gardoqui for the loan of a few thousand pounds, to enable him to "make the most expedient and necessary preparations for defense"; and offers to repay the loan within a short time "by sending the products of this region to the lower ports." Upon the vital matter of "delivering" the State of Franklin to Spain, he forthrightly says: Since my last of the 18th of July, upon con- sulting with the principal men of this coun- try, I have been particularly happy to find that they are equally disposed and ready as I am to accept your propositions and guaran- tees. You may be sure that the pleasing hopes and ideas which the people of this country hold with regard to the probabability of an alliance with, and commercial concessions from, you are very ardent, and that we are unanimously determined on that score. The people of this region have come to realize truly upon what part of the world and upon which nation their future happiness and security depend, and they immediately infer that their interest and prosperity depend entirely upon the protec- tion and liberality of your government. . . . Being the first from this side of the Appala- chian Mountains to resort in this way to your 334 THE LURE OF SPAIN protection and liberality, we feel encouraged to entertain the greatest hope that we shall be granted all reasonable aid by him who is so amply able to do it, and to give the pro- tection and help that is asked of him in this petition. You know our delicate situation and the difficulties in which we are in respect to our mother State which is making use of every strategem to impede the development and prosperity of this country. . . . Before I con- clude, it may be necessary to remind you that there will be no more favorable occasion than the present one to put this plan into execution. North Carolina has rejected the Constitution and moreover it seems to me that a consider- able time will elapse before she becomes a member of the Union, if that event ever hap- pens. Through Miro, Gardoqui was simultane- ously conducting a similar correspondence with General James Wilkinson. The object of the Spanish conspiracy, matured as the result of this correspondence, was to seduce Kentucky from her allegiance to the United States. De- spite the superficial similarity between the sit- uation of Franklin and Kentucky, it would be doing Sevier and his adherents a capital 335 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST injustice to place them in the category of the corrupt Wilkinson and the malodorous Se- bastian. Moreover, the secessionists of Frank- lin, as indicated in the above letter, had the excuse of being left virtually without a country. On the preceding August 1st, North Carolina had rejected the Constitu- tion of the United States; and the leaders of Franklin, who were sorely aggrieved by what they regarded as her indifference and neglect, now felt themselves more than ever out of the Union and wholly repudiated by the mother state. Again, Sevier had the em- bittered feeling resultant from outlawry. Be- cause of his course in opposing the laws and government of North Carolina and in the kill- ing of several good citizens, including the sheriff of Washington County, by his forces at Sinking Creek, Sevier, through the action of Governor Johnston of North Carolina, had been attainted of high treason. Under the heavy burden of this grave charge, he felt his hold upon Franklin relax. Further, an atrocity committed in the recent campaign under 336 THE LURE OF SPAIN Sevier's leadership — Kirk's brutal murder of Corn Tassel, a noble old Indian, and other chieftains, while under the protection of a flag of truce — had placed a bar sinister across the fair fame of this stalwart of the border. Utter desperation thus prompted Sevier's acceptance of Gardoqui's offer of the protection of Spain. John Sevier's son, James, bore the letter of September 12th to Gardoqui. By a strangely ironic coincidence, on the very day (October 10, 1788) that Gardoqui wrote to Miro, recommending to the attention of Spain Dr. White and James Sevier, the emissaries of Franklin, with their plans and proposals, John Sevier was arrested by Colonel Tipton at the Widow Brown's in Washington County, on the charge of high treason. He was hand- cuffed and borne off, first to Jonesborough and later to Morganton. But his old friends and former comrades-in-arms, Charles and Joseph McDowell, gave bond for his appear- ance at court; and Morrison, the sheriff, who also had fought at King's Mountain, knocked the irons from his wrists and released him on 337 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST parole. Soon afterward a number of Sevier's devoted friends, indignant over his arrest, rode across the mountains to Morganton and si- lently bore him away, never to be arrested again. In November an act of pardon and oblivion with respect to Franklin was passed by the North Carolina Assembly. Although Sevier was forbidden to hold office under the state, the passage of this act automatically op- erated to clear him of the alleged offense of high treason. With affairs in Franklin tak- ing this turn, it is little wonder that Gardoqui and Miro paid no further heed to Sevier's pro- posal to accept the protection of Spain. Sevier's continued agitation in behalf of the independence of Franklin inspired Governor Johnston with the fear that he would have to be "proceeded against to the last extremity." But Sevier's opposition finally subsiding, he was pardoned, given a seat in the North Caro- lina assembly, and with extraordinary consid- eration honored with his former rank of briga- dier-general. When Dr. White reported to Miro that the 338 THE LURE OF SPAIN leaders of "Frankland" had eagerly accepted Gardoqui's conditions for an alliance with Spain, he categorically added: "With regard to Cumberland district, what I have said of Frankland applies to it with equal force and truth." James Robertson and Anthony Bled- soe had but recently availed themselves of the good offices of Governor Johnston of North Carolina in the effort to influence Gardoqui to quiet the Creek Indians. The sagacious and unscrupulous half breed Alexander McGilli- vray had placed the Creeks under the protec- tion of Spain in 1784; and shortly afterward they began to be regularly supplied with am- munition by the Spanish authorities. At first Spain pursued the policy of secretly encour- aging these Indians to resist the encroach- ments of the Americans, while she remained on outwardly friendly terms with the United States. During the period of the Spanish conspiracy, however, there is reason to believe that Miro endeavored to keep the Indians at peace with the borderers, as a friendly service, intended to pave the way for the establishment 339 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST of intimate relations between Spain and the dwellers in the trans- Alleghany. Yet his ef- forts cannot have been very effective; for the Cumberland settlements continued to suffer from the ravages and depredations of the Creeks, who remained "totally averse to peace, notwithstanding they have had no cause of offence"; and Robertson and Bledsoe reported to Governor Caswell (June 12, 1787) : "It is certain, the Chickasaws inform us, that Spanish traders offer a reward for scalps of the Americans." The Indian atrocities be- came so frequent that Robertson later in the summer headed a party on the famous Cold- water Expedition, in which he severely chas- tised the marauding Indians. Aroused by the loss of a number of chiefs and warriors at the hands of Robertson's men, and instigated, as was generally believed, by the Spaniards, the Creeks then prosecuted their attacks with re- newed violence against the Cumberland settle- ments. Unprotected either by the mother state or by the national government, unable to secure 340 THE LURE OF SPAIN free passage to the Gulf for their products, and sorely pressed to defend their homes, now seriously endangered by the incessant attacks of the Creeks, the Cumberland leaders decided to make secret overtures to McGillivray, as well as to communicate to Miro, through Dr. White, their favorable inclination toward the proposals of the one country which promised them protection. In a letter which McGilli- vray wrote to Miro (transmitted to Madrid, June 15, 1788) in regard to the visit of Messrs. Hackett and Ewing, two trusty messengers sent by Robertson and Bledsoe, he reports that the two delegates from the district of Cum- berland had not only submitted to him pro- posals of peace but "had added that they would throw themselves into the arms of His Maj- esty as subjects, and that Kentucky and Cum- berland are determined to free themselves from their dependence on Congress, because that body can not protect either their property, or favor their commerce, and they therefore be- lieve that they no longer owe obedience to a power which is incapable of protecting them." THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Commenting upon McGillivray's communica- tion, Miro said in his report to Madrid (June 15, 1788) : "I consider as extremely interest- ing the intelligence conveyed to McGillivray by the deputies on the fermentation existing in Kentucky, with regard to a separation from the Union. Concerning the proposition made to McGillivray by the inhabitants of Cumber- land to become the vassals of His Majesty, I have refrained from returning any precise an- swer." In his long letter of reply to Robertson and Bledsoe, McGillivray agreed to make peace between his nation, the Creeks, and the Cum- berland settlers. This letter was most favor- ably received and given wide circulation throughout the West. In a most ingratiating reply, offering McGillivray a fine gun and a lot in Nashville, Robertson throws out the fol- lowing broad suggestion, which he obviously wishes McGillivray to convey to Miro: "In all probability we cannot long remain in our present state, and if the British or any com- mercial nation who may be in possession of the 342 THE LURE OF SPAIN mouth of the Mississippi would furnish us with trade, and receive our produce there cannot be a doubt but the people on the west side of the Appalachian mountains will open their eyes to their real interest." Robertson actu- ally had the district erected out of the coun- ties of Davidson, Sumner, and Tennessee given the name of "Miro" by the Assembly of North Carolina in November, 1788 — a sig- nificant symbol of the desires of the Cumber- land leaders. In a letter (April 23, 1789), Miro, who had just received letters from Rob- ertson (January 29th) and Daniel Smith (March 4th) postmarked "District of Miro," observes: "The bearer, Fagot, a confidential agent of Gen. Smith, informed me that the inhabitants of Cumberland, or Miro, would ask North Carolina for an act of separation the following fall, and that as soon as this should be obtained other delegates would be sent from Cumberland to New Orleans, with the object of placing that territory under the domina- tion of His Majesty. I replied to both in general terms." 215 343 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Robertson, Bledsoe, and Smith were success- ful in keeping secret their correspondence with McGillivray and Miro; and few were in the secret of Sevier's effort to deliver the State of Franklin to Spain. Joseph Martin was less successful in his negotiations ; and a great sensation was created throughout the Southern colonies when a private letter from Joseph Martin to McGillivray (November 8, 1788) was intercepted. In this letter Martin said: "I must beg that you write me by the first opportunity in answer to what I am now go- ing to say to you. ... I hope to do honor to any part of the world I settle in, and am de- termined to leave the United States, for rea- sons that I can assign to you when we meet, but durst not trust it to paper." The general assembly of Georgia referred the question of the intercepted letter to the governor of North Carolina (January 24, 1789) ; and the result was a legislative investigation into Martin's conduct. Eleven months later, the North Carolina assembly exonerated him. From the correspondence of Joseph Martin and Patrick 344 THE LURE OF SPAIN Henry, it would appear that Martin, on Henry's advice, had acted as a spy upon the Spaniards, in order to discover the views of McGillivray, to protect the exposed white settlements from the Indians, and to fathom the designs of the Spaniards against the United States. 216 The sensational disclosures of Martin's in- tercepted letter had no deterrent effect upon James Robertson in the attempted execution of his plan for detaching the Cumberland settlements from North Carolina. History has taken no account of the fact that Robert- son and the inhabitants now deliberately en- deavored to secure an act of separation from North Carolina. In the event of success, the next move planned by the Cumberland leaders, as we have already seen, was to send delegates to New Orleans for the purpose of placing the Cumberland region under the domination of Spain. A hitherto unknown letter, from Robert- son to (Miro), dated Nashville, September 2, 1789, proves that a convention of the people 345 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST was actually held — the first overt step looking to an alliance with Spain. In this letter Rob- ertson says: I must beg your Excellency's permission to take this early opportunity of thanking you for the honor you did me in writing by Mr. White. I still hope that your Government, and these Settlements, are destined to be mutually friendly and usefull, the people here are im- pressed with the necessity of it. We have just held a Convention; which has agreed that our members shall insist on being Seperated from North Carolina. Unprotected, we are to be obedient to the new Congress of the United States; but we cannot but wish for a more interesting Con- nection. The United States afford us no protection. The district of Miro is daily plundered and the inhabitants murdered by the Creeks, and Cherokees, unprovoked. For my own part, I conceive highly of the advantages of your Government. 217 A serious obstacle to the execution of the plans of Robertson and the other leaders of the Cumberland settlements was the prompt 346 THE LURE OF SPAIN action of North Carolina. In actual conform- ity with the wishes of the Western people, as set forth in the petition of Robertson and Hayes, their representatives, made two years earlier, 218 the legislature of North Carolina in December passed the second act of cession, by which the Western territory of North Carolina was ceded to the United States. Instead of securing an act of separation from North Carolina as the preparatory step to forming what Robertson calls "a more interesting con- nection" with Spain, Robertson and his asso- ciates now found themselves and the transmon- tane region which they represented flung bodily into the arms of the United States. Despite the unequivocal offer of the calculat- ing and desperate Sevier to "deliver" Frank- lin to Spain, and the ingenious efforts of Rob- ertson and his associates to place the Cumber- land region under the domination of Spain, the Spanish court by its temporizing policy of evasion and indecision definitely relinquished the ready opportunities thereby afforded, of utilizing the powerful separatist tendencies of S47 THE CONQUEST OF THE OLD SOUTHWEST Tennessee for the purpose of adding the em- pire upon the Western waters to the Spanish domain in America. The year 1790 marks the end of an era — the heroic age of the pioneers of the Old South- west. Following the acceptance of North Carolina's deed of cession of her Western lands to the Union (April 2, 1790) the Southwest Territory was erected on May 26th; and Wil- liam Blount, a North Carolina gentleman of eminence and distinction, was appointed on June 8th to the post of governor of the terri- tory. Two years later (June 1, 1792) Ken- tucky was admitted into the Union. It is a remarkable and inspiring circum- stance, in testimony of the martial instincts and unwavering loyalty of the transmontane people, that the two men to whom the Western country in great measure owed its preservation, the inciting and flaming spirits of the King's Mountain campaign, were the unopposed first choice of the people as leaders in the trying ex- periment of Statehood — John Sevier of Ten- nessee and Isaac Shelby of Kentucky. Had 348 THE LURE OF SPAIN Franklin possessed the patient will of Ken- tucky, she might well have preceded that region into the Union. It was not, however, until June 1, 1796, that Tennessee, after a romantic and arduous struggle, finally passed through the wide-flung portals into the domain of national statehood. 349 LIST OF NOTES i Roosevelt's The Winning of the West, a stirring recital with chief stress thrown upon the militant characteristics of the frontiersmen, is open to grave criticism because of failure to give adequate account of social and economic tendencies, the development of democracy, and the evolution of govern- ment under the pressure of frontier conditions. 2 Johnson MSS., xii, No. 127. 3 Journal of a Tour in Unsettled Parts of North America in 1796 and 1797, 217. 4 Turner: "Significance of the Frontier in American His- tory," American Historical Association Report, 1893. s Hugh Williamson: History of North Carolina (1812), ii, 71-2. « Virginia Historical Magazine, xiii, 133; William and Mary Quarterly, ix, 132. 7 Virginia Historical Magazine, op. cit. Cf. also West Vir- ginia Historical Magazine, April, 1903. sBernheim: The German Element and the Lutheran Church in the Carolinas. o For this and other Moravian diaries, see Virginia Historical Magazine, vols, xi and xii. io Original diary in German in Archives of the Moravian Church, Winston-Salem, N. C. Cf. Mereness, Travels in the American Colonies 1690-17 S3, 327-356. « Cf. original minutes of Abington and Gwynedd Monthly Meetings, Pa. 12 MS. History of Bryan family, compiled by Col. W. L. Bryan, Boone, N. C. is Ely: The Fin-leys of Bucks (Publications, Bucks County Historical Society) ; also "Historic Associations of Neshaminy Valley," Daily Intelligencer (Reading, Pa.), July 29, 1913. See also Wisconsin State Historical Society, Draper MSS., 2 B 161. 351 LIST OF NOTES i* "The Creative Forces in Westward Expansion," American Historical Review, xx, 1. is North Carolina Colonial Records, vii, 100-101. is Magazine of American History, November, 1881. 17 Foote: Sketches of North Carolina, xiij. is Howe: History of the Presbyterian Church in South Carolina. 19 Virginia Historical Magazine, xiii, 127-8-9. 20 Draper: MS. Life of Boone; Draper Collection, Wisconsin State Historical Society. 21 Rowan County Records, Salisbury, N. C. 22 Rumple: History of Rowan County. 23 Logan: History of Upper South Carolina. 24 "Diary of Bishop Spangenberg" (1752), North Carolina Colonial Records, v. 25 Sheets: History of Liberty Baptist Association. 26 Moravian Community Diary, preserved at Winston-Salem, N. C. 27 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 6. 28 J. F. D. Smyth: A Tour in the United States of America (London: 1784), vol. 1. Chapter xxiii. 29 Unpublished MS.: "In the Olden Time." soMargry: Navigation of the Mississippi, iv, 322. 3i Raunie: Chansonnier historique du xviii e Steele, iii, 132-3. This translation is by Barbara Henderson. 32 J. Haywood: Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennes- see (1823), 223. 33 Byrd : History of the Dividing Line. 3i North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 25. ss D. D. Wallace : The Life of Henry Laurens, Appen- dix iv. 36 See also Hewit in Carroll's Collections, i, 435. Fort Prince George was located in the fork of the Six Mile Creek and Keowee River, in the southwestern part of Pickens County, and was completed probably by the end of 1753 (South Carolina Gazette, December 17, 1753). 37 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 140. 38 Cited in Channing, History of the United States, ii, 5^-73 n. 39 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 333, 357. 352 LIST OF NOTES 40 Moravian Community Diary. 4i North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 849. 42 Virginia Historical Magazine, xiii, 225-264. North Caro- lina Colonial Records, v, 560, 617. 43 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 579. 44 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 641, 742, 849. Cf. also Hunter: Sketches of Western North Carolina, 325. 45 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 604, 639. 4c Virginia Historical Magazine, xiii, 263; North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 606, 609, 613. 47 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 585, 612-4, 635, 637. 48 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 610; Cf. Timberlake's "A Draught of the Cherokee Country" in Avery's History of the United States, iv, facing p. 347; Ramsey, History of Ten- nessee, 57. 49 Summers: Southwest Virginia, 57-60. so Virginia Historical Magazine, xv, 254-7; Waddell, Augusta County (second edition), 115-6, 150-1. 5i North Carolina Colonial Records, v, 606-8. 52 Summers: Southwest Virginia, 60-1. 53 Williamson: History of North Carolina, ii, 37, footnote. 54 North Carolina Colonial Records, viii, 563 ; xi, map facing p. 80, and p. 227. 55 North Carolina Colonial Records, v, Introduction, pp. xxx- xxxi. so Carroll's Collections, i, 433; ii, 519-20; Draper's MS. Life of Boone, iii, 65-6. 57 Sparks : Washington, ii, 322. 58 Journal: "Concerning a March that Capt. Robt. Wade took to the New River," in Summers, Southwest Virginia. 62-66. 59 Carroll's Collections, i, 443-4. oo South Carolina Gazette, May 12, 1759. si South Carolina Gazette, July 14, 1759. 62 South Carolina Gazette, Aug. 4, Sept. 22, 1759. C3 North Carolina Colonial Records, vi, 221. 64 Draper: MS. Life of Boone, iii, 75. 65 North Carolina Colonial Records, vi, 229-230. ee For a full account of the part which Fort Dobbs played 353 LIST OF NOTES in this Indian warfare see the monograph, Fort Dobbs, by Mrs. M. H. Eliason. 67 Maryland Gazette, May 8, 1760; Haywood: Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee, 239-40; North Carolina Co- lonial Records, xxii, 822. 68 "Notes on the Indians and the Early Settlers of Western North Carolina," Collections of the North Carolina Historical Commission. Printed in Papers of A. D. Murphy, ii, 380 et seq. 69 Maryland Gazette, May 8, 1760. 70 South Carolina Gazette, Dec. 23, 1760; Feb. 28, April 11, 1761. 7i North Carolina Colonial Records, vi, 622. 72 J. S. Johnston: The First Explorations of Kentucky. Filson Club Publications, No. 13. 73 William and Mary College Quarterly, xii, 129-134* Young: Genealogical Narrative of the Hart Family (1882); Nash: "History of Orange County," North Carolina Booklet; Hender- son: "A Federalist of the Old School," North Carolina Booklet. 74 North Carolina Colonial Records, ix, 349. 75 Turner: "The Old West," Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, 1908. 76 Cf. "Memoir of Pleasant Henderson," Draper MSS. 2CC21- 23; W. H. Battle: "A Memoir of Leonard Henderson," North Carolina University Magazine, Nov., 1859; T. B. Kingsbury: "Chief Justice Leonard Henderson," Wake Forest Student, November, 1898. 77 "The Life and Times of Richard Henderson," in the Charlotte Observer, March 9 to June 1, 1913; Draper's MS. Life of Boone; Morehead's Address at Boonesborough, 105 n. 78 C. W. Alvord: "The Genesis of the Proclamation of 1763," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, xxxvi. 79 Sparks: Works of Franklin (1844), iii, 69-77. so J. M. Peck to L. C. Draper, May 15, 1854. si Washington to Crawford, September 21, 1767, in Sparks: Life and Writings of Washington, ii, 346-50. 82 Haywood: Civil and Political History of Tennessee (1823), 35. 83 Ramsey: Annals of Tennessee (1853), 69-70. 354 LIST OF NOTES 84 Ramsey: Annals of Tennessee, 69. ss Cf. C. W. Alvord: "The British Ministry and the Treaty of Fort Stanwix," Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, 1908. ss North Carolina Colonial Records, vii, 851-855. For Try- on's line, ibid., 245, 460, 470, 508. 87 Johnson to Gage, December 16, 1768. ss Jefferson MSS. Department of state. Cf. also Weeks: General Joseph Martin. soHanna: The Wilderness Trail, ii, 216, 230, 255; Darling- ton: Journals of Gist, 131. so "Narrative of General William Hall," Draper MSS., Wis- consin State Historical Society. oi Draper: MS. Life of Boone, viii, 238. 92 Summers: Southwest Virginia, 76. 93 Papers of A. D. Murphy, ii, 386. 94 Pennsylvania Journal, October 29, 1769. 95 Compare "John Finley ; and Kentucky before Boone," being chapter seven in volume two of C. A. Hanna's The Wil- derness Trail (1911). 96 J. W. Monette: History of the Discovery and Settle- ment of the Valley of the Mississippi (1846), ii, 53. 97 Court Records of Rowan County. 98 Cf. "The Pioneers of the West" in Missouri Republican (1847). Cf. also Putnam: Middle Tennessee, 20. 99 J. M. Peck to L. C. Draper, May 15, 1854. ioo Missouri Republican (1847). ioi^4 Memorial to the Legislature of Kentucky (1812). 102 Deposition Book No. 1, p. 156, Clark County Court, Ken- tucky. 103 Cf. "Daniel Boone and the Wilderness Trail," Bristol . (Tennessee-Virginia) Herald Courier, Boone Trail Edition, April, 1917. 104 Hall: The Romance of Western History (1857), 150-1, 158-9. 105 North Carolina Colonial Records, vii, 713. ioo Martin: History of North Carolina, ii, 191. 107 "The Origin of the Regulation in North Carolina," Amer- ican Historical Review, xxi, No. 2. 108 North Carolina Colonial Records, vii, 14-31, 32-4, 37. 355 LIST OF NOTES 109 Raleigh (N. C.) Register, June 2, 1825. no Cf. Tryon's Journal, North Carolina Colonial Records, vii, 819-838. in Tryon to Hillsborough, December 24, 1768. 112 North Carolina Colonial Records, viii, 231-4. us North Carolina Colonial Records, viii, 241-244. n4 North Carolina Colonial Records, viii, 241-244. us North Carolina Colonial Records, viii, 236-240. "6 Cf. J. S. Bassett.: "The Regulators of North Carolina (1765-1771)", American Historical Association Report for 1894. ii7 North Carolina Colonial Records, x, 1019-1022; Caruth- ers: Life of Caldwell, 145-158. us North Carolina Colonial Records, vi, 250. no Alderman: "The Baptists at the Forks of the Yadkin," in Baptist Historical Papers. 120 North Carolina Colonial Records, viii, 70-80. 121 The discovery of an immense quantity of contemporary documents, since Roosevelt's The Winning of the West was written, betrays the numerous inaccuracies of that fascinating work, as well as the imperfect perspective in the picture of the westward expansionist movement. Mr. Roosevelt's virile apotheosis of the strenuous pioneer seems today almost as old-fashioned in its method and outlook as is Draper's work on King's Mountain. 122 Bancroft Transcripts, Library of Congress. 123 Purefoy: History of Sandy Creek Baptist Association (1859). 124 Cf. "Pioneer Contributions of North Carolina to Ken- tucky," Charlotte (N. C.) Observer, November 10, 1913. 125 Summers: Southwest Virginia, 616-8. 126 North Carolina Colonial Records, xiv, 314. Cf. Farrand: "The Indian Boundary Line," American Historical Review, x. i2T Dunmore to Hillsborough, March, 1772. Cf. also Draper, MSr"Life of Boone, Draper MSS, 3 B 87, 88. 128 North Carolina Colonial Records, x, 885-6. 129 Moses Fisk: "A Summary Notice of the First Settle- ments made by White People within the Limits which Bound the 356 LIST OF NOTES State of Tennessee," in Massachusetts Historical Collections, 1st series (1816). 130 Dunmore to Dartmouth, May 16, 1774. isi North Carolina Colonial Records, ix, 825-6, 982. MS- Copy in Minutes of Council, Public Record Office, Colonial Of- fice, 5:355. 132 Haywood: Civil and Political History of Tennessee (1823), 40. 133 Butler: History of Kentucky (1836), p. lxvii, note. Also Draper MSS., 2 CC 34. 134 Wharton: Plain Facts (1781), 9. 135 Alvord: The Illinois-W abash Land Company Manuscript. i3G A copy of the opinion, bearing this date, is in the Hen- derson papers, Draper collection, Wisconsin Historical Society. i3T Extended investigation establishes beyond question that Judge Henderson was proceeding in strict accordance with law in seeking to acquire title by purchase from the Cherokees instead of applying to the royal government for a grant. When Virginia's sea-to-sea charter was abrogated in 1624, Virginia became a royal province and the settlement of bound- aries a royal prerogative. Of the three presumed Indian claimants to the trans- Alleghany region, viz., the Iroquois, Shawanoes, and Cherokees, the Iroquois by defeating the Shawanoes and their confederates in the Ohio Valley at the battle of Sandy Island in 1672 acquired title, as understood by the Indians, to this region. By the treaties of Lancaster (1744), Loggstown (1752), and Fort Stanwix (1768), the claims of the Shawanoes and the Iroquois to the trans- Alleghany territory were ceded to the crown. While the Shawanoes and the Cherokees acquiesced in the Treaty of Fort Stanwix, the crown fully acknowledged the claim of the Cherokees to the trans- Alleghany region; and by the treaties of Hard Labor (1768) and Lochaber (1770) con- firmed them in possession of this region to the west of the boundary line (See Chapter XII). The sovereignty of Eng- land extended over this territory, the right of eminent domain being vested in the crown. Henderson was legally justified in disregarding the royal proclamation of 1763 which was 357 LIST OF NOTES largely in the nature of a temporary expedient, and in pur- chasing the title to the trans-Alleghany region from the Cherokees in 1775. The right of eminent domain over the trans-Alleghany region still vested in the crown after the treaty of Sycamore Shoals. 138 MS. Journals of James and Robert McAfee. Durrett Collection, University of Chicago. These journals are printed in Woods-McAfee Memorial. 139 Hening: Virginia Statutes at Large, x, 558. 140 Wharton: Plain Facts, 96 et seq. See also text ff. i*iAlvord: The Mississippi Valley in British Politics, ii, ch. 7; Cotterill: History of Pioneer Kentucky, 65-66. 142 T. Wharton to Walpole, September 23, 1774, in "Letter Book of Thomas Wharton," Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, xxxiii (October, 1909). 143 For ample materials, cf. Thwaites and Kellogg: Docu- mentary History of Dunmore's War — 1774» 144 Cf. "The Inauguration of Westward Expansion," News and Observer (Raleigh, N. C.) July 5, 1914. 145 Letter of Major Pleasant Henderson, in The Harbinger (Chapel Hill, N. C), 1834. 146 Cf. "The Beginnings of Westward Expansion," North Carolina Review, September and October, 1910. 147 Draper MSS. 1 CC 2-9, Wisconsin State Historical So- ciety. 148 Jefferson MSS. 5th Series, v. 8. In MSS. Division, Li- brary of Congress. 149 Draper MSS. 1 CC 2-9. iso Diary of Morgan Brown in Tennessee Historical Maga- zine. i5i Enclosure 6 in Dunmore to Dartmouth, No. 25, March 14, 1775, Public Record Office, Colonial Office, 5:1353. 152 North Carolina Colonial Records, ix, 1117, 1129-1131. 153 Draper MSS. 4 QQ 1. 154 Virginia Historical Magazine, viii, 355. Cf. also Draper MSS. 2 CC 5. 155 Letters to Washington, MSS. Division, Library of Con- gress. ise I am indebted to Miss Lucretia Hart Clay for the privi- 358 LIST OF NOTES lege of examining the extensive collection of Hart and Benton MSS. in her possession. 157 The voluminous records of the treaty are found in the Jefferson MSS., vol. 5. MSS. Division, Library of Congress. 158 "Narrative of Felix Walker," Original MS. owned by C. L. Walker. 159 Hulbert: Boone's Road. 160 Original of Henderson's Journal is in Draper MSS., 1 CC 21-130 A.D. i6i Hall: Sketches of the West, i, 254-5. 162 This quotation is taken from the original manuscript. The version in De Bow's Review, 1854, is imperfect. For better printed versions of Walker's two accounts, see Memoirs of Felix Walker, New Orleans (1877), and Journal of Ameri- can History, i, No. 1 (1907). 163 Original journal of William Calk, owned by Mrs. Price Calk. 164 Letters to Washington, MSS. Division, Library of Con- gress. 165 North Carolina Gazette. 166 Draper MSS., 1 CC 160-194, deposition of Arthur Camp- bell. 167 Draper MSS., 1 CC 160-194, deposition of Arthur Camp- bell. 168 Draper Collection, Kentucky MSS., ii. For a contrary view, cf. P. Henry's deposition, Kentucky MSS., i. 169 Published in Virginia Gazette, March 23, 1775. Cf. "Forerunners of the Republic", Neale's Monthly, January- June, 1913. 170 Draper MSS., 4 QQ 17. 171 Letters to George Washington, MSS. Division, Library of Congress. 172 Draper MSS., 1 L 20. 173 Henderson and Luttrell to the Proprietors, July 18, 1775; printed in Louisville News-Letter, May 9, 1840. 174 Nathaniel Henderson to John Williams, October 5, 1775. Copy supplied by heirs of B. J. Lossing. 175 "The Struggle for the Fourteenth American Colony," News and Observer (Raleigh, N. C), May 19, 1918. 359 LIST OF NOTES 176 in connection with Transylvania, consult G. W. Ranck: Boonesborough: Filson Club Publications, No. 16; F. J. Turner: "State Making in the Revolutionary Era", American His- torical Review, i; G. H. Alden: "New Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1780." 177 in a "Proposal for the Sale of its Lands" ( Virginia Gazette, Sept. 30, 1775), the Transylvania Company offered to any settlers before June 1, 1776, land, limited in amount, at the rate of fifty shillings sterling per hundred acres, subject to an annual quit-rent of two shillings. Cf. facsimile. 178 Draper MSS., 2 CC 25. 179 These increased rates were voted at a meeting of the Proprietors of Transylvania at Oxford, N. C, September 25, 1775. American Archives, iv. iso Draper MSS., 47 J 1. This memoir has often been printed. i8i Cf. for example, Mason to Washington, March 9, 1775, in Letters to Washington, MSS. Division, Library of Congress. 182 Letter of date May 19, 1776. Draper MSS., 33 S 292-295. 183 Original in Virginia State Archives. 184 Original in Virginia State Archives. This and the afore- mentioned petition are printed in the Virginia Historical Magazine, xvi, 157-163. See also J. R. Robertson: Petitions of the Early Inhabitants of Kentucky, Filson Club Publi- cations, No. 27. 185 Cf . "Richard Henderson and the Occupation of Ken- tucky, 1775," Mississippi Valley Historical Review, December, 1914. Also A. B. Hulbert: Pilots of the Republic. iso Original in North Carolina State Archives. Printed in Ramsey: Annals of Tennessee (1853), 134-138. 187 Haldimand MSS. 188 Original in Draper MSS. Collections. It has recently been printed in Colonial Men and Times (1915), by Lillie Du P. Van C. Harper. 189 Haywood: Civil and Political History of Tennessee, (1823), Appendix, 5001-503. iso Journal Virginia House of Delegates, Nov. 4-17, 1778. i9iHening: Statutes at Large, ix, 571. Cf. also Starling: History of Henderson County, Kentucky. 360 LIST OF NOTES 192 Cf. Sioussat: "The Journal of Daniel Smith," Tennessee Historical Magazine, March, 1915. if3 The original journal is in the archives of the Tennessee State Historical Society. is* N. Hart, Jr., to Wilkins Tannehill, April 27, 1839, in Louisville News-Letter, May 23, 1840. 195 The original document is preserved in the archives of the Tennessee Historical Society. It is printed, with a number of minor inaccuracies, in Putnam: Middle Tennessee, 94-102. 196 Acts of North Carolina, 1783, ch. xxxviii, North Carolina State Records, xxiv, 530-531. 197 For a more extended treatment of the subjects dealt with in the present chapter, see "Richard Henderson, the Author- ship of the Cumberland Compact, and the Founding of Nashville," Tennessee Historical Magazine, September, 1916. 198 "Isaac Shelby, Revolutionary Patriot and Border Hero," in North Carolina Booklet, xvi, No. 3, 109-144. 199 While Draper's King's Mountain and its Heroes is most valuable as a source book, it is very faulty in style and arrange- ment. The account of the battle, in particular, is deficient in perspective; and in general no clear line is drawn between tra- ditionary and authentic testimony. 200 F. B. McDowell: The Battle of King's Mountain (Ral- eigh, 1907). This account was prepared chiefly from unpub- lished letters from Isaac Shelby to Franklin Brevard. 201 A Sketch of the Life and Career of Colonel James D. Williams, by Rev. J. D. Bailey (Cowpens, S. C, 1898). 202 A valuable source is the King's Mountain Expedition, by David Vance and Robert Henry, edited by D. L. Schenck (Greensboro, 1891). 203 Cf. Acts of North Carolina, 1784, April Session, Chapters XI and XII. 204 Sioussat: "The North Carolina Cession of 1784 in its Federal Aspects," Mississippi Valley Historical Association Proceedings, ii. 205 Quoted in Alden: "The State of Franklin," American Historical Review, viii. 206 See Charlotte (N. C.) Observer, September 25, 1904. Also consult North Carolina State Records, xxii, 664 ff. 361 LIST OF NOTES 207 State Archives of North Carolina. 208 Pennsylvania Packet, August 9, 1785. 209 State Department MSS., Library of Congress. 210 A single complete draft, in pamphlet form, printed In 1786, is preserved in the archives of the Tennessee Historical Society. Cf. "The Provisional Constitution of Frankland," American Historical Magazine, i. 2ii Franklin Papers, vii, folio 1651. MSS. Division, Library of Congress. 212 Franklin Papers, viii, folio 1803. MSS. Division, Library of Congress. 213 For a more extended treatment of matters dealt with in this chapter, compare "The Spanish Conspiracy in Tennessee," Tennessee Historical Magazine, December, 1917. 214 Gardoqui to Floridablanca, April 18, 1788. 215 On April 30th Mir6 wrote to Valdez, in Spain, informing him of the proposals received through McGillivray and stat- ing that he had returned conciliatory replies but had refrained from committing the Spanish Government until the pleasure of the king should be known. 216 w. W. Henry: Life, Correspondence and Speeches of Patrick Henry, iii, 409, 412-5. 217 Archives of the Indies, Seville, Spain. 218 Ramsey: Annals of Tennessee (1853), 502-3. 362 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE For the entire period (1740-1790) covered by this volume, an exceptionally rich store of mate- rials is to be found in the Colonial Records of North Carolina, 1662-1775 (published 1886-1890), and its continuation, the State Records of North Caro- lina, 1776-1790 (published 1895-1905), thirty volumes in all, including the four volumes of index. The introductions and supplementary matter in these volumes constitute a survey of the period. Theodore Roosevelt's The Winning of the West (1889-1896; various editions), a vigorous and stirring narrative, over-accentuates the strenuous life, largely underemphasises economic and govern- mental phases, and is by no means free from error. For the Scotch-Irish migrations one should read C. A. Hanna, The Scotch-Irish (2 vols., 1902), a large collection of original materials, imperfectly coordinated; and the excellent historical sketch by H. J. Ford, The Scotch-Irish in America (1905). For the German migrations, adequate and readable accounts are A. B. Faust, The German Element in the United States (2 vols., 1909) ; J. H. Clewell, History of Wachovia in North Carolina (1902); J. W. Wayland, The German Element of the 363 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Shenandoah Valley of Virginia (1907) ; and G. D. Bernheim, History of the German Settlements and of the Lutheran Church in North and South Carolina (1872). The best original sources for the life of the people in this period are: the State Archives of North Carolina at Raleigh, scientifically ordered and accessible to collectors ; the Lyman C. Draper Col- lection at Madison, Wisconsin; the Reuben T. Durrett Collection at the University of Chicago ; the State Archives of South Carolina, especially rich in collections of contemporary newspapers; the collections of the North Carolina Historical Society at Chapel Hill; and the Archives of the Moravian Church, in Pennsylvania and at Winston-Salem, North Carolina. The State Archives of Virginia, an unexplored mine of great riches, are as yet in- accessible, properly speaking, to investigators. The state of Tennessee has not yet made any provision for the conservation of historical materials; but the Tennessee Historical Society has preserved much valuable documentary material. Books shedding light, from various quarters, upon the life of the people in this period are: W. H. Foote, Sketches of North Carolina, Historical and Biographical (1846 ; reprinted 1913), dealing almost exclusively with the Presbyterian Church and the Scotch-Irish ; J. F. D. Smyth, A Tour in the United States of America (2 vols., 1784), untrustworthy as to historical events and partisan as to politics, 364 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE but graphic in description of the people and the country; William Bartram, Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, East and West Florida (1791), delightful in its simplicity and genial tone; William Byrd, History of the Dividing Line and other writings (J. S. Bassett's edition, 1901), of sprightly style and instinct with literary charm, pungently satirical, untrustworthy as to North Carolina; Joseph Doddridge, Notes on the Settle- ment and Indian Wars Sfc. (1824; reprinted 1912), photographic in its realistic delineation of back- woods conditions ; J. H. Logan, History of Upper South Carolina (1859) ; J. Rumple, Rowan County (1881; reprinted 1916); Biographical History of North Carolina (8 volumes printed, 1905-) ; S. Dunbar, A History of Travel in America (4 vols., 1915), first volume; Travels in the American Colo- nies, 1690-1783 (Edited by N. D. Mereness, 1916) ; and O. Taylor, Historic Sullivan (1909). Many valuable articles, of both local and national interest, are found in the excellent periodical pub- lications : J'ames Sprunt Historical Monographs and Publications (16 vols., 1900-), published by the University of North Carolina ; North Carolina Booklet (18 vols., 1901-), published by the N. C. Society, D. A. R. ; Virginia Magazine of History and Biography (27 vols., 1893-) ; American His- torical Magazine (8 vols., 1896-1903) ; Tennessee Historical Magazine (4 vols., 1915- ) ; Register of the Kentucky State Historical Society (17 vols., 365 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 1902- ) ; Mississippi Valley Historical Review (6 vols., 1914-). A notable study is F. J. Turner, The Old West (Wisconsin Historical Society Pro- ceedings, 1908). There is no adequate account in print of the French and Indian War, in the Old Southwest. Useful sources are E. McCrady, South Carolina under the Royal Government, 1719-1776 (1899); S. A. Ashe, History of North Carolina, 1584,-1783 (1 vol., 1908) ; L. P. Summers, History of South- West Virginia, 17^6-1786 (1903); J. P. Hale, Trans- Alleghany Pioneers (1886) ; J. A. Waddell, Annals of Augusta County, Virginia (1886) ; S. Kercheval, A History of the Valley of Virginia (third edition, 1902) ; A. S. Withers, Chronicles of Border Warfare (R. G. Thwaites' edition, 1908) ; B. R. Carroll, Historical Collections of South Carolina (2 vols., 1886) ; E. M. Avery, History of the United States (7 vols., 1908), fourth volume; J. G. M. Ramsey, Annals of Tennessee (1853) ; Calendar Virginia State Papers (11 vols., 1875— 1893). An interesting biography is A. M. Waddell, A Colonial Officer and his Times (1890). The early explorations of the West, and the career of Boone, are treated with reasonable fullness in the admirable publications of the Filson Club of Kentucky (27 vols., 1884-) ; C. A. Hanna, The Wilderness Trail (2 vols., 1911); John Haywood, Civil and Political History of Tennessee (1823; reprinted 1891), written in delightfully quaint style ; 366 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE L. and R. H. Collins, History of Kentucky (2 vols., 1882), a mine of conglomerate material; N. M. Woods, The Woods-McAfee Memorial (1905) ; A. B. Hulbert, Pilots of the Republic (1905) and Boone's Wilderness Road (1903), attractively written; R. G. Thwaites, Daniel Boone (1911), a lifeless condensa- tion of Draper's sprawling projected (MS.) biog- raphy; and John Filson, Kentucke (1784). Of the voluminous mass of literature dealing with the Regulation in North Carolina, one should read: J. S. Bassett, The Regulators of North Carolina, 1765-1771 (American Historical Association Re- port, 1894) ; M. DeL. Haywood, Governor Tryon of North Carolina (1903) ; H. Husband, An Impartial Relation of the First Rise and Cause of the Present Differences in Publick Affairs, in the Province of North Carolina (1770) ; and Archibald Henderson, The Origin of the Regulation in North Carolina (American Historical Review, 1916) . In addition to titles already mentioned, the follow- ing books and monographs give the best accounts of the Watauga and Cumberland settlements and of the State of Franklin: A. W. Putnam, History of Middle Tennessee (1859), a remarkably inter- esting book by a real "character" ; J. W. Caldwell, Constitutional History of Tennessee (second edi- tion, 1907) ; F. M. Turner, Life of General John Sevier (1910), in pedestrian style, reasonably ac- curate for the romantic period only ; G. H. Alden, The State of Franklin (American Historical Review, 367 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE 1903) ; S. B. Weeks, Joseph Martin (American His- torical Association Report, 1894) ; Archibald Hen- derson, Isaac Shelby (North Carolina Booklet, 1917—1918). The source book for the Indian war of 1774 is Documentary History of Dunmore's War (Edited by R. G. Thwaites and L. P. Kellogg, 1905). For exhaustive data concerning the King's Mountain campaign and its preliminaries, read L. C. Draper, King's Mountain and its Heroes (1881), though the book is lacking in discrimination and deficient in perspective. For a briefer treatment, read D. L. Schenck, North Carolina, 1780-1781 (1889). Other books and monographs dealing with the period, the westward movement, the settlement of the trans-Alleghany, and the little governments, to be consulted are: James Hall, Sketches of the West (2 vols., 1835) and The Romance of Western His- tory (1857) ; Journals of the House of Burgesses of Virginia for 1766-1769 and 1770-1772 (pub- lished 1906) ; G. H. Alden, New Governments West of the Alleghanies before 1780 (published 1897); C. W. Alvord, The Mississippi Valley in British Politics (2 vols., 1917), a notable work, ably written and embodying an immense amount of information; J. T. Morehead, Address at Boonesborough, May 25, 184-0 (published 1840) ; F. J. Turner, The Significance of the Frontier in American History (Wisconsin Historical Society Proceedings, 1894) and Western State-Making in 368 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE the Revolutionary Era (American Historical Re- view, 1895-1896), papers characterised by both brilliance and depth ; and Archibald Henderson, The Creative Forces in Westward Expansion (American Historical Review, 1914), The Occupation of Ken- tucky in 1775 (Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1914), The Founding of Nashville (Tennessee His- torical Magazine, 1916), and The Spanish Con- spiracy in Tennessee (Tennessee Historical Maga- zine, 1917). On the subject of Indian tribes and Indian treaties, the Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology, in especial numbers 5, 18, and 19, al- though compiled from secondary historical sources and occasionally erroneous in important matters, are useful — as is also Bulletin 22 : J. Mooney, Siouan Tribes of the East (1895). Rare and interesting works dealing with the Eastern Indian tribes are H. Timberlake, Memoirs (1765); J. Haywood, Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee (1823) ; and J. Adair, American Indians (1775). For both wider and more intensive reading in the history of this period, consult: F. J. Turner, List of References on the History of the West (Edition of 1915) ; A Critical Bibliography of Kentucky History, in R. M. McElroy, Kentucky in the Nation's History (1909); S. B. Weeks, A Bibliography of the Historical Literature of North Carolina (1895) ; E. G. Swem, A Bibliography of Virginia (Part I, 1916) ; and the bibliographies in 369 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTE J. Phelan, History of Tennessee (1888) ; E. Mc- Crady, South Carolina under the Royal Government, 1719-1776 (published 1899) and South Carolina in the Revolution, 1775-1780 (published 1901) ; and E. M. Avery, A History of the United States (1908), volumes 4, 5, and 6. Note. For the use of a complete set of tran- scripts of the Richard Henderson Papers in the Draper Collection, I am indebted to the North Carolina Historical Commission through the cour- tesy of the Secretary, Mr. R. D. W. Connor. 370 INDEX Abingdon: 134, 191 Adams, John: 250 Adams, Samuel: 241, 250 Ahualco: 144 Alamance: see Battles Alexander, Abraham: 172 Alexander, James: 27 Alexander, Moses: 27 Alexander, Capt. Nathaniel : 62 Alexander, William: 27 Alibamu Fort: 65 Alleghany Mountains: 100, 142, 155, 246, 259, 311 Alleman's Ford: 36 Alrichs, Herman: describes ambuscade of Braddock's army, 54 Amazons: 267 America: 111, 134, 159, 234, 248, 329; continent of, 198; history of, 286; emigration to, 7; people of, 173, 186, 198, 199; democracy in, XIV-XV, 174; colonies of, necessity for union, 65- 66 American: cause, 185; con- gress, 329, 341; confedera- tion, 215, 259, 201; repub- lic, 329 American Revolution: 12, 123, 239, 259, 267, 270, 277, 305 American Union: 319, 335, 336, 342, 348, 349 ; see Union Americans: 190, 300, 329, 339, 340; pioneers, 283; civiliza- tion of, X, 199; character of, X, 30-31, 195 Amherst, Gen. Jeffrey: 93 Anderson, Colonel: 308 Anshers, James: 52 Appalachian Mountains: 4, 5, 42, 107, 137, 139, 334, 343 Arkansas: 122 Atlantic Ocean: 4 Atta-kulla-kulla, Cherokee chief: 66, 74, 76, 217, 242, 262 Augusta: 79 B Bacon, Francis: 172 Bailey, Capt. Andrew: leads sortie from Fort Dobbs, 80- 82 Baily, Francis: on frontiers- men, XIV Baker, John: 139 Baker, William: 121 Bainton, Epaphroditus: 130 Balboa: 155 Baptists: 175, 185, 190 371 INDEX Barbour, txplorer: 122 Battles: Alamance, 168, 175, 182-183, 186, 189, 219; Great Kanawha, of the, 203-204, 209, 305; King's Mountain, at, ch. XVIII, 289, 337; Lexington, 244, 277; Long Island Flats, of, 262-263; Musgrove's Mill, at, 291 Beaujeu, Captain: 53 Been, John: 196 Been, Mrs. William: 264 "Belle Riviere": 156; see Ohio River Bentham, Jeremy: 246 Benton, Jesse: 222 Benton, Samuel: 170 Benton, Thomas Hart: 170 Bethabara: 38, 56, 75, 85, 161, 162, 166; invested by In- dians, 88 Bethania: 87 Bienville (Blainville) Celoron de: 46-47, 98, 116 Bieville, Jean Baptiste le Moyne, Sieur de: 42 Big Bone Lick: 116, 156; see Great Bone Lick Big Lick: 33 Big Salt Lick: 284; see French Lick, French Salt Springs, Great French Lick, Great Salt Springs Black Fish, Schawano chief: adopts Daniel Boone, 274 Bledsoe, Anthony: 194, 327, 332, 339, 340, 341, 342, 344 Bledsoe family: 123 Bledsoe, Isaac: 126; discovers lick, 124 Bledsoe's Lick: discovery of, described, 124-125 Blevens : hunters named, 109 Blevens, William: 119 Blount, William: 348 Blowing Rock: 134 Blue Licks: 156 Blue Ridge: 3, 5, 97, 142 Board of Trade: Johnston to, 3; Glen to, 51; draft royal proclamation, 106 Boiling Spring: 243, 253 Bonn, Dr. Jacob: 85 Boone, Anne: 23 Boone, Daniel: 16, 20, 22, 29, 38, 41, 101, 108, 110, 115, 119, 129, 130, Ch. IX, 131, 132, 133, 134, 142, 144, 148, 153, 155, 156, 158, 159, 160, 164, 165, 166, 185, 190, 200, 212, 221, 225, 226, 227, 231, 332, 235, 236, 280, 282; per- sonal appearance, 37; at Braddock's Defeat, 54-44; meets Richard Henderson, 105; explores Tennessee for Henderson & Company, 109; serves under Waddell, 133; explores Kentucky for Richard Henderson, ch. X; clears Transylvania Trail, 226; asks aid of Judge Henderson, 227-228; returns to Boonesborough, 253; res- cues daughter, 271; rescued by Kenton, 272; captured, 272; adopted by Black Fish, 274; deceived by Indians, 274 m% INDEX Boone family: settles in North Carolina, 34, 36, 117 Boone, George: 21, 165 Boone, James: 137 Boone, Jemima: captured by Indians, 271 Boone, Jesse: 137 Boone, Squire: 21, 34, 35, 36, 37, 105 Boone, Squire, Jr.: 29, 142, 156-157; sent by Transyl- vania Company to aid Dan- iel Boone, 153 Boone, William: 23 Boonesborough : 199, 215, 254, 277; Henderson arrives at, 235 ; Transylvania conven- tion at, 244-248; Boone re- turns to, 253; capture of girls at, 270-271; besieged by Indians, 272, 273, 274- 276; Henderson returns to, 282; corn sent from to French Lick, 284, 285 Boone's Caves: 157 Boone's Ford: 36 Boston: 8, 180 Botetourt; Governor, of Vir- ginia: 192 Boyd's Creek: 307 Braddock, Gen. Edward: 53, 58, 135, 295; defeat of, de- scribed, 53-55 Brandmiiller, John: pilgrim- age of, 14-15 British: 49, 102, 189, 261, 270, 276, 289, 290, 292, 294, 296, 299, 302, 342; Crown, 191, 200 Brobdignags: 154 Brown, Francis: 57 Brown, Jacob: 194, 224 Brown, the widow: 337 Bryan family: 203 Bryan, James: 22 Bryan, Joseph: 22 Bryan, Martha: 33 Bryan, Morgan: 22, settled in Pennsylvania, 22, in Vir- ginia, 23; in North Carolina, 16, 34, leads frontier rang- ers, 75-76, 83; in Rowan, 35 Bryan, Morgan, Jr.: 22 Bryan, Rebeckah: 132, 160 Bryan, William: 22, 33 Bryan's Station: 22 "Buffalo Bill" (W. F. Cody): XV Bull, Lieut. Gov. William: 88 Bullitt, Capt. Thomas: 204 Bullock, Leonard Henley: Member Transylvania Com- pany, 218 Bunker's Hill: battle of, 277 Burke, Edmund: on charters, XI Burnaby, Andrew: describes life in backwoods, 32 Byrd, Col. William, 3rd.: 59, 91, 92, 94, 133, 187, 208, 210, 249 Byrd, William: 36, 45, 98, 130; describes Yadkin re- gion, 35 Calhoun, Patrick: family at- tacked, 79; commands Pro- 373 INDEX vincial Rangers, 89; rela- tives of, 168 Calk, William: 235; with ex- ploring party from Vir- ginia, 226 Callaway, Elizabeth: captured by Indians, 271; rescued, 271 Callaway, Flanders: 271 Callaway, Frances: capture by Indians, 271; rescued, 271 Callaway, Col. Richard: 253; commands in defence of Transylvania Fort, 275-276 Callaway, Samuel: 110 Camden: 292 Camden, Lord Chancellor: 201 Camden- Yorke opinion: 207, 239, 240, 241 Cameron, Alexander: 194, 261 Camp Charlotte: 212 Campbell, Col. Arthur: inter- ested in Kentucky lands, 208; seeks partnership in Transylvania Company for Patrick Henry, 240; leads force against Cherokees, 307; plans Greater Frank- lin, 323 Campbell, Colonel William: leads Virginians, 293; elected commander King's Mountain expedition, 294; at King's Mountain, 296, 299, 300 Campbell, David: 314, 321 Campbell, John: 263 Campbell, Robert: scalped, Cape Fear: 53, 75 Captain Will: 151 Carlisle: 144 Carolina: 116, 118 Carolinas, the two: 75, 139, 201 Carter, John: 224 Carter's Valley: 195, 224i Carteret, Lord: lands of, 9 Caswell, Gov. Richard: 57, 318, 322, 340 Catawba Town: 59 Catawba Valley: 10, 13 Catawbas: 35, 45, 59-62, 64, 65, 70, 71, 72, 96, 118, 146; towns of, 96; country, 131 Cession Act: 310-311, 326 Charles the Second: 42 Charleston: 32, 33, 38, 66, 68, 88, 94, 161, 167, 289 Charleville ; Charles : at French Lick, 44 Charlotte: 289, 294 Cherokees: 15, 28, 49, 59-60, 65, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 77, 78, 86, 88, 89, 91, 96, 111, 112, 114, 116, 123, 127, 133, 140, 141, 159, 187, 192, 193, 202, 206, 216, 221, 222, 225, 239, 242, 249, 252, 265, 266, 270, 290, 307, 310, 316, 331, 346; fort promised to, by South Carolina, 58; treaty with, 59; hunters, 74; attack on Long Cane settlement, 79; warriors, 76; defeated, 83, 265; boundary line, 191; chiefs, 217, 242, 316; coun- try of, 64 Chickamaugas : 308; towns of, 374* INDEX 283; bloody forage of, 289- 290; quelled, 290 Chickasaws: 125, 310, 340 Chilhowee: 307 Chillicothe: 204. Chiswell's Mine: 112, 191 Choctaws: 45 Christian, Col. William: mem- ber of company to purchase Cherokee lands, 239; leads Virginia forces against Cherokees, 266 Chronicle, Major William: killed at King's Mountain, 301 Clark, George Rogers: 255, 259, 277; prospecting in Kentucky, 205; opinion of Transylvania title, 248 ; Memoir of, cited as to Hen- derson Claim, 255-256 ; threatens Virginia with re- volt in Kentucky, 257; vis- ited by James Robertson, 281 Clark, Jonathan: 248 Cleveland, Col. Benjamin: 296; explores West, 123; leads pioneers against In- dians, 267; leads Wilkes volunteers at King's Moun- tain, 293; addresses troops at King's Mountain, 297, 301 "Cleveland's Bulldogs": 293, 301 Clinch Valley: 203 Cocke, William: 231, 263, 321; delegate from Franklin to Continental Congress, 318 ; appeals to Benjamin Frank- lin, 324 Coldwater Expedition: 340 Columbus, Christopher: 144, 234 Committee of Safety: 259 Concord: 236 Conewagoes: 118 Connolly, Dr. John: 205, 208, 209, 210, 239 Constitution: rejected by North Carolina, 335, 336 Continent, European: 4 Continental Congress: 249, 250, 257, 261, 276, 318, 319, 324, 329 Cooley, William: explores Kentucky, 149, 153 Cooper, James Fenimore: 85, 271 Corbin, Francis: 169 Cornstalk, Shawanoe chief: 204; leads Indians at the Great Kanawha, 213-214 Corn Tassel, Indian Chief: 337 Cornwallis, Lord Charles: 289, 291, 292, 294, 295, 304 Cortez, Hernando: 144 Counties: Albemarle, 99; An- son, 16, 19, 32, 162, 167, 185; Armagh, 22; Augusta, 55, 198; Berks, 34; Botetourt, 204; Brunswick, 188; Bucks, 8, 22, 34; Burke, 293; Ches- ter, 22-23; Culpeper, 138; Davidson, 343; Fincastle, 220; Floyd, 142; Frederick, 55; Granville, 160, 169, 170, 179, 181, 218, 291; Greene, 375 INDEX 312, 326; Guilford, 203; Hampshire, 55 ; Hanover, 108; Jessamine, 157; Ken- tucky, 258; Lincoln, 126, 234, 298; Mecklenburg, 2T, 30, 171, 200, 245; Miller, 205; Orange, North Caro- lina, 19, 25-26, 169, 177, 189; Orange, Virginia, 113, 122; Philadelphia, 34 ; Prince William, 226; Roanoke, 33; Rowan, 19, 34, 56, 147, 177, 232, 294, 298; Rutherford, 293; Shenandoah, 198; Sulli- van, 291, 308, 312, 328; Sumner, 124, 343; Surry, 40, 166, 293, 298, 303; Tennes- see, 343; Washington, 132, 277, 293, 312, 319, 336, 337; Wayne, 124; Wilkes, 293; York, Pennsylvania, 52, 59; York, South Carolina, 295 Couture, Jean: 44 Cowpens: 294 Cox, Charles: 119 Coytomore, Lieut.: murdered by Indians, 80 Craighead, Rev. Alexander: 30 Crawford, William: Washing- ton to, on Western lands, 106, 108 Creeks: 308, 310, 339, 340, 341, 342, 346 Creeks: Bean Island, 85; Bear, 131; Beaver, 194; Bledsoe's, 128 ; Crooked, 213; Cross, 218; Dutch- man's, 132; Elk, 137; Fish, 205; Fourth, 57, 58; Line, 71; Linville, 34; Lulbegrud, 119, 154; Otter, 228, 229, 236; Sinking, 328, 336; Sugar Tree, 132; Sugaw, 59; Swearing, 135; Station Camp, 124, 150; Third, 57; Walden's, 120 Cresap, Col. Thomas: 101 Crockett, Robert: 125 Croghan, George: 46, 120 Cross Creek (Fayetteville) : 218 Crozat, Antoine: 43, 44 Cullodan: 100 Cumberland: Colony, 200, 341, 342, 343; leaders, 341; de- sire alliance with Spain, 348, 345; traders, 330; settle- ments, 283, 288, 309, 310, 330, 340, 345, 346; settlers, 328, 342; desire separation from North Carolina, 343; valley, 280; region, ch. XVII, 280, 345, 347 Cumberland: outlaw, 165 "Cumberland Compact" : drafted by Richard Hen- derson, 285-286 Cumberland District: 331, 339, 341 Cumberland, Duke of: 100 Cumberland Gap: names, 100, 115; traversed by traders, 118, 119, 121, 123, 124, 126, 145, 158, 229; see Onasioto Ga