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Olltp lluiurraitg of (El^tragfl 
 
 FOL'NDED KV JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER 
 
 The Navy of the 
 American Revolution 
 
 Its Administration, its Policy and 
 its Achievements 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 Submitted to the Faculty of the 
 
 Graduate School of Arts and Literature 
 
 In Candidacy for the Degree of 
 
 Doctor of Philosophy 
 
 Department of History 
 
 By 
 CHARLES OSCAR PAULLIN 
 
 CHICAGO 
 
 1906 
 
' — -^ i 
 
 Ctll'YHKiHT, 190() 
 BY 
 
 The Bukrows Brothers Company 
 
 Gift 
 The Uiii\t. levity 
 
 REPUBLICAN PRINTING COMPAr 
 CEDAR RAPIDS, IOWA 
 
PREFACE 
 
 Several narrative accounts of the navy 
 of the American Revolution have been 
 written. These usually form the intro- 
 ductory part of a history of the American 
 Navy since 1789. The earliest of these ac- 
 counts is that of Thomas Clark, published 
 in 1814, and probably the best that of James 
 Fenimore Cooper, first printed in 1839. Lat- 
 er narratives are rather more popular than 
 Cooper's. Many sources of information, 
 which Avere not accessible to the earlier 
 writers, and were not much used by the 
 later, were drawn upon in the writing of 
 this book. Moreover, the information that 
 is here presented is of a somewhat different 
 sort from that of previous writers; and the 
 method of treatment is new. 
 
 This book is written from the point of 
 view of the naval administrators; hitherto, 
 historians have written from the point of 
 view of the naval officers. Their narratives 
 treat almost exclusively of the doings at 
 sea, the movements of armed vessels, and 
 the details of sea fights. They have the 
 advantage of dealing primarily with pictin*- 
 esque, and sometimes dramatic, events. 
 Their accounts, hoAvever, lack unity, since 
 
6 Preface 
 
 they consist of a series of detached incidents. 
 
 In the first place an attempt has been here 
 made to restore the naval administrative 
 machinery of the Revolution. The center 
 of this narrative is the origin, organization, 
 and work of naval committees, secretaries 
 of marine, navy boards, and naval agents. 
 Next, inasmuch as the men who served as 
 naval executives administered the laws re- 
 lating to naval affairs, and indeed often pre- 
 pared these laws before their adoption by 
 the legislative authorities, it was thought 
 best to give a fairly comjilete resume of the 
 naval legislation of the Revolution. Those 
 laws with which the naval administrators 
 were chiefly concerned have received most 
 attention. The legislation with reference 
 to prize courts and privateering has been 
 treated more briefly. As the privateers do 
 not, properly speaking, form a part of the 
 Revolutionary navy, no attempt to write 
 their history has been made. In order that 
 the sul)ject may be seen in its true relations, 
 some statistics and other interesting facts 
 concerning this industry have, however, 
 been introduced. An account of the State 
 Navies is now given for the first time. 
 
 Since naval committees, navy boards, and 
 naval agents issued written orders to the 
 naval commanders prescribing the time 
 place, and manner of their cruises, it has 
 seemed logical and proper to consider the 
 naval policy of the administrators, and the 
 
Preface 7 
 
 nioveiiK'nts of the armed vessels. So de- 
 tailed an account of naval movements, as 
 would jje given by those writers who pro- 
 ceed from the point of view of the doings of 
 the naval officers, would obviously not be 
 expected in this book. My plan has been to 
 describe the various classes of naval move- 
 ments, to present the sum total of their re- 
 sults, and to give briefly the details of a few 
 typical cruises and sea fights. The cruises 
 of the American vessels were much alike; 
 they were minor affairs, and many of them 
 scarcely merit individual treatment. 
 
 It is evident that one who proposes to 
 write the history of the navy of the American 
 Revolution from the point of view which I 
 have described, will not only avoid exces- 
 sive detail in respect to individual naval 
 achievements, but will be particularly deter- 
 mined not to allow their brilliancy or their 
 dramatic quality to fix the amount of detail 
 with which each shall be narrated. For 
 instance, several historians have been in- 
 clined to dwell at some length upon the 
 brilliant and picturesque achievements of 
 John Paul Jones. Sometimes they have de- 
 voted more than one-third of their narratives 
 of the Continental navy to this hero, un- 
 doubtedly the greatest naval officer of the 
 Revolution. As a result, the pictures 
 which they have presented are somewhat 
 distorted, and many brave sea officers have 
 had scant justice done their gallant services. 
 
8 Preface 
 
 An attempt is made in this book to present 
 a better balanced narrative, and to make a 
 juster estimate of the work of the Revohi- 
 tionary navy. The scope and method of 
 treatment adopted by the author has com- 
 pelled a certain economy of phrase, precision 
 of statement, and sharpness of outline. 
 
 I am very grateful to the many j^ersons 
 who have assisted me. Space does not per- 
 mit me to thank each of them by name. I 
 am under special obligations to the librari- 
 ans and officials of the Library of Congress, 
 the Library of the Department of the Navy, 
 the Bureau of Rolls and Lil^rary of the De- 
 partment of State, the State Library of Mas- 
 sachusetts, the Office of the Massachusetts 
 State Archives, the Boston Public Library, 
 the Boston Athenaeum, the Library of Har- 
 vard University, the State Library of Rliode 
 Island, the Rhode Island Historical Society, 
 the State Library of Connecticut, the Con- 
 necticut Historical Society, the Pennsyl- 
 vania Historical Society, the State Library 
 of Virginia, the Virginia Historical Society, 
 the Office of the Secretary of State of South 
 Carolina, the Charleston (South Carolina) 
 Public Library, and the Library of the Uni- 
 versity of Chicago. Far more than to any 
 one else, I am indebted to Professor John 
 Franklin Jameson, Director of the Depart- 
 ment of Historical Research in the Carnegie 
 Institution of Washington, I have had tiie 
 advantage of Professor Jameson's extensive 
 
Preface 9 
 
 kiiowledgi' of bihUograpiiy, his fruitful sug- 
 gestions as to treatment, and his painstak- 
 ing care in reading and criticising my manu- 
 script. Parts of the narrative, somewhat 
 popularized, have appeared in the Proceed- 
 ings of the United States Naval Institute 
 and the Sewanee Review. 
 
 C. 0. P. 
 
 Washington, D. C. 
 March 1, 1906. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 THE CONTINENTAL NAVY 
 
 Chapter I. — The Naval Comniitteo. 
 
 The need in 1775 for an army and for a 
 
 navy 31 
 
 Agitation for a navy outside of Con- 
 gress 32 
 
 Agitation for a navy in Congress 34 
 
 The first naval legislation 35 
 
 Appointment of the Naval Committee 38 
 
 First work of the Naval Committee. ... 38 
 
 Reconstitiition of the Naval Committee 38 
 John Adams's description of the Naval 
 
 Committee 39 
 
 The organization and decline of the Na- 
 val Committee 40 
 
 Growth in Congress of naval sentiment 41 
 Naval legislation under the Naval Com- 
 mittee 42 
 
 The procuring of a fleet 51 
 
 The ap])ointment of officers 52 
 
 The first naval expedition 55 
 
 Resume of the work of the Naval Com- 
 mittee 60 
 
12 Cojifcnts 
 
 Chapter II.— The Fleets of Washington and 
 Arnold. 
 
 Fitting out of the " Hannah " 61 
 
 Fitting out of Washington's "Boston 
 
 fleet" , 62 
 
 Washington's opinion of his coniniand- 
 
 ^^ ers 64 
 
 Services rendered by Washington's 
 
 "Boston fleet " ~.... 65 
 
 Broughton and Selman's raid on Prince 
 
 Edward island 66 
 
 The disposition of Washington's ])rizes 67 
 The delay in bringing them to trial. ... 6S 
 History of the fleet after the evacuation 
 
 of Boston 69 
 
 Washington's " New York fleet " 70 
 
 Beginning of the fleet on lakes Cham- 
 plain and George 71 
 
 Its increase in the summer of 1776 72 
 
 The work of Benedict Arnold 73 
 
 The British fleet on the Lakes 76 
 
 The battle of Lake Champlain, October 
 
 11-13, 1776 77 
 
 Results of the naval campaign on the 
 
 Lakes 77 
 
 Chapter 111.— The Organization of the Ma- 
 rine Committee. 
 
 The maritime interests of New England 79 
 
 Naval enterprise in Rhode Island 80 
 
 The naval situation in Congress, 1775-76 81 
 
 The Rhode Island instructions 81 
 
Contents I ^ 
 
 ^- 
 
 The dcl^ate in Congress thereon S2 
 
 Postponement of action on instructions . S3 
 Favorable action by Congress, Decem- 
 ber 11, 1775 85 
 
 Decision of Congress to Ijuild thirteen 
 
 frigates 85 
 
 Appointment of the Marine Committee 86 
 The Marine Conmiittee absorbs the Na- 
 val Committee 87 
 
 The organization and pay of the Ma- 
 rine Committee 87 
 
 Its chairmen 88 
 
 Other valuable members 90 
 
 Naval agents for building the Continent- 
 al frigates 90 
 
 Prize agents 93 
 
 Continental agents 95 
 
 Aid rendered the Marine Committee. . . 95 
 
 Navy Board at Philadelphia 96 
 
 Navy Board at Boston 97 
 
 Designations of the boards 99 
 
 The organization of the boards 100 
 
 The personnel of the boards 101 
 
 Salaries 102 
 
 Enumeration of the principal agents of 
 
 the jMarine Committee 103 
 
 Minor agents 103 
 
 Chapter IV. — The Work of the Navy Boards 
 and the Marine Committee. 
 
 Lack of system in the Naval Depart- 
 ment of the Revolution 104 
 
 Examples 105 
 
14 Contents 
 
 ft 
 
 Work and duties of the navy boards. . 107 
 Men and materials needed in building a 
 
 ship 110 
 
 Provisions needed in fitting out a ship 112 
 Division of labor among the naval com- 
 missioners 112 
 
 The heavy work of the Boston Board. . 113 
 Two-fold duties of the Marine Com- 
 mittee 115 
 
 Administrative duties of the Marine 
 
 Committee 116 
 
 Naval uniform 117 
 
 Communications of the Marine Com- 
 mittee 118 
 
 Reports of the Marine Committee 120 
 
 Naval legislation under the Marine Com- 
 mittee 121 
 
 Naval increases 121 
 
 Naval appointments and promotions. . 123 
 
 Relative rank 125 
 
 Captures and the sharing of prizes 126 
 
 Privateers 127 
 
 Naval pay 128 
 
 Naval pensions 129 
 
 Courts-martial and courts of enquiry. . 131 
 
 Important naval trials 133 
 
 The case of Commodore Esek Hopkins 134 
 Provision for the fleet of Count D'Est- 
 
 aing 139 
 
 The Marine Committee as a consular 
 bureau 139 
 
C oil tents 1 5 
 
 Chapter V. — The Coiidilioiis of the Conti- 
 nental Naval Service. 
 
 The recQnt revolution in navies and nav- 
 al conditions 141 
 
 Constancy of the principles of naval 
 
 strategy 143 
 
 Maritime conditions in America in 1775, 
 
 and in 1900 144 
 
 Difhculties in procuring seamen during 
 
 the Revolution 144 
 
 The privateers of the Revolution 147 
 
 State navies 152 
 
 The naval defence of America 153 
 
 Naval stations of the Americans 154 
 
 Naval stations of the British 155 
 
 Comparison of the British and Ameri- 
 can navies 156 
 
 Weakness of the American navies 159 
 
 Diffusion of authority in naval admin- 
 istration 160 
 
 Chapter VL — Movements of the Continen- 
 tal Fleet under the Marine Committee. 
 
 Work of the fleet of a non-military 
 
 character 161 
 
 Classification of military operations . . . 162 
 
 Primary naval operations 163 
 
 Enumeration of secondary operations. 164 
 
 Defence of American commerce 164 
 
 Cooperation with the army 166 
 
 The striking of the enemy's lines of 
 
 conununication 167 
 
1 6 Contents 
 
 Commerce-destroying 169 
 
 The threatening and attacking of the 
 
 enemy's coasts 173 
 
 A naval plan of Robert Morris 174 
 
 The Marine Committee and its plans. . 176 
 
 Success and failure of the navy 177 
 
 The navy of the Revolution and of the 
 
 Spanish- American war 179 
 
 Chapter VII. — The Board of Admiralty, 
 
 Defects of the Marine Committee 181 
 
 Criticism of the administration of Cong- 
 ress 182 
 
 A new system of Executives 184 
 
 Criticism of the Naval Department by 
 
 Washington and Jay 184 
 
 Establishment of a Board of Admiralty, 
 
 October, 1779 187 
 
 Powers and duties of the Board of Ad- 
 miralty 188 
 
 Salaries 189 
 
 Selection of commissioners of Admiralty 190 
 
 Francis Lewis and William Ellery 193 
 
 Congress and the Board of Admiralty . 194 
 
 Work of the Board of Admiralty 195 
 
 Decrease in naval machinery 195 
 
 Reports of the Board of Admiralty 196 
 
 Naval legislation under the Board of 
 
 Admiralty 197 
 
 The granting of naval commissions bv 
 
 the states \ 201 
 
 The American navy and British models 202 
 
 Court of appeals for prize cases 203 
 
Contents 1 
 
 The fleet under the Board of Admiralty 20;J 
 Embarrassments of the Board of Admi- 
 ralty 204 
 
 Success and failure of the fleet 205 
 
 Discontinuance of the Board of Admi- 
 ralty 208 
 
 Defects of the Board of Admiralty 209 
 
 Chapter VIII. — The Secretary of Marine 
 and the Agent of Marine. 
 
 The two factions during the Revolution 210 
 
 Supremacy of the "dispersive school^''. 211 
 
 The "concentrative school" in 17S0. . . . 212 
 
 Agitation for administrative reform... . 213 
 The success of the "concentrative 
 
 school" 214 
 
 Establishment of the office of Secretary 
 
 of Marine, February, 17S1 216 
 
 Duties of the Secretary of Marine 216 
 
 Appointment of McDougall as Secre- 
 tary of Marine 217 
 
 Failure to obtain a Secretary of Ma- 
 rine 218 
 
 Robert Morris and the naval business. 218 
 Reorganization of the Naval Depart- 
 ment 220 
 
 The Agent of Marine 223 
 
 Robert Moi'ris as Agent of Marine 226 
 
 The organization of the Naval Depart- 
 ment under Morris 227 
 
 Reports of the Agent of Marine 228 
 
 Naval legislation under the Agent of 
 
 Marine 228 
 
i8 Coiifriits 
 
 Ihc court-martialing of three seamen. . 230 
 
 Morris and the control of the fleet. . . . 234 
 
 The strength of the navy 235 
 
 Success and failure of the fleet 235 
 
 The cruise of the "Alliance," 1782-1783 236 
 The capture of the "Trumbull" by the 
 
 "Iris" 238 
 
 Attempts of Morris to increase the navy 239 
 
 Morris's views after the treaty of peace 244 
 
 Congress goes out of the naval business 245 
 
 Settling of the naval accounts 245 
 
 Disposing of the naval vessels 247 
 
 Retirement of the Agent of Marine. . . . 250 
 
 The end of the naval business 250 
 
 Chapter IX. — Naval Duties of American 
 Representatives in Foreign Countries. 
 
 Mutual interests of the United States 
 
 and France 252 
 
 Duties of the Naval Office at Paris. ... 252 
 
 Personnel of the Naval Office 254 
 
 Communication with the Naval Office.. 255 
 
 Agents of the Naval Office 256 
 
 Appointment and recommendation of 
 
 officers 257 
 
 Privateers 260 
 
 The purchase and construction of ves- 
 sels 261 
 
 The fitting out of vessels 265 
 
 The trial of prize cases 266 
 
 American prisoners 267 
 
 Breaches of neutrality 273 
 
Contents 19 
 
 Miscellaneous duties 274 
 
 The Naval Office a channel of naval in- 
 telligence 276 
 
 Naval plans of the Naval Office 276 
 
 Plan of the Committee of Foreign Af- 
 fairs 278 
 
 Chapter X. — Naval Duties of American 
 
 Representatives in Foreign Countries. 
 
 Continued. 
 
 Work of the Naval Office in 1777 281 
 
 Attempts to obtain the freedom of 
 French ports 282 
 
 The first prizes of the ''Reprisal". ... 283 
 
 Difficulties between the English and the 
 French governments 284 
 
 The American Commissioners and the 
 French government 285 
 
 The cruise of the "Reprisal/' Februarv, 
 1777 .\ 286 
 
 The cruise of Conyngham in the "Sur- 
 prise" 287 
 
 The cruise of the "Reprisal," "Lexing- 
 ton," and "Dolphin" 287 
 
 Strained relations between the Commis- 
 sioners and the French Court 289 
 
 The cruise of Conyngham in the "Re- 
 venge" 290 
 
 Departure of the "Reprisal" and the 
 "Lexington" 291 
 
 Naval movements in 1778 292 
 
 The cruise of Captain Jones in the 
 "Ranger" 293 
 
20 Contents 
 
 The Naval Office at Paris, 1779-17<S() . . 294 
 John Paul Jones and Peter Landais . . 294 
 Plan for an expedition against England 295 
 The cruise of Captain Jones in the " Bon 
 
 Homme Richard " 295 
 
 Dispute between Jones and Landais... . 298 
 
 Their departure for America. 300 
 
 The trials of Franklin 300 
 
 Work of the Naval Office, 1781-1783. 301 
 Thomas Barclay, consul and commis- 
 sioner 302 
 
 John Paul Jones, agent for settling ac- 
 counts 303 
 
 Naval stations in the West Indies 305 
 
 Duties and work of the commercial 
 
 agent at Martinique 305 
 
 Naval affairs on the Mississippi 307 
 
 Oliver Pollock and Galvez 307 
 
 Pollock and privateers 308 
 
 Pollock and the " Rebecca" 308 
 
 The "West Florida" 310 
 
 THE STATE NAVIES 
 
 Chapter XL — The Navy of Massachusetts. 
 
 The state craft 315 
 
 Naval administration in the states. . . . 316 
 
 The problems of naval warfare 317 
 
 Militarv situation in Massachusetts, 
 
 1775^. 318 
 
 Action of the Provincial Congress 318 
 
Contents 21 
 
 Massachusetts seaports ask for naval 
 
 aid 319 
 
 Act establishing privateering and prize 
 
 courts, November 1, 1775 320 
 
 Subsequent naval activities of the Gen- 
 eral court, 1775 323 
 
 The fitting out of a fleet, 1776 324 
 
 Naval legislation, 1776 325 
 
 Remodelling of the law of November 1, 
 
 1775 327 
 
 Orders to naval officers — a sample. . . . 328 
 Establishment of a Board of War, Oc- 
 tober, 1776 329 
 
 Duties of the Board of War 330 
 
 A new naval establishment 333 
 
 Naval rules and regulations 334 
 
 Naval increases, 1777-1779 335 
 
 Launching of the "Protector" 336 
 
 Naval administration, 1779-1783 337 
 
 Naval increases, 1780-1783 338 
 
 Massachusetts privateers 339 
 
 The cruises of the state fleet 341 
 
 Cooperation of state vessels and priva- 
 teers 344 
 
 The engagements of the state vessels — 
 
 a sample 345 
 
 The Penobscot expedition 347 
 
 Losses of the state fleet 352 
 
 The end of the navy 353 
 
 Chapter XIL — The Navy of Connecticut. 
 
 The Revolutionary government of Con- 
 necticut 354 
 
22 Contents 
 
 Fitting out of the "Minerva" and the 
 
 "t?py" 355 
 
 Failure and discharge of the "Miner- 
 va" 357 
 
 The "Defence" and the "Ohver Crom- 
 well" 358 
 
 The building of three row-galleys ..... 360 
 Naval duties of the Governor and the 
 
 Council of Safety 360 
 
 Naval agents 361 
 
 New London and Nathaniel Shaw, jr. . 362 
 
 Bushnell's submarine boat 363 
 
 Privateers and prize courts 364 
 
 Naval pensions 366 
 
 Naval rules and regulations 366 
 
 A new naval establishment, 1779 366 
 
 Cruises of the navy 367 
 
 Losses of the navy 369 
 
 Warfare of whale-boats on Long Island 
 
 Sound 370 
 
 Chapter XIII. — The Navy of Pennsyl- 
 vania. 
 
 Objects of naval enterprise in Pennsyl- 
 vania 373 
 
 The fleet of galleys 373 
 
 Rules and regulations 375 
 
 The "Montgomery" 375 
 
 Strength of the navy, August, 1776.. . 376 
 
 Naval uniforms and flag 377 
 
 Organs of naval administration 377 
 
 Conmiodores of the navy 378 
 
 Naval pay and the sharing of prizes. . 380 
 
C out cuts 2T, 
 
 The Pennsylvania Navy Board 381 
 
 Work of the Navy Board 382 
 
 The navy in 1777 383 
 
 Services rendered by the fleet 383 
 
 The campai2;n on the Delaware, 1777- 
 
 1778 ^ 384 
 
 Trials for desertion 386 
 
 The Navy Board, 1777-1778 387 
 
 The fleet, April-July, 1778 388 
 
 Sale of the fleet and dismissal of the 
 
 Navy Board 388 
 
 The "General Greene," 1779 390 
 
 Naval legislation 391 
 
 Privateers 392 
 
 Commissioners for the defence of the 
 
 Delaware 393 
 
 The ''Hyder Ally" and "Washington" 394 
 
 The end of the navy 395 
 
 Chapter XIV. — The Navy of Virginia. 
 
 Lord Dunmore's movements in Virgin- 
 ia, 1775 396 
 
 Authorization of a navy, December, 
 
 1775 396 
 
 Work of the Committee of Safety 397 
 
 The " Potomac River fleet" 398 
 
 The Virginia Navy Board 398 
 
 Duties of the Navy Board 399 
 
 The location of shipyards 400 
 
 Naval manufactories and magazines. . . 401 
 
 James Maxwell, naval agent 401 
 
 Naval officers 401 
 
 Naval increases, 1776 402 
 
24 Contents 
 
 Courts of Admiralty 403 
 
 Privateers 405 
 
 The vessels of the Virginia navy 405 
 
 Condition and services of the navy, 
 
 1775-1779 ;. 407 
 
 Losses of the navy, 1775-1779 408 
 
 The Board of War and the Naval Com- 
 missioner 408 
 
 The Commissioner of the Navy 409 
 
 Military situation in the South in 1780 410 
 
 Naval legislation, 1780 411 
 
 The raid of Arnold and Phillips, 1781. 413 
 
 The navy at Yorktown 415 
 
 Dismissal of the officers, seamen, and 
 
 Commissioner 415 
 
 Virginia's defence of Chesapeake Bay, 
 
 1782-1783 415 
 
 The end of the navy 416 
 
 Chapter XV. — The Navy of South Caro- 
 lina. 
 
 First naval enterprises of South Caro- 
 lina 418 
 
 Events of September, 1775 419 
 
 The "Defence" 420 
 
 Work of the Provincial Congress, No- 
 vember, 1775 420 
 
 Work of the Committee of Safetv, De- 
 cember, 1775 ' 421 
 
 The mission of Cochran 421 
 
 Naval legislation, February-March, 1776 422 
 
 The Constitution of 1776 423 
 
 Naval legislation, April, 1776 423 
 
Contents 25 
 
 South Carolina Navy Board 424 
 
 Work and organization of the Navy 
 
 Board 424 
 
 Naval legislation, 1777-1778 427 
 
 Naval increases, 1776-1779 428 
 
 Privateers 429 
 
 Services rendered by the South Caro- 
 lina navy, 1776-1779 429 
 
 The "Randolph" and the State fleet. . . 430 
 The campaign against Charleston, 1779- 
 
 1780 431 
 
 The navy in 1781 and 1783 434 
 
 Commodore Gillon and the "South Car- 
 olina" 435 
 
 Gillon in Europe 436 
 
 The "South Carolina" in European 
 
 waters 436 
 
 The e:j:pedition against the Bahamas. . 438 
 
 The "South Carolina" at Philadelphia. 439 
 
 Capture of the "South Carolina" 439 
 
 Settlement of the Luxembourg claims. . 439 
 
 Chapter XVI. — The Minor Navies of the 
 Southern States. 
 
 Organs of naval administration in 
 
 Maryland 441 
 
 Work of the Maryland Provincial Con- 
 vention, 1776 441 
 
 Work of the Maryland Committee of 
 
 Safety, 1776 441 
 
 Maryland vessels 442 
 
 Recruiting of the navy 443 
 
 Naval officers 443 
 
26 Contents 
 
 Court of Admiralty 444 
 
 Maryland privateers 444 
 
 Sale of naval vessels, 1779 444 
 
 Naval conditions, 1779-1783 445 
 
 Acts for the defence of the Chesapeake 445 
 
 Transporting of the Continental army. 446 
 
 British depredations, 1782-1783 446 
 
 Commissioners for the defence of the 
 
 Bay 447 
 
 Services rendered by the Maryland 
 
 navy 448 
 
 The Battle of the Barges 449 
 
 End of the Maryland navy 451 
 
 The navy of North Carolina, December, 
 
 1775-May, 1776 451 
 
 The "Washington," "Pennsylvania 
 
 Farmer," and "King Tammany".. . . 452 
 
 The defence of Ocracoke Inlet 454 
 
 Services of the "Caswell" 456 
 
 North Carolina admiralty courts and 
 
 privateers 459 
 
 Georgia's first naval enterprise 459 
 
 Naval preparations 460 
 
 Georgia's galleys 460 
 
 Georgia's prize court 462 
 
 Chapter XVII. — The Minor Navies of the 
 Northern States. 
 
 British depredations in Rhode Island, 
 
 1775 463 
 
 Naval operations 463 
 
 The "Katy" and "Washington" 464 
 
Contents 27 
 
 The "Washington" and "Spitfire"' gal- 
 leys 465 
 
 Organs of naval administration 466 
 
 Prize court and privateers 467 
 
 An attempted naval increase, 1777 468 
 
 Cooperation of Rhode Island with Con- 
 gress, 1778-1779 468 
 
 The "Pigot" and the "Argo" 469 
 
 The "Rover" ^. 470 
 
 Naval preparations in New York 471 
 
 New York's naval establishment 472 
 
 Washington and the New York vessels 473 
 
 Services of the New York fleet 474 
 
 Additional facts about naval affairs in 
 
 New York 475 
 
 New Hampshire and the Penobscot ex- 
 pedition 476 
 
 New Hampshire privateers and prize 
 
 court 476 
 
 Naval suggestions of New^ Jersey 477 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 A bibliography 481 
 
 A list of commissioned officers in the 
 
 Continental Navy 506 
 
 A list of commissioned officers in the 
 
 Continental Marine Corps 512 
 
 A list of armed vessels 516 
 
PART I 
 THE CONTINENTAL NAVY 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 THE NAVAL COMMITTEE 
 
 The history of the Continental navy cov- 
 ers a period of ten years, extending from 
 1775 to 1785. During this time the Conti- 
 nental Congress made many experiments in 
 naval legislation and devised several organs 
 of naval administration. The first of these 
 organs, with whose origin and work this 
 chapter is concerned, was the Naval Com- 
 mittee. It lasted for only a few months. Its 
 lineal successors, each of which will be duly 
 considered, were the Marine Committee, the 
 Board of Admiralty, and the Agent of Ma- 
 rine. These four executive organs, for the 
 most part, administered the Continental 
 navy. Certain odds and ends of the naval 
 business, however, fell to the commander- 
 in-chief of the army and his officers, and to 
 the American representatives in foreign 
 countries. The second chapter will treat of 
 the fleets of the army, and the closing chap- 
 ters of the narrative of the Continental navy 
 will consider the naval services of our rep- 
 resentatives in foreign lands. 
 
 In maritime countries the military service 
 is generally ambidextrous. Whether the 
 
2,2 A'az'y of flic American Revolution 
 
 army or navy is first brought into play at 
 the opening of a war depends upon various 
 circumstances. The presence ^of a British 
 army at Boston, already on colonial soil, 
 when the American Revolution broke out 
 early in 1775, naturally led to the immediate 
 organization of an army by the colonists. 
 The need of a navy was at this time not quite 
 so insistent. Moreover, the building, or 
 even the purchase, of an armed fleet required 
 more time than did the raising of an army, 
 which was rendered comparatively easy by 
 the previous training of the colonists in the 
 local militia. Nevertheless, since both 
 countries engaged in the war were maritime, 
 the creating of a navy could not long be 
 delayed. 
 
 The reader recollects that by the middle 
 of 1775 the battles of Lexington, Concord, 
 and Bunker Hill had been fought, a Conti- 
 nental army had been organized, and Wash- 
 ington had been made commander-in-chief. 
 Outside of Congress the agitation in behalf 
 of a Continental navy had begun. That the 
 first suggestions and advances for a navy 
 should come from New England, where the 
 concrete problems of the defence of her ports 
 and coasts were being faced, was to be ex- 
 pected. One of the first men to make such 
 suggestions was Josiah Quincy of Massa- 
 chusetts. On July 11, 1775, he wrote to 
 John Adams in Philadelphia that the best 
 method of securing the coastwise naviea- 
 
A'ai'y of the American Rez'oliition ^^ 
 
 tion of the colonics was by row-galleys. Ho 
 then continued: "As the whole Continent 
 is so firmly united, why not a Numl)cr of 
 Vessels of War be fitted out and judiciously 
 stationed, so as to intercept and prevent 
 any supplies going to our Enemies; and con- 
 secpiently, unless they can make an Impres- 
 sion inland, they must leave the Country or 
 starve."^ The first formal movement in 
 behalf of a Continental navy came from 
 Rhode Island, which state was during the 
 summer of 1775 suffering serious annoyances 
 from the British ships. On August 26 her 
 legislature instructed the Rhode Island dele- 
 gates to the Continental Congress to use 
 their influence at the ensuing session of 
 Congress to ol)tain a fleet for the protection 
 of the colonies.^ On September 2, 1775, 
 Washington, in order to prevent reinforce- 
 ments from reaching the enemy at Boston, 
 instructed Nicholson Broughton to proceed 
 in the schooner "Hannah" on a cruise 
 against the British transports.^ 
 
 1. Manuscript Letters of John Adams, 
 lodged with the Massachusetts Historical So- 
 ciety by Mr. Charles Francis Adams, who kind- 
 ly permitted the writer to see them. 
 
 2. See Chapter III, The Organization of 
 the Marine Coniniittee. 
 
 3. See Chapter 1 1 , The Fleets of Washington 
 and Arnold. After a thorough investigation 
 and study of the sources of the early history 
 of the Continental navy, I am compelled to 
 reject many of the statements and conclusions 
 found in Chapter II, Volume I, of Augustus 
 
34 Naz'x of iJic American Rcz'ohition 
 
 That the question of providing a Conti- 
 nental navy would come up during the fall 
 session of Congress was certain. The argu- 
 ments in its behalf, which were made almost 
 unanimously later in the session, must have 
 been on the lips of several of the members 
 when they asseml)led in Philadelphia in 
 September: an army had been organized, 
 why not a navy? The situation of the com- 
 batants, separated by the great Atlantic 
 highway; and their character, one a great 
 naval and commercial power, and the other 
 with maritime interests by no means incon- 
 siderable, would necessarily make the im- 
 pending struggle in no small part a naval 
 one. America had seacoasts and seaports 
 to be defended, a coastwise navigation to 
 be secured, and above all commercial and 
 diplomatic communications with foreign 
 powers to be kept open. These communi- 
 cations were a jugular vein, whose severing 
 would mean death to the United Colonies. 
 The urgent and specific calls for armed 
 vessels, which were being made, must be 
 met at once. Had not America conven- 
 iently at hand materials for ships, and 
 abundant men who had the "habit of the 
 sea"? 
 
 In the early months of the session there 
 certainly would arise opposition to the new 
 military project. The inertia and conserv- 
 
 C. Biiell's book, Paul Jones, Founder of the 
 American Navy. 
 
Naz'v of fJie American Revolution 35 
 
 atism of some of the members would set 
 them against so great an innovation. To 
 others the fitting out of a fleet, at a time 
 when the length, seriousness, and meaning 
 of the war with the motherland were but 
 half unveiled, would seem an unwise and 
 hasty action. 
 
 The question of procuring a fleet of armed 
 vessels was first brought to the attention 
 of Congress on October 3, 1775, when the 
 Rhode Island members presented their in- 
 structions, an account of which will be given 
 in a succeeding chapter.^ It is sufficient for 
 present purposes to say that until Decem- 
 ber the Rhode Island instructions had lit- 
 tle other resultbeyond crystallizing and clar- 
 ifying opinion on naval affairs by means of 
 the debates which they caused in Congress. 
 
 On October 5 sundry letters from London 
 were laid before the Congress and read. 
 They conveyed the intelligence of "the sail- 
 ing of two north country built brigs, of no 
 force, from England, on the 11th of August 
 last, loaded with arms, powder, and other 
 stores, for Quebec, without convoy." Con- 
 gress at once saw the importance of captur- 
 ing these two vessels, in order both to de- 
 prive the British of these stores and to ob- 
 tain them for the Continental army around 
 Boston, which sorely needed all the muni- 
 tions of war it could get. A motion was 
 
 1. See Chapter III, The Organization of 
 the Marine Committee. 
 
36 A'az'y of the American Revolution 
 
 therefore made that a committee of three 
 be appointed to prepare a plan for inter- 
 cepting the two brigs, and that it "proceed 
 on this business immediately."^ John Ad- 
 ams in his autobiography says that the oppo- 
 sition to this motion was ''very loud and 
 vehement," and included some of his own 
 colleagues, and also especially Edward Rut- 
 ledge of South Carolina. It seems to have 
 been recognized that the carrying of the 
 motion would be the initial step in the es- 
 tablishment of a Continental navy. Such 
 an undertaking its opponents declared, with 
 a greater display of rhetoric than judgment, 
 was the "most wild, visionary, mad project 
 that ever had been imagined. It was an 
 infant taking a mad bull by his horns; and 
 what was more profound and remote, it 
 w^as said it would ruin the character and cor- 
 rupt the morals of all our seamen. It would 
 make them selfish, piratical, mercenary, 
 bent wholly upon plunder, etc., etc." The 
 friends of the motion, in colors equally glow- 
 ing, set forth "the great advantages of dis- 
 tressing the enemy, supplying ourselves, and 
 beginning a system of maritime and naval 
 operations." On the taking of the vote the 
 motion passed in the affirmative; and ac- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 5, 1775. Waite, H. E., Origin of Ameri- 
 can Navy, 1-5, containing letters of John 
 Adams, Elbridge Gerry, and John Langdon, 
 written in 1813. 
 
A'a^'V of the American Revohttioii 37 
 
 cording to John Adams's recollection, he, 
 John Langdon of New Hampshire, and 
 Silas Deane of Connecticut, "three members 
 who had expressed much zeal in favor of 
 the motion," composed the committee.^ 
 
 A little later on the same day this com- 
 mittee reported; and thereupon Congress 
 decided to write a letter to Washington di- 
 recting him to obtain from the Council of 
 Massachusetts two of that state's cruisers, 
 and to despatch them on the errand of inter- 
 cepting the two supply ships. It also di- 
 rected that letters be written to the gov- 
 ernors of Connecticut and Rhode Island ask- 
 ing for the loan of some of their armed 
 vessels, which were to be sent on the same 
 mission. "The committee appointed to 
 prepare a plan for intercepting the two ves- 
 sels bound to Canada " made another report 
 on the 6th, which was ordered to lie on the 
 table "for the perusal of the members."- 
 This report was acted upon on October 13, 
 when Congress decided to fit out two armed 
 vessels, one of ten and the other of four- 
 teen guns, to cruise three months to the 
 
 1. Works of John Adams, III, 7, 8. I have 
 accepted the account of this debate as found 
 in John Adains's autobiography, although it 
 is possible that writing niany years after its 
 occurrence Adains may have confused it with 
 the debate of October 7 on the Rhode Island 
 resolutions. — Works of John Adams, I, 187. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 6, 1775. 
 
38 Naz'y of the American Rez'olution 
 
 eastward for the purpose of intercepting the 
 enemy's transports laden with warlike stores 
 and other supplies. A committee consist- 
 ing of Silas Deane, John Langdon, and 
 Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina was 
 appointed to estimate the expense which 
 would be incurred in fitting out the two 
 vessels.^ 
 
 In four days this new committee reported 
 an estimate, which was unsatisfactory and 
 was recommitted.^ When it again reported 
 on October 30, two more vessels, one to 
 mount not more than twenty and the other 
 not more than thirty-six guns, were ordered 
 to be prepared for sea, and ''to be employed 
 in such manner, for the protection and de- 
 fence of the United Colonies, as the Congress 
 shall direct." It should be noted that the 
 two vessels for which provision was now 
 made were to engage in the defence of the 
 colonies, and not merely in the interception 
 of transports, an indication of an advance 
 in the naval policy of Congress. Four ad- 
 ditional members were now added to the 
 committee, Stephen Hopkins of Rhode Is- 
 land, Joseph Hewes of North Carolina, R. H. 
 Lee of Virginia, and John Adams of Massa- 
 chusetts.^ This reconstituted committee 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 13, 1775. The armament of the second ves- 
 sel was not determined until October 30, 1775. 
 
 2. Ibid., October 17, 1775. 
 
 3. Ibid., October 30, 1775. John Adams, 
 in his Notes on Debates for October 30, 1775, 
 
Naz'v of the American Revolution 39 
 
 composed of seven members was sometimes 
 called "the committee for fitting out armed 
 vessels," occasionally the "Marine Com- 
 mittee," but most frequently the "Naval 
 Committee." It secured for its use a room 
 in a public house in Philadelphia, and in 
 order that there should be no conflict be- 
 tween its meetings and those of Congress, 
 it fixed its hours from six in the evening 
 until the close of its business. Its sessions 
 were sometimes pleasantly continued, even 
 until midnight, by conversational diver- 
 sions, marked by a rich flow of soul, history, 
 poetry, wine, and Jamaica rum. 
 
 John Adams, who always wrote pungent- 
 ly, has left us a lively picture of the Naval 
 Committee. His description makes it clear 
 that the deliberations of this committee were 
 not always marked by that exalted serious- 
 ness and impassive dignity, which we too 
 habitually ascribe to the Revolutionary 
 Fathers. "The pleasantest part of my la- 
 bors for the four years I spent in Congress 
 from 1774 to 1778," he said, "was in this 
 Naval Committee. Mr. Lee, Mr. Gadsden, 
 were sensible men, and very cheerful, but 
 Governor Hopkins of Rhode Island, above 
 
 reports George Ross of Pennsylvania as say- 
 ing: "We can't get seamen to inan four ves- 
 sels. We could not get seamen to man our 
 boats, our galleys." Adams also tells us that 
 three of the Virginia members, Wythe, Nel- 
 son, and Lee, were "for fitting out four ships." 
 — Works of John Adams, II, 484. 
 
40 N^az'v of the American Revohiiion 
 
 seventy years of age, kept us all alive. Upon 
 business, his experience and judgment were 
 very useful. But when the business of the 
 evening was over, he kept us in conversa- 
 tion till eleven, and sometimes twelve o'clock. 
 His custom was to drink nothing all day, 
 nor till eight o'clock in the evening, and 
 then his beverage was Jamaica spirit and 
 water. It gave him wit, humor, anecdotes, 
 science, and learning. He had read Greek, 
 Roman, and British history, and was familiar 
 wdth English poetry, particularly Pope, 
 Thomson, and Milton, and the flow of his 
 soul made all of his reading our own, and 
 seemed to bring to recollection in all of us, 
 all we had ever read. I could neither eat 
 nor drink in these days. The other gentle- 
 men were very temperate. Hopkins never 
 drank to excess, but all he drank was im- 
 mediately not only converted into wit, 
 sense, knowledge, and good humor, but in- 
 spired us with similar qualities."^ 
 
 The active life of the Naval Committee 
 lasted from October, 1775, until January, 
 1776, during which time it laid the founda- 
 tions of the navy. Its chairman in January, 
 1776, was Stephen Hopkins; whether he 
 . w^as the first to fill this position is not known. 
 His knowledge of the business of shipping 
 made him particularly useful to the Com- 
 mittee.^ The accounts of the Naval Com- 
 
 17 Works of John Adams, III, 9, 12. 
 2. Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Bi- 
 ography, III, 259. 
 
Nai'v of tJic American Revolution 41 
 
 mittee were kept by Joseph Hewes, who 
 was settUng them with the Board of Treas- 
 ury in vSeptember, 1776.^ Early in Decem- 
 ber, 1775, John AtUims returned home, and 
 by January only four members of the Com- 
 mittee were left to transact its business. 
 
 In October Congress ordered the fitting out 
 of four vessels, and appointed the Naval Com- 
 mittee, but did nothing more. By the first 
 of November the sentiment of Congress was 
 setting strongly towards organizing a navy. 
 In its debates on the State of Trade during 
 the latter half of October the necessity of 
 having a navy in order both to defend the 
 colonial commerce and to carry on the war 
 was generally recognized.^ The members 
 from the South were as a rule now lining 
 up with those of the North in behalf of a 
 naval armament. Events had happened 
 and were daily happening in New England 
 which were convincing the doubtful mem- 
 bers of Congress. As a military necessity 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember 19, 1776. 
 
 2. Works of John Adams, II, 469-83. In 
 one of these debates, according to Adams, 
 George Wythe of Virginia said: "Why should 
 not America have a navy ? No maritime 
 power near the seacoast can be safe without it. 
 It is no chimera. The Romans suddenly built 
 one in their Carthaginian war. Why may not 
 we lay a foundation for it? We abound with 
 firs, iron ore, tar, pitch, turpentine; we have all 
 the materials for the construction of a navy." 
 — Works of John Adams, II, 479. 
 
42 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 for conducting the siege of Boston, and with 
 no intention whatever to create a navy, as 
 such, Washington had obtained seven small 
 cruisers, and either had sent or was sending 
 them to sea in pursuit of the enemy's trans- 
 ports. The logic of events had forced him, 
 on his own responsibility, to create a little 
 fleet of his own.^ 
 
 With the passage of each day, the gap 
 between the mother-country and her revolt- 
 ing subjects widened, and the feeling be- 
 came stronger and more general that an 
 irrepressible war, which must be fought to 
 a just conclusion, had begun. What in 
 October seemed chimerical, might in No- 
 vember appear practicable. 
 
 Beginning with November the naval legis- 
 lation of Congress moved rapidly. The duty 
 of preparing much of it naturally fell to 
 the Naval Committee. Its work in large 
 part may be found in the Journals of the 
 Continental Congress for November and 
 December, 1775, and January, 1776. A 
 brief summary of the most important Con- 
 gressional resolutions for this period will be 
 here presented. 
 
 On November 2, 1775, Congress voted 
 $100,000 for the work of the Naval Com- 
 mittee, and empowered it "to agree with 
 such officers and seamen as are proper to 
 man and command" the four vessels already 
 
 1. See Chapter II,;The Fleets of Washington 
 and Arnold. 
 
Xcwy of the American Revolution 43 
 
 ordered to be prepared for sea. Congress 
 also fixed the "encouragement" of the offi- 
 cers and seamen at "one-half of all ships of 
 war made prize of by them, and one-third 
 of all transport vessels."^ 
 
 On November 10 the first legislation relat- 
 ing to the Marine Corps of the United States 
 was passed. Two battalions, which were to 
 be called "the first and second battalions of 
 American Marines," were to be raised, con- 
 sisting of one colonel, two lieutenant-colo- 
 nels, two majors, and "other officers as usual 
 in other regiments." There is some doubt 
 whether Congress fully understood the 
 duties of marines, for it provided that "no 
 persons be appointed to office, or inlisted 
 into said Battalions, but such as are good 
 seamen, or so acquainted with maritime 
 affairs as to be able to serve to advantage 
 by sea when required."^ Such a require- 
 ment seems to overlook the fact that the 
 duties of marines are military in character, 
 rather than naval. 
 
 The Naval Committee made what prob- 
 ably was its most important report on No- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, No- 
 vember 2, 1775. 
 
 2. Ibid., November 10. Congress first or- 
 dered the marines to be raised from the Con- 
 tinental army, but on the objecting of Wash- 
 ington to such weakening of his forces, they 
 were directed to be raised independent of the 
 army. — Journals, November 10, 30, 1775; 
 Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 225, 274. 
 
44 A'(3T'3' of tlic American Revolution 
 
 vember 23, when it laid before Congress "a 
 draught of rules for the government of the 
 American navy, and articles to be signed by 
 the officers and men employed in that serv- 
 ice." On the 25th and 28th of November, 
 these were debated by paragraphs and 
 after slight amendment were adopted.^ The 
 rules, eight or ten pages in length, are brev- 
 ity itself as comparecl with the present rules 
 and regulations of the United States navy, 
 which make a book of some six hundred 
 pages. JMore than one-half of the navy's 
 first rules are concerned with the feeding, 
 care, rights, duties, and punishments of the 
 ordinary sailor; while the present rules of the 
 American navy in large part apply to officers. 
 A few of the provisions of these old rules 
 are worthy of notice. The commanders of 
 ships of the thirteen united colonies were 
 ''to take care that divine service be per- 
 formed twice a day on board, and a sermon 
 preached on Sundays, unless bad weather 
 or other extraordinary accidents prevent." 
 Sailors were to be punished for swearing by 
 the wearing of a wooden collar, "or some 
 other shameful badge of distinction." Sail- 
 ors were to be put in irons for drunkenness; 
 while officers guilty of the same offense for- 
 feited two days' pay. The extreme punish- 
 ment which an officer might inflict on a sea- 
 man was "twelve lashes upon his bare back, 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, No- 
 vember 23, 25, 28, 1775. 
 
A^az'y of the American Revolution 45 
 
 with a cat of nine tails." In case a sailor 
 deserved greater punishment, he must be 
 tried by a court-martial, which should con- 
 sist of "at least three captains and three 
 first lieutenants, with three captains and 
 three first lieutenants of marines, if there 
 shall be so many of the marines then pres- 
 ent, and the eldest captain shall preside." 
 A penal code was established. A court-mar- 
 tial might inflict death for desertion, mutiny, 
 or murder. 
 
 Rations for the sailors were fixed by these 
 old rules for each day of the week. Satur- 
 day's bill of fare, which consisted of "1 lb. 
 bread, 1 It), pork, half pint peas, and four 
 ounces cheese," may be taken as a sample 
 one. Each seaman was given a half-pint of 
 rum a day, with a "discretionary allowance 
 on extra duty, and in time of engagement." 
 The following provision, for keeping the eat- 
 ables sweet and palatable, is noted: "The 
 captain is frequently to order the proper 
 officers to inspect the condition of the pro- 
 visions, and if the bread proves damp, to 
 have it aired upon the quarter deck or poop, 
 and also examine the flesh cask, and if any 
 of the pickle be leaked out, to have new 
 made and put in, and the cask made tight 
 and secure." 
 
 The following naval offices were estab- 
 lished; the first two only were commis- 
 sioned: captain, lieutenant, master, mas- 
 ter's mate, boatswain, boatswain's first mate, 
 
46 A'ai'y of tJie American Revolution 
 
 boatswain's second mate, gunner, gunner's 
 mate, surgeon, surgeon's mate, carpenter, 
 carpenter's mate, cooper, captain's clerk, 
 steward, and chaplain. Five marine offices 
 were established; the highest was that of 
 captain. A pay-table was provided, accord- 
 ing to which the monthly wage ranged 
 form $32 for captains, to $6.67 for able sea- 
 men and marines. According to the form of 
 a contract of enlistment which accompanied 
 the rules, a bounty of $400 was to be deduct- 
 ed from the proceeds of prizes and to be 
 paid to the commander, in all cases where 
 he lost a limb in the engagement, or was in- 
 capacitated from earning a livelihood; if 
 the commander was killed, an ec|ual sum 
 was to be paid to his widow. Minor officers 
 under the same circumstances received 
 proportionately smaller sums. The man 
 who first discovered a vessel that was after- 
 wards captured was rewarded with a double 
 share of prize money; he who first boarded 
 a prize was entitled to a treble share. 
 Ten shares of every prize were set aside "to 
 be given to such inferior officers, seamen and 
 marines, as shall be adjudged best to deserve 
 them by the superior officers." 
 
 These rules, which were in force through- 
 out the Revolution, and which were re- 
 adopted for the government of the new navy 
 under the Constitution,^ were drawn up by 
 
 1. Thomas Clark, Naval History of United 
 States, II, 108. 
 
Naz'y of the American Revolution 47 
 
 John Adams, and "examined, discussed, 
 and corrected" by the Naval Committee. 
 They are an abridgment and adaptation of 
 parts of the British naval statutes and regu- 
 lations in force in 1775. That part of 
 Adams's rules which constitutes the penal 
 code of the navy, he obtained from the Nav- 
 al Discipline Act passed l^y the British Par- 
 liament in 1749.^ In adapting the British 
 code, however, he made it less stringent. 
 The British also found it advisable in 1779 
 to lessen the severity of their code. The 
 rest of Adams's rules are, with verbal 
 changes and omissions, chiefly taken from 
 the King's Regulations and Admiralty In- 
 structions of 1772. An extract from the 
 King's regulations followed by the corre- 
 sponding one from Adams's rules will illus- 
 trate the closeness of the parallelism: "No 
 Commander shall inflict any punishment 
 upon a Seaman, beyond Twelve Lashes upon 
 his bare Back with a Cat of Nine Tails, ac- 
 cording to the ancient Practice of the Sea."^ 
 "No commander shall inflict any punish- 
 ment upon a seaman beyond twelve lashes 
 upon his bare back, with a cat of nine tails." 
 
 1. Pickering's Statutes, 22, George II, 
 chapter 33; title of act, "An act for ainending, 
 explaining, and reducing into one Act of Par- 
 liament, the laws relating to the government 
 of his Majesty's ships, vessels, and forces by- 
 sea." 
 
 2. King's Regulations and Admiralty In- 
 structions of 1772. 
 
48 Nai'x of the American Rcz'oliition 
 
 An additional example of the influence of 
 the British upon the American navy is found 
 in the fact that the naval offices as given 
 above were already established in the navy 
 of the Stuarts, indeed, many of them in the 
 navy of Elizabeth. The Americans were 
 still British at the time of the Revolution, 
 and they intuitively went home, so to speak, 
 for the naval models with which they were 
 familiar. 
 
 On November 25, 1775, Congress enacted 
 some very important naval legislation, Avhich 
 in John Adams's opinion was "the true ori- 
 gin and foundation of the American navy," 
 and in producing which he "had at least as 
 great a share as any man liv- 
 ing."^ The occasion of this legislation was 
 certain recommendations of Washington. 
 On October 5 he requested the "determina- 
 tion of Congress, as to the property and dis- 
 posal of such vessels and cargoes, as are de- 
 signed for the supply of the enemy and may 
 fall into our hands." On November 8 he 
 pointed out the necessity of establishing 
 proper admiralty courts. On November 11 
 
 1. Works of John Adams, III, 11. Certain 
 words of John Adams in a letter dated, Phila- 
 delphia, April 28, 1776, have an interest in this 
 connection : "I have vanity enough to take to 
 myself a share in the merit of the American 
 navy. It was always a measure that my heart 
 was much engaged in, and I pursued it for a 
 long time against the wind and tide, bvit at 
 last obtained it." — Force, American Archives, 
 4th, V, 1111. 
 
Xavy of the American Rcvohtiion 49 
 
 he recommended to Congress the estabhsh- 
 ment of an admiralty court for the trial of 
 prize cases arising from Continental cap- 
 tures.^ A report of a committee of seven 
 members, Avhich. had been appointed on the 
 17th to take Washington's rec^uest of No- 
 vember 8 into consideration, was, on the 
 23rd, laid on the table "for the perusal of the 
 members," and was debated and agreed to 
 by paragraphs on the 24th and 25th.^ Con- 
 gress now took the decisive step of author- 
 izing the capture of all British vessels em- 
 ployed against the United Colonies, either as 
 armed vessels of war, transports, or supply 
 ships. Provision for privateering was made 
 in part. It was recommended to the legis- 
 latures of the several colonies to establish 
 courts for the trial of prize cases. In all 
 cases appeals to Congress were to be allowed, 
 when made in accordance with certain pre- 
 scribed rules. Prosecutions in prize cases 
 must commence in the court of that colony 
 in which the capture was made, but if the 
 capture took place on the open sea the cap- 
 tor had the privilege of selecting the most 
 convenient court. Congress fixed the shares 
 of the proceeds of prizes. In the case of 
 
 1. Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 165, 
 203-04, 213-14; Washington to President of 
 Congress, October 5, November 8, 11, 1775. 
 See Chapter II, page 67. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, No- 
 vember 17, 23, 24, and 25. The Journals for 
 November 25 contain the resolutions. 
 
50 .Vaz'v of the American Revohition 
 
 privateers the whole of the proceeds of 
 captures went to the captors. In the case 
 of vessels fitted out by a colony, or by Con- 
 gress, two-thirds were to go in the first in- 
 stance to the colony, and in the second, to 
 Congress ; and one-third was to go to the cap- 
 tors : provided that, if the prize should be a 
 vessel of war, the captor's share should be 
 increased to one-half, and the govern- 
 ment's share correspondingly decreased. 
 
 On December 2, 1775, Congress authorized 
 the Naval Committee to employ two addi- 
 tional vessels, and also to ' 'prepare a proper 
 commission for the captains or commanders 
 of the ships of war in the service of the 
 United Colonies."^ On the report of the 
 committee on recaptures, Congress on De- 
 cember 5 fixed the compensation of recap- 
 tors, which varied from one-eighth to the 
 whole of the value of the vessel and cargo, 
 depending on the time which elapsed l3e- 
 tween the capture and recapture.^ On De- 
 cember 9 the followiug new naval offices 
 were established: midshipman, armorer, 
 sailmaker, yeoman, quarter-master, quarter- 
 gunner, cook, and coxswain.^ On Decem- 
 ber 13 the wages of able-bodied seamen 
 were raised to $8 a month; and on the 22nd 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 2, 1775. 
 
 2. Ibid., December 5, 1775. This legisla- 
 tion refers to American vessels captured by 
 the British and recaptured by the Americans. 
 
 3. Ibid., December 9, 1775. 
 
A]ai'y of the American Rcz'ohitioH 51 
 
 the salary of the commander-in-chief of 
 the navy was fixed at $125 a month.' 
 
 In accordance with the direction of Con- 
 gress, the Naval Committee, on January 6, 
 1776, reported on the division of the cap- 
 tor's share of prizes, among officers, seamen, 
 and marines; whereupon. Congress divided 
 the captor's share into twenty parts, and al- 
 lotted them equitably between the officers 
 and men. The commander-in-chief re- 
 ceived one- twentieth, and the captains of 
 the fleet making the capture, two-twenti- 
 eths. After the officers had been provided 
 for, the remaining eight and one-half parts 
 were allotted to the seamen, "share and 
 share alike."" 
 
 Meanv/hile, the Naval Committee had 
 been busy purchasing, fitting for sea, and 
 officering a fleet. About the first of Novem- 
 ber John Adams was writing from Philadel- 
 phia to James Warren in Massachusetts, 
 incjuiring whether naval vessels might be 
 purchased or built in Massachusetts, and 
 whether suitable officers could be procured 
 there; and also at the same time to Samuel 
 Chase in Baltimore, in regard to the pur- 
 chase of certain vessels in that citv.^ On 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 13 and 22, 1775. 
 
 2. Ibid., January 6, 1776. 
 
 3. Manuscript letters of John Adams, Mas- 
 sachusetts Historical Society; Warren to Ad- 
 ams, November 14, 1775; Chase to Adams, 
 November 16 and 25, 1775. 
 
52 Naz'y of the Aincricaii Revolution 
 
 November 17 the Committee ordered Silas 
 Deane to go to New York and to purchase 
 a 20-gun ship and a 10-gun Bermii(hin-l;)iiilt 
 sloop. ^ Under the authorizations of Con- 
 gress of October 13 and October 30, the Na- 
 val Committee purchased four vessels, the 
 "Alfred," "Columbus," "Cabot," and "An- 
 drew Doria;" named, respectively, for the 
 founder of the English navy, the discoverer 
 of America, the first English explorer of 
 America, and the great Genoese Admiral.^ 
 The first vessel to be bought was the "Al- 
 fred," a ship of two hundred tons burden. 
 The "Alfred" was originally the "Black 
 Prince," and belonged to John Nixcm, the 
 well-known Philadelphia merchant of Rev- 
 olutionary times.^ 
 
 On November 5 the Naval Committee ap- 
 pointed Esek Hopkins, of Rhode Island, 
 commander-in-chief of the fleet.* The Com- 
 mittee may have created this office as anal- 
 ogous to Washington's position in the army. 
 It is more probable that the office was bor- 
 rowed from the British navy, in which the 
 
 1. Collections of New York Historical So- 
 ciety, Deane Papers, I, 91-92. 
 
 2. Works of John Adams, III, 12. 
 
 3. M. I. J. Grififin, Commodore John Barry, 
 19; Pennsylvania Archives, 2nd, II, 668. In 
 December, 177'4, the "Black Prince" belonged 
 to Thomas Willing, Robert Morris, Thomas 
 Morris, John Wharton, and John Nixon. — Pa. 
 Magazine of History and Biography, October, 
 1904, 495. 
 
 4. Edward Field's Esek Hopkins, 7S-9. 
 
A'az'y of flic Aiiiericati Revolution 53 
 
 commander-in-chief was the chief admiral 
 of a port or station, who hekl command over 
 all other admirals within his jurisdiction.^ 
 The first and only commander-in-chief of 
 the American navy was at the time of his ap- 
 pointment fifty-seven years of age. He was 
 a member of an influential Rhode Island 
 family, and a brother of Stephen Hopkins, 
 of the Naval Committee. About 1745 Esek 
 Hopkins was a sea captain and merchant ad- 
 venturer. In the French and Indian War 
 he had commanded a privateer.- At the 
 breaking out of the Revolution he received 
 the a]5pointment of captain and then of 
 brigadier-general in the Rhode Island forces. 
 Deliberate in action and irascible in temper, 
 Hopkins was at the same time industrious, 
 steadfast, and veracious. The following 
 description was written by Henry Knox to 
 his wife, probably in April, 1776: "I have 
 been on board Admiral Hopkins' ship, and 
 in company with his gallant son, who was 
 wounded in the engagement with the 'Glas- 
 gow.' The admiral is an antici[uated figure. 
 He brought to my mind Van Tromp, the 
 famous Dutch admiral. Though antiqua- 
 ted in figure, he is shrewd and sensible. 
 I, whom you think not a little enthusiastic, 
 should have taken him for an angel, only 
 
 1. British Marine Encyclopedia, in Hogg's 
 Naval Magazine for 1801. 
 
 2. Edward Field, State of Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantations, II, 422. 
 
54 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 he swore now and then."^ The choice of 
 Hopkins as head of the navy was, at the 
 time, as promising as could have been made. 
 On December 7, 1775, a commission was 
 given to John Paul Jones, an energetic and 
 capable young man, twenty-eight years old, 
 whose brilliant career was still unforeseen.^ 
 On December 22 the Naval Committee laid 
 before Congress a "list of the officers by 
 them appointed."^ It included, besides 
 Hopkins and Jones, the names of four cap- 
 tains, four first-lieutenants, five second-lieu- 
 tenants, and three third-lieutenants. The 
 little roll of captains was headed by Dudley 
 Saltonstall, who owed his appointment to 
 his brother-in-law, Silas Deane, a member 
 of the Committee; and was ended by John 
 Burroughs Hopkins, a son of the comman- 
 der-in-chief. Immediately above J. B. Hop- 
 kins in rank was Nicholas Biddle, a young 
 Philadelphian, twenty-five years old, and 
 very promising material for a naval officer. 
 He had entered the British navy in 1770, 
 and had served as midshipman on board the 
 same vessel with Lord Nelson. In the sum- 
 mer of 1775 he was appointed commander 
 of the "Franklin" galley of the Pennsyl- 
 vania navy. The fourth captain was Abra- 
 
 1. Edward Field's Esek Hopkins, 134, 
 quotes from Drake's Life of Knox. 
 
 2. Sands, Life and Correspondence of John 
 Paul Jones, 32. 
 
 3. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 22, 1775. 
 
A'^az'v of the American Revolution 55 
 
 ham Whipple, the commodore of the Rhode 
 Island navy. 
 
 In these first appointments of the Com- 
 mittee it takes no eagle eye to discern the 
 workings of nepotism and sectional influ- 
 ences. Of the five largest naval plums, 
 New England plucked four. This may have 
 been, however, right enough, as the South 
 was credited with the commander-in-chief 
 of the army, and New England greatly ex- 
 ceeded the Middle and Southern states in 
 the number of men who were experienced 
 in maritime affairs. 
 
 In December, 1775, the Naval Committee 
 was preparing a fleet for sea, which was to 
 make the first naval essay of the new govern- 
 ment. The Pennsylvania Committee of 
 Safety was contributing arms, ammunition, 
 and sailors. Commodore Hopkins enlisted 
 for the service of his fleet more than one hun- 
 dred seamen in Rhode Island, whom Whip- 
 ple brought to Philadelphia in the "Katy." 
 On December 3, 1775, John Paul Jones 
 hoisted the Continental flag on board the 
 "Alfred," Hopkins's flagship, the first Conti- 
 nental vessel to fly the colors of the new na- 
 tion.^ By the end of January, 1776, the 
 Committee had added four other small ves- 
 sels to the navy, the sloops "Providence," 
 and "Hornet," and the schooners, "Wasp," 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, IV, 360; 
 letter to Earl of Dartmouth, dated Maryland, 
 Dec. 20, 1775. 
 
56 A'az'y of the American Revolution 
 
 and 'Tly."i The "Providence" had been 
 the "Katy" of the Rhode Island navy. The 
 "Hornet" and the "Wasp" were obtained in 
 Baltimore. 
 
 On January 5, 1776, the Naval Committee 
 issued sailing orders to the commander-in- 
 chief. He was ordered, "if Winds and 
 Weather possibly admit of it, to proceed di- 
 rectly for Chesapeake Bay in Virginia." 
 Here he was to strike the enemy's fleet 
 under Lord Dunmore, unless it was found 
 to be greatly superior to his own. If he was 
 so fortunate as to execute this business suc- 
 cessfully, he was to continue southward and 
 master the British forces off the coast of the 
 Carolinas, and from thence he was to sail 
 northward directly to Rhode Island and "at- 
 tack, take, and destroy all the enemy's na- 
 val force that you may find there. "^ This 
 program seems rather ambitious, when one 
 considers the motley assemblage of officers, 
 seamen, and cruisers, that composed this 
 fleet of made-over merchantmen. 
 
 The ice in the Delaware greatly delayed 
 the expedition. Early in February, 1776, 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 2, 1775, January 9 and 16, 1776. The 
 Naval Committee spent $134,333 on the eight 
 vessels which they fitted out. — Journals of 
 Continental Congress, September 19, 1776. 
 
 2. Records and Papers of Continental 
 Congress, 78, III, 239-40, orders of Commo- 
 dore Hopkins, signed by four members of the 
 Naval Committee. 
 
Navy of the American Rcvolutioii 57 
 
 the fleet was assembling at Cape Henlopen. 
 It then consisted of the flagship "Alfred/' 
 24, Captain Dudley Saltonstall; the ship 
 " Columbus," 20, Captain Abraham Whipple; 
 the brigs " Andrew Doria," 14, Captain Nich- 
 olas Biddle, and "Cabot," 14, Captain J. B. 
 Hopkins; the sloop "Providence," 12; and 
 the schooner "Fly," 8. On February 15 
 the sloop "Hornet," 10, and the schooner 
 "Wasp," 8, joined the fleet from Balti- 
 more.^ On the 17th the fleet sailed outside 
 the Capes into the broad Atlantic. A new 
 nation in whose veins flowed the blood of a 
 long line of seafaring and sea-fighting an- 
 cestors was about to put to the initial test 
 its skill in naval warfare, and under condi- 
 tions far from auspicious. If the doughty 
 Admiral should get all his queer craft once 
 more into a safe harbor he would be doing 
 well. 
 
 Hopkins had apparently concluded that 
 his Armada might prove vincible on the 
 stormy coasts of Virginia. Indeed, the 
 enemy must have heard of his intended 
 coming, and awaited it. Not only discre- 
 tion, but good military judgment advised 
 him to abandon for the present the visitation 
 to the Chesapeake.^ Before sailing on Feb- 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, V, 823. 
 
 2. Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 
 299-300, 319. Washington wrote on January 
 4, 1776, to Joseph Reed: "I fear your fleet 
 has been so long in fitting, and the destination 
 of it so well known, that the end will be de- 
 
58 Navy of the American Revolution' 
 
 ruary 17 he had determined to make a de- 
 scent on Nassau, New Providence, and ac- 
 cordingly he gave orders to his captains 
 and commanders to keep in company, if 
 possible, but if not, to make for the island 
 of Abaco, one of the Bahamas, where the 
 fleet would next rendezvous.^ 
 
 On the 3rd and 4th of March Nassau was 
 taken after a slight resistance and without 
 bloodshed, by a landing party consisting of 
 two hundred marines under one of their 
 officers. Captain Samuel Nichols, and fifty 
 sailors under Lieutenant Weaver of the 
 "Cabot." Eighty-eight cannon, fifteen mor- 
 tars, a large quantity of shot and shell be- 
 sides other munitions of war were captured. 
 Since the governor of the island succeeded 
 the night before the landing was effected in 
 removing the gunpowder to a safe hiding 
 place, the expedition failed of its chief ob- 
 ject.2 
 
 On March 17, having loaded his vessels 
 ancl a borrowed sloop with the warlike 
 stores, Hopkins set sail for Rhode Island, 
 
 feated, if the vessels escape." In July, 1776, 
 Dunmore's fleet consisted of more than forty- 
 vessels, most of which, however, were prob- 
 ably unarmed, being occupied by refugee 
 Tories. — Maryland Archives, XII, 24-25. 
 
 1. Edward Field's Esek Hopkins, 101 ; a copy 
 of Hopkins's orders is given. 
 
 2. Papers of Esek Hopkins, Rhode Island 
 Historical Society, an invoice of captured ar- 
 ticles. 
 
A'ai'v of the American Revolution 59 
 
 taking with him as prisoners of war several 
 important officials, including the Governor 
 and Lieutenant-Governor of New Provi- 
 dence. On April 4 the squadron, having 
 readied the eastward end of Long Island, 
 captured the British schooner "Hawk," 6, 
 and the bomb brig "Bolton," 8. At 1 
 o'clock on the morning of the 6th the 
 "Alfred," "Cabot," "Columbus," "Andrew 
 Doria," and "Providence" engaged His 
 Majesty's ship "Glasgow," 20, Captain Ty- 
 ringham Howe. After a severe fight of 
 about three hours, the "Glasgow," was per- 
 mitted to escape, leaving her tender with 
 the Americans.^ The loss of the enemy was 
 four; that of the Americans, twenty-four, 
 of which number twentv-three were on 
 board the "Alfred" and "Cabot," the two 
 vessels which bore the brunt of the en- 
 counter.^ Each of these vessels had a lieu- 
 tenant killed. 
 
 The American commanders in this en- 
 gagement exhibited little skill in tactics. 
 A fleet permitted a single vessel of the ene- 
 my to escape. Something can be said for 
 them by way of extenuating circumstances. 
 It should also be said that they showed no 
 lack of spirit. As was natural. Commodore 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, V, 823, 
 Hopkins to President of Congress, April, 
 1776, giving an account of the expedition. 
 
 2. W. L. Clowes, Royal Navy, IV, 3, 4; 
 Connecticut Gazette, April 12, 1776. 
 
6o Naz'x of the American Revolution 
 
 Hopkins was made the target for much ad- 
 verse criticism. Nations, it is said, are sel- 
 dom just under disgrace, imaginary or real. 
 The expedition to New Providence was 
 the sole naval enterprise made by the Con- 
 tinental vessels, v/hile they were under the 
 direction, of the Naval Committee. Early 
 in 1776 this Committee, reduced in mem- 
 bership, yielded its control of marine affairs 
 to a new committee with a fuller comple- 
 ment of members. It scarcely needs to be 
 said that the Naval Committee's claim to 
 distinction rests not upon its military 
 achievements,- but upon its work of a civil 
 character, whereby it laid the foundations 
 of the Revolutionary navy. It accjuired 
 the first American fleet, selected its officers, 
 and fitted it for sea. It drafted the first 
 civil and penal code of the navy, and pre- 
 pared not a little fundamental naval legis- 
 lation. 
 
CHAPTER II 
 
 THE FLEETS OF WASHINGTON AND 
 ARNOLD^ 
 
 The first armed vessels that sailed under 
 Continental pay and control were those 
 that composed the little fleet fitted out by 
 Washington in the ports of Massachusetts 
 in the fall of 1775. As these vessels were 
 manned l^y soldiers and were commanded 
 by army officers, and were designed to 
 weaken the army of the enemy by captur- 
 ing his transports carrying supplies and 
 troops, Washington was able to derive his 
 authority for procuring and fitting out the 
 fleet from his commission as commander-in- 
 chief of the Continental army. The first 
 vessel employed in this service was the 
 schooner "Hannah," commanded by Nich- 
 olson Broughton, a captain in the army. 
 According to his instructions, issued Sep- 
 tember 2, 1775, and signed by Washington, 
 
 1. This chapter, which is presented here 
 for chronological reasons, is not closely related 
 to the main narrative, which will be resumed 
 at the beginning of Chapter III. 
 
62 A'az'y of the American Rcvohition 
 
 Broughton was directed to proceed "im- 
 mediately on a cruise against such 
 vessels as may be found on the high 
 seas, or elsewhere, bound inwards and 
 outwards, to or from Boston, in the 
 service of the Ministerial Army, and to take 
 and seize all such vessels, laden with soldiers, 
 arms, ammunition, or provisions, for or 
 from said Army, or which you shall have 
 good reason to suspect are in such service." 
 One-third of all captured cargoes were to 
 be given to officers and crews as an en- 
 couragement. The proportions according 
 to which the captors' share was to be di- 
 vided were fixed. The captain was to re- 
 ceive six times as much as a private. Prizes 
 were to be sent to the "safest and nearest 
 port to this camp." Prisoners were to be 
 treated with kindness and humanity. 
 Broughton was directed to be exceedingly 
 careful and frugal with his ammunition, and 
 not to waste it in salutes.^ 
 
 Not until a month after the fitting out of 
 the "Hannah" did Washington begin to 
 add to his naval force. On October 4 he 
 appointed Colonel John Glover and Stephen 
 Moylan agents to ec[uip two vessels at 
 Salem, Marblehead, or Newburyport, and 
 they were directed to name suitable men 
 for prize agents in the leading ports of Mas- 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, III, 633- 
 34, Instructions to Broughton. 
 
A'az'Y of the American Rcz'olntioJ! 63 
 
 sachusetts.^ When Washington received 
 the letter of Congress of October 5 directing 
 him to obtain two vessels from Massachu- 
 setts and to send them to the St. Lawrence 
 river to intercept two British trans])orts 
 bound from London for Quebec, he ordered 
 on this service, since Massachusetts at this 
 time had no armed vessels, the schooners 
 "Lynch," Captain Nicholson Broughton, 
 and "Franklin," Captain John Selman, 
 which had been or were being fitted out by 
 Glover and Moylan.^ In October and No- 
 vember four other small vessels, the schoon- 
 ers "Lee," "Harrison," and "Warren," 
 and the brigantine "Washington" were 
 fitted out and sent cruising against the 
 enemy's transports. About the first of 
 January, 1776, the schooner "Hancock" 
 was added. Washington had the entire 
 management of his fleet. Stephen Moylan, 
 who was attached to his staff, conducted 
 most of the correspondence with the cap- 
 tains and naval agents while Washington 
 was at Cambridge.^ Agents for fitting out 
 the fleet and receiving its prizes were es- 
 tablished in Plymouth, Boston, Lynn, 
 Salem, Marblehead, Beverly, Newburyport, 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, III, 946. 
 
 2. See Chapter I, The Naval Committee, page 
 37; Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 174-5. 
 
 3. Moylan had been for some months a 
 member of Washington's official household 
 before he was appointed aide-de-camp in 
 March, 1776. 
 
64 Navy of the American Rez'olittioii 
 
 and Portsmouth, N. H. In January, 1776, 
 Washington appointed John Manly commo- 
 dore of the fleet. The other connnanders 
 thereby became subject to Manly's orders. 
 With the exception of Manly, Washington 
 had a poor opinion of the abilities of his 
 commanders. On January 28 he wrote to 
 Manly: "I wish you could inspire the cap- 
 tains of the other armed schooners under 
 your command with some of your activity 
 and industry."^ In November, 1775, he 
 had written: "Our rascally privateersmen 
 go on at the old rate, mutinying if they can 
 not do as they please. Those at Plymouth, 
 Beverly, and Portsmouth have done noth- 
 ing worth mentioning in the prize way, and 
 no account as yet received from those far- 
 ther eastward/' referring to the "Lynch" 
 and "Franklin," whose commanders he 
 feared "would not effect any good pur- 
 pose."^ Early in December Washington 
 was still more emphatic: "The plague, 
 trouble, and vexation I have had with the 
 crews of all the armed vessels, are inex- 
 pressible. I do believe there is not on 
 earth a more disorderly set. Every time 
 they come into port, we hear of nothing but 
 mutinous complaints. Manly's success has 
 lately, and but lately, quieted his people. 
 
 1. Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 382- 
 83. 
 
 2. Ibid., 231-32, Washington to Joseph 
 Reed, November 20, 1775. 
 
Naz'x of the American Rez'olntion 65 
 
 The crews of the Washington and Harrison 
 have actually deserted them; so that I 
 have been under the necessity of ordering 
 the agent to lay the latter up, and get hands 
 for the other on the best terms he couid."^ 
 Notwithstanding the Commander-in- 
 chief's unfavoraljle judgment, it must be 
 said that his fleet, upon the whole, was 
 quite as successful as were other fleets of 
 equal size and force during the Revolution. 
 The vessels which composed it were small 
 and lightly armed. Manly's first vessel, 
 the "Lee," with which he rendered effec- 
 tive service, carried fifty men and four 
 4-pounders. The brigantine " Washington " 
 was somewhat larger, mounting ten guns. 
 Altogether the fleet captured some thirty- 
 five prizes.^ The first important capture, 
 that of the brigantine "Nancy," was an ex- 
 ceedingly timely one, and was made l^y 
 ]\Ian]y in the "Lee" on one of the last 
 da3's of November, 1775. Among other 
 stores the "Nancv" had on board 2,000 
 muskets, 100,000 flints, 30,000 round shot, 
 more than 30 tons of musket shot, 11 
 mortar l^eds, and a brass mortar weighing 
 10,000 pounds. It would have taken the 
 
 1. Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 2G1- 
 62, Washington to President of Congress, De- 
 cember 4, 1775. 
 
 2. This calculation is made chiefly from 
 accounts of the vessels found in Force's Ameri- 
 can Archives and Ford's Writings of Wash- 
 ington. 
 
66 Naz'y of the American Revolution 
 
 Americans eighteen months to have manu- 
 factured a like quantity of ordnance.^ In 
 June, 1776, the fleet, together with the 
 " Defence" of the Connecticut navy, captured 
 four British transports, which had on board 
 besides a quantity of supplies upwards of 
 three hundred and twenty Scottish troops.- 
 Washington's fleet cruised chiefly off th(> 
 Massachusetts coast. Broughton and Sel- 
 man, whom Washington dispatched to the 
 river St. Lawrence to intercept the two 
 British transports, did not enter the river 
 at all. After making several unauthorized 
 captures, they turned their attention to the 
 island of St. Johns, now Prince Edward 
 island. Here they pillaged the defence- 
 less inhabitants, and robbed the houses of 
 the Governor and Acting-Governor of plate, 
 carpets, curtains, mirrors, table linen, and 
 wearing apparel. They made prisoners of 
 the Acting-Governor and two other leading 
 men of the island, whose families were left 
 in great distress. Washington was highly 
 indignant at these unw^arranted acts of his 
 captains, and at once on their arrival in 
 Massachusetts he released their three pris- 
 oners.^ 
 
 1. Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 252 
 and note; Letters of John i\dams, Massachu- 
 setts Historical Society, William Tudor to 
 John Adams, December 3, 1775. 
 
 2. Boston Gazette, July 6, 1776. 
 
 3. Force, American Archives, 4th, IV, 451- 
 52, Memorial of Philip Callbeck and Thomas 
 
Naz'v of the American Revolution 67 
 
 Moved by the need for a proper judicial 
 tribunal to try the prize cases arising from 
 captures made by his vessels, Washington 
 on November 11, 1775, wrote to Congress 
 on the subject. He enclosed in his letter 
 a copy of the Massachusetts law establish- 
 ing admiralty courts, and explained that 
 this law did not apply to the captures made 
 by Continental vessels. "Should not a 
 court," he asked, "be established by au- 
 thority of Congress, to take cognizance of 
 prizes made by the Continental vessels? 
 Whatever the mode is, Avhich they are 
 pleased to adopt, there is an absolute ne- 
 cessity of its being speedily determined on, 
 for I can not spare time from military 
 affairs to give proper attention to these 
 matters." As early as October 5 Washing- 
 ton had requested the "determination of 
 Congress, as to the property and disposal 
 of such vessels and cargoes, as are designed 
 for the supply of the enemy, and may fall 
 into our hands." On November 8 he called 
 the attention of Congress to the same sub- 
 ject. On December 4 and December 14 he 
 again urged Congress to establish a Conti- 
 Wright; Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 
 175 and note, 261-62 and note. H. E. Waite, 
 Origin of Ainerican Navy, 26-28. Report on 
 Canadian Archives, 1895, Prince Edward 
 Island, 15-16. The number of vessels cap- 
 tured by Broughton and Selman on this cruise 
 has been given by Elbridge Gerry as ten and 
 by Selman as seven. Both figures are prob- 
 ably too high. 
 
68 Naz'y of the American Revolution 
 
 nental prize court. ^ Finally, on December 
 20 Congress resolved that the several ves- 
 sels heretofore carried into Massachusetts 
 by the armed vessels in the service of the 
 United Colonies should be "proceeded 
 against by the rules of the law of nations, 
 and libelled in the courts of admiralty 
 erected in said colony."^ The method of 
 procedure which Congress here established 
 was followed throughout the Revolution 
 in all prize cases arising from captures made 
 by Continental vessels. Congress permitted 
 the states to exercise original jurisdiction 
 in all Continental prize cases, and reserved 
 to itself appellate jurisdiction, so far as it 
 had power to do so. 
 
 It is recalled that Congress, on November 
 25, 1775, having under consideration the 
 report of a committee on Washington's letter 
 of November 8, determined the kinds of 
 British property which should be subject to 
 capture, fixed the shares of prizes, and estab- 
 lished certain forms of procedure in the trial 
 of prize cases. ^ The lack of correspondence 
 
 1. Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 165, 
 203-04, 21.3-214, 251-58, 274. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 20, 17'75. 
 
 3. See Chapter I, The Naval Committee, 
 page 48. It would seem that Congress, by its 
 resolutions of November 25, intended to give 
 colonial courts original jurisdiction in Conti- 
 nental prize cases. Washington did not so 
 understand these resolutions. See his letter 
 
iVaiT of the A III erica) I Rcz'oliitioii 69 
 
 between these resolutions and the Massa- 
 chusetts law of November 1, establishing ad- 
 miralty courts, caused long and serious de- 
 lays in bringing the Continental prizes to 
 trial. Washington, on April 25, 1776, wrote 
 from New York: "I have not yet heard, 
 that there has been any trial of the prizes 
 carried into Massachusetts Bay. This pro- 
 crastination is attended with very bad con- 
 sequences. Some of the vessels I had fitted 
 out are now laid up, the crews being dissat- 
 isfied that they cannot get their prize money. 
 1 have tired the Congress on this subject, 
 but the importance of it makes me again 
 mention, that, if a summary way of proceed- 
 ing is not resolved on, it will be impossible 
 to get our vessels manned."^ 
 
 On the evacuation of Boston by the Brit- 
 ish in March, 1776, Washington soon re- 
 moved his headciuarters to New York. He 
 left his fleet in charge of General Artemas 
 Ward, who reported its movements to him. 
 In February, 1777, the Marine Committee 
 of Congress ordered the Continental agent 
 at Boston to pay off and discharge the fleet. ^ 
 of December 14, 1775, to the President of Con- 
 gress, and his letter of December 26, 1775, to 
 R. H. Lee. 
 
 1. Ford, Writings of Washington, III, 404; 
 IV, 44, 45. 
 
 2. Marine Committee Letter Book, Robert 
 Morris, Vice-President of the Marine Com- 
 mittee, to John Bradford, Continental agent 
 at Boston, February 7, 1777. The "Lee," 
 Captain Skimmer, was still in the Continental 
 
70 Nai'v of the American Revolution 
 
 In March the Marine Committee appointed 
 three commissioners to settle the accounts 
 of Washington's prize agents.^ These com- 
 missioners had not completed their task in 
 April, 1778.2 
 
 In April, 1776, immediately upon Wash- 
 ington's arrival in New York, he began to 
 eqviip a fleet similar to the one at Boston. 
 He requested from the New York Committee 
 of Safety the loan of their state vessels, 
 which he wished to use in suppressing illicit 
 trade with the enemy. Some disagreement 
 arose as to the terms of the loan. Washing- 
 ton insisted that if he manned the "General 
 Schuyler," he would expect to appoint her 
 officers. In the end, the "General Schuy- 
 ler" was turned over to Washington, and 
 the captain of the "General Putnam" was 
 directed to obey his orders.^ Washington 
 now obtained from other sources the sloop 
 "General Mifflin." These vessels, which 
 cruised during the summer of 1776 chiefly in 
 the neighborhood of Long Island, and usu- 
 
 service in November, 1777, when the Navy 
 Board was ordered to discharge Skimmer, and 
 to take the "Lee" into the regular Conti- 
 nental navy, if she was adapted for it. — Marine 
 Committee Letter Book, Committee to Navy 
 Board at Boston, November 22, 1777. 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Commit- 
 tee to the three Commissioners, March 21,1 777. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, April 
 9, 1778. 
 
 3. Journals of New York Committee of 
 Safety, April 24, May 10, 1776. 
 
Xaz'v of the American Rcvohttion 71 
 
 ally with the New York state sloop "Mont- 
 gomery," captured several British vessels/ 
 In the summer of 1776 Washington was con- 
 structing some "gondolas," row-galleys, and 
 fire-ships, for the defence of the Hudson. 
 The galley "Lady Washington," which was 
 manned and completed by the summer of 
 1776, was still in service on the Hudson in 
 June, 1777." 
 
 In the significance of their results the ope- 
 rations of no other naval armament of the 
 Americans during the Revolution compare 
 with those of Arnold's fleet on Lake Cham- 
 plain in the fall of 1776. On May 31, 1775, 
 the Continental Congress desired the New 
 York Provincial Congress "to take effectual 
 care that a sufficient number of batteaus be 
 immediately provided for the lakes. "^ Ma- 
 jor-General Schuyler commanded the Conti- 
 nental forces in this region, including the 
 naval armaments upon the Lakes. These 
 last, in September, consisted of a sloop, a 
 schooner, two row-galleys, and ten "bat- 
 
 1. The movements of these vessels may be 
 followed in Force's American Archives, Ford's 
 Writings of Washington, and the Journals of 
 the New York Provincial Congress and Com- 
 mittee of Safety. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, May 
 
 30, 1776; Force, American Archives, .5th, I, 
 1263; Journals of New York Provincial Con- 
 gress, June 7, 1777. 
 
 3. Journals of Continental Congress, May 
 
 31, 1775. 
 
yi Xaz'v of the Am erica ji Rez'olutioii 
 
 tcaiis."^ About the first of August the New 
 York Provincial Congress sent James Smitli 
 to vSchuyler to take command of the sloop 
 "Enterprise."^ Smith either received or 
 gave to himself the title of "Commodore on 
 the Lakes." He did not long hold this title; 
 for in March, 1776, the Continental Congress 
 appointed Major William Douglass of New 
 York, "Commodore on the Lakes." a place 
 for which General Schuyler had recommen- 
 ded Capfain Jacobus Wynkoop, of the same 
 state. ^ Li April Wynkoop w^as enlisting 
 seamen in New York City.'* In May, since 
 Douglass did not enter upon his appoint- 
 ment, Schuyler, acting under the orders of 
 Congress, put the armed vessels under the 
 command of Wynkoop.^ 
 
 About the first of July, 1776, the Ameri- 
 can forces were driven out of Canada. They 
 retreated southward as far as the forts on 
 the Lakes. The holding of Lakes Cham- 
 plain and George, which were a strategic 
 part of the line of communication between 
 Canada and the Hudson, now became a mat- 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, III, 738. 
 
 2. Ibid., 11, 14. 
 
 3. Journals of Continental Congress, March 
 26, 1776; Journals of New York Committee of 
 Safety, March 18, 1776. 
 
 4. Journals of New York Committee of 
 Safety, April 24, 1776. 
 
 5. Force, American Archives, .5th, I, 1186, 
 1277; Journals of New York Provincial Con- 
 gress, March 16, 1776; Journals of Continental 
 Congress, May 2, 1776. 
 
N'az'v of the American Rei'olittioii "jt^ 
 
 ter of vital importance. Providing against 
 a ])ossible failure in Canada, Congress, Wash- 
 ington, and Schnylcr had, in May and early 
 June, been increasing the effectiveness of 
 the naval armament on the Lakes. On 
 June 17 Congress ordered Schuyler to build 
 "with all expedition, as many galleys and 
 armed vessels as, in the opinion of himself 
 and the general officer to be sent into Can- 
 ada, shall be sufficient to make us indis- 
 putable masters of the lakes Champlain and 
 George." A master carpenter, accjuainted 
 with the construction of the galleys used on 
 the Delaware, other carpenters, and models 
 of galleys, if required, were to be sent on 
 from Philadelphia.^ 
 
 Towards the end of June, Brigadier-Gen- 
 eral Benedict Arnold, recognizing the su- 
 preme importance of maintaining a naval 
 superiority on the Lakes, began to exert an 
 influence in naval affairs. Arnold was not 
 without marine experience; as a resident of 
 New Haven, engaged in the West Lidia 
 trade, he had sometimes commanded his 
 own ships. On June 25, 1776, he wTote to 
 Washington: "It now appears to me of 
 the utmost importance that the Lakes be 
 immediately secured by a large niunber (at 
 least twenty or thirty) of gondolas, row- 
 galleys, and floating batteries I think 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, May 
 22, Mav 25, June 17, 1776; Ford, Writings of 
 Washington, IV, 101. 
 
74 A'az'x of tJtc American Revolution 
 
 it absolutely necessary that three hundred 
 carpenters be immediately employed."^ To- 
 wards the end of July, General Gates ap- 
 pointed Arnold to command the naval 
 forces on the Lakes. Wynkoop, who held 
 a similar command by virtue of an appoint- 
 ment from Congress and Schuyler, refused 
 to yield to Arnold. He was thereupon 
 arrested by Gates and sent as a prisoner to 
 Schuyler.^ 
 
 During July and August, 1776, Skenes- 
 borough, at the head of Lake Champlain, 
 was the scene of the greatest naval activity. 
 Requisitions were made upon Pennsyl- 
 vania, New York, Connecticut, Rhode Isl- 
 and, and Massachusetts for carpenters. 
 Naval stores and munitions of w^ar of all 
 sorts, sail-cloth, cordage, anchors, cannon, 
 and ammunition were sent to the Lakes 
 from the seaboard, especially from New York 
 and Connecticut. Seamen were hurried for- 
 ward. On August 13 the Governor and 
 Council of Safety of Connecticut voted £180 
 to Captain Seth Warner of Saybrook to en- 
 able him to raise a crew of forty seamen for 
 the naval service on the Lakes. These men 
 were "to receive a bounty of £6 for inlist- 
 ing; and for finding themselves blankets, 
 12s; guns, 6s; and cartouch-box and belt 
 and knapsack, 2s; and one month's wages 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, VI, 1 107- 
 08. 
 
 2. Ibid., 5th, I, 1186-87. 
 
Navy of the American Rci'ohition 75 
 
 being 4Ss advanced, according to procla- 
 mation." On August 16 the Governor and 
 Council of Safety authorized two other com- 
 panies to be raised.^ In September Gates 
 vmdcrstood that two hundred seamen had 
 been enlisted in New York citv." 
 
 On July 24, 1776, Arnold wrote from 
 Skenesborough to Gates: "I arrived here 
 last evening, and found three gondolas on 
 the stocks; two will be completed in five or 
 six days, the row galley in eight or ten days. 
 Three other gondolas will be set up immedi- 
 ately, and may be completed in ten days. 
 A company of twenty-seven carpenters from 
 Middletown are cutting timber for a row- 
 galley, on the Spanish construction, to 
 mount six heavy pieces of cannon. One 
 hundred carpenters from Pennsylvania and 
 Massachusetts will be here this evening. I 
 shall employ them on another row-galley. 
 In two or three weeks, I think we shall have 
 a formidable fleet. No canvass or cordage 
 is yet arrived, though much wanted."^ 
 Through strenuous exertions the American 
 fleet on the Lakes was greatly increased and 
 strengthened. By October it consisted of 
 one sloop, three schooners, eight "gondolas," 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 500, 503. The rolls of these three Connecticut 
 companies, containing eighty-five names, will 
 be found in the Connecticut Historical Society 
 Collections, VIII, 235-37. 
 
 2. Force, American Archives, 5th, II, 186. 
 
 3. Ibid., I, 563. 
 
jC', Xaz'v of the American Revolution 
 
 and four galleys, mounting a total of 04 can- 
 non, 2-pounders to IS-pounders. With a 
 full complement, the fleet would have car- 
 ried 856 men. It probably numbered about 
 700 officers and men, such as they were.^ 
 Arnold said that he had a "wretched motley 
 crew in the fleet; the marines the refuse of 
 everj- regiment, and the seamen few of 
 them ever wet with salt water." Many 
 of his seamen and marines were almost 
 naked.- 
 
 During the first days of October the naval 
 superiority on the Lakes shifted to the Brit- 
 ish. General Sir Guy Carleton, the British 
 commander, drawing upon superior naval 
 resources, had outbuilt Arnold. Early in 
 October Carleton's fleet consisted of one 
 ship, two schooners, one "radeau," one 
 large "gondola," twenty gunboats, and four 
 armed tenders. Some of these vessels and 
 the material for others he had brought from 
 the St. Lawrence up the Richelieu. The 
 ship "Enterprise," eighteen 12-pounders, 
 180 tons burden, whose construction hacl 
 been begun at Quebec, he thus transported 
 in pieces. She was set up at St. Johns, on 
 the Richelieu, where the British shipyard 
 was situated. This vessel in size and arma- 
 ment greatly exceeding any one craft of the 
 
 ' T Force, American Archives, 5th, II, 1039. 
 One galley which was fitting at Ticonderoga is 
 net included in the above list. The exact 
 number of men in Arnold's fleet is uncertain. 
 2. Ibid., 481, 834. 
 
Xcri'v of the American Revolution yy 
 
 Americans. A fleet of transports and ships 
 of war in the >St. Lawrence furnished Carle- 
 ton with seven hundred experienced officers 
 and seamen.^ 
 
 Tlie two fleets engaged each other on Lake 
 Champlain on October 11, 12, and 13, 1776. 
 Ten of the American vessels were captured 
 or destroyed. General Waterbury, second 
 in command, and 110 prisoners, were cap- 
 tured. In killed and wounded Arnold lost 
 about eighty men; and the British forty. 
 The British were left in command of the 
 Lake; the Americans retreated to Ticon- 
 deroga.- 
 
 Although most decisively defeated in the 
 battle upon the Lake, Arnold had delayed 
 the advance of the British some two or three 
 months, while they were obtaining a naval 
 superiority. This delay had far-rc^aching 
 conseciuences. Carleton now found the sea- 
 son too late to pursue his advantage, and to 
 make, or attempt to make, a juncture with 
 Howe to the southward. He therefore soon 
 returned to winter quarters at Montreal. 
 When Burgoyne, in 1777, repeated the at- 
 tempt to penetrate to the Hudson, Howe's 
 removal of his army to the Chesapeake in 
 his movement against Philadelphia, de- 
 prived Burgoyne's army of the support on 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 5th, II, 117S- 
 79; Clowes, Royal Navv, III, 353-370, Chap- 
 ter XXXI, written by Captain A. T. Mahan. 
 
 2. Force, American Archives, 5th, II, 1079- 
 80; Almon's Remembrancer, 1777, 350. 
 
78 A'az'y of the Aincricaii Revolution 
 
 the Hudson, which it might have had in the 
 fall of 1776. It has been strikingly said, 
 by Captain Mahan, that Arnold's and Carle- 
 ton's naval campaign on Lake Champlain 
 was a "strife of pigmies for the prize of a 
 continent." Although the American flo- 
 tilla was wiped out, "never had any force, 
 big or small, lived to better purpose, or died 
 more gloriously; for it had saved the Lake 
 for that year."^ 
 
 1. Clowes, Royal Navy, III, 363, 368. In 
 the campaign of Burgoyne, in July, 1777, the 
 British destroyed or captured a small Ameri- 
 can flotilla at Skenesborough. — Winsor, Nar- 
 rative and Critical History, VI, 297. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 
 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE MARINE 
 COMMITTEE 
 
 In the years immediately preceding the 
 Revohition the four New England colonies 
 were largely engaged in shipbuilding, fish- 
 ing, whaling, and commerce. The forests of 
 Maine and New Hampshire afforded incom- 
 parable oaks and white pines for ships. In- 
 deed, not a few of these trees were sealed 
 for the use of the Royal Navy, and their high 
 quality authenticated, by the mark of the 
 "King's broad arrow." New England's 
 hardy dwellers on the seacoast had long en- 
 gaged in fishing on the Newfoundland banks, 
 or in whaling in many seas, and had bred a 
 race of sailors. The Atlantic withheld few 
 secrets from the bold Yankee skippers. 
 They w^ere equally at home in the coastwise 
 navigation, reaching from Nova Scotia to 
 Florida, in deep-sea voyages to the mother- 
 land or the Continent, in skirting the Guinea 
 coast in quest of its dark-skinned trade, or 
 in slipping down the trade winds with can- 
 vas set for the sunny sugar islands of the 
 
8o Xa-c'x of the American Rcz'ohitioji 
 
 West Indies or the Spanish Main. In 
 no other section of the revolting colonies was 
 the first formal movement for the building 
 of a Continental navy so likely to be made 
 as in New England. Here were ships, sail- 
 ors, and a knowledge of the sea. 
 
 Certainly not a whit behind the other 
 three New England states in nautical inter- 
 ests was little sea-cleft Rhode Island. In 
 the establishing of state navies she had 
 moved first, and on June 15, 1775, had put 
 two vessels in commission. On the same 
 day her Commodore AVhipple captured an 
 armed tender of the British frigate "Rose" — • 
 the first authorized capture made by the 
 Americans at sea during the Revolution.^ 
 Already her coasts and her trade were being 
 annoyed by the enemy. It was then in 
 keeping with her maritime character, with 
 her forwardness in naval enterprise, and 
 with her needs for defence, that her Assem- 
 bly should have ihstructed her two delegates 
 to the Continental Congress, on August 26, 
 1775, "to use their whole influence, at the 
 ensuing Congress, for building at the Conti- 
 nental expense, a Fleet of sufficient force for 
 the protection of these Colonies, and for em- 
 ploying them in such manner and places as 
 will most effectually annoy our enemies, 
 and contribute to the common defence of 
 these Colonies." The Assembly was per- 
 
 1. See Chapter XVII, The Minor Navies of 
 the Northern States. 
 
Naz'x of the American Rcz'oliitioii 8i 
 
 suadcd that an American fleet "would great- 
 ly and essentially conduce to the preser- 
 vation of the lives, liberty, and property of 
 the good people of these Colonies."^ 
 
 The naval situation in Congress during 
 the fall of 1775 and the winter of 1775-76 
 should be clearly understood. The debates 
 and legislation of Congress concerning naval 
 affairs are attached, as it were, to two 
 threads. One thread, beginning with the 
 appointment of a committee, on October 5, 
 1775, to prepare a plan for intercepting two 
 British transports, has already been unrav- 
 eled. The other, which had its origin in the 
 introduction in Congress of the Rhode Island 
 instructions, will now be followed. 
 
 The delegates of Rhode Island to the Con- 
 gress in the fall of 1775 were two sterling 
 patriots, Samuel Ward and Stephen Hop- 
 kins. Each had been governor of Rhode Is- 
 land, and each had grown old in the public 
 service. Once bitter political rivals, they 
 were now yoked together in the common 
 cause of their state and country. On Oc- 
 tober 3, 1775, one of the Rhode Island dele- 
 gates, ])resumably Samuel Ward, laid before 
 Congress the instructions of his state in be- 
 half of a Continental fleet. On this day the 
 consideration of the instructions went over 
 until the 6th, and on the 6th until the 7th. ^ 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, III, 231; 
 Sparks, American Biography, 2nd, IX, 314-15. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 
82 Naz'v of the American Revolution 
 
 When the Rhode Island instructions came 
 up on October 1 , a debate ensued, a synop- 
 sis of which has been left us by John Adams.^ 
 The discussion was participated in by Rob- 
 ert Treat Paine, Samuel Adams, and John 
 Adams of Massachusetts, John Rutledge 
 and Christopher Gadsden of South Carolina, 
 Samuel Chase of Maryland, Stephen Hop- 
 kins of Rhode Island, Dr. John J. Zubly of 
 Georgia, Eliphalet Dyer and Silas Deane of 
 Connecticut, and Peyton Randolph of Vir- 
 ginia. When the debate took place, the 
 consideration of the Rhode Island instruc- 
 tions had been postponed until the 16th, 
 and the motion before the Congress was to 
 ajDpoint a committee "to consider the whole 
 subject." 
 
 The establishing of a navy naturally found 
 least favor among the members coming from 
 the agricultural South, and most support 
 from those of maritime New England. 
 Chase, of Maryland, declared, "It is the mad- 
 dest idea in the world to think of building 
 an American fleet; its latitude is wonderful; 
 we should mortgage the whole continent." 
 He added, however: "We should provide, 
 for gaining intelligence, two swift sailing 
 vessels." Zubly, of Georgia, said: "If the 
 plans of some gentlemen are to take place, 
 an American fleet must be a part of it, ex- 
 
 ber 3, 1775; Force, American Archives 4th, 
 III, 1888-91; Works of John Adams, II, 462. 
 1. Works of John Adams, II, 463-4. 
 
Xaz'x of the American Revolution 83 
 
 travagant as it is." Gadsden, of South 
 Carolina, temperately favored the procur- 
 ing of armed vessels, thinking that it was 
 "absolutely necessary that some plan of de- 
 fence, by sea, should be adopted." He 
 was opposed to the "cxtensiveness of the 
 Rhode Island plan," altlu)ugh he thought 
 that it should be considered. The friends of 
 the navy acted on the defensive. They prob- 
 ably realized that their cause might well 
 bide its time. Its opponents, to use John 
 Adams's phrase, were "lightly skirmishing." 
 In the end the motion was lost, and consider- 
 ation of the instructions was deferred until 
 the 16th. 
 
 On October 16, and again on November 
 16, the Rhode Island instructions were post- 
 poned.^ Samuel Ward had hopes for a fa- 
 vorable action on the latter day. On No- 
 vember 16 he wrote from Philadelphia to 
 his brother in Rhode Island: "Our instruc- 
 tion for an American fleet has been long 
 upon the table. When it was first present- 
 ed, it was looked upon as perfectly chimer- 
 ical ; but gentlemen now consider it in a very 
 different light. It is this day to be taken 
 into consideration, and I have great hopes 
 of carrying it. Dr. Franklin, Colonel Lee, 
 the two Adamses, and many others, will sup- 
 port it. If it succeeds, I shall remember 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber IG, November 16, 1775. 
 
84 A'flz'3' of the American Revolution 
 
 your ideas of our building two of the ships. "^ 
 The several postponements of the Rhode 
 Island instructions make it clear that Con- 
 gress was slow to reach the conclusion that 
 the "building of a fleet" was desirable or 
 feasible. It was one thing to fit out a few 
 small vessels for intercepting British trans- 
 ports, and ciuite another to build a fleet 
 of frigates. It is not surprising that under 
 the circumstances Congress hesitated to 
 embark on the larger undertaking. The 
 difference in the presentation to Congress of 
 the two propositions, both of which involved 
 the procuring of a naval armament, is wor- 
 thy of note, for it had its influence on leg- 
 islation. The appointment of a committee 
 to prepare a plan for intercepting trans- 
 ports, put the question in a softened, more 
 veiled, and less direct form. It pointed 
 the wedge of naval legislation by a tactful 
 presentation, and drove it home with an 
 exigency. 
 
 In Chapter I the increase of sentiment in 
 favor of a naval armament during the latter 
 part of October and during November has 
 been shown, and the important naval legis- 
 lation of November has been presented. 
 It was now only a question of time until 
 Congress would heed the recommendations 
 of Rhode Island. On December 9, 1775, 
 the Rhode Island instructions once more 
 
 1. Gammell, Life of Samuel Ward, in 
 Sparks 's American Biography, 2nd, IX, 316 
 
Naz'x of the .liiuvican Rcz'olufion 85 
 
 came up, and a day for their consideration 
 was fixed, Monday, December 11.^ On the 
 11th, "agreeable to the order of the day, 
 the Congress took into consideration the 
 instructions given to the delegates of Rhode 
 Islantl;" whereupon a committee of twelve 
 was appointed to devise ways and means 
 for furnishing these colonies with a naval 
 armament.^ This committee performed its 
 work with commendable celerity, and 
 brought in, on December 13, one of the most 
 important reports in the history of the 
 naval affairs under the Revolution, for by 
 its acceptance Congress committed itself to 
 the establishment of a considerable naval 
 force. Congress determined to build thir- 
 teen frigates, five of 32, five of 28, and 
 three of 24 guns, to be distributed, as re- 
 gards the place of their construction, among 
 the states as follows : New Hampshire, one; 
 Massachusetts, two; Rhode Island, two; 
 Connecticut, one; New York, two; Pennsyl- 
 vania, four; and Maryland, one. It was 
 estimated that these shi])s would cost on 
 the average $66,666.67 each, and that their 
 whole cost would amount to $866,666.67. 
 All the materials for fitting them for sea 
 could be procured in America except can- 
 vas and gunpowder.^ 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 9, 1775. 
 
 2. Ibid., December il, 1775. 
 
 3. Ibid., December 13, 1775, 
 
86 A'az'v of the American Revolution 
 
 On December 14 a committee consisting 
 of one member from each colony was chosen 
 by ballot to take charge of the building and 
 fitting out of these vessels. The members 
 chosen with their states were as follows: 
 Josiah Bartlett, New Hampshire; John Han- 
 cock, Massachusetts; Stephen Hopkins, 
 Rhode Island; Silas Deane, Connecticut; 
 Francis Lewis, New York; Stephen Crane, 
 New Jersey; Robert Morris, Pennsylvania; 
 George Read, Delaware; Samuel Chase, 
 Maryland; R. H. Lee, Virginia; Joseph 
 Hewes, North Carolina; Christopher Gads- 
 den, South Carolina; John Houston, Geor- 
 gia.* This committee was substantially the 
 same as that which reported the naval in- 
 crease on the 13th; the only changes were in 
 the members from Massachusetts and Mary- 
 land, and in the addition of a member from 
 Georgia. The committee was a very able 
 one, comprising several of the foremost men 
 of the Revolution. Hancock, Morris, Hop- 
 kins, and Hewes were especially interested 
 in naval and maritime affairs. The absence 
 of the name of John Adams is probably ac- 
 counted for by his return home early in 
 December. 
 
 This new committee was soon designated 
 as the Marine Committee, by which name 
 it was referred to throughout the Revolu- 
 tion. Larger, and, with its engrossing work 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 14, 1775. 
 
Xoi'x of the Aincyicaii Rcz'ohitioii 87 
 
 of building and fitting out the thirteen fri- 
 gates, more active than the Naval Commit- 
 tee, it soon overshadowed and finally al)- 
 sorbed its colleague. This absorbtion was 
 facilitated no doubt by the fact that the 
 four members of the Naval Committee re- 
 maining in January, 1776, also belonged 
 to the new committee. With the exception 
 of the rendering of its accounts, the duties 
 of the Naval Committee came to an end with 
 the sailing of Hopkins's fleet in February, 
 1776.^ The Marine Committee now ac- 
 quired a firm grasp of the naval business of 
 the colonies, and from this time until De- 
 cember, 1779, it was the recognized and re- 
 sponsible head of the Naval Department, 
 and as such, during the period that saw 
 the rise and partial decline of the Conti- 
 nental navy, its history is of prime im- 
 portance. 
 
 The Marine Committee like the Naval 
 Committee had at Philadelphia an office of 
 its own, and held its sessions in the evening. 
 Its officers consisted of a chairman or presi- 
 dent, a vice-president, and a secretary.^ 
 Its clerical force comprised one or more 
 clerks. On June 6, 1777, Congress resolved 
 that five of its members — which number 
 thereafter constituted a quorum — should 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress. Janu- 
 ary 25, September 19. 1776. See Ford's new 
 edition of the Jouruals. 
 
 2. The Secretary of the Marine Committee 
 ■was John Brown. 
 
88 Nai'y of fJie .lincricaii Rcz'ohitioii 
 
 form a "board" for the transaction of busi- 
 ness.^ Each of the thirteen states had one 
 member on the Committee. Rarely did 
 more than one-half of the Committee's mem- 
 bers attend its sessions. Its personnel was 
 continually changing. This was necessita- 
 ted in part by a similar change in the mem- 
 bership of Congress; as the old members 
 retired, the new ones filled their places. 
 The members of the Marine Committee re- 
 ceived no pay for their naval services as 
 such. Each state of course paid its mem- 
 ber of the Committee for his services as a 
 delegate to the Continental Congress. The 
 wages of the secretary of the Committee 
 and of its clerical force varied. On June 16, 
 1778, the Committee was permitted to raise 
 the wages of its clerks to $100 a month. ^ 
 The secretary was paid at the rate of $8,000 
 a year after November 2, 1778.^ During 
 1778 and 1779 Congress was raising the 
 salaries of its executive employees because 
 of the depreciation of the currency. 
 
 The most responsible duties of the Com- 
 mittee naturally fell to the four or five 
 members oldest in its service. From this 
 class it drew its chairmen. Three out of 
 the five men who are known to have filled 
 this office were on the first list of the Com- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 6, 1777. 
 
 2. Ibid., June 16, 1778. 
 
 3. Ibid., January 27, 17S0. 
 
Xaz'x of the Ainerican Rcrolntion 89 
 
 mittee's members. During possibly all of 
 1776, and for a part of 1777, courtly John 
 Hancock presided over the Marine Com- 
 mittee, while at the same time he dignified 
 the chair of the President of Congress. In 
 December, 1777, Henry Laurens of South 
 Carolina had succeeded to both of Han- 
 cock's positions.^ In 1778 and 1779 the 
 mantles of the first leaders in naval admin- 
 istration, whether they exactly fitted or 
 not, were worn by Richard Henry Lee, "one 
 of the fine fellows from Virginia"; Samuel 
 Adams of Massachusetts; and William Whip- 
 ple of New Hampshire. Lee was chairman 
 in the summer of 1778. Probably before 
 December of that year, certainly by that 
 time, Adams had succeeded him." Adams 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 27, 1777. 
 
 2. Lee, however, signed a letter as chair- 
 man in March, 1779. Relative to Samuel 
 Adams's work in the Marine Committee, these 
 words of his biographer possess interest; 
 "Upon his arrival in Congress [May 21, 1778], 
 he was added to the Marine Committee, of 
 which iinportant Board he was made chairman, 
 and continued to direct its duties, for the next 
 two years. In this arduous position, judged 
 from the great number of reports and the mul- 
 tiplicity of business submitted to it, Adams 
 might fairly have claimed exemption from all 
 other employments." — Wells, Life and Public 
 Services of Samviel Adams, III, 13. Mr. Wells 
 exaggerates the length of the naval services of 
 Adams, who left Philadelphia about June 20, 
 1779; whereupon William Whipple succeeded 
 him as chairman of the Marine Committee. 
 
90 Xcn'y of the American Re-c'olution 
 
 in turn yielded in June, 1779, to Whipple, 
 who continued to fill the office until the 
 Committee was superseded by a Board of 
 Admiralty in December, 1779. 
 
 There were other members besides the 
 chairmen upon whose shoulders rested the 
 burden of the naval business. Morris, 
 Hewes, and Hopkins have been previously 
 mentioned as members who were deeply 
 interested in naval affairs. Morris was for 
 a time vice-president of the Committee. 
 During the winter of 1776-77, while Congress 
 was at Baltimore, he remained in Philadel- 
 phia, and, for a time, practically without 
 assistance from the Committee, adminis- 
 tered the naval affairs of the colonies. 
 William Ellery of Rhode Island, who on 
 October 13, 1776, succeeded Hopkins, showed 
 zeal in the business of the navy. The work 
 of Francis Lewis of New York deserves 
 mention. No doubt there were other 
 members whose naval services were consid- 
 erable. Unfortunately, time has been care- 
 less with many of the records of the Marine 
 Committee. 
 
 In carrying out the resolutions of Con- 
 gress of December 13, 1775, authorizing the 
 building of thirteen frigates, the Marine 
 Committee employed agents to superin- 
 tend the work. These agents, who were 
 variously designated, were residents of the 
 colonies in which they were employed, and 
 their selection was usually determined by 
 
Xi.z'x of the Aiiu-ncan Rci'ohiiton 91 
 
 local advice and influence. The New Hamp- 
 shire frigate, the "Raleigh," 32, was built 
 at Portsmouth under the direction of John 
 Langdon, formerly a member of the Naval 
 Committee, but now Continental agent at 
 Portsmouth. He employed three master- 
 builders, who completed the frigate within 
 less than sixty days aft^r raising it.^ The 
 Massachusetts frigates, the "Hancock," 32, 
 and the "Boston," 24, were built at Salis- 
 bury and Newburyport, under the direction 
 of an agent. ^ 
 
 The Rhode Island vessels, the "War- 
 ren," 32, and the "Providence," 28, were 
 constructed at Providence, under the super- 
 intendence of a committee of twelve influ- 
 ential men of that city, who were appointed 
 by Stephen Hopkins, the Rhode Island 
 member of the Marine Committee. Certain 
 complaints were lodged with the Marine 
 Committee against the committee at Provi- 
 dence. One of these was made by Commo- 
 dore Hopkins, who charged that the "Provi- 
 dence" and the "Warren" had cost twice 
 as much as their contract price, "owing to 
 some of the very committee that built the 
 ships taking the workmen and the stock 
 agreed for off to work and fit their priva- 
 teers, and even threatening the workmen 
 
 1. New Hampshire Gazette, June 1, 1776. 
 
 2. Probably put upon the stocks at Salis- 
 bury and completed at Newburyport. 
 
92 Xaz'v of the .iiiicricaii Revolution 
 
 if they ditl not work for them."^ When in 
 the fall of 177G the Marine Committee wrote 
 to the committee, blaming its members for 
 some of their proceedings, they relinquished 
 their authority over the two vessels to 
 Stephen Hopkins.^ 
 
 The "Trumbull" was built under the di- 
 rection of agents at Chatham on the Con- 
 necticut river.^ Two other frigates were 
 begun in Connecticut in 1777, the "Confed- 
 eracy," 36, on the Thames river lietween 
 Norwich and New London, and the "Bour- 
 bon," 28, at Chatham on the Connecticut. 
 Each of these two frigates was constructed 
 imder a superintendent responsible to Gov- 
 ernor Jonathan Trumbull and the Connec- 
 ticut Council of Safety.^ Two Commission- 
 ers at Poughkeepsie, New York, had charge 
 of the work on the "Montgomery," 28, and 
 "Congress," 24. The Marine Committee 
 kept fairly well in its own hands the direc- 
 tion of the building at Philadelphia of the 
 Pennsylvania frigates, the "Randolph," 32, 
 the " Washington," 32, the "Effingham," 
 
 1. Edward Field, State of Rhode Island 
 and Providence Plantations, II, 42.3. 
 
 2. Staples, Annals of Providence, 267-S; 
 Marine Committee Letter Book, Marine Com- 
 mittee to Stephen Hopkins, and Marine Com- 
 mittee to Committee for Building the Conti- 
 nental Frigates at Providence, October 9, 
 1776. 
 
 3. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 526. 
 
 4. Records of State of Connecticut, I, 177. 
 
Xaz'y of iJic Auicrican RcvuUitioi 93 
 
 28, and the "Delaware," 24. The "Vir- 
 ginia," 28, was built at Baltimore, Mary- 
 land, with the assistance of the Baltimore 
 Committee of Observation.^ When under 
 the resolves of Congress of Novemlier 20, 
 1776, two frigates were begun at the Gos- 
 port navy-yard in Virginia, the work wa^ 
 placed in charge of two commissioners 
 and a master-builder. Richard Henry Lee, 
 the Virginia member of the Marine Commit- 
 tee, made the contract with the master- 
 builder.- 
 
 The need of some one to receive and dis- 
 pose of prizes soon led to the appointment 
 of "agents for prizes" in the leading sea- 
 ports. of the colonies. On April 23, 1770, 
 Congress, on the recommendation of the 
 Marine Committee, appointed prize agents 
 as follows: One at Boston; one at Provi- 
 dence; one at New London, Connecticut; 
 one at New York; two at Philadelphia; one 
 at Baltimore; one at Williamsburg, Virginia; 
 and one each at Wilmington, Newbern, and 
 Edenton, North Carolina.^ On June 25, 
 1776, Congress appointed an agent at Ports- 
 mouth, New Hampshire.^ In November, 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 5th, II, 350, 
 636, 989; III, 827. 
 
 2. Marine Committee Letter Book, Marine 
 Committee to David Stodcler, master-builder, 
 April 11, 1778. 
 
 3. Journals of Continental Congress, April 
 23, 1776. 
 
 4. Ibid., June 25, 1776. 
 
94 Xai'x of the American Rczvliition 
 
 1776, the Marine Committee selected two 
 prize agents for South CaroUna and one for 
 Georgia.^ This list was not completed until 
 September 1, 1779, when Congress appointed 
 a prize agent for New Jersey.^ These agents 
 had charge of all Continental prizes sent into 
 their respective states. By far the most im- 
 portant agency was that of John Bradford 
 at Boston. It may be estimated that one- 
 half of all the prizes captured by the Conti- 
 nental vessels in American waters were or- 
 dered to Boston. The naval port second in 
 importance was Philadelphia. 
 
 The duties of the prize agents were to 
 libel all of the Continental prizes sent into 
 their jurisdiction, see that the prizes were 
 tried by the proper admiralty court; and 
 after they had been legally condemned, to 
 sell them, and make an equitable distribu- 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, .5th, III, 
 671, 739-40. The first prize agents to be ap- 
 pointed, many of whom held their offices 
 throughout the greater part of the Revolu- 
 tion, were as follows: John Langdon, Ports- 
 mouth; John Bradford, Boston; Daniel Til- 
 linghast, Providence; Nathaniel Shaw, jr.. 
 New London; Jacobus Vanzant, New York; 
 John Nixon and John Maxwell Nesbit, Phila- 
 delphia; William Lux, Baltimore; John Taze- 
 well, Williamsburg; Robert Smith, Edenton; 
 Richard Ellis, Newbern; Cornelius Harnet, 
 Wilmington ; Livinus Clarkson and John Dor- 
 sius, Charleston; John Wereat, Savannah; and 
 Okey Hoaglandt, New Jersey. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember 1, 1779. 
 
Xai'x of iJic American Rcvohiho" 95 
 
 tion of the proceeds, in accordance with the 
 resohitions of Congress governing the shar- 
 ing of prizes. The prize agents were direct- 
 ed b}^ the Marine Committee to render to it 
 a quarterly statement showing tlie prizes 
 received, sales effected, and distributions of 
 the proceeds made.' 
 
 The same men who were prize agents were 
 also as a rule "Continental agents," in 
 which latter capacity they served the vari- 
 ous administrative organs of Congress, in- 
 cluding the Marine Committee. They as- 
 sisted the Committee and commander-in- 
 chief of the fleet in purchasing, refitting, 
 provisioning, and manning the armed ves- 
 sels. The naval services of some of these 
 men, both as prize agents and as Continental 
 agents, were so considerable as to render 
 their names worthy of mention. Most con- 
 spicuous among the several naval agents 
 were John Bradford of Boston, John Nixon 
 and John Maxwell Nesbit of Philadelphia, 
 John Langdon of Portsmouth, New Hamp- 
 shire, Nathaniel Shaw, jr., of New London, 
 and Daniel Tillinghast of Providence. 
 
 The governors and legislatures of the colo- 
 nies and other local governmental authori- 
 ties often aided the Committee in its work. 
 The work of Governor Trumbull and the 
 Connecticut Council of Safety in the build- 
 ing of the Continental frigates in that state 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 5th, II, 1113-14. 
 
ijG Xa-ry of the .imcrican Revolution 
 
 has already been noted. In the latter part 
 of 1776 the New York Convention attempted 
 in behalf of the Marine Committee to secure 
 the two Continental frigates at Poughkeepsie 
 from the British when they occupied the 
 lower Hudson. Such illustrations could be 
 multiplied. In two services so closely con- 
 nected as the navy and the army, the offi- 
 cers and agents of one were naturally now 
 and then called vipon to serve the other. 
 They borrowed from and lent to each other 
 cannon, ammunition, and military stores. 
 The Commissaries of one and the Navy 
 Boards of the other had mutual dealings. 
 The Commissary-General of Prisoners of 
 the Army had much to do with the care of 
 the marine prisoners. 
 
 Towards the close of 1776 the unsatisfac- 
 tory state of the naval business, together 
 with its increase and its growing complex- 
 ity, forced home upon the Committee the 
 necessity of providing some permanent force 
 to take charge of the details of naval admin- 
 istration. Accordingly, on November 6^ 
 1776, Congress at the instance of the Marine 
 Committee resolved "that three persons, 
 well skilled in maritime affairs, be immedi- 
 ately appointed to execute the business of 
 the navy, under the direction of the marine 
 committee."^ Later in the same month 
 John Nixon, John Wharton, and Francis 
 
 1. Joui-nals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 28, November G, 1776. 
 
Xaz'v of the American Rcz'oliition 97 
 
 Hopkinson were selected as suitable persons 
 for this work, all three living within or near 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 Nixon wnth his experience as a shi^^ping 
 merchant was probably best fitted for his 
 task. Fancy may discern a poetic fitness in 
 his choice, since he had been the owner of 
 the "Alfred," the first vessel of the Ameri- 
 can navy. Nixon also had the distinction 
 of being the first man to read publicly the 
 Declaration of Independence. Wharton be- 
 longed to the distinguished Philadelphia 
 family of that name. Of the three men, 
 Hopkinson probably had the widest culture. 
 At the outbreak of the Revolution he was 
 practicing law at Bordentown, New Jersey. 
 He was one of the Signers of the Declaration 
 of Independence. From 1779 to 1789 ho 
 was judge of the Admiralty Court of Penn- 
 sylvania. He is best known, however, not 
 for his substantial services, but as the au- 
 thor of the humorous ballad, the " Battle of 
 the Kegs." 
 
 On April 19, 1777, Congress on the motion 
 of John Adams decided to form a similar 
 board for the New England states, the mem- 
 bers of which were to "reside at or in the 
 neighborhood of Boston, in the state of 
 Massachusetts Bay, with a power to adjourn 
 to any part of New England ; who shall have 
 the superintendence of all naval and marine 
 affairs of these United States within the 
 four eastern states, under the direction of 
 
98 Nirz'x of the Aiiicricaii Rcz'olution 
 
 the marine committee."^ Adams secured 
 the fining of this board with some difficulty 
 owing to the indifference of Congress to its 
 establishment. Finally, nine men were nom- 
 inated, and on May 6 three of these were cho- 
 sen commissioners, James Warren of Ply- 
 mouth, Massachusetts; William Vernon of 
 Providence, Rhode Island ; and John Dcshon 
 of New London, Connecticut.^ 
 
 Foremost of the three Commissioners was 
 Warren, an eminent patriot, who had been 
 President of the Massachusetts Provincial 
 Congress and also of the Massachusetts 
 Board of War. He was an intimate friend 
 of John and Samuel Adams, and, it is said, 
 much resembled the latter in character. 
 
 1. Journals of Conthiental Congress, April 
 19, 1777. 
 
 2. On May 6, 1777, John Adams wrote to 
 James Warren notifying him of his appoint- 
 ment. He added a few words explaining the 
 character of the position: "You will have the 
 building and fitting of all ships, the appoint- 
 ment of officers, the establishment of arsenals 
 and magazines, which will take up your whple 
 time; but it will be honorable to be so capitally 
 concerned in laying a foundation of a great 
 navy. The profit to you will be nothing; but 
 the honor and the virtue the greater. I almost 
 envy you this employment." — Works of John 
 Adams, IX, 465. On May 9, the Rhode Island 
 member of the Marine Committee notified 
 William Vernon of his appointment. — Publi- 
 cations of the Rhode Island Historical Society, 
 VIII, 206. See also Massachusetts Historical 
 Society Collections, 7th, II, 45. 
 
Naz'y of the American Revolution 99 
 
 Vernon, who served as President of the 
 Navy Board, was a most distinguished New- 
 port merchant and one of the most self-sac- 
 rificing of patriots. During the Revokition 
 he advanced large sums of money to the 
 government, which were only in part repaid. 
 Before the war his trade extended to all the 
 maritime nations of Europe and to the West 
 Indies and Africa.^ Deshon was of Hugue- 
 not descent. He was conspicuous in the 
 Revolutionary party of New London, and 
 was a captain in his state's military forces. 
 He rendered much assistance in fitting out 
 the Connecticut navy. 
 
 These two boards were variously desig- 
 nated in the official documents of the time. 
 The one was most frequently called the 
 Navy Board of the Middle Department or 
 District, or the Navy Board at Philadelphia, 
 Bordentown, or Baltimore, according to its 
 location; and the other, the Navy Board of 
 the Eastern Department or District, or the 
 Navy Board at Boston. The Navy Board 
 at Philadelphia was at first referred to as 
 the Continental Navy Board, or the Board 
 of Assistants. These two names indicate 
 that when the board at Philadelphia was 
 formed, the establishing of a second board 
 was not in contemplation. The Navy Board 
 at Philadelphia seems to have taken little 
 or no part in the naval affairs in New Eng- 
 
 1. New England Historical and Genealogi- 
 cal Register, XXX, 316-18. 
 
loo Xa-i'x of the Ainericaii Revolution 
 
 land. It was hardly settled in its work be- 
 fore the Navy Board at Boston was created. 
 Attention should be called to the fact that 
 the offices of Navy Board and of Commis- 
 sioner of the Navy had long been established 
 in the British navy. The British offices 
 served in some degree as models to Con- 
 gress and the Marine Committee.^ 
 
 Each board had a secretary, treasurer, 
 and paymaster; but one person sometimes 
 served in two, or even the three, capacities. 
 Each board had one, and sometimes two 
 clerks. A clerkship was at times joined 
 with one of the other offices. The boards as 
 a rule selected their own employees. Any 
 
 1. When the Navy Board at Philadelphia 
 was being estaldished and its commissioners 
 appointed, William Ellery wrote to William 
 Vernon as follows: "I should be glad to know 
 what is the Office of Commissioners of the 
 Navj^ and that you would point it out par- 
 ticulaidy ; unless you can refer me to some 
 Author who particularly describes. The Con- 
 duct of the Affairs of a Navy as well as those 
 of an Army, We are yet to learn. We are 
 still unacquainted with the systematical man- 
 agement of them, although We have inade 
 considerable Progress in the latter. It is the 
 Duty of every Friend to his Country to throw 
 his Knowledge into the common Stock. I 
 know you are well skilled in Commerce and I 
 believe you are acquainted with the System of 
 the British Navy, and I am sure of your Dispo- 
 sition to do every Service to the Caiise of Lib- 
 erty in your Power." — Publications of Rhode 
 Island Historical Society, VIII, 201, Papers of 
 William Vernon and the Navy Board. 
 
A'az'v of the Aiiuvican Rcz'oliition loi 
 
 two nicmlDcrs of the Navy Board at Boston 
 were empowered by Congress on October 
 23, 1777, to form a quorum.^ 
 
 With the exception of the resignation of 
 Deshon in May, 1781, the Navy Board at 
 Boston did not change in personnel. Its 
 headquarters remained continually at Bos- 
 ton. On the other hand, the membership 
 of the Navy Board at Philadelphia made 
 several changes. On May 9, 1778, Wil- 
 liam Smith of Baltimore was elected in the 
 place of John Nixon, who had resigned.^ 
 On August 19, Hopkinson and Smith 
 having resigned, Captain Nathaniel 
 Palconcr and James Searle, both of 
 Pennsylvania, were appointed.^ Falconer 
 declined the appointment; Searle accepted, 
 but resigned on September 26.'' Meanwhile, 
 Wharton had resigned, and the three com- 
 missionerships were vacant. On November 
 4, 1778, the vacancies were filled by the re- 
 appointment of Wharton, and the selection 
 of James Read of Delaware, the clerk and 
 paymaster of the Board, and William Win- 
 der,^ a captain in the military forces of Mary- 
 land and a judge of the court of appeals of 
 Somerset county in that state. When in 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 23, 1777. 
 
 2. Ibid., May 9, 1778. 
 
 3. Ibid., Aue;ust 19, 1778. 
 
 4. Ibid., September 28, 1778. 
 
 5. Ibid.. November 4, 1778. 
 
I02 Nazy of the American ReToliition 
 
 Decemljer, 1776, Phila(leli)hia seemed to be 
 in danger from the enemy, Congress and the 
 Board retreated to Baltimore, where they 
 spent the winter of 1776-1777. The fortunes 
 of war compelled the Board in the fall of 
 1777 to retreat to Bordentown, New Jersey; 
 and after the American fleet in the Dela- 
 ware was destroyed, the Marine Committee 
 early in 1778 ordered it to Baltimore,^ 
 where it was situated for a few months. In 
 the summer of 1778 it returned permanently 
 to Philadelphia. 
 
 The salary of a commissioner of the navy 
 was first fixed at $1,500 a year. On October 
 31, 1778, "in consideration of the extensive 
 business of their departments," this salary 
 was raised to $3,000, and on November 12, 
 1779, on the depreciation of the currency, 
 to $12,000. It was reduced on September 
 25, 1780, to $1,500, and was now paid quar- 
 terly in specie or its equivalent. The sal- 
 aries of the employees of the Navy Boards 
 underwent like variations. Beginning with 
 $500, they advanced in some instances as 
 high as $2,000 a year. On August 4, 1778, 
 the clerk of the Navy Board at Boston was 
 made a special allowance of $500, " in consid- 
 
 1. Marine Corrnijittee Letter Book, Marine 
 Committee to Navy Board of Middle Depart- 
 ment, January 22, 1778. The Philadelphia 
 Board was ordered on January 22 to remove 
 to Baltimore, but it appears that it did not go 
 until April. 
 
A'(7r_\' ('/ ilic American Revolution 103 
 
 eratiou of the great and constant business," 
 in which he had been engaged.^ 
 
 To recapitulate, the chief agents of the 
 Marine Committee were these: the Navy- 
 Boards, the prize agents, the Continental 
 agents, and the agents for building vessels. 
 After the creation of the Navy Boards, the 
 latter three classes served in part as their 
 sub-agents; but by no means entirely so, 
 for the Marine Committee gave many orders 
 over the heads of the Boards. 
 
 The Marine Committee and its principal 
 agents employed many minor agents. One 
 illustration, taken from the work of the 
 Navy Boards as purveyors of the navy, will 
 suffice to show the subordinate character of 
 the services which these minor agents ren- 
 dered. It is recorded that the Navy Board 
 at Boston had in its employ in New Hamp- 
 shire "a contractor of beef for the navy," 
 who in turn had in his employ a single 
 drover, that by September, 1779, had pur- 
 chased more than one thousand head of 
 cattle for the use of the Navy Board at 
 Boston.^ 
 
 1. For salaries of the Commissioners of the 
 Navy and their employees, see Journals of Con- 
 tinental Congress, November 7, 1776; April 19, 
 1777; October 23, 1777; October 10, 1778; 
 October 31, 1778; November 12, 1779; Janu- 
 ary 28, 1780; and September 25, 1780. 
 
 2. Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Division of 
 Manuscripts, Library of Congress. 
 
CHAPTER IV 
 
 THE WORK OF THE NAVY BOARDS AND 
 THE MARINE COMMITTEE 
 
 There was a painful lack of system about 
 the business methods of the Naval Depart- 
 ment of the Revolution. Then, official rou- 
 tine was not settled as at present. Usage 
 had had no opportunity to establish fixed 
 and orderly forms of procedure; and amid 
 the distractions of war, when some real or 
 supposed emergency was continually invit- 
 ing one authority or another to disregard 
 regularity and order, usage could obtain 
 but scant permission to begin its work. 
 Wars are famous for breaking through, not 
 for forming a crust of official precedent. 
 The administrative machinery of armies and 
 navies tends to adapt itself to the condi- 
 tions of peace — now the normal state of na- 
 tions. During long periods of partial stag- 
 nation this machinery becomes complicated ; 
 its tension is weakened; and many of its 
 axles grow rusty from disuse. When war 
 breaks out, the conditions of administra- 
 tion are greatly changed. A thousand ex- 
 tra calls for work to be done at once are 
 
Naz'y of the American Rcvolntioii 105 
 
 loud and inexorable. Expedition must be 
 had at all hazards and costs. Rapid action 
 of the administrative machinery must be 
 obtained, its tension screwed down, extra 
 cog wheels discarded, and efficient machin- 
 ists substituted for the dotards of peace. 
 It is obvious that with this sort of difliculty 
 those who managed the naval affairs during 
 the Revolution did not have to contend, for 
 the organ of naval administration was then 
 created from its foundation. Their difficul- 
 ties sprang not from the age, but from the 
 newness of this organ. It lacked a nice cor- 
 relation of parts, the smooth action that 
 comes from long service, and the system 
 that immemorial routine establishes. 
 
 The absence of system in the Naval De- 
 partment was most conspicuous in the ap- 
 pointment of naval officers, from the cap- 
 tain to the coxswain. This work was shared 
 by Congress, the Marine Committee, the 
 Navy Boards, the Continental agents, the 
 Commander-in-chief of the navy, the com- 
 manders of vessels, recruiting agents, the 
 Commissioners at Paris, and the commer- 
 cial agents residing in foreign countries. 
 Appointments were sometimes actually de- 
 termined by the governors of states, "con- 
 spicuous citizens," and local governmental 
 bodies. A good illustration of the way in 
 which convenience was sometimes consulted 
 is found in the resolution of Congress of 
 June 14, 1777, which designated William 
 
io6 Xaz'y of the American Revolution 
 
 Whipple, the New Hampshire member of 
 the Marine Committee, John Langdon, Con- 
 tinental agent at Portsmouth, and John 
 Paul Jones, the commander of the ship 
 "Ranger," to select the commissioned and 
 warrant officers of the "Ranger," then at 
 Portsmouth.^ In a new navy without esprit 
 de corps, to permit a commander to have a 
 voice in choosing his own officers often made 
 for proper subordination. 
 
 It was a source of annoyance and confu- 
 sion to the Navy Boards to find through ac- 
 cidental sources of information, as they 
 sometimes did, that the Marine Committee 
 had given orders to naval agents to transact 
 business, the immediate control of which 
 was vested in the Boards. Naval agents 
 sometimes discovered that they were serving 
 in a single task two or three naval masters. 
 Irregularities were chargeable not alone to 
 the Naval Department. The governor of a 
 state was known on his own authority, to 
 the vexation of the rightful executive, to 
 take part in the direction of the cruises of 
 Continental vessels. Naval commanders 
 w^ere now and then guilty of breaches of 
 their orders. Congress had its share in the 
 confusing of business. On one occasion, 
 making a display of its ignorance, it sus- 
 pended Captain John Roach from a com- 
 mand to which he had not been appointed; 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 14, 1777. 
 
Xaz'y of the American Revolution 107 
 
 Roach in fact was not an officer in the Con- 
 tinental navy.^ It sometimes made imprac- 
 ticable details of the armed vessels. It 
 also exercised its privilege of referring to 
 special committees bits of business that 
 logically belonged to the Marine Committee. 
 
 These irregularities, notwithstanding their 
 number, were after all exceptions. The very 
 nature of business forces it to follow some 
 system, however imperfectly. Where there 
 is a number of agents there must be a 
 division of labor. Without such arrange- 
 ments chaos would exist. It is therefore 
 possible to set forth with some detail the 
 respective duties of the Marine Committee, 
 tlie Navy Boards, and the various naval 
 agents. The work and duties of the naval 
 agents have already been treated with suffi- 
 cient particularity. The work of the Navy 
 Boards and the Marine Committee will be 
 considered in this chapter. 
 
 The duties of the Navy Boards were of a 
 varied character. Each Board superin- 
 tended the building, manning, fitting, pro- 
 visioning, and repairing of the armed ves- 
 sels in its district. It kept a register of the 
 vessels which it built, showing the name, 
 dimensions, burden, number of guns, tackle, 
 apparel, and furniture of each vessel. Each 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 14, 1777. Marine Committee Letter Book, 
 Committee to Navy Board at Boston, March 
 6. 1778. 
 
io8 Nai'y of the Aiiicricaii Revolution 
 
 f^ ■: \ Board had records of all the officers, sailors, 
 '■^ ' and marines in its district, and required the 
 commanders to make returns of these items 
 upon the termination of their cruises. It 
 was the duty of the Boards to notify the 
 (y Marine Committee of the arrivals and de- 
 partures of the Continental vessels. They 
 were required to settle the naval accounts 
 and ''to keep fair Books of all expenditures 
 of Publick Moneys." The records of their 
 transactions were to be open to the inspec- 
 tion of Congress and the Marine Committee. 
 They rendered to the Committee annually, 
 or oftener when required, an account of 
 their disbursements. The Boards paid the 
 salaries of officers and seamen, and audited 
 the accounts of the prize agents.^ 
 
 In the appointment of officers the Navy 
 Board at Boston was given a freer rein than 
 was its colleague at Philadelphia. The 
 share of the Navy Boards in selecting officers 
 and in enlisting seamen was about as fol- 
 lows. The Boards superintended the ap- 
 pointing of petty officers and the enlisting 
 of seamen, both of which duties were 
 chiefly performed by the commanders of 
 vessels and by recruiting agents. The 
 Boards generally selected the warrant offi- 
 cers, very frequently on the recommenda- 
 tion of the commanders. If the one appoint- 
 
 1. Publications of Rhode Island Historical 
 Society, VIII, 208, Instructions of Marine Com- 
 mittee to the Eastern Navy Board, July 10, 1777, 
 
XcTvy of the ^liitcricaii Revolution 109 
 
 mciit to the office of Commander-in-chief be 
 disregarded, there existed but tAvo classes of 
 commissioned officers in the Revolutionary 
 navy, captains and lieutenants. The 
 Boards often chose the lieutenants; and 
 they generally recommended the captains 
 to the Marine Committee. The Commit- 
 tee furnished the Boards with blaidv war- 
 rants and commissions, signed by the Presi- 
 dent of Congress. When one of these forms 
 was properly filled out by a navy board for 
 an officer, the validity of his title to his 
 position and rank could not be questioned. 
 The Boards were empowered under cer- 
 tain circumstances, and in accordance with 
 the rules and regulations of the navy and 
 the resolutions of Congress, to order the 
 holding of courts of enquiry and courts-mar- 
 tial. They could administer oaths to the 
 judges and officials of these courts. A 
 Board might suspend an ofHcer of the navy 
 who treated it with "indecency and disre- 
 spect. ''^ On October 23, 1777, the Navy 
 Board at Boston was given power to sus- 
 pend a naval officer, "until the pleasure of 
 Congress shall be known. "^ Not always 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De-. 
 ceniber 30, 1777. The occasion of this grant 
 of power by Congress was a letter complaining 
 of "disrespect and ill treatment" which a 
 member of the Navy Board of the Middle De- 
 partment had received at the hands of John 
 Barry, commander of the frigate "Effingham." 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 23, 1777. 
 
no Na-c'v of the Amcriccui Revolution 
 
 did the kindliest relations exist between 
 the Navy Boards and the commanders of 
 the vessels. Officers who but yesterday 
 tramped the decks of their own merchant- 
 men, giving commands but not receiving 
 them, chafed under the subordination that 
 their position in the navy exacted. 
 
 The Navy Boards made public the reso- 
 lutions of Congress on naval affairs, copies 
 of which they lodged with the prize agents, 
 the commanders of vessels, and all inter- 
 ested persons. They distributed among 
 the naval captains the rules and regulations 
 of the navy, the sea-books, and the naval 
 signals. The Boards acted in an advisory 
 capacity to the Marine Committee, which 
 frequently called upon them for informa- 
 tion or opinions; when a revision of the 
 rules and regulations of the navy was under 
 consideration their assistance in the work 
 was requested. Sometimes they volun- 
 teered important suggestions looking to the 
 betterment of the navy. They communi- 
 cated frequently with the Committee, giv- 
 ing in detail the state of the naval business 
 in their respective districts. 
 
 In the hiring, purchase, and building of 
 vessels the Boards had to do with craft of 
 all sorts, freight-boats, fire-ships, galleys, 
 packets, brigs, schooners, sloops, ships, fri- 
 gates, and men-of-war. Measured l^y the 
 standards of the time, the building of one 
 of the larger vessels was a work of some 
 
Xaz'v of the .-iuicrican Rcz'oliition iii 
 
 magnitude. A notion of the men and ma- 
 terials requisite for such an undertaking 
 may be gained from an estimate, made 
 early in 1780, of the sundries needed to 
 complete the 74-gun ship "America," the 
 largest of the Continental vessels constructed 
 during the Revolution. The construction 
 of this ship had been begun at Portsmouth, 
 New Hampshire, in 1777. It was computed 
 that one hundred and fifty workmen for an 
 average period .of eight months would be 
 required. Fifty carpenters, twenty ordi- 
 nary laborers, twenty caulkers, ten riggers, 
 ten sailors, two master-builders, and an 
 uncertain number of blacksmiths, sail- 
 makers, coopers, plumbers, painters, gla- 
 ziers, carvers, boat-builders, ship-copperers, 
 tinners, cabinet-makers, and tanners were 
 demanded. Materials and provisions were 
 needed as follows: Seven hundred tons of 
 timbers, one hundred casks of naval stores, 
 forty tons of iron, one thousand water-casks, 
 masts and spars of all sorts, sheets of lead, 
 train oil, and oakum; provisions for most 
 of the above workmen, and lastly, an indis- 
 pensable lubricant for all naval services at 
 this time, "rum, one half pint per day, in- 
 cluding extra hands, say for 150 hands, 8 
 months, 12 hhds, 1310 gallons. "^ In build- 
 ing the armed vessels, the Boards were 
 greatly hampered by the difficulty of ob- 
 
 1. Records and papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 37, p. 217. 
 
112 A'ai'y of the American Revolution 
 
 taining artisans, owing to their being called 
 out for military service, or to their engaging 
 in privateering. In providing armament 
 and equipment, they were embarrassed by 
 the inexperience of the colonists in casting 
 cannon, and by the obstacles which they 
 encountered in importing canvas, cables, 
 arms, and ammunition. 
 
 For the future use of the fleet the Navy 
 Boards collected in due season provisions 
 and naval stores. In their work as pur- 
 veyors for the navy a knowledge of the 
 baking of bread and the curing of meats 
 might not prove amiss. The kinds and 
 quantities of provisions which they bought 
 may be judged from an estimate of the sup- 
 plies that vv^ere requisite to equip for sea 
 and for a single cruise the 3(3-gun frigate 
 ''Confederacy." The names and quantities 
 of the articles needed were as follows: 
 bread, 35,700 lbs.; beef, 15,300 lbs.; pork, 
 15,300 lbs.; flour, 5,100 lbs.; potatoes, 10,- 
 000 lbs.; peas, <S0 bus.; mutton, 2,500 lbs.; 
 butter, 637 lbs.; rice, 2,550 lbs.; vinegar, 
 160 gals.; and rum, 2,791 gals.^ The 
 Boards' supplies of naval stores consisted 
 chiefly of canvas, sails, cordage, cables, tar, 
 turpentine, and ship chandlery. 
 
 The commissioners of each district made 
 some division of their work among them- 
 selves. For instance, the special task of 
 
 grcs 
 
 1. Records and papers of Continental Con- 
 :;ss, ;j7, p. 273. 
 
Xaz'x of the American Revolution 113 
 
 Wharton of the Philadelphia Board was the 
 superintending of the accounting and the 
 naval finances of the Middle District. Dur- 
 ing 1778 Deshon of the Boston Board 
 spent much time in Connecticut attending 
 to the naval business in that state. This 
 had to do chiefly with freeing the "Trum- 
 bull " frigate from a sandbar upon which 
 she had grounded. During the same year 
 Vernon was for a time at Providence en- 
 deavoring to get to sea the Continental 
 vessels which the British had blockaded in 
 that port. For a part of the year Warren 
 alone attended to the business of the 
 Board at its headcjuarters at Boston. On 
 August 4, 1778, Congress appropriated $365 
 to each of the commissioners of the Navy 
 Board at Boston to pay their traveling ex- 
 penses during the past year, since in the 
 right discharge of their office they were 
 obliged "frequently to visit the different 
 pafts of their extensive district."* 
 
 In the extent of its powers and in the 
 amount of its business the Boston Board 
 exceeded the one at Philadelphia." This 
 was largely owing to the centering of naval 
 affairs in New England after the occupa- 
 tion of Philadelphia in September, 1777; 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Au- 
 gust 4, 1778. 
 
 2. In the transmission of foreign mail the 
 Navy Board at Boston acted as the agent of 
 the Committee of Foreign Affairs. It both 
 purchased and hired packet boats. 
 
114 Nai'v of the American Revolution 
 
 and to the capture or destruction in that, 
 year of a large part of the fleet to the 
 southward of New England. After 1776 all 
 the new vessels added in America to the 
 navy, with the exception of two or three, 
 were either purchased or built in New Eng- 
 land. The long distance of the Marine 
 Committee from Boston, with the conse- 
 quent difficulties and delays in communi- 
 cation, made it necessary for the Com- 
 mittee to grant to the Boston Board larger 
 powers than to the Philadelphia Board. 
 
 The most important work of a Naval 
 Office is the directing of the movements of 
 the fleet, or in other words, the determining 
 of the cruises of the armed vessels. This 
 power the Marine Committee jealously 
 guarded, and was loathe to yield any part 
 of it. The Committee was forced at times, 
 however, to give to the Boston Board a 
 considerable discretion. In July, 1777, it 
 ordered the Board to send out the cruisers 
 as fast as they could be got ready, "direct- 
 ing the Commanders to such Latitudes as 
 you shall think there will be the greatest 
 chance of success in intercepting the enemy's 
 Transports and Merchant Ships"; and in 
 November, 1778, to send the vessels out, 
 "either collectively, or singly, as you shall 
 judge proper, using your discretion as to 
 the time for which their Cruises shall con- 
 tinue, and your best judgment in directing 
 the commanders to such places and on such 
 
Xaz'x of the ^Imcricaii Revolution 115 
 
 stations as you shall think will be for the 
 general benefit of the United States, and 
 to annoy and distress the Enemy. "^ Such 
 general orders were always subject to the 
 particular plans and directions of the Com- 
 mittee, which were by no means few. The 
 Committee itself determined the service of 
 all vessels that refitted at Philadelphia. As 
 a consequence the duties of the Navy Board 
 of the Middle Department had to do chiefly 
 with the minor details of administration. 
 Turning now from the work of the Navy 
 Boards to that of the Marine Committee, 
 one finds the significant fact to be the two- 
 fold relation that the Committee bore to 
 the Continental Congress. By reason of 
 the union in Congress of both legislative 
 and executive functions, the Committee 
 was at one and the same time an adminis- 
 trative organ of Congress charged with exe- 
 cuting the business of its Naval Depart- 
 ment, and its legislative committee on naval 
 affairs. Naturally, there were at points no 
 lines of demarkation between these two 
 functions; and it is therefore not always 
 easy, or even possible, to determine in which 
 capacity the Committee is acting. The 
 Committee's administrative duties, 'par ex- 
 cellence, were the enforcing and the carrying 
 out by means of its agents of the various 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book Com- 
 mittee to Navy Board at Boston, July 11, 
 1777; November 16, 1778. 
 
ii6 Xaz'v of the American Rcz'olutioii 
 
 resolutions of Congress upon naval affairs. 
 Already much light has been thrown upon 
 this phase of the Committee's work in the 
 treatment of the Navy Boards and the 
 naval agents. 
 
 It was the duty of the Marine Committee 
 to see that the resolutions on naval affairs 
 were brought to the attention of the proper 
 persons, officers, agents, and authorities. 
 As the head of the Naval Department, it 
 issued its commands and orders to the Navy 
 Boards, the naval agents, and the command- 
 ers of vessels. This was done both verbally 
 and by letters. The Navy Board of the 
 Middle Department, the naval agents at 
 Philadelphia, and often the naval officers 
 in that port, conferred with the Committee 
 and received orders by word of mouth. In 
 the prosecution of its work outside of Phil- 
 adelphia the Committee conducted a large 
 correspondence, chiefly with the ""^^avv 
 Board at Boston, the naval agents at Ports- 
 mouth, Boston, New London, and Balti- 
 more, and the leading captains of the navy. 
 It addressed letters to the governors of 
 most of the states and to many of the 
 local governmental authorities; to the Com- 
 mander-in-chief of the navy, Washington, 
 General Heath, General Schuyler, the Com- 
 missary-General of Prisoners, Commissary- 
 General of Purchases of the army, the mer- 
 chants of Baltimore, Count D'Estaing, the 
 Commissioners in Paris, and most of the cap- 
 
Navy of the Aincricaii Revolution iij 
 
 tains of the navy. This list of correspon- 
 dents well represents the range of the busi- 
 ness of the Committee. 
 
 Through its recommendations to Con- 
 gress the Marine Committee virtually se- 
 lected almost all the captains of the navy 
 and of the marine corps, many lieutenants 
 of both services, as a rule the commission- 
 ers of the navy, the prize agents, and the 
 advocates for the trying of maritime causes. 
 Appointments to these offices were rarely 
 made by Congress contrary to the recom- 
 mendations of the Committee, or on its own 
 initiative independent of the Committee. 
 A few captains and lieutenants of the navy 
 WTre appointed by representatives of the 
 United States residing abroad. 
 
 As is well known, all executive offices are 
 called upon to establish certain forms, rules, 
 and regulations for the guidance and gov- 
 ernment of their agents. Of this character 
 was the fixing by the Marine Committee of 
 the naval signals, the forms for sea-books, 
 and the proper uniforms for the naval offi- 
 cers. The Committee's regulations on uni- 
 forms were dated September 5, 1776. For 
 captains they prescribed a blue coat "with 
 red lappels, slash cuff, stand-up collar, flat 
 yellow buttons, blue britches, red waistcoat 
 with narrow lace." The uniform of the offi- 
 cers of the marines was ecpially resplendent 
 in colors. It included a green coat, with 
 white cuffs, a silver epaulet on the shoulder, 
 
ii8 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 white, waistcoat and breeches edged with 
 green, and black gaiters and garters. Green 
 was the distinctive color of the marines. 
 The privates were to display this badge in 
 the form of green shirts, "if they can be pro- 
 cured."^ Not enough information is acces- 
 sible to the writer to determine what influ- 
 ence the regulations prescribing the uniform 
 of British officers had on those adopted by 
 the Marine Committee. Both required in 
 the uniform of captains, blue coats, stand- 
 ing-up collars, and flat buttons; neither re- 
 quired epaulets, the wearing of which, as is 
 well known, originated in France.^ It is 
 probable that the prescribed uniform was 
 little worn by the Continental naval officers. 
 Grim necessity forced each officer to ran- 
 sack whatever wardrobe Providence offered, 
 and it is somewhat inaccurate to call their 
 miscellaneous garbs "uniforms." 
 
 As the Naval Office at Philadelphia de- 
 veloped, letters, memorials, and petitions 
 poured in upon it in increasing numbers. 
 Many of these communications were ad- 
 dressed to the President of Congress, were 
 read in Congress, and were formally referred 
 to the Marine Committee to be acted or 
 reported upon. It was only infrequently 
 that Con gress offered any suggestions as to 
 
 1. Sherburne, Life of John Paul Jones, ed. 
 1851, 30. Copies of the regulations on uni- 
 forms will be found in John Paul Jones manu- 
 scripts, Library of Congress. 
 
 2. Clowes. Royal Navy, III, 347-50; IV, 182. 
 
Xaz'v of the American Revolution 119 
 
 their proper disposition. These complaints 
 and requests were of a varied character, 
 and came from many sources; not a few 
 originated with that obsecpiious crowd, 
 with axes to grind, that always attends upon 
 official bodies. The wide range of these 
 communications may be judged from the 
 following subjects selected at random: 
 
 New Hampshire and Massachusetts re- 
 quest that the frigates building in those 
 states be ordered to defend the New Eng- 
 land coast. ^ Governor Livingston of New 
 Jersey asks for a naval office for a relative, 
 Musco Livingston.^ Gerard, the minister 
 of France to the United States, wishes to 
 know "the opinion of Congress respecting 
 his offering a premium to the owners of pri- 
 vateers that shall intercept masts and spars 
 belonging to the enemy, coming from Hali- 
 fax to New York and Rhode Island."^ 
 John Macpherson asserts that the position 
 of commander-in-chief in the navy was prom- 
 ised to him by Messrs. Randolph, Hop- 
 kins, and Rutledge, to whom he communi- 
 cated an important secret.* An affront has 
 been offered several French captains in Bos- 
 ton by the commander of the Continental 
 frigate "Warren."^ Twelve lieutenants 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 5th, II, 315. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember, 17, 1779. 
 
 3. Ibid., December 7, 1778. 
 
 4. Ibid., July 11, 1776. 
 
 5. Ibid., June 16, 1778. 
 
120 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 who had been dismissed from the navy for 
 combining in order to extort an increase of 
 pay, ask to be reinstated.^ The ambassa- 
 dor of Naples at the Court of France, whose 
 king has opened his ports to the American 
 vessels, wishes "to know the colours of the 
 flag, and form of the sea-papers of the United 
 States."^ Captain Biddle writes concern- 
 ing the cruel treatment inflicted by Lord 
 Howe upon Lieutenant Josiah of the Conti- 
 nental navy.^ Captain Skimmer has been 
 killed in an action with the "Montague," 
 and has left eleven children, nine of whom 
 are unable to earn a livelihood. His widow 
 asks for a pension.'* 
 
 The Marine Committee made frequent re- 
 ports to Congress, both in response to pre- 
 vious orders therefrom, and of its own ac- 
 cord in the course of its business. Occa- 
 sionally parts of its reports were recommit- 
 ted by Congress to a limited number .of the 
 Committee's members, doubtless for the 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 23, 24, 1777. 
 
 2. Ibid., February 24, 1779. 
 
 3. Ibid., August 7, 1776. 
 
 4. Ibid., September 14, 23, 1778. The 
 Marine Committee reported and Congress 
 agreed that "the eastern navy board be direct- 
 ed to supply 400 dollars annually, in quarterly 
 payments, for the support of Captain Skimmer's 
 widow and nine youngest children, and that 
 this provision be continued three years." This 
 is the first instance of the granting by the 
 United States of a pension to the family of a 
 naval officer upon his death. 
 
Xaz'x of the American Rcvohitio^i 121 
 
 purpose of obtaining prompt and expert 
 action. The Committee sometimes as- 
 signed special business to sub-committees, 
 or to single members. The subjects which 
 the Committee considered, discussed, and 
 reported upon ran the whole gamut of na- 
 val activities and interests. The substance 
 of many of its reports may be found in the 
 Journals of the Continental Congress for the 
 years 1776, 1777, 1778, and 1779. During 
 this period the Marine Committee prepared 
 and reported the larger part of the naval 
 legislation of Congress. It is true that spe- 
 cial committees contributed something to 
 this work, but these were composed in part 
 of members of the Marine Committee. Con- 
 gress, as a body, originated little, although 
 occasionally it was moved to the passage of 
 resolutions on naval affairs by some real or 
 supposed emergency, the importunities of 
 the self-seeking, or the whims of individual 
 members. It of course amended the re- 
 ports of its committees. 
 
 The principal legislation of Congress re- 
 lating to the navy which was passed during 
 the incumbency of the Marine Committee 
 will now be noted. No attempt will be 
 made to separate those provisions that were 
 the special work of the Marine Committee 
 from the whole legislative output. 
 
 During 1776 and 1777 Congress author- 
 ized important naval increases. It directed 
 the Marine Committee in March and April, 
 
122 Xazy of the American Revolution 
 
 1776, to purchase "the armed vessel now in 
 the river Delaware" and the ship ''Molly/* 
 to fit out two armed cutters, and to build 
 two galleys "capable of carrying two 36 or 
 42 pounders."^ On November 20, 1776, 
 Congress resolved to build immediately, 
 one ship, 74, in New Hampshire; two ships, 
 74 and 36, in Massachusetts; one ship, 74, 
 a brig, 18, and a packet boat, in Pennsyl- 
 vania; two frigates, 36 each, in Virginia; 
 and two frigates, 36 each, in Maryland.^ 
 Later, the size and armament of some of 
 these vessels were reduced by the Marine 
 Committee, and some of them were 
 never completed. Only three of these 
 ten vessels were armed, manned, and 
 sent to sea as a part of the forces 
 of the Continental navy. They were 
 the "Alliance," 36, the "General Gates," 
 18, both built in Massachusetts, and the 
 "Saratoga," 16, built in Pennsylvania. 
 The 74-gun ship "America," constructed at 
 Portsmoutli, New Hampshire, was not 
 launched until shortly before the Revolu- 
 tion ended. On January 23, 1777, Congress 
 ordered the construction of two frigates, 36 
 and 28, in Connecticut. These two ships 
 w^ere named respectively the "Confederacy" 
 and "Bourbon." On March 15, 1777, the 
 Marine Committee was ordered to purchase 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, March 
 13, March 28, April 3, April 14, 1776. 
 
 2. Ibid., November 20, 1776. 
 
A'at'v of the American Reroliitioii 123 
 
 three ships.' Congress gave directions 
 for other naval increases, but they were not 
 fully carried out. In July, 1777, owing to 
 the "extravagant prices now demanded 
 for all kinds of materials used in ship-build- 
 ing, and the enormous wages required by 
 tradesmen and labourers," Congress em- 
 powered the Committee to stop the building 
 of such of the Continental vessels as they 
 should judge proper.^ 
 
 During 1776 many important appoint- 
 ments and promotions in the navy and the 
 marine corps were made by the Marine Com- 
 mittee, and confirmed by Congress. Sam- 
 uel Nichols was placed at the head of the 
 marines, with the rank of major. Twenty 
 captains of the navy were appointed. Four 
 of these had been appointed lieutenants on 
 December 22, 1775, and were promoted, 
 but the remaining sixteen were new ap- 
 pointees. John Manly was taken from 
 Washington's fleet. Nicholas Biddle, Thom- 
 as Read, Charles Alexander, and James Josi- 
 ah had seen service in the Pennsylvania 
 navy; and James Nicholson in the Maryland 
 navy. During this year there was a great 
 scramble to obtain offices on board the thir- 
 teen frigates, and amid the rivalries of poli- 
 tics, it is not surprising that some candi- 
 dates were successful that, mifortunately 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Janu- 
 ary 23, March 15, 1777. 
 2 Ibid., July 25, 1777. 
 
124 A'az'v of the American Revolution 
 
 for the navy, had tasted httle salt water.^ 
 In mihtary services questions of promo- 
 tion and rank are perennial sources of 
 heartburning and jealousy. The advancing 
 of an officer on any other principle than 
 that of seniority in service rarely fails to 
 arouse feelings of injustice and suspicions 
 of partiality, which are only too often war- 
 ranted. The discontent and insubordi- 
 nation that ^uch a promotion incites must 
 always be weighed against its beneficial re- 
 sults. When, on October 10, 1776, Con- 
 gress, in determining the rank of twenty- 
 four captains and two lieutenants, disregard- 
 ed the dates of their commissions and appoint- 
 ments, it was unable to defend its act on the 
 usual, and under some circumstances, tenable 
 ground of the conspicuous services, marked 
 talents, and signal professional skill of those 
 favored. Once more Southern influences pre- 
 vailed, and James Nicholson, of Maryland, 
 commander of the frigate "Virginia," was 
 made the senior captain of the navy. This 
 distinguishing of Nicholson, who w^as ap- 
 pointed captain on June 6, 1776, worked 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 2.'), October 10, 1776; Scribner's Magazine, 
 XXIV, 29, Mahan, John Paul Jones in the 
 Revolution, quotes a member of Congress writ- 
 ing to Jones probably in the fall of 1776: "You 
 would be surprised to hear what a vast num- 
 ber of applications are continually making for 
 officers of the new frigates, especially for the 
 command." 
 
Xaz'x of flu- American Revolution 125 
 
 a hardship to the officers, and especially to 
 the four captains, appointed on December 
 22, 1775. John Paul Jones, who stood fifth 
 in rank in the list of December 22, and now 
 found himself eighteenth, smarted under 
 the injustice which was done him.^ It is 
 noteworthy that from March, 1777, when 
 Esek Hopkins was suspended from his po- 
 sition of commander-in-chief of the fleet, 
 until the end of the Revolution, the head of 
 the Continental army and the ranking offi- 
 cer of the navy came from adjoining 
 Southern states.^ 
 
 On November 15, 1776, Congress fixed 
 
 1. Jones made a copy of the list of cap- 
 tains of the navy arranged in accordance with 
 their respective ranks, upon which copy he 
 commented: "Whereby No. 18 is superseded 
 
 by 13 [men] altho their superior 
 
 Merits and Abilities are at best Presumptive, 
 and not one of them was in the service the 
 7th day of December, 1775, when No. 18 was 
 appointed Senior Lieut of the Navy." — Jones 
 Manuscripts, Library of Congress. 
 
 2. Nicholson, while at times displaying con- 
 spicuous bravery, was less fortunate in his 
 naval service than Hopkins. Two frigates un- 
 der his command were at different times cap- 
 tured by the enemy. On May 1, 1777, Con- 
 gress suspended him from his command, "until 
 he shall have made such satisfaction as shall 
 be accepted by the executive powers of the 
 state of Maryland, for the disrespectful and 
 contemptuous letter written by him to the 
 governor of that state." — -Journals of Continen- 
 nental Congress, May 1, 1777.. 
 
126 A^avy of the American Revolution 
 
 the relative rank of army and naval officers 
 as follows:^ 
 
 Admiral, with General. 
 
 Vice-Admiral, with Lieutenant-General. 
 
 Rear- Admiral, with Major-General. 
 
 Commodore, with Brigadier-General. 
 
 Captain of a ship of 40 guns and up- 
 wards, with Colonel. 
 
 Captain of a ship of 20 to 40 guns, with 
 Lieutenant-Colonel. 
 
 Captain of a ship of 10 to 20 guns, with 
 Major. 
 
 Lieutenant of the navy, with Captain. 
 
 Li this legislation on rank once more the 
 influence of British models is apparent. 
 The Committee was evidently building for 
 the future, for the four higher ranks were 
 not established at this time, nor during the 
 Revolution. The present relative rank of 
 army and naval officers is based on the 
 above table. 
 
 On March 23, 1776, Congress passed most 
 important resolutions supplementary to 
 those of November 25, 1775, concerning cap- 
 tures and the shares of prizes. The resolu- 
 tions of November 25 legalized the capture 
 of the enemy's vessels of war and trans- 
 ports. The new resolutions permitted for 
 the first time the capture of all ships and 
 cargoes, "belonging to any inhabitant, or 
 inhabitants of Great Britain, taken on the 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, No- 
 vember 15, 1776. 
 
A'ai'A' of the Ajucrican Revolution 12J 
 
 high seas, or between high and low water 
 mark/' by American privateers, vessels of 
 the Continental navy, or ships fitted out by 
 any of the colonies. In brief, the new 
 resolutions legalized reprisals on British 
 commerce. In the case of Continental ves- 
 sels, one-third of the prize went to the offi- 
 cers and crew; in the case of privateers, the 
 whole of the prize fell to the owners and cap- 
 tors. Each colony was permitted to fix the 
 shares of the proceeds of merchantmen cap- 
 tured by its own ships of war.^ On Octo- 
 ber 30, 1776, the share of prizes taken by 
 vessels of the Continental navy was in- 
 creased to one-half of merchantmen, trans- 
 ports, and store ships; and to the whole of 
 ships of war and privateers.^ 
 
 On April 2, 1776, Congress agreed to a 
 form of commission for privateers. On 
 the next day it resolved to send blank com- 
 missions, signed by the President of Con- 
 gress, to the legislatures, provincial con- 
 gresses, and committees of safety of the 
 United Colonies. These were to be filled 
 out and delivered to privateersmcn. Blank 
 bonds, which were to be executed by the 
 owners or masters of privateers, were also 
 sent. These bonds, which prescribed a pen- 
 alty of five or ten thousand dollars, accord- 
 ing to the size of the ship, were intended to 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, March 
 23, 1776. 
 
 2. Ibid., October 30, 177G. 
 
128 Xaz'x of the Aiiuvicaii Rcz'olittioii 
 
 discourage or prevent misconduct and un- 
 warrantable acts on the part of officers and 
 crews. Congress also drafted a form of in- 
 structions to the commanders of priva- 
 teers.^ 
 
 Congress on November 15, 1776, estab-' 
 lished a new pay-table. Officers were now 
 divided into three classes, those serving on 
 board of vessels of 20 guns and upwards, 
 vessels of 10 to 20 guns, and vessels below 
 10 guns. The vessels of the first two 
 classes were commanded by captains, and 
 of the third class by lieutenants. The pay 
 of the higher officers, which the new table 
 generally raised, varied for each of the 
 three classes, the commanding officers of 
 which received, respectively, $60, $48, and 
 $30 a month. Seamen were now paid a 
 monthly wage of $8. The pay of officers 
 below the captain ranged from $30 to $8.34 
 a month. A bounty of $20 for every cannon 
 and $8 for every seaman captured on board 
 a British ship of war w^as now voted.^ On 
 July 25, 1777, the "subsistence" of officers 
 while in foreign or domestic ports was 
 fixed.^ On January 19, 1778, Congress re- 
 solved that officers not in actual service 
 should be allowed pay, but not rations. 
 While prisoners of war, their allowance 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, April 
 2, April 3, 1776. 
 
 2. Ibid., November 15, 1776. 
 
 3. Ibid., July 25, 1777. 
 
Naz'y of the Aiiicricaii Revolution 129 
 
 for rations was to be diminished by the 
 value of the supplies which they received 
 from the enemy.^ Pursers for vessels of 
 16 guns and upwards were authorized on 
 November 14, 1778.^ 
 
 Additional interest attaches to the initial 
 legislation on pensions of the American gov- 
 ernment because of the unprecedented lijjer- 
 ality which now marks its treatment of its 
 veterans. The first legislation on naval 
 pensions dates from the adoption by Con- 
 gress on November 28, 1775, of a form of 
 naval contract according to which certain 
 bounties were granted officers, seamen, and 
 marines disabled from earning a livelihood.^ 
 These bounties were derived from the 
 proceeds of prizes captured by the aid of 
 the beneficiaries. A more ty])ical pension 
 law was passed on August 26, 1776.^ It 
 had, however, a vital defect in that it was 
 left to the enforcement of the individual 
 states. According to its provisions every 
 naval officer, seaman, or marine, "belonging 
 to the United States of America, who shall 
 lose a limb in any engagement in which no 
 prize shall be taken, or be therein otherwise 
 so disabled as to be rendered incapable of 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Janu- 
 ary 19, March 20, 1778. 
 
 2. Ibid., November 14, 1778. 
 
 3. See Chapter I, page 4G. 
 
 4. Journals of Continental Congress, August 
 26, 1776. This law applied to both the army 
 and the navy. 
 
130 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 getting a livelihood, shall receive during 
 his life, or the continuance of such disability, 
 one half of his monthly pay." When _ a 
 prize was captured at the time the disabil- 
 ity was contracted, the disabled person's 
 share of prize money was considered as a part 
 of his half-pay. If the disabled person was 
 rendered incapable of serving in the navy, 
 although not totally disabled from earning 
 a livelihood, he received a monthly sum, 
 judged to be adequate by the legislature of 
 the state in which he resided. Each state 
 was to determine which of its citizens were 
 entitled to a pension under this law, to pay 
 such persons their half-pay or allowance, and 
 to make a quarterly report of its work to the 
 secretary of Congress. The distinguishing 
 characteristic of the law lay in its depend- 
 ence on the states for its enforcement. As 
 might be expected, it was very imperfectly 
 carried out. 
 
 On September 25, 1778, Congress extend- 
 ed the advantages of the law to all persons 
 whose disabilities were acquired previous 
 to August 26, 1776.* It is to be carefully 
 noted that this was a pension for disabil- 
 ities and not for service — a fundamental 
 classification in pension law. An agita- 
 tion for a service pension for life for the of- 
 ficers of the army was made in and out of 
 Congress for a long time, until in 1780 it 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember 25, 1778. 
 
Navy of the American Rez'oliitioii 131 
 
 was at last successful.^ Such emoluments 
 were not at this time granted to naval offi- 
 cers ; it was probably argued that their shar- 
 ing in captured prizes offset the pensions of 
 the army officers. Then, too, the army had 
 ways of gaining the attention of Congress 
 that the weak and insignificant navy did 
 not possess. 
 
 Few more important duties fall to naval 
 offices than the enforcing of discipline in the 
 navy by means of naval courts. Adams's 
 rules of November 28, 1775, made provision 
 for holding courts-martial, but not courts of 
 enquiry, which are a sort of grand jury or 
 inquest. They also provided that courts- 
 martial should consist of at least six naval 
 officers, with six officers of marines, if so 
 many of the latter were convenient to the 
 court.^ The Committee and Navy Boards 
 at times found it impossible to assemble so 
 many officers. No definite procedure in 
 investigating the loss of vessels was 
 prescribed by Adams's rules. Additional 
 legislation was therefore demanded. On 
 May 6, 1778, Congress adopted new reg- 
 ulations on naval courts, which were to be 
 operative for one year.^ They provided 
 that, when a vessel of war was lost by cap- 
 
 1. Harvard Historical Studies, X, L. C. 
 Hatch, Administration of American Revolu- 
 tionary Army, Chapter V, Pay and Half-pay. 
 
 2. See Chapter I, page 45. 
 
 3. Journals of Continental Congress, May 
 6, 1778. 
 
132 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 ture or otherwise, a court of enquiry should 
 be held, "consisting of that navy board 
 which shall, by the marine committee of 
 Congress, be directed to proceed therein, 
 or any three persons that such navy board 
 may appoint." If the court of enquiry 
 found that the loss of the vessel was caused 
 by the negligence or malconduct of any com- 
 missioned officer, the Navy Board might 
 suspend such officer pending his trial by a 
 court-martial, which, in the event that six 
 naval officers could not be assembled, was 
 to consist of five men appointed by the 
 Navy Board. The permitting of civilians 
 to sit upon naval courts is the salient fea- 
 ture of these new resolutions, and is an 
 anomaly in naval judicature. They also 
 provided that in cases where one or more 
 vessels out of a fleet w^ere lost by capture or 
 otherwise, the commanders of the escaping 
 vessels were to be tried by a similar proced- 
 ure. If a court-martial found that the loss 
 of a vessel was caused by the cowardice or 
 treachery of the commanding officer, it was 
 directed to inflict the death penalty. On 
 August 19, 1778, the procedure established 
 on May 6 was extended to "all offences and 
 misdemeanors in the marine department."^ 
 The proceedings of courts-martial were for- 
 Avarded to the Marine Committee, which 
 laid them, together with its recommenda- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Au- 
 gust 19, 1778. 
 
Xaz'y of the Amcrictm Revolution 133 
 
 tions thereupon, before Congress for final 
 action. 
 
 During the incumbency of the Marine 
 Committee a number of interesting and im- 
 portant naval trials were held. Captain 
 Thomas Thompson in 1778 and Captain 
 Dudley Saltonstall in 1779 were broken by 
 courts-martial. Other captains who lost 
 their vessels were tried, but escaped so se- 
 vere a punishment. The cases growing 
 out of Commodore Hopkins's expedition to 
 New Providence, his engagement with the 
 "Glasgow," and the immediately succeed- 
 ing events of his fleet in the spring of 1776 
 deserve more extended notice. During the 
 summer of 1776 the Marine Committee or- 
 dered Commodore Hopkins and Captains 
 Dudley Saltonstall and Abraham Whipple 
 to leave the fleet, which was then stationed 
 in Rhode Island, and to come to Philadel- 
 phia for trial. After calling before it the 
 inferior officers of the "Alfred" and "Co- 
 lumbus," and hearing their complaints 
 against the two captains, the Committee 
 reported to Congress on July 11 that the 
 charge against Captain Saltonstall was not 
 well founded, and that the charge against 
 Captain Whipple "amounts to nothing more 
 than a rough, indelicate mode of behaviour 
 to his marine officers." Congress ordered 
 the two captains to repair to their com- 
 mands, and recommended Captain Whipple 
 
134 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 "to cultivate harmony with his officers."^ 
 Commodore Hopkins was not to get off so 
 easily. His whole conduct since he left 
 Philadelphia early in January, 1776, was in- 
 vestigated. The principal charge against 
 him was the disobeying of the instructions 
 of the Naval Committee of January 5, 1776, 
 to attack the forces of the enemy in the re- 
 gion of Virginia and the Carolinas. Hop- 
 kins based his defence on the statement 
 that the enemy in that region had become 
 too strong to attack by the time his fleet 
 had sailed on February 17, and also on a cer- 
 tain clause in his instructions granting him 
 discretionary powers.^ After the Marine 
 Committee had investigated the case, and 
 reported upon it, Congress, on August 12, 
 took into consideration the "instructions 
 given to Commodore Hopkins, his examina- 
 tion and answers to the Marine Committee, 
 and the report of the Marine Committee 
 thereupon; also, the farther defence by him 
 made, and the testimony of the witnesses." 
 On the 15th, Congress came to the resolu- 
 tion: "That the said commodore Hopkins, 
 during his cruise to the southw^ard, did not 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 11, 1776. 
 
 2. Edward Field's Esek Hopkins, 154-56, 
 quotes words of Hopkins in his own defence. 
 Washington feared the plan of the Naval Com- 
 mittee would fail as the enemy must know it, 
 so long had the fleet been fitting for sea. — Ford, 
 Writings of Washington, III, 319. 
 
Xaz'v of the American Revolution 135 
 
 pay due regard to the tenor of his instruc- 
 tions and, that his reasons 
 
 for not going from Providence immediately 
 to the Carolinas, are by no means satisfac- 
 tory." The next day Congress resolved, 
 "that the said conduct of commodore Hop- 
 kins deserves the censure of this house, and 
 this house does accordingly censure him."^ 
 
 This action seems more severe than the 
 facts justify. John Adams, who defended 
 Hopkins, had with difficulty prevented Con- 
 gress from cashiering the Conmiodore. Ac- 
 cording to Adams's view, Hopkins was 
 "pursued and persecuted l^y that anti-New- 
 England spirit which haunted Congress in 
 many other of their proceedings, as well as 
 in this casc."^ The action of Congress may 
 be interpreted differently. Hopkins had 
 not met the expectations of Congress or the 
 Marine Committee. As the head of the 
 fleet, blame naturally fell upon him, whether 
 he deserved it or not. He had his short- 
 comings as a naval officer, and failure mag- 
 nified them. By placing the blame upon 
 him, the skirts of Congress, of the Marine 
 Committee, and of the other naval officers 
 were cleared, and the hopes of a few self-in- 
 terested men were brightened. 
 
 Commodore Hopkins's failure to carry 
 out the plans of the Marine Committee dur- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Au 
 gust 12, 15, and IG, 177G. 
 
 2. Quoted in Field's Esek Hopkins, 158. 
 
136 Nai'v of the American Revolution 
 
 ing the fall of 1776, together with the par- 
 tial inaction of the fleet under his command, 
 increased his disfavor with Congress and the 
 Marine Committee. His praiseworthy en- 
 deavors to man and prepare his fleet for sea 
 won for him the enmity of the owners of pri- 
 vateers at Providence, for his success would 
 mean the taking of men and materials sorely 
 needed by the privateersmen. Hopkins's 
 intemperate language, lack of tact, and na- 
 val misfortunes bred a spirit of discontent, 
 and gave an excuse for insubordination 
 among his inferior officers. Encouraged 
 by the discontented privateersmen of Prov- 
 idence, ten of the inferior officers of the 
 "Warren," the Commodore's flagship, signed 
 a petition and certain letters containing 
 complaints and charges against Hopkins, 
 and sent their documents to the Majine 
 Committee. They were taken to Philadel- 
 phia by the chief "conspirator," Captain 
 John Grannis of the marines. These docu- 
 ments asserted that Hopkins had called 
 the members of the Marine Committee and 
 of Congress " ignorant fellows — lawyers, 
 clerks — persons who don't know how to gov- 
 ern men;" that he was "remarkably addict- 
 ed to profane swearing;" that he had "treat- 
 ed prisoners in a most inhuman and barbar- 
 ous manner;" that he was a "hindrance to 
 the proper manning of the fleet;" and that 
 "his conversation is at times so wild and or- 
 ders so unsteady that I have sometimes 
 
Xaz'x of the American Rez'olution 137 
 
 thought he was not in his right mind." Be- 
 sides these accusations, there were a few 
 others of even less substantial character.^ 
 
 On March 25, 1777, the Marine Commit- 
 tee laid before Congress the complaints and 
 charges against Commodore Hopkins, and 
 on the next day Congress took them into 
 consideration; whereupon it resolved that 
 "Esek Hopkins be immediately, and he is 
 hereby, suspended from his command in the 
 American navy."^ Hopkins remained sus- 
 pended until January 2, 1778. The Jour- 
 nals of Congress for this date contain the 
 following entry: "Congress having no far- 
 ther occasion for the service of Esek Hop- 
 kins, esq. who, on the 22nd of December, 
 1775, was appointed commander in chief of 
 the fleet fitted out by the naval committee. 
 Resolved, That the said Esek Hopkins, esq. 
 be dismissed from the service of the United 
 States."^ 
 
 Hopkins's suspension and removal did not 
 in any way improve the navy. Indeed, it 
 was far less fortunate in 1777, than it had 
 been in 1776. That its chief officer 
 should have been suspended without 
 a hearing, on flimsy charges, offered by a 
 small number of inferior officers whose leader 
 
 1. Edward Field's Esek Hopkins, Chapter 
 VI, Conspiracy and Dismissal, contains many 
 original documents. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, March 
 25, March 26, 1777. 
 
 3. Ibid., January 2, 1778. 
 
138 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 was guilty of insubordination, convicts Con- 
 gress of acting with undue haste and of do- 
 ing a possible injustice, and arouses the sus- 
 picion that it was not actuated wholly by a 
 calm and unbiased judgment. The word- 
 ing of Hopkins's dismissal seems needlessly 
 curt, and harsh. Since Hopkins had lost 
 the confidence of Congress, the Marine 
 Committee, and many of his countrymen, 
 his removal from the office of commander- 
 in-chief to that of a captain might have 
 been justified. 
 
 On January 13, 1778, Hopkins brought a 
 suit for libel against the ten officers con- 
 cerned in the "conspiracy," fixing his dam- 
 ages at £10,000. On July 30 Congress 
 passed a resolution for defraying the rea- 
 sonable expenses of the ten officers in de- 
 fending their suit.^ The case was tried be- 
 fore a jury in the Inferior Court of Common 
 Pleas of Rhode Island. The decision was 
 unfavorable to Hopkins, as the jury brought 
 in a verdict for "the defendants and their 
 costs." The victory of the opposition to 
 the Commodore was complete. He had not, 
 however, lost the confidence of his fellow 
 townsmen. He served in the General As- 
 sembly of his state, representing North 
 Providence from 1777 until 1786, and he 
 was from 1777 until the end of the Revolu- 
 tion a member of the Rhode Island Council 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 30, 1778. 
 
Xaz'y of the .-Inicrican Revolution 139 
 
 of War.^ No one who knew Hopkins inti- 
 mately ever doubted his courage, his patriot- 
 ism, or his honesty of purpose. 
 
 The arrival off the Delaware Capes, on 
 July 8, 1778, of twelve sail of the line and 
 four frigates under the command of Count 
 D'Estaing, Vice-Admiral of France, threw 
 additional work upon the Naval Depart- 
 ment. No sooner did the Marine Commit- 
 tee learn of the presence of the French, than 
 it exerted itself to supply the table of its 
 naval guests with eatables and drinkables. 
 Casks of fresh water, several hundred barrels 
 of bread and flour, and a small supply of 
 fresh provisions, were at once sent to the 
 Count, and the Committee ordered a com- 
 missary to collect for the use of the French^ 
 fleet fifty bullocks, seven hundred sheep, a 
 number of poultry, and a quantity of vege- 
 tables. After the ill-starred expedition 
 against Rhode Island in August, 1778, when 
 the French fleet put into Boston for repairs, 
 its provisioning again became a care to the 
 Naval Department. The Marine Commit- 
 tee ordered three thousand barrels of flour 
 to be sent on from Albany for the use of 
 the French." 
 
 The distinction of having performed the 
 first work of a consular bureau in the United 
 
 1. Edward Field;s Esek Hopkins, 237-38. 
 
 2. Marine Committee Letter Book, Com- 
 mittee to Count D'Estaing, July 12, July 17 
 1778. 
 
140 A'az'x of the .■liiicricaii Revolution 
 
 States belongs to the Marine Committee, 
 since it had charge of the publication and 
 record of the first consular appointments to 
 this country. In accordance with the first 
 commercial treaty between the United 
 States and France, Gerard, the French 
 minister, soon after his arrival in America 
 in July, 1778, appointed John Holker, con- 
 sul for the port of Philadelphia, and in Sep- 
 tember named a vice-consul for the same 
 place. The latter appointment Congress re- 
 ferred to the Marine Committee "in order 
 that the same may be made public." A 
 similar disposition was made of the appoint- 
 ments of consuls for Maryland, South Caro- 
 lina, and Boston, and of the vice-consuls for 
 Alexandria (Virginia), and Virginia. In the 
 case of the vice-consul for Virginia, Congress 
 ordered the Marine Committee to "cause 
 the commission of Mr. d' Annemours to be 
 recorded in the book by them kept for that 
 purpose, and his appointment made known 
 to all concerned." The Committee was in- 
 strumental in obtaining the settling of the 
 powers and duties of consuls as regards the 
 United States and France. On August 2, 
 1779, the control of consular affairs was re- 
 moved from the Marine Committee and vest- 
 ed in the Secretary of Congress.^ 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 23, September 24, October 27, November 4, 
 1778; January 21, June 7, 22, 23, July 30, 
 August 2, 1779. 
 
CHAPTER V 
 
 THE CONDITIONS OF THE CONTINENTAL 
 NAVAL SERVICE 
 
 The nineteenth century worked its mar- 
 vels on sea as well as on land. The progress 
 of invention, the discovery of new sources 
 of wealth and power in nature and in man, 
 and the development of powerful states, 
 have revolutionized transportation and com- 
 munication b}^ sea, maritime pursuits, and 
 naval science. Commerce has found fleeter 
 wings; and it no longer waits on the caprice 
 of Aeolus. Countless steamships with enor- 
 mous tonnage and high rates of speed have 
 in large measure supplanted the small, snail- 
 like sailing craft of our fathers. The haz- 
 ards of sea-going trade have been greatly 
 reduced. Invention has pacified Neptune's 
 fierce temper. The breed of pirates and 
 corsairs has been exterminated by the long 
 muscular arm of the modern state. The pri- 
 vations of ocean-travel which were distress- 
 ing accompaniments of the colonial per- 
 iod in America, were succeeded about the 
 middle of the last century by the comforts 
 of the first steamships, and these within the 
 
142 Naz'x of the American Reroliition 
 
 memory of young men have yielded to the 
 luxuries of the floating palaces of the sea. 
 
 Complementary to these transformations 
 in commerce, navigation, and travel by sea, 
 have come improved methods of their de- 
 fence. Modern naval science in all of its as- 
 pects has been developed. Glancing for a 
 moment in retrospect at the long line of na- 
 val progress, one sees it pass from the an- 
 cient row-galleys, to the sailing ship of the 
 early Modern Age, and from thence to the 
 steamships of to-day. The motive power 
 has changed from human muscle to wind, 
 and from wind to steam. Placed beside the 
 iron-clad battleships, the light, wooden 
 frigates of the Revolution look almost as 
 antiquated as the Greek galley with its fig- 
 ured prow. Smart, trim, beautiful vessels 
 were the Revolutionary craft, but how small, 
 simple, and crude they now appear. In- 
 deed, a new type of poet, one who loves raw 
 force first, and the picturesque afterwards, 
 has risen to sing the glories of new navies 
 and new seas. 
 
 Other naval changes have been made, as 
 significant as those in style of vessel and mo- 
 tive power. Ships of war now wear heavy 
 coats-of-mail. The "great guns" and the 
 "long guns" of the Revolution are neither 
 great nor long beside modern cannon. A 
 new type of sea officer has been trained to 
 meet the new conditions of naval service. 
 It would puzzle a modern officer to take a 
 
Na-c'v of the American Rcvolutiou 143 
 
 schooner from Boston to Plymouth, for his 
 seamanship is now fitted to steamships. 
 By over-study of modern armament, tor- 
 pedo boats, and the latest naval manoeuvres, 
 his "weather eye" has lost something of its 
 skill for reading in the skies the coming of 
 storms or sunshine. Trim and immaculate 
 in their uniforms, the American naval offi- 
 cers of to-day, who have entered the naval 
 profession by the way of their technical 
 studies at Annapolis, little resemble their 
 hardy prototypes in the Continental navy, 
 to whom clung the barnacles of their ap- 
 prenticeship aboard merchantmen. 
 
 Notwithstanding this revolution in naval 
 science, a consideration of the conditions of 
 the Continental naval service and of the 
 naval policy of the Marine Committee has to- 
 da}^ a practical value for naval experts. 
 Certain fundamental principles in naval 
 science do not change. Captain Mahan, in 
 his "Influence of Sea Power upon History," 
 has pointed out that, while naval tactics 
 vary wath the improvements in the motive 
 power and armament of fleets, the basic prin- 
 ciples of naval strategy do not. They are as 
 enduring as the order of nature. For ex- 
 ample, one cannot conceive that there will 
 come a time when an inversion will be made 
 of the strategic principle, that an enemy 
 should be struck at his weak point. Cap- 
 tain Mahan even finds it worth while, for the 
 benefit of his fellow-experts, to set forth with 
 
144 ^Ot'V of the American Rcvohition 
 
 some detail the naval strategy of the Car- 
 thaginian wars. 
 
 When America, in these first years of the 
 twentieth century, makes an invoice of her 
 resources, she counts first her great prairies 
 of the Mississippi basin, her rich mines of 
 the Alleghanies and Rockies, ami her wealth 
 of manufactories and their products. In 
 1775 her assets were of a different sort. 
 America then was a mere strip of seacoast, 
 cut into a series of peninsulas by the lower 
 courses of a number of navigable rivers. 
 Her interests and her wealth then were much 
 more largely maritime than now. Atten- 
 tion has already been directed to the wide 
 pursuit of commerce, shipbuilding, fishing^ 
 and whaling in New England. It remains 
 to be said that in the Middle and Southern 
 colonies commerce and shipbuilding were 
 important industries. During the Revolu- 
 tion Virginia put more naval ships afloat 
 than any other colony. In the colonial 
 period communication between the towns 
 of the colonies was best by water. The in- 
 habitants of America, during this period, 
 were amphibious. They have lost this 
 quality, for their character is now fixed by 
 the "West," and not by the Atlantic sea- 
 board. In 1775 America had, relatively, 
 many more seamen than in 1898. 
 
 In the light of these facts it seems some- 
 what singular that the Revolutionary navy 
 was forced to spend most of its days in port. 
 
Nai'x of the American Rei'olution 145 
 
 vainly trying to enlist seamen for its de- 
 pleted crews. To be sure the lack of suffi- 
 cient armament, naval stores, and provis- 
 ions was felt, but it was the lack of sailors 
 that constituted the chief obstacle to the 
 success of the Continental navy. Those 
 vessels that finally weighed anchor were 
 wanting as a rule in this prime naval requi- 
 site. The same causes that prevented seamen 
 from enlisting lowered the quality of those 
 that did enlist, and kept them from enter- 
 ing for longer than a single cruise. A 
 ship's complement of sailors was often ill- 
 assorted. Seamen were improvised from 
 landsmen; captured British seamen were 
 coaxed into service; and for one cause or 
 another many nationalities at times shipped 
 side by side. These conditions made for 
 insubordination, and even mutiny. On one 
 occasion seventy or eighty British sailors, 
 who were enlisted on board the Continental 
 frigate "Alliance," bound for France, plan- 
 ned to mutiny and carry the frigate into an 
 English port. In order to obtain seamen 
 many measures were resorted to by Con- 
 gress, the states, the Marine Committee, 
 Navy Boards, and commanders of vessels. 
 Premuuns for importing seamen were given \ 
 to foreigners;^ wages were advanced to 1 
 recruits;^ attempts were made to place em- <j 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, April 
 17, 1776. 
 
 2. Ibid., March 29, 1777. 
 
146 A'az'x of the American Revolution 
 
 bargoes upon privateers;^ bounties were 
 l)aid to seamen enlisting for a yearf induce- 
 ments were offered to those captured from 
 the enemy to get them to enter the 'Ameri- 
 can service;^ some seamen were impressed; 
 glowing advertisements were inserted in 
 the public prints;^ and broadsides, which 
 
 1. Rhode Island Colonial Records, VIII, 
 
 53. ^ , 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 
 11, 1780. 
 
 3. Ibid., Avigust 5, 1776. 
 
 4. In July, 1778, when a joint American 
 and French attack on Newport was planned, 
 the Navy Board at Boston inserted a notice 
 in the Providence Gazette, requiring sailors 
 who were enlisted to repair to their vessels, 
 and calling for recruits. This call was in the 
 following language: "All seamen now in 
 America, who regard the Liberty of Mankind, 
 or the Honor of the United States of America, 
 as well as their own advantage, are now ear- 
 nestly entreated to enter immediately on 
 board some of the Continental Vessels, in 
 order to afford all possible Aid and Assistance 
 to His Most Christian Majesty's Fleet, under 
 the Command of the Count de Estaing, the 
 Vice-Admiral of France, now in the American 
 Seas, for the Purpose of assisting these Ameri- 
 can States in vanquishing a haughty and 
 cruel Enemy, too long triumphant on these 
 Seas. Now is the Time to secure to your- 
 selves Safety in your future Voyages, and to 
 avoid the cruelties which all those experience 
 who have the Misfortune to be captured by 
 the Britons; and now is the time to make your 
 Fortunes." — Providence Gazette, July 25, 
 1778. See also advertisement in Connecticut 
 Gazette, March 7, 1777. 
 
Niwy of flic American Revolution 147 
 
 cleverly recited the many advantages of the 
 Continental service, were displayed in sun- 
 dry taverns.^ 
 
 All these efforts were defeated by the se- 
 ductive allurements of privateering. The 
 Revolutionary Congress was poor and paid 
 poor wages. After its seamen had enlisted, 
 they were toled away by mercenary priva- 
 teersmen. These same privateersmen were 
 accused of taking the naval stores and the 
 artisans of Congress in order to fit out their 
 own ships. The owners and commanders 
 of privateers, as they received the whole 
 of their captures, could afford to treat their 
 crews liberally. It was generally asserted 
 that they paid higher wages than did Con- 
 gress or the states. Privateering was more 
 popular, more elastic, and more irregular 
 than the other naval services. When no 
 one was looking, parts of cargoes could more 
 readily be appropriated for private use 
 without waiting the tedious process of 
 the admiralty courts. Privateersmen could 
 devote all their time and energy to com- 
 merce-destroying, unfettered by the miscel- 
 
 1. A facsimile of a most interesting and 
 rare broadside will be found in C. K. Bolton's 
 Private Soldier under Washington, page 46. 
 This broadside was designed to attract re- 
 cruits to the ship "Ranger," Captain John 
 Paul Jones, fitting out in the summer of 1777 
 at Portsmouth, New Hampshire, to sail for 
 France. 
 
148 Naz'y of the American Revolution 
 
 laneoiis (liitics which often fell to naval 
 ships. 
 
 The backbone of the privateering interest 
 was in New England. Silas Deane said in 
 1785 that four out of every five of the pri- 
 vateers of the Revolution came from the 
 states north and east of the Delaware river. 
 This probably overstates the proportion in 
 favor of the northern states.^ Pennsylvania 
 and Maryland did considerable lousiness, but 
 farther to the southward the industry was 
 less flourishing. The Virginia privateers did 
 little. Massachusetts sent out one-third of 
 all the privateers. From 1777 until 1783, 
 inclusive, the Massachusetts Council issued 
 998 commissions. In 1779, 184 prizes cap- 
 tured by privateers were libelled in the 
 three admiralty courts of this state. The 
 average burden of these captured vessels 
 was one hundred tons. Rhode Island's 
 best year was probably in 1776, when thirty- 
 eight vessels were libelled at Providence. 
 A list of 202 privateers has been made out 
 for Connecticut. In 1779 twenty-nine ves- 
 sels taken from the British by privateers 
 were libelled in the Pennsylvania court of 
 admiralty. During the last six years of the 
 war Maryland issued about 250 commissions. 
 Boston was the chief center for fitting out 
 privateers and for selling their prizes, al- 
 
 1. Collections of New York Historical So- 
 ciety, Deane Papers, V, 466. 
 
Kaz'v of the American Revolution 149 
 
 though towns like Salem and Marblehcad 
 did a thriving business/ 
 
 Not a few of the failures and misfortunes 
 of the Continental navy are to be laid at 
 the doors of the Yankee privateersmen, 
 whose love for Mammon exceeded that for 
 their country.^ A more patriotic course 
 was to have been expected of certain sub- 
 stantial merchants who embarked in the 
 business of commerce-destroying. But on 
 the other hand, one might easily be too 
 severe on many bold, simple, seafaring folk. 
 The war, which deprived them of their 
 gainful pursuits at sea, now pointed the 
 way, as a recompense, to a new and attrac- 
 tive calling. Wives and babies were still 
 to be fed, and plans for sweethearts to be 
 realized. The new trade was as alluring as 
 a lottery. Had not a neighbor drawn a 
 competence sufficient for almost a lifetime 
 
 1. For additional information and appro- 
 priate references concerning privateers, see 
 Part II, State Navies. 
 
 2. There is much evidence on this point. 
 See especially Publications of Rhode Island 
 Historical Society, VIII, 256, William Ver- 
 non, Commissioner of Navy Board at Boston, 
 to John Adams, December 17, 1778; Force, 
 American Archives, 5th, II, 1105, John Paul 
 Jones to Robert Morris, October 17, 1776; 
 Ibid., 599, Mrs. John Adams to John Adams, 
 September 29, 1776; Ibid., 337 and 622; Ibid., 
 5th, III, 1513, Benjamin Rush to R. H. Lee, 
 December 21, 1776; and C. K. Bolton, Private 
 Soldier under Washington, 45, 46. 
 
ic;o Narv of the American Revolution 
 
 by a successful haul of the enemy's rich 
 West Indiamen? It was true that another 
 neighbor, who but recently sailed proudly 
 for sea with women-folk waving a last 
 good-bye, now languished in a prison-ship 
 off New York, or was starving in the old 
 Mill prison at Plymouth, England. "But 
 then a man must take his chances," each 
 privateersman argued, "and it may be I, 
 who by a fortunate cruise shall bring home 
 enough Jamaica rum to fairly float my 
 schooner, and every pint of it is as good as 
 gold coin." 
 
 Due credit must always be given to the 
 hardy and venturesome privateersmen for 
 supplying the army and navy with the 
 sinews of war, which they captured. To be 
 sure, if Congress or the states wished their 
 captured property, it was to be had by pay- 
 ing a good round price for it in the open 
 market. Even here the government's agents 
 sometimes suspected collusions between the 
 buyers and the agents of the captors to run 
 up prices to the disadvantage of the govern- 
 ment.^ The privateersmen were engaged 
 
 1. In the case of Continental prizes the 
 Navy Board at Boston discovered collusions 
 which were detrimental to the government. 
 Ordered to buy the Continental prize "Thorn," 
 it writes to the Marine Committee that the 
 agents and captains interested in the prize 
 refuse to let it have the "Thorn" at a price 
 to be fixed by three disinterested appraisers; 
 and that "taking our chance, in the purchase 
 by auction, amongst such circles of men in com- 
 
Nai'y of the American Revolution 151 
 
 not in patriotic, but business ventures. 
 Could one-half of this irregular service have 
 been enlisted in the Continental and state 
 navies, the other half could not have been 
 better employed than in its work of distress- 
 ing the enemy's commerce, transports, and 
 small letters of marque. Zealous eulogists 
 of the privateers have overrun the cup of 
 their merit. They have not always pointed 
 out that the number of American priva- 
 teers, merchantmen, fishermen, and whale- 
 men captured by British privateers and 
 small naval craft was comparable to the 
 number of similar British vessels taken by 
 the American privateers. The prison ships 
 and naval prisons of the enemy at New 
 York, in Canada, the British West Indies, 
 and England were at times crowded wdth 
 Americans captured at sea.^ A few of these 
 men England enlisted in her navy; and with 
 others she manned a whaling-fleet for the 
 coast of Brazil composed of seventeen ves- 
 sels. It is, however, worthy of note that 
 
 bi nations is a miserable one. " In the same letter 
 the Board writes also concerning the "Thorn" 
 that "bets run high that she will sell for 
 two hundred thousand pounds." — Records 
 and Papers of Continental Congress, 37, pp. 
 145, 147. 
 
 1. See Chapter IX, page 267; also Gomer 
 Williams, Liverpool Privateers, Chapter IV, 
 Privateers of the American War of Independ- 
 ence. From August, 1778, to April, 1779, Liver- 
 pool fitted out one hundred and twenty pri- 
 vateers. 
 
152 A'az'v of the Ajiicrican Rcz'olution 
 
 the supplies captured from the British were 
 often almost indispensable to the colonists; 
 while similar captures made by the British 
 had to the captors little value. 
 
 Another factor in the naval situation 
 of the Americans was the existence of 
 state navies in Massachusetts, Rhode 
 Island, Connecticut, New York, Penn- 
 sylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Caro- 
 lina, and South Carolina. The fleet of 
 Massachusetts, comprising sixteen armed 
 vessels, was the most active and effect- 
 ive of the state fleets. The Virginia navy 
 numbering about fifty vessels was poorly 
 equipped and rendered little service. These 
 fleets were made up of all sorts of naval 
 craft; sailing vessels variously rigged, 
 fire-ships, floating batteries, barges, row- 
 galleys with and without sails, half-galleys, 
 and boats of all sizes. Most of this craft 
 was designed for the defence of coasts, 
 rivers, and towns. This was especially true 
 of the galleys, which were shallow vessels, 
 some seventy or eighty feet in length, carry- 
 ing two or three cannon, sometimes as large 
 as 36's or 42's. Only some sixty of these 
 vessels of the state navies were well adapted 
 for deep-sea navigation.^ 
 
 To a limited extent both privateers and 
 state vessels were placed at the service of 
 the Marine Committee. There were cruises, 
 expeditio ns, and defences of towns, in which 
 
 1. See Part II, State Navies. 
 
iVa:'\' of the American Rcz'ohition 153 
 
 two, or the three, services participated. In 
 such cases the senior Continental captain 
 was regularly the ranking officer, or the com- 
 modore of the fleet, as it was then expressed. 
 To the extent that state vessels and priva- 
 teers might be concerted with the Continen- 
 tal vessels, it would seem at first blush 
 that they undoubtedly were elements of 
 naval strength to the Marine Committee. 
 This was by no means true. These con- 
 certed expeditions proved disappointing, 
 and when too late the Committee became 
 wary of them. Proper subordination, upon 
 which naval success so much depends, could 
 not be obtained in these mixed fleets. The 
 commander of a state vessel or the master 
 of a privateer, for aught either could see, 
 subtended as large an angle in maritime 
 affairs, as an officer of Congress, which 
 body was to them nebulous, uncertain, and 
 irresolute. 
 
 If the location and physical form of colo- 
 nial America with reference to the sea 
 tended to develop a maritime people, they 
 also made most difficult the problems of 
 naval defence. As has been pointed out, 
 the territory of the revolting colonies com- 
 prised a narrow band of seacoast divided 
 into a number of peninsulas. All the large 
 towns were seaports. Had the peninsulas 
 been islands, their defence against the great 
 sea-power of England would have been an 
 impossibility. The connections by land on 
 
154- A'^'^'v of the American Revolution 
 
 the west side of the thirteen colonies gave 
 Washington a most vakiable line of commun- 
 ications from Canada to Florida. Had the 
 revolting territory lain compactly, approach- 
 ing a scjuare in shape, with a narrow front- 
 age on the sea, its naval defence would have 
 been a simple problem. 
 
 Having decided late in 1775 to make a 
 naval defence. Congress early in 1776 took 
 into consideration the establishing of one 
 or more bases for naval operations.^ There 
 were needed one or more strongly fortified 
 ports where the Continental fleet and its 
 prizes would be comparatively secure from 
 attack, and where the armed vessels could 
 equip, man, and refit. The ports best 
 adapted for naval stations were Boston, 
 New York, Philadelphia, some point on or 
 near the James river in Virginia, and Charles- 
 ton, South Carolina. Lesser towns had 
 their advocates and their hopes. In Feb- 
 ruary, 1776, Gurdon Saltonstall of Connec- 
 ticut wrote to Silas Deane that New London 
 would be "the Asylum of Cont. Navey," 
 for "one they must have of necessity."- 
 The Southern ports were not available for 
 several reasons, but chiefly on account of 
 their distance from the center of maritime 
 interests in New England. New York was 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, March 
 23, 1776. 
 
 2. Papers of Silas Deane in the Library of 
 the Connecticut Historical Society. 
 
Xaz'v of the Aincricaii Rez'olutioii 155 
 
 occupied by the British. Phihidelphia had 
 many points in its favor, not the least of 
 which was the location there of Congress 
 and the Marine Committee. Its occupation 
 for a time by the enemy in 1777 and 1778, 
 and the close watch which his armed vessels 
 maintained at the mouth of Delaware Bay, 
 greatly impaired its usefulness as a harbor 
 of refuge for the Continental vessels. Bos- 
 ton was by far the most available port. 
 After its abandonment by the British in 
 March, 1776, and the shifting of the theater 
 of the war first to the Middle and later to 
 the Southern states, it was left compara- 
 tively free from British interference. It 
 was the naval emporium of the Revolution, 
 where naval stores, armament and ecjuip- 
 mcnt for vessels of war, seamen, and ships 
 could be procured, if they were to be had 
 at all. 
 
 The British had naval bases in America 
 that left little to be desired. When they 
 seized New York in September, 1776, they 
 obtained not only a military point of the 
 highest strategic value, but also a secure 
 naval station for fitting out and refitting 
 their privateers and naval ships. From 
 New York, centrally situated with reference 
 to the revolting colonies, their vessels pro- 
 ceeded along the Atlantic coast both north- 
 ward and southward on the outlook for 
 American merchantmen, privateers, and 
 naval craft. Their favorite patrolling 
 
156 Naz'v of the American Revolution 
 
 grounds were off the entrances of Delaware, 
 Chesapeake, and Narragansett bays. Brit- 
 ish vessels were also to be found off 
 Boston Bay, Ocracoke Inlet, Cape Fear, 
 Charleston, and Savannah. The British 
 occupation of Newport from 1776 to 1779, 
 and of Savannah from 1778, and Charles- 
 ton from 1780, to the end of the war, 
 afforded other convenient stations for 
 British operations against the shipping of 
 the colonies. St. Augustine w'as a port of 
 much importance in the movements of the 
 enemy's smaller ships. The naval stations 
 at Halifax, Jamaica, and the Bermudas, 
 while not so convenient as those enumerated, 
 were sources of naval strength to the Brit- 
 ish. Halifax was a base for the naval oper- 
 ations against New England. It scarcely 
 needs to be said that the ports mentioned 
 were in a way secondary bases of opera- 
 tions, and that England's center for ships, 
 seamen, and supplies of all sorts was the 
 British Isles. 
 
 From this account of the respective naval 
 stations in America of the two combatants, 
 one proceeds naturally to a comparison of 
 their fleets. The rude naval craft of the 
 Americans, two-thirds of which were made- 
 over merchantmen, was outclassed by the 
 vessels of the Royal Navy at every point. 
 Disregarding the fleets of Washington and 
 Arnold, there were during the Revolution 
 fifty-six armed vessels in the American 
 
Xaz'y of the American Rcvohttioii 157 
 
 navy, mounting on the average about twen- 
 ty guns. The vessels in the British navy 
 when the Revolution opened in 1775 num- 
 bered 270, and when it closed, 468.' Of this 
 latter number, 174 were ships of the line, 
 each mounting between sixty and one hun- 
 dred guns. The naval force of the Ameri- 
 cans when it was at its maximum in the 
 fall of 1776 consisted of 27 ships, mounting 
 on the average twenty guns,^ At the same 
 time the British had on the American sta- 
 tion, besides a number of small craft, 71 
 ships, which mounted on the average twenty- 
 eight guns. ^ Of these, two were 64's; one, a 
 60; seven, 50's; and three, 44's. The British 
 vessels, being so much larger than the Amer- 
 ican, were naturally armed with much heav- 
 ier guns. Very few 18-pounders were to 
 be found in the Continental navy. The fri- 
 gates were usuaUy mounted with 12's, 9's, 
 and 6's; and many of the smaller craft with 
 6's and 4's. The guns on the larger British 
 ships mounted IS's, 24's, 32's, and 42's. 
 
 An exhibition of figures showing the dif- 
 ference in size between one of the largest of 
 
 L Clowes, Royal Navy, III, 328. 
 
 2. Few of these vessels were ready for sea 
 for lack of crews. The British also suffered 
 greatly during the Revolution owing to the 
 scarcity of seamen. This the First Lord of 
 the Admiralty attributed to the loss of 18,000 
 American sailors, who had contributed to the 
 manning of the British fleets in former wars. 
 — Annual Register, 17'/S, 201. 
 
 3. Boston Gazette, November 4, 1776. 
 
158 Nav\ of flic American Revolution 
 
 the frigates built by the Marine Committee 
 in 1776 and a typical 100-gim ship of the 
 line of the Royal Navy is interesting not 
 only by way of comparison, but also as 
 giving a notion of the size of Revolutionary 
 naval craft. The figures in feet for the 
 American 32-gun frigate, "Hancock," and 
 for the British 100-gun ship, "Victo- 
 ry," respectively, were as follows : Length 
 of gun deck, 137 and 186; length of keel, 
 116 and 151; width of beam, 34 and 52; 
 depth, 12 and 22. The tonnage of the 
 "Hancock's" companion frigate, the "Bos- 
 ton," was 515 tons; of the "Alfred," the 
 first ship fitted out by Congress, 200 tons.* 
 Continental naval craft, such as the 
 "Cabot," "Wasp," and " Fly," were smaller 
 still than the "Alfred." 
 
 The number of seamen and marines in the 
 Continental navy is believed not to have 
 exceeded at any time three thousand men. 
 The exact number of commissioned officers 
 in the Continental navy and marine corps 
 may not as yet have been ascertained. 
 Owing to the diffusion of the power of ap- 
 pointment, the Naval Department of the 
 Revolution seems to have prepared no per- 
 fect list of its officers. The best list of 
 commissioned officers, and one that in all 
 probability needs few corrections was com- 
 
 1. A battleship building in 190.3 at the 
 New York navy vard has a displacement of 
 16,000 tons. 
 
A'a^'v of the American Revohition 159 
 
 piled in 1794 in the Auditor's Office, De- 
 partment of the Treasury.^ This gives the 
 names of 1 commander-in-chief, 45 captains, 
 and 132 Heutenants, or 178 commissioned 
 officers in all, in the navy proper; and 1 
 major, 31 captains, and 91 lieutenants, or 
 123 commissioned officers, in the marine 
 corps. With the exception of the years 
 1776 and 1777, when the total number of 
 officers in actual service was about one-half 
 of the above figures, the number of officers 
 at sea or attached to vessels in ports was 
 much less than one-half. In 1902 the Amer- 
 ican navy consisted of 899 commissioned 
 officers of the line, arranged in eight grades. 
 
 In 1775 the British navy contained 18,000 
 seamen and marines, and when the war 
 closed in 1783 this number had risen to 
 110,000. The total "extra" and "ordi- 
 nary " expenses of the Royal Navy from 
 1775 to 1783, as voted by Parliament, 
 amounted to £8,386,000.- 
 
 Both Continental and state naval services 
 suffered from the lack of esprit de corps, 
 naval traditions, and a proper subordina- 
 tion and concert of action between officers 
 and crews. Bravery is often a poor sub- 
 stitute for organization and naval experi- 
 ence and skill. Navies can be grown, but 
 not created. The equality of the Continen- 
 
 1. Manuscript list, in Division of Manu- 
 scripts, Library of Congress. 
 
 2. Clowes, Royal Navy, III, 327. 
 
i6o Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 tal naval officers, diluted it is true by the 
 presence of a few "political skippers," was 
 upon the whole as high as the circum- 
 stances of their choice and the naval ex- 
 perience of the country admitted. Many 
 of them were drawn from the merchant ser- 
 vice, and a few had had some months' ex- 
 perience in state navies. Six captains ap- 
 pointed by Washington entered the service 
 of the Marine Committee. 
 
 The vessels of the Continental navy were 
 procured and managed under several Con- 
 tinental auspices. The Marine Committee, 
 withits predecessor and its successors in naval 
 administration was the chief naval admin- 
 istrative organ of the Revolutionary gov- 
 ernment. We have already seen, however, 
 that Washington fitted out one fleet in New 
 England and another in New York; and 
 that Arnold fought with still another fleet, 
 one of the most important naval engage- 
 ments of the Revolution. In a succeeding 
 chapter we shall find that the American rep- 
 resentatives in France, who were respon- 
 sible to the Foreign Office of Congress, and 
 the Continental agent at New Orleans, who 
 worked chiefly under the Committee of 
 Commerce, fitted out fleets, and were vested 
 with important naval duties. At one and 
 the same time three committees of Congress, 
 the Marine Committee, the Committee of 
 Foreign Affairs, and the Committee of Com- 
 merce, were fitting out armed vessels. 
 
CHAPTER VI 
 
 MOVEMENTS OF THE CONTINENTAL 
 
 FLEET UNDER THE MARINE 
 
 COMMITTEE 
 
 Many duties fell to the Marine Committee 
 and its fleet which were not of a purely 
 military character. The Committee was 
 obliged to employ some of its vessels in 
 keeping open the commercial and diplo- 
 matic communications of the United States 
 with Europe and the West Indies; upon 
 this intercourse with foreign countries 
 largely depended the successful issue of the 
 war. The Committee detailed vessels to 
 carry abroad ambassadors, and foreign 
 agents; letters and dispatches; tobacco, fish, 
 flour, indigo, and such other colonial pro- 
 ducts as exchanged well for naval stores, 
 clothing, and the munitions of war. Among 
 the distinguished men who took passage on 
 board the Continental vessels were John 
 Adams, Lafayette, and Gerard, the first 
 French minister to the United States. In 
 this work it cooperated with other com- 
 mittees of Congress, and most especially 
 
i62 Naz'x of the American Revolution 
 
 with tlic Committee of Secret Correspon- 
 dence, or its successor, the Committee of 
 Foreign Affairs; and with the Secret Com- 
 mittee, or, as it was later called, the Com- 
 mittee of Commerce. Owing to the close 
 connection of the work of the Marine Com- 
 mittee and the Committee of Commerce in 
 exporting colonial products and in importing 
 supplies, their accounts became inextric- 
 ably confused. While running errands for 
 the various administrative organs of Con- 
 gress, the Marine Committee often at the 
 same time ran errands of its own. A com- 
 mander who had been selected to carry- 
 abroad a minister or foreign agent, might 
 be ordered to pick up any prizes which fell 
 in his way, or to cruise for a brief period in 
 European waters while waiting for letters 
 and packets from Paris addressed to Con- 
 gress; or if on the other hand, it was a 
 voyage in which dispatch was of the highest 
 importance, he would be specifically for- 
 bidden to do these very things. 
 
 Turning now to the strictly military work 
 of the Committee, one finds that clearness 
 in presentation will be obtained by making 
 a classification of naval operations. These 
 will be divided into primary and secondary 
 operations. A primary o])cration will be 
 defined as one directed against the enemy's 
 naval vessels at sea. Any other naval opera- 
 tion whatsoever will becalleclasecondary one. 
 Primary operations will be divided into ma- 
 
A'az'y of the American Kez'oliitioii 163 
 
 jor and minor operations. In major primary 
 operations fleets of considerable size and force 
 are matched against each other, as was the 
 case at the "battles of Santiago, Trafalgar, 
 and Martinique. Minor primary operations 
 are engagements between some two or 
 three of the smaller vessels of the combat- 
 ants. A good example of these is the fight 
 between the ''Bon Homme Richard" and 
 the "Serapis." Secondary operations are 
 of several forms, chief of which is ''com- 
 merce-destroying." Continental vessels 
 during a single cruise sometimes engaged in 
 both primary and secondary operations. 
 
 In the light of the comparison which has 
 been made showing the relative strength 
 of the Continental and British navies, the 
 reader does not need to be told that the 
 Marine Committee did not engage its fleet 
 in major primary operations. The very ex- 
 istence of the Continental vessels depended 
 upon their success in keeping outside the 
 range of the larger guns of the Royal Nav3^ 
 The Marine Committee sometimes gave 
 specific orders to its captains to avoid the 
 British "two-deckers." In the minor pri-1 
 mary operations of the Revolution some 
 thirty or thirty-five engagements may be 
 counted. The honors here are upon the 
 whole evenly divided. The Americans caji- 
 tured ten or twelve naval vessels of tlie 
 enemy. With the exceptions of the frigate 
 "Fox," 26, captured by Captain John Manly 
 
i()4 Xo'i'x of the .luwrican Rci'uliitioii 
 
 between New England and Newfoundland; 
 and the sloop "Drake," 20, and the ships 
 "Countess of Scarborough," 20, and "Sera- 
 pis," 44, captured by Captain John Paul 
 Jones in European waters, the prizes of the 
 Americans were minor naval craft, averag- 
 ing ten or twelve 4's and G's. The British 
 captured or destroj-ed about the same num- 
 ber of vessels as they lost, but their prizes 
 on the average were larger and better armed 
 vessels than were those of the Americans. 
 Seven of them were frigates. On the other 
 hand the British had no victory as brilliant 
 as that of Jones off Flamborough Head. 
 
 The secondary operations of the Conti- 
 nental navy were more important than its 
 primary operations. They mainly involved 
 the protection of American commerce, the 
 defence of certain Atlantic ports, the strik- 
 ing of the lines of communication of the 
 British military forces, the attacking of the 
 enemy's commerce at sea, and the threaten- 
 ing and assailing of her unprotected coasts 
 and ports both at home and in her outlying 
 dependencies. Each (^f these forms of 
 secondary operations will now be briefly 
 considered. 
 
 The Committee defended American com- 
 merce by ordering its cruisers to "attack, 
 take, burn, or destroy" the enemy's priva- 
 teers. One illustration of such orders will 
 suffice. In November, l778, the Committee 
 wrote to the Navy Board at Boston that 
 
.Wify of the .liiicrii-iin h'cz'oliitioii 1^)5 
 
 "at present we cdiisiiler it an Oljject of im- 
 l^ortance to destroy tlie infamous Goodrich 
 ■who has nuu'h infested our Coast, cruising 
 ^vith a squath'on of 4, 5, or G armed Vessels, 
 from 16 guns downwards, from Egg Har- 
 bour to Cape Fear in North Carolina."^ In 
 its orders the Committee as a rule included 
 the small naval ships of the cnem}' with the 
 privateers. Of the three naval captains 
 Avho lost their lives in the Continental serv- 
 ice, two of them were killed in engagements 
 with privateers. On March 4, 1778, the 
 brigantine "Resistance," Captain Samuel 
 Chew, while cruising in the West India seas 
 had a desperate and indecisive encounter 
 with a letter of marque of 20 guns. Chew 
 and his lieutenant, George Champlin, both 
 f)f Xew London, were killed; Chew was a 
 native of Mrginia.- Late in the summer of 
 177S the "General Gates," IS, Captain John 
 Skinmier, captured the brigantine " Mcjn- 
 tague" in an engagement in which Cai)tain 
 Skimmer lost his life.'' 
 
 In addition to defending the American 
 commerce by cruising against the privateers 
 and small naval ships of the enemy, the 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Com- 
 mittee to Navy Board at Boston, November 
 16, 1778. 
 
 2. F. M. Caulkins, History of New London, 
 5.39-40; Records and Papers of New London 
 Historical Society, Part IV, I, 9. 
 
 .3. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember 14, 1778. 
 
i(V) XiU'x of tlic American Revolution 
 
 Continental vessels often threw their pro- 
 tecting arm directly around the trade of the 
 states. Vessels were often detailed to con- 
 voy to sea American merchantmen and 
 packets. At times when the trade was 
 l)ound for France, the Continental vessels 
 accompanied it even as far as the Grand 
 Banks of Newfoundland, but as a rule their 
 services did not extend beyond a few leagues 
 from the American coast. Sometimes the 
 Continental vessels were ordered to cruise 
 off the Delaware Bay, or similar channel, to 
 guide and protect incoming shipping. 
 
 The Marine Committee codperated with 
 the army in the defence and in the attack 
 of certain ports. In the campaigns around 
 Philadelphia in 1777 and 1778 the Continen- 
 tal navy lost some ten vessels, including three 
 of the thirteen original frigates; and at the 
 siege of Charleston in 1780 it lost four ves- 
 sels. The British occupation of New York 
 caused the destruction of the two frigates 
 built at Poughkeepsie. In 1779 a Conti- 
 nental vessel aided a Spanish expedition in 
 capturing Mobile. ScA'eral times the Com- 
 mittee placed part of its fleet under the con- 
 trol of Washington and the Admiral of the 
 French naval forces, when they were plan- 
 ning an attack upon some seaport held by 
 the enemy. 
 
 In 1779 Gerard, the French minister, de- 
 vised a plan which contemplated a joint 
 expetlition of the French and American 
 
Xm'v of the American RcroUition 167 
 
 fleets against the British colonies to the 
 northward. Gerard's purpose was "to give 
 the King of France Hahfax and Newfoinid- 
 hind." In May, 1779, he consulted with 
 Washington in his camp about the pro- 
 posed expedition. By September Gerard's 
 plan, or a similar one, had so far matured 
 that the Marine Committee ordered the 
 Navy Board at Boston to prepare the Con- 
 tinental vessels for a three months' cruise 
 and to hold them ready to sail at a moment's 
 warning to join the French fleet, or to pro- 
 ceed to such other place as Washington or 
 Count D'Estaing might direct. The Board 
 was to provide a suflicient number of pilots 
 for Newfoundland, Halifax, Rhode Island, 
 and the Penobscot river. This expedition 
 was not abandoned until November, 1779.^ 
 The Committee struck at the enemy's 
 lines of communication between his army 
 and navy in America, and the British Isles, 
 Canada, the Bermudas, Florida, and the 
 West Indies. After the transfer of the war 
 to the Southern states in 1778 and 1779, 
 transports running between New York and 
 Savannah and Charleston were vulnerable 
 craft. The capture of British transports 
 laden with munitions of war, provisions, and 
 troops had the advantage of obtaining for 
 
 1. Bancroft, History of United States, V, 
 319; Marine Committee Letter Book, Commit- 
 tee to Navy Board at Boston, September 28, 
 November 10, 1779. 
 
i68 Navy of the American Revolution 
 
 the Americans the very sinews of war, of 
 which the enemy were deprived. When 
 troops were captured, they could be ex- 
 changed for an equal number of American 
 prisoners. The reader may recall that it 
 was for the purpose of intercepting British 
 transports that Congress fitted out the 
 first Continental vessels in October, 1775. 
 
 The most successful capture of the ene- 
 my's transports was made in the spring of 
 1779. In order to protect the trade of the 
 Southern states, depredations upon which 
 were most frequent and destructive, the 
 Marine Committee in February of that year, 
 ordered the Navy Board at Boston to send 
 certain of the Continental vessels to sweep 
 the coast from Cape May to the bar of 
 South Carolina. This detail of the armed 
 vessels was made partly to satisfy the mer- 
 chants of Baltimore, who had complained 
 to Congress that their interests were being 
 neglected. On March 13 a fleet consisting 
 of the ''Warren," 32, Captain J. B. Hop- 
 kins, as commodore, the "Queen of France," 
 28, Captain Joseph Olney, and the "Rang- 
 er," 18, Captain Thomas Simpson, sailed 
 from Boston, for the coast of the Southern 
 states. On April 7 they captured the pri- 
 vateer schooner, "Hibernia." This vessel 
 told them of the sailing of a fleet of trans- 
 ports from New York, bound for Brigadier- 
 General Campbell's army in Georgia, and 
 laden with stores and supplies. The next 
 
A'az'y of the American Revolution 169 
 
 day fifteen leagues off Cape Henry, Hop- 
 kins fell in with the fleet; and meeting with 
 a trifling resistance, lie made prizes of seven 
 ont of its nine vessels. These prizes were 
 all sent to New England. On April 22, the 
 "Queen of France" arrived in Boston with 
 the ship "Maria," 16, carrying eighty-four 
 men, the schooner "Hibernia," 8, also car- 
 rying eighty-four men, and the brigs " John," 
 200 tons, "Batchelor," 120 tons, and "Prince 
 Frederick," 160 tons. Another prize, His 
 Majesty's ship "Jason," 16, with one hun- 
 dred men, also reached Boston. The 
 "Ranger" put into Portsmouth with the 
 schooner "Chance" and a brig. The 
 Marine Committee wrote to Captain Hop- 
 kins congratulating him and his fellow cap- 
 tains on the fortunate outcome of their 
 cruise.^ 
 
 The most important objective of the 
 Marine Committee in its naval operations 
 was the capture of England's commerce in 
 transit at sea. The Committee planned to 
 intercept her sugar ships of the West Indies, 
 her Newfoundland fishing craft, her Hud- 
 son bay fleet laden with skins and peltries, 
 her Guineamen with cargoes of ivory and 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Com- 
 mittee to Captain Olney, to Captain Harding, 
 and to Navy Board at Boston, P'ebruary 10, 
 1779; Committee to Merchants of Baltiinore, 
 February 23, 1779; Boston Gazette, April 26, 
 1779; Publications of Rhode Island Historical 
 Society, VIII, 259. 
 
170 Navy of the Aiu crican Revolution 
 
 slaves, and her Mississippi trade with its 
 lumber and furs. The Committee's agents 
 and the naval officers abroad hoped to en- 
 snare the enemy's Baltic trade, the Irish 
 linen ships, the Brazil whaling fleet, and 
 homeward bound East Indiamen. The 
 sending of frigates to the Coromandel Coast 
 to intercept the enemy's China ships and 
 the trade of India was seriously considered. 
 On one occasion the Committee designed to 
 attack English vessels bound for Canada 
 with cargoes of "Indian goods." But gen- 
 erally the blov>^s were aimed at the fleets of 
 rich merchantmen returning to England, 
 for their many vessels were like honey- 
 laden bees flying homeward to their hives. 
 The British fishing fleet on the Grand 
 Banks of Newfoundland and the homeward 
 bound West Indiamen w^ere found most 
 vulnerable. It is not practicable for a com- 
 batant to prey upon commerce far from 
 his base of operations. The frequent man- 
 ning of prizes depletes his crews and compels 
 him to make an early return home. The 
 chance of prizes being retaken is increased 
 with the distance they must travel to 
 reach safe ports. The operations of the 
 Continental vessels in European waters 
 were made possible by their use of French 
 ports as naval stations. In attacking Eng- 
 land's commerce the Marine Committee 
 found most promise of substantial reward 
 by directing its vessels to cruise during the 
 
Xaz'V of the American Rcz'olitfioii 171 
 
 summer or the early fall some leagues to the 
 eastward of the Bermudas in the track of 
 the homeward bound West Indiamen, laden 
 with rum, sugar, cotton, coffee, and other 
 Colonial products. These fleets sometimes 
 consisted of as many as 200 merchantmen 
 under the convoy of a few ships of war. 
 Skilful seamanship found it comparatively 
 easy to cut out a few sail. In three in- 
 stances Continental vessels made captures 
 which netted them more than one million 
 dollars each. 
 
 Two of these fortunate cruises were made 
 while the fleet was under the direction of 
 the Marine Committee. On May 4, 1779, 
 the Committee wrote to the Navy Board 
 at Boston that it desired that the "Con- 
 federacy," "Warren," "Queen of France," 
 "Ranger," "Jason," "Hibernia," and two 
 of the lately built packets as tenders, and 
 the "Dcane," which it should send from 
 Philadelphia, should be joined together and 
 sail in company to the southward and at- 
 tack the sea force of the enemy on the coast 
 of Georgia. After routing the enemy there, 
 the fleet was to throw itself in the way of 
 the West India ships, bound to England. 
 A fortnight later the Committee wrote that 
 it had reason to lay aside the expedition 
 to Georgia, and that it was their intention 
 to place the collected naval force in such 
 manner as to accomplish the double pur- 
 pose of intercepting the enemy's transports, 
 
\J2 Xaz'v of t!ic .iuicrican Revolution 
 
 comin<2; to and going from New York, and 
 of attacking her homeward bound West 
 India ships. 
 
 In accordance with the latter plan of the 
 Committee, sometime during the summer a 
 fleet was sent to sea from Boston, consist- 
 ing of the "Providence", 28, Captain Abra- 
 ham Whipple, commodore of the fleet, the 
 "Queen of Franco," 28, Captain John P. 
 Ilathburn, and the "Pvanger," 18, Captain 
 Thomas Simpson. In August the American 
 vessels foil in with the Jamaica fleet, bound 
 for London, and convoyed by a 32-gun 
 frigate and three other armed vessels. The 
 Americans succeeded in cutting out from 
 the fleet ten large merchantmen, heavily 
 laden with rum and sugar. Of the ten ves- 
 sels, seven arrived at Boston and one at 
 Cape Ann. The names of these eight ships, 
 whose average burden was 285 tons, were 
 as follows: " Holderness," "Dawes," 
 "George," "Friendship," "Blenheim," "The- 
 tis," "Fort William," and " Neptune." This 
 was one of the richest captures which the 
 Continental fleet made during the Revolu- 
 tion. The ships with their cargoes sold for 
 more than one million dollars.^ Early in 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Com- 
 mittee to Navy Board at Boston, May 4, May 
 20, 1779; Continental Journal and Weekly 
 Advertiser, Atigust 26, 1779; Boston Gazette, 
 Septem.ber 20, 1779. "Last Saturday noon 
 this town was alarmed by the Appearance of 
 Seven Topsail Vessels in the Offing, which, 
 
Xaz'v of the American Rez'olntioii 173 
 
 the year the ship "General Gates" and the 
 sloop "Providence" sent prizes into Boston 
 which sold for £240,000.^ 
 
 The Marine Committee threatened and at- 
 tacked tlie enem3^'s coasts and towns in the 
 British Isles, Canada, and the West Indies. 
 Two Continental vessels visited the mouth 
 of the Senegal river on the west coast of Af- 
 rica. An attack on the shipping of the 
 Bermudas was ordered to be made, if it was 
 found practicable. Nassau, Ncav Provi- 
 dence, was twice captured by Continental 
 vessels, and a third time b}^ a Spanish fleet 
 and a ship of war of the South Carolina 
 navy. Robert Morris, when vice-president 
 of the Marine Committee, planned to send 
 a fleet of five vessels against the British 
 possessions in the West Indies and the Flor- 
 idas. The movements of Captains Wickes, 
 Conyngham, and Jones in attacking and 
 alarming the British Isles are well known. ^ 
 
 however, soon subsided, for between the Hours 
 of Three and Five in the Afternoon were safe 
 anchored in this Harbour the Continental 
 Ships of War, 'Providence,' 'Queen of France ' 
 and 'Ranger,' with Four Prize Ships laden 
 with Rum and Siigar, being part of a Jamaica 
 Fleet bound to London captured by the above 
 Vessels." — Continental Journal and Weekly 
 Advertiser, August 20, 1779, published at 
 Boston. 
 
 1. Publications of Rhode Island Historical 
 Society, VIII, 259. 
 
 2. See Chapter IX and X, Naval Duties 
 of American Representatives in Foreign Coun- 
 tries. 
 
1/4 -^ fl'^'V of iJic American Rcvohitioii 
 
 These expeditions against British coasts, 
 towns, and dependencies had several ob- 
 jects in view. One, of course, was the cap- 
 ture of booty. To the extent that the ex- 
 peditions were directed against the ship- 
 ping and commerce of the attacked ports, 
 their object was similar to that of fleets 
 which cruised against shipping and com- 
 merce at sea. Another object is discovered 
 in the thought of Morris when he planned to 
 attack England in the West Indies. Such 
 a move Morris believed would force the en- 
 emy to withdraw part of his fleet from the 
 coasts of the United States for the defence 
 of his attacked colonies; and to the extent 
 that he did so, the states would be relieved. 
 The cruises made in the waters around the 
 British Isles had in view the lessening of 
 the prestige of Great Britain, the shaking 
 of her credit, the alarming of her inhabi- 
 tants, and the raising of her marine insur- 
 ance; and also the impressing of Europe 
 with the power and courage of the new 
 American nation, and perchance, creating a 
 diversion in its favor. Both a psychological 
 and a political element entered into the pur- 
 pose of the cruises in British waters. They 
 realized to both Britain and the Continent 
 tlie existence of a new flag and a new state 
 in the family of nations. 
 
 The naval plan devised by Morris, as 
 vice-president of the Marine Committee, 
 deserves additional notice. It was to be 
 
Xa-c'y of the American Rci'ohttion 175 
 
 \)\\i into operation by John Paul Jones, with 
 a fleet composeil of the "Alfred," "Coknii- 
 bus," "Cabot," "Hampden," and sloop 
 "Providence." Jones was first to proceed 
 to St. Christopher in the West Indies, which 
 island was almost defenceless, capture the 
 cannon, stores, and merchandise there de- 
 posited, and then sail for Pensacola, Florida. 
 Morris thought Jones might find it best to 
 pass along the south side of Hispaniola, and 
 alarm Jamaica by putting in to some of its 
 ]x)rts. Arriving at Pensacola, he would 
 find it defended by two or three sloops 
 of war, which could be easily silenced, and 
 the town would fall into his hands 
 with its munitions of war, including one 
 hundred pieces of artillery. Having re- 
 duced Pensacola, Jones was to send a brig- 
 antine and sloop to cruise at the mouth of 
 the Mississippi, in order to waylay the Brit- 
 ish merchantmen leaving there in March 
 and April with cargoes of indigo, rice, to- 
 l)acco, skins, and furs, to the value of £100,- 
 000 sterling. Returning from the Gulf, 
 he might alarm St. Augustine, and finally 
 he might refit in Georgia, or South or North 
 Carolina. He was directed to carry as 
 man}^ marines as possible for his opera- 
 tions on shore. 
 
 Morris's object in this expedition in- 
 volved a nice bit of naval policy. He pur- 
 posed not so much the taking of booty, as 
 the alarming of the whole British nation, 
 
i/fi Xaz'\ of the American Revolution 
 
 and the forcing of the enemy to withdraw 
 some of her naval forces from the coast of the 
 United States. "It has long been clear to me," 
 he said, "that our infant fleet cannot protect 
 our coasts; and the only effectual relief it 
 can afford us, is to attack the enemy's de- 
 fenceless places, and thereby oblige them 
 to station more of their own ships in their 
 own countries, or to keep them employed 
 in following ours, and either way we are re- 
 lieved so far as they do it." Morris pro- 
 posed his plan as a substitute for one of 
 Jones, which contemplated a descent on 
 the west coast of Africa; and to the carrying 
 out of which the Marine Committee had 
 given its consent. Morris thought that the 
 same results as Jones sought could be ob- 
 tained with less risk by "cruizing Wind- 
 ward of Barbadoes as all their Guinea Men 
 fall in there. "^ 
 
 The Marine Committee naturally planned 
 and carried out naval enterprises which 
 had in view two or more forms of secondary 
 operations. Sometimes it ordered its ves- 
 sels to take stations at sea where they 
 would be in position to intercept both the 
 AVest India trade, and the enemy's trans- 
 ports plying between New York and Eng- 
 land. Often it left the specific object of a 
 cruise to the Navy Board at Boston, or to 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Morris 
 to Jones, February, 1, 1777; Morris to Com- 
 modore Hopkins, February 5, 1777. 
 
A'az'y of the Auicrican Revolution lyy 
 
 the commander of a ship, and issued merely 
 the general order to proceed to sea and 
 cruise against the enemy. Any plan of the 
 Committee which was directed towards 
 meeting an immediate emergency was rarely 
 cari'ied out. The movements of the vessels 
 were rendered uncertain by reason of de- 
 pleted crews, deficient equipments, and the 
 position of the British fleets. The Com- 
 mittee was often in the dark as to the exact 
 state of a vessel in New England with ref- 
 erence to its preparation for sea. Conse- 
 quently it made many plans and gave many 
 orders Avhich could not be put into opera- 
 tion. The telegraph, cable, and rapid postal 
 services have revolutionized the direction of 
 naval movements. 
 
 In prize-getting the Marine Committee's 
 most successful years were 1776 and 1779. 
 Beginning with 1776 the number of prizes 
 taken by the Continental vessels for each 
 year of the Committee's incumbency was, 
 respectively, sixty, twenty, twenty, and 
 fifty. The fifty prizes captured in 1779 
 were probably more valuable than the one 
 hundred taken in the other three years. 
 As regards the number of Continental ves- 
 sels lost, the years 1776 and 1779, when the 
 fleet was decreased by but three ships, 
 again prove to be the most fortunate years. 
 In 1777 and 177S twenty-six vessels, ten of 
 which were frigates, were lost.^ With the 
 
 1. Files of newspapers for the period of the 
 Revohition. 
 
irS A'ai'V of the American Rei'ohition 
 
 memory of the misfortunes of the past two 
 years in mind, well might the Marine Com- 
 mittee write, towards the end of 1778, of 
 "the bad success that hath hitherto attend- 
 ed our Navy." In May, 1778, it wrote to 
 the Navy Board at Boston, that the "Com- 
 mittee are entirely of Opinion with you that 
 it will be proper to send out a Collected force 
 to Cruise against our enemies that we re- 
 cover the injured reputation of our Navy 
 and the losses we have sustained."' 
 
 In 1779 the navy retrieved the bad effects 
 of some of its disasters.. Its changed for- 
 tunes can in part be easily accounted for. 
 The transference of the scene of war to the 
 Southern states late in 1778, removed a 
 part of the British land and sea forces from 
 the North, and thereby gave the Naval De- 
 partment a freer hand in its operations, 
 and rendered the movements of the fleet 
 less perilous. The Department this year 
 had larger success in manning and equip- 
 ping its fleet. It was, therefore, able not 
 only to send the armed vessels to sea more 
 frcfiuently, but also to send several of them 
 cruising in company. Such little fleets had 
 a decided advantage over single cruisers, 
 both in defensive and ofTensive operations. 
 No doubt, too, the experiences and past fail- 
 ures of the navy were now telling in a better 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Com- 
 mittee to Navy Board at Boston, May 8, No- 
 vember 9, 1778. 
 
Xaz'y of flic Auicricaii Rd'olittioii 179 
 
 understanding of naval tactics, and were 
 bringing al)oiit a proper subordination and 
 concert of action between officers and men. 
 Possibly, something should be attributed 
 to the Department's increased experience 
 in marine affairs. 
 
 The reader has probal:)ly already drawn 
 parallels, far from fanciful, between the so- 
 lutions of the naval problems of the Revolu- 
 tion made by the Marine Committee and 
 those of the Spanish-American war made by 
 the Naval Board of Strategy at Washington. 
 The naA^al problems presented to the two 
 bodies were in certain respects widely differ- 
 ent. Equally striking similarities appear. 
 In both wars the United States was fighting 
 a European power with possessions in the 
 West Indies and in the Asiatic seas. The 
 attacks on Nassau and Morris's j^roposed 
 expedition against the British West Indies 
 correspond to the movements of the Ameri- 
 can fleet in the West Indies during the late 
 war. The operations of Wickes, Conyn- 
 gham, and Jones off the coasts of the British 
 Isles are matched by the proposed descent 
 on the Spanish coast in 1898. The plan 
 made in 1777 to send a fleet of frigates to 
 Mauritius and from thence to operate against 
 the English trade in the Indian seas looks 
 singularly like Admiral Dewe^^'s movement 
 from Hong Kong against Manila. 
 
 The hope is to be cherished that America 
 will never again cross swords with her kin 
 
i8o Naz'y of the American Revolution 
 
 beyond seas, but if moved by some untoward 
 fate she should, it is not too much to say 
 that a Naval Board of Strategy at Washing- 
 ton will devise plans of naval attack and de- 
 fence quite similar to those of the Marine 
 Committee. The weak spots in a nation's 
 armor often prove to be its outlying depend- 
 encies, especially when they are situated 
 near the enemy's coast. The principles of 
 naval strategy which led the Marine Com- 
 mittee either to attack, or to plan to attack, 
 Canada, the Newfoundland fisheries, the 
 Bermudas, and the British West Indies, are 
 still operative, notwithstanding the vast 
 changes which the past century and a quar- 
 ter have witnessed in the methods of naval 
 warfare, and in the distribution of the terri- 
 tory of the Western Hemisphere among na- 
 tions, new as well as old. In a world of 
 change the fundamental principles of naval 
 strategy remain immutable. 
 
CHAPTER VII 
 
 THE BOARD OF ADMIRALTY 
 
 It is speaking tritely, although accurately, 
 to say that our present executive depart- 
 ments at Washington did not spring into 
 perfect being in 1789 like panoplied Minerva 
 from the head of Jove. Not a little of the 
 interest and value of a study of the admin- 
 istration of the Revolution comes from the 
 fact that the administrative practices and 
 experiences of this period gave rootage to 
 the later and more perfect executive organs. 
 The development of the Continental Naval 
 Department, both in the variety and in the 
 character of its forms, is typical of that of 
 the other administrative departments of 
 the Revolution. We have already seen how 
 the naval business of the Continental Con- 
 gress was first vested in the small Naval 
 Committee; and how this Committee, early 
 in 1776, was overshadowed and absorbed 
 by the more numerous and more active Ma- 
 rine Committee. We now come to the third 
 step in this evolution, the superseding of the 
 MarineCommitteeby the Board of Admiralty. 
 
 The Marine Committee had proved slow, 
 
1 82 Nai'v of the Auicrican Revolution 
 
 ciimbroiis, inexpert, and irresponsible. The 
 wiser members of Congress had long seen 
 that it was a prime defect in governmental 
 practice to add to the duties of a legislative 
 committee, those of an executive office; for 
 it threw upon the same men too much work 
 of too diverse kinds, and it removed from 
 the administrative organ its most essential 
 attributes of permanency, technical skill, 
 and responsibility. In December, 1776, 
 Robert Morris had urged the employment 
 of a corps of executives chosen outside the 
 membership of Congress, as a requisite to a 
 proper and orderly management of the busi- 
 ness of the Revolutionary government.^ 
 
 As early as February 26, 1777, William 
 Ellery, a member of the Marine Committee 
 from Rhotle Island, wrote to William Ver- 
 non at Providence, who was soon to become 
 a member of the Navy Board at Boston, 
 that a proper Board of Admiralty was very 
 much wanted. ''The members of Congress," 
 he said, "are unacquainted with this Depart- 
 ment. As one of the Marine Committee I 
 
 1. Force's Archives, 5th, III, 1336, Robert 
 Morris to American Commissioners at Paris, 
 December 21, 177G. Morris wrote as follows: 
 "So long as that respectable body persist in 
 the attempt to execute, as well as to deliber- 
 ate on their business, it never will be done as 
 it ought, and this has been urged many and 
 many a time by myself and others, but some 
 of them do not like to part with power, or to 
 pay others for doing what they cannot do 
 themselves " 
 
iWrz'y of the American Revolution 183 
 
 sensibly feel my ignorance in this respect. 
 Under a mortifying Sense of this I wrote to 
 you for Information in this Matter. Books 
 cannot be had here; and I should have been 
 glad to have been pointed to proper Authors 
 on this Subject when I should be in a Place 
 where Books may be had."' Early in 1779 
 when Congress was groping in search of a 
 more efficient naval executive, Ellery again 
 expressed regret at the lack of technical 
 skill in the management of the navy. He 
 said that the marine affairs would never be 
 "well conducted so long as the supreme di- 
 rection of them is in the hands of Judgc^s, 
 Lawyers, Planters, &c."' Even before Mor- 
 ris and Ellery had declared for better exec- 
 utives, John PaulJones, while distressed by a 
 loss in naval rank caused by the appointing 
 and the placing above him of certain "polit- 
 ical skippers," wa-ote that efficient naval 
 officers could never be obtained, until Con- 
 gress "in their wisdom see proper to appoint 
 a Board of Admiralty competent to deter- 
 mine impartially the respective merits and 
 abilities of their officers, and to superintend, 
 regulate, and point out all the motions and 
 operations of the navy."^ 
 
 1. Publications of Rhode Island Historical 
 Society, VIII, 205, Papers of William Vernon 
 and Navy Board. 
 
 2. Ibid., 257, Ellerv to Vernon, March 23, 
 1779. 
 
 3. Force's Archives, 5th, II, 1106, Jones to 
 Morris, October 16, 1776. 
 
During 1778 and 1779 Congress hit upon 
 a system of executive departments that did 
 Httle violence to its lust for j^ower, and at 
 the same time secured a permanent body 
 of administrators and advisors. This was 
 the system of executive boards, composed 
 jointly of commissioners selected outside 
 the membership of Congress, and of mem- 
 bers of Congress. Congress and the Marine 
 Committ(H^ probably derived a part of their 
 knowledge of executive boards from the 
 practice of the English goverimient and of 
 the states. "Board of Admiralty" was the 
 name during the Revolution, as now, of the 
 British Naval Office. Penns3dvania, Vir- 
 ginia, and South Carolina had early in the 
 Revolution established "Navy 13oards." 
 In October, 1777, Congress had formed a 
 Board of War composed of five conmiis- 
 sioners. In October. 1778, Congress at- 
 tempted to clip the wings of this Board and 
 bring it under Congressional control by sub- 
 stituting two members of Congress for two 
 of its five commissioners.' On July 30, 
 1779, a Board of Treasury was constituted 
 on exactly this plan, being composed of 
 three commissioners and two members of 
 Congress..- 
 
 In the spring of 1779 the feeling was gen- 
 eral that some change must be made in the 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 29, 1778. 
 
 2. Ibid., July 30, 1779. 
 
Ai.T V .■ ///(" ./;/.'(■;■/(■(//.' Rcz'olitlioii 185 
 
 nianaiiciiii'iit of the navy. Both 1777 and 
 177S luul liciMi lean, (nnpty, and dLsastrous 
 years for tlu' Continrntal floot. The bhinie 
 for this failure was ])hu'ed \\\wn the Marine 
 Conniiittee and the naval eonnnanders. It 
 was in April, 1779, that Washin<i;ton wrote 
 to John Jay askinsi questions and making 
 suggestions about the management of tlie 
 navy, which may be briefly siuumarized as 
 follows: ^^'hat are the reasons for keeping 
 the C'ontiiKMita! v(>ssels in i)ort? Had not 
 Congress l^etter lend them to "commanders 
 of known bravery and cajiacity " for a limit- 
 ed term? If additional encouragement is 
 necessary in order to induce seamen to en- 
 list, why not give them the whole of their 
 captures? Great advantage might result 
 from placing the whole fleet under "a man 
 of ability and authority commissioned to 
 act as commodore or admiral." Under the 
 ))rescnt system the Continental ships are 
 not only very expensive and totally useless, 
 but sometimes they recpiire a land force to 
 ])rotect them.' 
 
 This arraignment of the navy is some- 
 what severe. The last clause in the above 
 paragraph refers to an incident which took 
 place at New London in the spring of 1776. 
 The reader may recall that Commodore Hop- 
 kins put into this port on his return from 
 
 1. Johnston, Correspondence and Public 
 Papers of John Jay, I, 207-08, Washington to 
 Jay, April, 177U. 
 
i86 Xai'v of tlic .■bucricaii Rcvohilioii 
 
 New Providence and just after his unfor- 
 tunate engagement with the "Glasgow^" 
 He then reecnved a temporary loan from 
 Washington of oii(> hundred and seventy 
 troojis, witii whom, for the time being, he 
 replcMiislied his depleted crews. He kept 
 the troops less than six weeks. 
 
 In his reply to Washington's letter. Jay 
 ascribed the naval inefficiency to a defec- 
 tive Naval Department. He said: "While 
 the maritime affairs of the continent con- 
 tinue under the direction of a committee, 
 they will l)e exposed to all of the conse- 
 quences of want of system, attention, and 
 knowledge. The marine committee con- 
 sists of a delegate from each state; it fluc- 
 tuates, new nuMnl)ers constantly coming and 
 old ones going out; three or four, indeed, 
 have remained in it from the beginning; and 
 few members understand even the state of 
 our naval affairs, or have time or inclina- 
 tion to attend to them. But why is not 
 this system changed? It is in my opinion, 
 inconvenient to the family compact."^ The 
 "family compact" is supposed to refer to 
 the Lees. During the Revolution the Lees 
 and the Adamses formed the nucleus of a 
 faction, which was generally opposed to con- 
 structive legislation in the field of adminis- 
 tration. 
 
 1. Johnston, Correspondence and Public 
 Papers of John Jay, I, 209, Jay to Washing- 
 ton, April 26, 1779". 
 
Xaz'x of the .liiwricaii l\c:\)lnlioii 187 
 
 Wlu'ii tliis letter of Jay's was written a 
 new naval system was forming.' On June 
 9 Congress resolved to vest in "commis- 
 sioners all business relating to the marine 
 of these United States."- AjijiarcMitly this 
 res()luti(»n of Congress meant that the iia\al 
 affairs were to be given over to a board 
 chosen outside the membersliij) of Congress; 
 if so, Congress soon retracted it. On Octo- 
 ber 1, 1779, Congress disciiarged the com- 
 mit tcn^ that had had the new project in 
 hand, and directed the Marine Committee 
 "to prepare and report a plan of regulations 
 for con(lucting the naval affairs of the United 
 States."^ The Marine Committee reported 
 on October 28, 1779; thereujion, Congress 
 passed resolutions making provision for a 
 Boartl of Admiralty, "to be subject in all 
 cases to Congress." These resolutions were 
 in important respects based upon those of 
 October 17 and November 24, 1777, estab- 
 lishing a Board of War.' This was natural, 
 as tiie work of a war and a naval ofhce are 
 (juite similar. In the com])osition of the 
 two Ijoards there was a vital difference. The 
 Board of -War, as has been said, consisted 
 of five commissioners; the B(;ard of Admir- 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Com- 
 mittee to Navy Board at Boston, April 27, 
 1779. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 U, 177<l. 
 
 li. Ibid., October 1, 1779. 
 
 4. Ibid., October 17, November 24, 1777. 
 
iSS .\(?:'\' ('/' the . lincricaii Rci'oliitioii 
 
 alty consisted of three coiniuissidiiers ami 
 two members of Congress^ being modeled 
 after the Board of Treasury. Any three 
 members of the Board of Admiralty were 
 empowered to form a quorum. No two 
 members were permitted to come from the 
 same state. The Board must have its office 
 in the same town in which Congress w-as 
 sitting. It selected its clerks, but Congress 
 chose its secretary. 
 
 The powers and duties of the Board of 
 Admiralty were practically the same as 
 those of the Marine Conmiittee. The Board 
 was to order and direct the movements of 
 all ships and vessels of war. It was to su- 
 perintend and direct the navy boards and 
 see that they ke]:)t fair entries anti i:)ro})er 
 accounts of all the business transacted by 
 them. It was to keep a complete and ac- 
 cin-ate register of the officers of the navy, 
 giving their rank and the date of their com- 
 missions; these were to be signed by the 
 President of Congress and countersigned 
 by the secretary of the Board. The Board 
 was to have the care and direction of the 
 marine prisoners. It was to obtain regular 
 and exact returns of all warlike stores, 
 clothing, ))rovisions, and miscellaneous arti- 
 cles belonging to the marine department. 
 Lastly tiie Board of Admiralty was to "exe- 
 cute all such matters as shall be directed, 
 and give their opinion on all such subjects 
 as shall be referred to them by Congress, 
 
.\i/:v of the American Kcvolutiuti i8t) 
 
 or as iluy may think ncocssarv for the bet- 
 ter regulation and improvement of the na\ y 
 of the United States; and in gcMieral to super- 
 intend and (.lireet all the branches of the 
 jnarine departnunit."' 
 
 The officers of the navy were enjoined to 
 obey the directions of the Board of Admir- 
 alty. Hie proceedings, records, and i)apers 
 of the Board were to be open at all times 
 to the inspection of the members of Con- 
 gress. The Board of Admiralty was or- 
 tlered to examine at once the unsettled ac- 
 coinits of the navy Ixjards and naval agents, 
 and report thereon to Congress. It was 
 further directed to form proper plans for 
 increasing the naval force of tlie Unitcnl 
 States and for the better regulating of the 
 same. 
 
 The salary of each commissioner was 
 fixed at SH^OOO, and that of the secretary 
 of the Board at SS,000 a year. On 
 September 13. 1780, these salaries were de- 
 creased to S1,S50 and to SI, 100 a year, 
 respect iveh', to be now paid quarterly in sj)e- 
 cie or its equivalent.^ When Congress in- 
 creased the salary of its Conmiissioners of 
 the Treasury from SI. 850 to S2.000, the 
 Commissioners of Admiralty, exhibiting 
 that delicate sense of the fitness of more 
 pay which characterizes the employees of 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 28, 1779. 
 
 2. Ibid., September J 3, 1780. 
 
igo iVflt'3' of tJic American RcTohitioii 
 
 governments, petitioned for a similar in- 
 crease in their salaries;^ and Congress, in 
 accord with its subsequent character under 
 the Constitution, refused a favor to the 
 navy which it granted to a more popular 
 branch of its public service.^ The Con- 
 gressional members received no pay for 
 their services on the Board. 
 
 When Congress came to select Commis- 
 sioners of Admiralty, it found no easy task. 
 Men who were eager for distinction and 
 honor felt that they were cultivating a surer 
 field in their home governments or in the 
 army. The prestige of the Continental gov- 
 ernment was now declining. The dilution 
 of salaries caused by the depreciation of 
 the currency lessened the attractiveness of 
 the Continental offices. Employees of Con- 
 gress found it hard to support their families 
 on their pay. Then too, the navy business 
 had become a thankless and disheartening 
 task. The class of men who will accept a 
 disagreeable offi.ce with little pay and no 
 glory is a small one at any time. 
 
 The first three commissioners elected by 
 Congress were William Whipple of New 
 Hampshire, chairman of the Marine Com- 
 mittee, Thomas Waring of South Carolina, 
 and George Bryan of Pennsylvania. Each 
 
 1. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 37, p. 207, Report of Board of Admiralty, 
 April 12, 1781. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 7, 1781. 
 
Nai'y of tJie .-liiicricaii Rci'oliitioii 191 
 
 declined. On December 7 Francis Lewis 
 of New York was chosen commissioner, and 
 on the next day he accepted the office. 
 Congress on the 3rd had named the two 
 Congressional members of the Board, Wil- 
 liam Floyd of New York, and James Forbes 
 of Maryland. The appointment of Lewis 
 vacated the position of Floyd, as two mem- 
 bers from the same state could not serve 
 on the Board. William Ellery of Rhode 
 Island was now elected as the second Con- 
 gressional member. Congress had already 
 chosen John Brown, the secretary of the 
 Marine Committee, to be secretary of the 
 Board of Admiralty. Lewis, Forbes, and 
 Ellery were sufficient to organize the Board. 
 Accordingly on December 8, 1779, Congress 
 resolved "that all matters heretofore re- 
 ferred to the marine committee be trans- 
 mitted to the board of admiralty."^ On 
 December 10 the Board of Admiralty wrote 
 to the Navy Board at Boston, informing it 
 of the dissolution of the Marine Committee, 
 and directing it to address in the future all 
 letters and applications relating to the navy 
 to the "Commissioners of the Admiralty of 
 the United States. "^ 
 
 U]3on the organization of the Board of 
 Admiralty, its difficulties in obtaining quo- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, No- 
 vember 20, December 3, 7", 8, 1779. 
 
 2. Marine Committee Letter Book, Board 
 of Admiralty to Navv Board at Boston, De- 
 cember 10, i779. 
 
192 A'(/r'_v of the .liiicricaii Rcz'oliition 
 
 rums lji>(i;aii; aiul the troubles of Congress 
 in its search for additional commissioners 
 continued. On January 22, 1780, Congress 
 gave Brigadier-General Thomas Mifflin of 
 Pennsylvania an opjiortunity to decline a 
 conniiissionership.' On March 21 Lewis was 
 coni{)laining to Congress that Forbes was 
 sick, and that consequently there had been 
 no Board since the 4th instant. He hoped 
 Congress would fill up the vacancy and pre- 
 vent the navy business from being longer 
 suspended.^ On the death of Forbes on 
 March 25, Congress elected James Madison 
 to fill his place. ]\Iadison had but recently 
 arrived at Philadelphia as a delegate from 
 Virginia. 
 
 In June, 1780, Lewis was again in trouble 
 and was writing to Congress. He conceived 
 that the addition of members of Congress 
 to the Board of Admiralty was princii)ally 
 intentled to lay such information before 
 Congress from time to time as the Board 
 desired to give, to explain its reports, and 
 in the absence, or during the sickness, of 
 a commissioner to make a quorum. He 
 said that, notwithstanding the attention 
 which Madison and EUery had been dis- 
 posed to give, their necessary attendance 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Janu- 
 ary 22, 1780. 
 
 2. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 78, XIV, .309, Lewis to President of Con- 
 gress, March 21, 1780. 
 
A (irv ('/" till' American Revolution 193 
 
 (111 ("onurcss (lid not admit of their Ix'iiig 
 daily and t-onstantly prosent at the sessions 
 i)f the Board; that P^llery had been supcr- 
 sctled in Congress; and that at present there 
 was no Board for lack of a quorum.^ Con- 
 press once more came to the rescue of Lewis 
 and his Board by appointing EUery and 
 Thomas Woodford as commissioners.'-' El- 
 lerv at once accej^ted, but Woodford for 
 some reason declined the appointment. 
 Congress never obtained a third connnis- 
 sioner. In the fall of 1780 Daniel Hunting- 
 ton of Connecticut and Whitmill Hill of 
 North Carolina were the Congressional mem- 
 bers of the Board. On their being sup- 
 planted in November, 17S0, by new dele- 
 gates to Congress from fhcir respective 
 states, it took the urgent solicitation of 
 Lewis to get Congress to fill the vacancies.^ 
 AMien the Board was discontinued in July,/ 
 17S1, it had but one Congressional member,; 
 Daniel of 8t. Thomas Jenifer of Maryland. 
 To all intents and purposes Lewis and 
 Ellcry were the Board of Admiralty; and in 
 numy respects they were well qualified for 
 their i)ositions. Both were able men, though 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 78, XIV, 337-4.3, 349, Lewis to Presi- 
 dent of Congress, June 0, June 12, 1780. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 23. 1780. 
 
 3. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 37, pp. 291, 294, Lewis to President of Con- 
 gress, November 4, 6, 1780. 
 
i<)_l- A at 'A' (>f the .liiicrican Rci'olulion 
 
 not brilliant. Jiotli had i)assc(l tho iiicridiau 
 of life; Lewis was in his sixty-seventh year, 
 and Ellery in his fifty-second. Both had 
 taken prominent parts in the Revolutionary 
 counsels in their respective states; both had 
 been members of the Continental Congress 
 and of the Marine Committee. Both were 
 among the immortal Signers of the Declar- 
 ation of Indei:)ondcnce. Lewis had amas-'-'ed 
 a fortune as an importing merchant in New 
 York, and had served in the French and 
 Indian war. Ellery had been a merchant, 
 and later a lawyer in Newport, Rhode Isl- 
 and. Both nuMi were interested in naval 
 affairs, and had rendered good service on 
 the Marine Conmiittee. Lewis's work on 
 the Board of Admiraltv exceeded that of 
 Ellery. 
 
 From the first the Board of Admiralty 
 was more dependent on Congress than the 
 Marine Committe had been. Congress, al- 
 ways jealous of its prerogatives, naturally 
 ])ermitted a freer exercise of power to a 
 connnittee of its own members, than to a 
 mixed board, whose work was almost en- 
 tirely that of commissioners selected out- 
 side the membership of Congress. To the 
 Board's dependence on Congress for its 
 organization was added that for means to 
 carry out its naval program. The fre- 
 quency with which it went to Congress ask- 
 ing for quorums and money indicates its 
 helplessness and weakness. 
 
.\ a:-y oj the .liiicricaii Rci'olitlioii i(;5 
 
 riu' work of the Board of Atlmiralty was, 
 generally speaking, that of tiic Marine Com- 
 mittee imcler a ehange of name. It man- 
 aged the ihvindling business of the navy 
 from December, 1779, until July, 1781. It 
 was served by the Navy Boards and naval 
 agents of its predecessor, the Marine Com- 
 mittee. Immediately after its organization, 
 the Board of Admiralty, in compliance with 
 the resolutions of Congress, urged the Navy 
 Boards and naval agents to transmit to it 
 accurate accounts of tlieir transactions up 
 to December 31, ]77!K Owing to the loose 
 methods of business which obtained during 
 the Revolution, the agents of the Boanl 
 fountl it in most cases impossible to make 
 such statements. 
 
 The failure of the agents properly to re- 
 port their accounts, together with a diminu- 
 tion in the naval business of Congress, now 
 led to some decrease in naval machinery. 
 In August, 1780, the Board recommended 
 that the two Philadelphia i)rize agents be 
 discharged, since it had not been al)le to 
 induce them by means of its repeated writ- 
 ten and verbal requests to exhibit th(Mr ac- 
 coimts. Congress now discontinued their 
 ofhce and gave their work to the Board of 
 Admiralty.^ In the winter of 1780-Sl the 
 
 1. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 37, p. 12o, Board of Admiralty to President of 
 Congress, August 14, 1780; Journals of Conti- 
 nental Congress, August 18, 1780. 
 
i()() \ai'\ of the .liiiericaii l\c:\iliitio)i 
 
 rcsigiiati(jiis (jf Winder and \\ liarton, as 
 commissioners of the Navy Board at I'hila- 
 deli)hia, were accepted by Congress, and the 
 duties of this Board were vested in its re- 
 maining member, James Read.^ On May 7, 
 17S1, Congress acc(>pted the resignation of 
 Deshon of the Navy Board at Boston.- The 
 work of the Navy Boards and naval agents 
 had now greatly diminished. Already the 
 settling of naval accounts was becoming one 
 of their principal tasks. After 1779 there 
 were few Continental prizes to libel. Upon 
 the resignation of the naval agents at Phila- 
 delphia, those at Boston, Portsmouth, and 
 New London were the only ones of conse- 
 quence. 
 
 The Board of Admiralty was called to act 
 upon divers letters, petitions, and memor- 
 ials, differing little from the similar com- 
 munications which Congress referred to the 
 Marine Committee. It also fell to its lot to 
 prepare and re))ort not a little important 
 legislation. The reports of the Board, 
 which were in writing, were chief!}' the work 
 of Lewis and Ellery, and were presented to 
 Congress by the Congressional members of 
 the Board. Congress usually referred these 
 reports to a committee, before it discussed 
 them or took final action upon them. Not 
 a few of the reports of the Board were, 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember n, 17S0; January 11, 1781. 
 
 2. Ibid., May 7, 1781. 
 
\ (/;'\' (1/ ///(' .1 nicrlcini k'ci'ohitiini i()7 
 
 howt^viT, pigeon-holed by Congress, and no 
 action was taken upon them. The naval leg- 
 islation of Congress during the ineunibeney 
 of the Board of Admiralty was in i)art ren- 
 dered! necessary by the decline of the navy. 
 Certain other legislation was caused by the 
 ])Utting into effect of the Articles of Con- 
 federation on j\Iarch 1, 1781; and a few 
 Congressional resolutions on naval affairs 
 may ho attributed to the special legislative 
 activity and enterprise of tiie Board of Ad- 
 miralty. 
 
 In JaiHiary, 1780, Congress on the recom- 
 nu-ndation of the Board of Admiralty ])assed 
 a resolution which was no doubt in harmony 
 \\ith administrative economy and thrift, 
 but which pressed hard upon many naval 
 officers. The pay of all officers in tlie navy 
 not in actual service was at once to cease. 
 Their commissions were to be deposited with 
 the most convenient Navy Board, until the 
 officers should be again called into service; 
 <'ach officer was to retain his raid<.^ This 
 was merely a courteous way of tlis(>stal)lish- 
 ing the larger part of the navy. Owing to 
 the capture and destruction of many Conti- 
 nental vessels, most of the naval officers 
 were not in actual service. The numljer of 
 commissioned officers in actual service in 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 37, pp. 175-77, Report of Board of Ad- 
 miralty, January 24, 1780; Journals of Conti- 
 nental Congress, January 22, January 25, 
 1780. 
 
i()8 Xai'x of the .liiicricaii Rci'ohition 
 
 both navy and marine corps at this time 
 was about twenty. It is clear that the 
 Continental Congress was unfriendly to the 
 theory that an employee of a government 
 has a vested light in his office. 
 
 On July 11,1 7S(), naval salaries, subsistence 
 money, and bounties were ordered to be 
 paid in specie; forty Continental dollars 
 were considered equal to one of specie. On the 
 same day, in order that the depleted crews 
 might perchance be recruited, Congress voted 
 a bounty of twenty dollars to able, and ten 
 dollars to ordinar}^ seamen who should en- 
 list in the navy for twelve months.' On 
 August 7 it provided that officers who had 
 served aboard vessels of twenty guns or up- 
 wards, and who should afterwards be de- 
 tailed to vessels of less armament, should 
 suffer no diminution in ]:>ay.- These pro- • 
 visions all indicate a declining government 
 and navv. 
 
 On February 8, 1780, the l^oard of Ad- 
 miralty secured the re-enaction of the reso- 
 lutions of May 6, 1778, concerning the hold- 
 ing of courts of enquiry and courts-martial.^ 
 The most important provision of these reso- 
 lutions, it is recalled, lessened the require- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 11, 1780; Records and Papers of Continental 
 Congress, 37, pp. 2G1-63, Report of Board of 
 Admiralty, July 10, 1780. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Au- 
 gust 7, 1780. 
 
 3. Ibid., February S, 1780. 
 
-\ ,/: \' I'/ ilic -Litcncaii iKCi'niiituni Uji; 
 
 inoiits for the nieniborship of courts-martial 
 as fixed by Adams's rules. On the ]>ai"lial 
 discstaiilishmcnt of the navy in January it 
 became increasino'ly difficult to assemble 
 courts-martial composed entirely of naval 
 officers. The only naval captain cashiered 
 by a court-martial held under the direction 
 of the Board of Admiralty was the eccentric 
 Peter I^andais.' 
 
 On May 4, 17S0, the Board of Admiralty 
 reported and Congress ado{)ted the following 
 device for a seal: ''The arms, thirteen bars 
 mutually supporting each other, alternate 
 red and white, in a blue field, and sur- 
 mounted by an anchor proper. The crest 
 a ship under sail. The motto, sustentans 
 et sustentatus. Legend, U. S. A. Sigil. 
 Naval."- The anchor and ship under sail 
 are still a part of the seal of the Department 
 of the Navy. Instead of the arms, motto, 
 and former legend, there now appear an 
 eagle with outstretched wings, and the 
 words "Navy Department, United States 
 of America." 
 
 On Ai)ril 20, 1780, Congress adopted a 
 new form of commission for naval officers, 
 which the Board of Admiralty had draft(Hl.^ 
 This varied little from the one which had 
 been used since the beginning of the Revo- 
 
 1 See Chapter X, pages 298-300. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, May 
 4, 1780. 
 
 3. Ibid., April 20, 1780. 
 
200 Xai'x of the American Rez'olittioit 
 
 lutioii. With slight changes in phraseology 
 made to adapt it to the government under 
 the Constitution, it is still used in the De- 
 partment of the Navy at Washington. It 
 is this form properly filled out which consti- 
 tutes our present Admiral's title to his rank 
 and office. The Board also prepared a form 
 of commission, of bond, and of instructions 
 for commanders of private vessels of war.^ 
 In the instructions the rights of neutrals 
 were especially guarded. Following the 
 lead of "Her Imperial ^Majesty of all the 
 Russias," Congress declared that the goods 
 of belligerents on board neutral vessels, with 
 the exception of contraband, were not sub- 
 ject to capture. It confined the term con- 
 traliand to those articles expressly declared 
 to be such in the treaty of amity ami com- 
 merce of February 6, 1778, between the 
 United States and France.- 
 
 Congress on March 27, 1781, passed an 
 ordinance relative to the capture and con- 
 demnation of prizes. This law was enacted 
 by virtue of the ninth article of the Articles 
 of Confederation, which vested the war 
 ])owers in Congress. It codified the resolu- 
 tions of November 25, 1775, and March 23, 
 1776. It was more severe than these reso- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, May 2> 
 November 27, 1780, April 7, 1781 ; Reeords and 
 Papers of Continental Congress, 37, pp. 225-41. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber "), 1780; Wharton's Diplomatic Corres- 
 pondence, III, 800, 807. 
 
\,i: y <'! ///(' . Iiiicricaii l\'r:'<iliili(iii 201 
 
 liilions, aiui oiuillcd ccrlaiii iii(liil<;('nces 
 aiul cxcniplioiis, which thov coiitauuHl. It 
 ))r('scril)(Ml thr })(Mialty of forfeiture of vessel 
 w ithoiit trial for thos(> eaptors who flestro3^ed 
 or falsified their ship pa})ers. One of its 
 l)rovisioiis related to salvaiie.* This law and 
 also the one of Aj^'il 7, 17S1, fixing the in- 
 structions of commanders of private armed 
 vessels, brought former legislation into con- 
 formity with the Articles of Confederation. 
 The Board of Admiralty and Congress 
 were inclined to disagree as to the proper 
 construction to be placed upon the ninth 
 article of the Articles of Confederation, 
 which gave Congress "the sole and exclu- 
 sive right and power of determining on 
 l)eace and war." In a report which it made 
 to Congress under date of May 29, 17S1, 
 after referring to the commissions which 
 -Massachusetts had issued to the "Protec- 
 tor" and "Mars," two ships of the navy 
 of that state, it said that "the Board hum- 
 l)ly conceives that Commissions issuing 
 from different Fountains of Power, is a 
 matter which may merit the attention of 
 the United States in Congress assembled 
 who arc the supreme power in Peace and 
 A\'ar." The Board was inclined to take the 
 view that Massachusetts had no right to 
 issue these conmiissions. The committee 
 of Congress to whom the report was rc- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, March 
 27, 1781. 
 
Joj Auzy c>l the .liiwriiaii Rcz'uUition 
 
 ferrcHl iiitcrprctfel more narrowly the war 
 powers of Congress than did the Board of 
 Admiralty. It conceived that each state 
 had the right to issue commissions to ships 
 of war under the regulations established 
 by Congress, and that the only stej) neces- 
 sary to be taken for the present was for the 
 Board to transmit to each state a copy of 
 the present regulations governing the issu- 
 ing of commissions.^ This incident is note- 
 worthy in its indicating the existence of 
 "strict" and "loose" constructionists with- 
 in three months after the Articles of Con- 
 federation Avcre adoi)ted. 
 
 If another illustration is needed to show 
 the dependence of the makers of the Ameri- 
 can navy upon British models, some words 
 of the 13oard of Admiralty are in point. 
 For a long time it had under consideration 
 a revision of the rules and regulations of 
 the Continental navy. Concerning its in- 
 tention to inspect the British rules and in- 
 corporate into its new code such of them 
 as were adapted to the American navy, it 
 observed that it did not "think it unlawful 
 to be taught by an enemy whose naval skill 
 and power, until the reign of the present 
 illustrious King of France, were superior to 
 
 1. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 37, pp. 241-44. The Board of Admiralty 
 probably had in mind the sixth as well as 
 the ninth article of the Articles of Confeder- 
 ation. 
 
.\'(;i'\' ('/ tin- . liJicricaii Resolution 20i, 
 
 that (if any kiiiiiildiu or state on earth."' 
 It is believed- that the work of the Board 
 in this particular was not hrouiiht l)ef()re 
 C"on<iress. 
 
 On January 15, 17S(). Congress created a 
 permanent C(nu"t of A]:)peals for the trial of 
 prize cases aii])ealed from state admiralty 
 courts. Since January 30, 1777, such cases 
 had been heard and determined by a stand- 
 ing committee composed of five members 
 of Congress. Such a committee naturally 
 lacked permanency, expertness, and tech- 
 nical and legal knowledge. The Court es- 
 tablished in January, 1780, was to consist 
 of three judges, who were to try, in accord- 
 ance with the law of nations, questions of 
 fact as well as law. On January 22, 1780, 
 Congress chose as the three judges of the 
 Court, George AVythe of Virginia, William 
 Paca of Maryland, and Titus Hosnur of 
 Coimecticut.- 
 
 When the Board of Admiralty took charge 
 of the navy in December, 177!), there were 
 ten Continental cruisers in American waters. 
 The "Deanc," 32. was fitting for sea at 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, ,37, pp. 277, 281, Reports of Board of 
 Admiralty, July 24, July 26, 1780. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Jan- 
 uary -30, 1777; January 1.5, January 22, 1780; 
 Jameson, Essays in the Constitutional History 
 of the United States, Chapter I. Predecessor 
 of the Supreme Court; Carson, Supreme Court 
 of the United States, Part I, 50-57, 
 
204 Xai'x of the .iincricaii Rcz-olntioit 
 
 Boston; the "Tninil)ull," 28, was still in 
 the Connecticut river; the '-'Providence," 
 28, "Boston," 24, "Queen of France," 28, 
 and "Ranoer," 18, were on their way to 
 Charleston, South Carolina, in whose de- 
 fence the}' were to assist ; the "Confederacy," 
 32, was at Martiniciue repairing and refit- 
 ting; and three vessels were still on the 
 stocks, the "America," 74, at Portsmouth, 
 "Bourbon," 36, at Chatham on the Connec- 
 ticut river, and "Saratoga," 18, at Phila- 
 delphia. The "Alliance" was at the Texel 
 in Holland where she had arrived after 
 playing an ignominious part in the cele- 
 l)rated fight of Jones off l-'lamborough Head. 
 This is not a formidable fleet, and its future 
 movements have little bearing upon the 
 great naval conflict now being Avaged be- 
 tween the inistress of the seas on the one 
 side and France and Spain on the other. 
 The Continental navy, however, still had 
 some important errands to run, both Wash- 
 ington and the French were to ask its assist- 
 ance, and on a few occasions the enemy 
 was to find its officers and sailors no mean 
 combatants. 
 
 In completing the vessels which were 
 buikling and in refitting those which were 
 in commission, the Board of Admiralty was 
 from the first sorely embarrassed by a lack 
 of money. The difficulties which the Mariiu- 
 Committee had encount(>red were now in- 
 tensified by the prostration of the country's 
 
liiiaiif(.'s aiul cTctlit. Tlic Board n'sorlcd to 
 all means within reason in its attemj^ts to 
 obtain the requisites for ]iroseeutin<2; its 
 work. In January, ITSO, it wrote to tlie 
 Jioanl of Treasiu'v that iniless money was 
 at onee fortheomin<2; tiie Xaval l)(^partment 
 would be at a standstill; and that not less 
 than one hundred thousand dollars would 
 be sufficient for its needs. ^ It eaji'erly sought 
 the proceeds to be derived from the sale of 
 rum. wine, fruit, and sugar, taken from 
 Continental prizes. In the summer of 17S0 
 in ortler tliat its vessels might be in condi- 
 tion to render assistance to the expected 
 French fleet, the Board solicited aicl from 
 the governors of New Hampshire, Massa- 
 chusetts, and Connecticut; pressed the 
 Commissary-General of Issues of the Conti- 
 nental Army to furnish it with "G2,S20 
 weight of Bread and 13,260 weight of Flour" 
 with all despatch;- and finally, applieil to 
 John Holker, the Consul-General of France 
 at Philadelphia, for a loan of 60.000 ]x)un(ls 
 of bread, promising to take sjiecial ])ains to 
 repay it.^ 
 
 Thus hampered, the l^oai'd was una'ole to 
 accomplish much with its little fleet. l)m- 
 
 1. Marine Committee Letter Book, Board 
 of Admiralty to Board of Treasury, January 
 7. 1780. 
 
 12. Ibid., Board of Admiralty, to Commi- 
 sary-General of Issues, August 21, 1780. 
 
 :1 Ibid., Board of Admiralty to Holker, 
 August 29, 17S0. 
 
20() A(/c'_A' ('/' ///(' American h'cz'olittioii 
 
 u)^ its iiicuintx'iicy sonic lialf-dozcn cruises 
 were made by the Continental vessels. 
 Twenty prizes were captured; half of them 
 only reached safe ports. Two of the prizes 
 were His Majesty's brigs "Atalanta, " 16, 
 and "Trepassey," 14, which were taken by 
 the "Alliance/' 36, Ca])tain John Barry, 
 in May, 1781, when returning from France. 
 During the fight, which lasted four hours, 
 the gallant Barry was wounded in the 
 shoulder. This voyage of Barry, during 
 which he captured seven prizes, was the 
 most successful one made under the direc- 
 tion of the Board of Admiralty. 
 
 In Jvme, 1780, one of the most hotly con- 
 tested engagements fought at sea during the 
 Revolution occurred to the north wartl of 
 the Bermudas between the "Trumbull," 28, 
 Captain James Nicholson, the ranking of- 
 ficer of the Continental navy, and the Liver- 
 pool privateer "Watt," 32, Captain Coult- 
 hard. After a fight of two hours and a 
 half both vessels withdrew seriously dis- 
 abled, and with difiiculty made their ways 
 to tiieir respective ports — the "Trumbull" 
 to Boston and the "Watt" to New York. 
 A British account of the engagement places 
 the loss of the "Watt" at eighty-eight men, 
 and that of the "Trumbull" at "consider- 
 able more." The Americans gave their own 
 loss as thirty-eight men, and the British as 
 ninety-two. The "Tnunbull" had two 
 lieutenants killed. Gilbert Saltonstall, the 
 
.\(/:'\' ('/ //;(• . liiwricai! Rcrolntioii lOJ 
 
 captain of inarhics uiilxiard the" Trumbull, " 
 wrote a vivid account of the fif!;ht. He was 
 in the thick of it, and nn-eived eleven wounds. 
 He said that "upon the whdlc tluM-e has not 
 been a more close, obstinate, and bloody 
 engafjement since the war. 1 \\(^\)Q it won't 
 l)e treason if I ilon't except even Paul Jones'. 
 All things considered we may dis])ute titles 
 with him."' This was the first cruise of the 
 *' Trumbull." The other twelve frigates of 
 the original thirteen were at this time either 
 destroyed or captured. 
 
 In Jtily, 1780, a futil(> ])lan for an attack 
 on New York was nuule. The Continental 
 navy and army were to cociperate with the 
 French fleet under tlie Admiral the Chevalier 
 de Ternay. I'nder the direction of the 
 Board of Admiralty, the Continental vessels 
 continued to make voyages to France and 
 the West Indies. The losses suffered l)y 
 the navy during 1780 and the first half of 
 17S1 Avere considerable. The "Boston," 
 "Providence," "Queen of France," and 
 ■ Hanger" were surrendered to the British 
 on the fall of Charleston in May, 1780. The 
 "Confederacy," 32. Captain S(nh Harding, 
 returning from Ca))e Francois with a load of 
 military stores and colonial produce, was, 
 on Aj^ril 14, 1781, captured by the British 
 
 1. Records and Paper.s of New London 
 Country Historical Society, part IV, I, A"t-^^i^\ 
 Boston" Gazette, July 24," 1 7X0; Gomcr Wil- 
 liams, Liverpool Privateers, 'l'i'2-lb. 
 
2o8 Xaz'y of tJic .liiicricau Kci'ohititni 
 
 naval ships, " Roebuck," 44, and '' Orpheus," 
 32. The "Confederacy" was taken into the 
 British navy under the name of "Confeder- 
 ate." In March, 1781, the "Saratoga," 18, 
 Captain John Young, foundered at sea and 
 all on board were lost.^ 
 
 Early in 1781 Congress resolved to super- 
 sede the Board of Admiralty with a Secre- 
 tary of Marine, but failed to finil a man who 
 was willing to accept the new office. In 
 June, 1781, the plan of appointing an Agent 
 of Marine, and vesting in him the duties of 
 the Board of Admiralty, pending the selec- 
 tion of a Secretary of Marine, was brought 
 forward in Congress. The commissioners 
 of admiralty were able to forecast the re- 
 sults of this agitation for a new naval S3's- 
 tem.^ On July 9, 1781, Ellery informed 
 Congress "that his family affairs pressed his 
 return home, and therefore requested leave 
 of absence."^ As there was at this time 
 but one Congressional member serving on 
 the Board, on the absence of Ellery no cjuo- 
 rum could be obtained. Lewis now prayed 
 Congress to permit him to resign, or to give 
 him such further directions "as thev in their 
 
 1. List of Officers in Revolutionary Xavy, 
 iniscellaneous manuscripts in the Library of 
 Congress. 
 
 2. See Chapter VIII, Secretarj- of Marine 
 and Agent of Marine. 
 
 3. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 9, 1781. 
 
.\i!:\ of tlw . I nicricait Rci'ohttion 20() 
 
 wisdom shall tleoni moot."' On July 17 
 Confiress accepted his resignation.- On July 
 IS Congress put the marine prisoners in 
 cliargc of the Commissary of Prisoners of 
 the army, and ordered the seal of the ad- 
 miralty to be deposited with the Secretary 
 of Congress until a Secretary of Marine 
 should be appointed.^ The Revolutionary 
 Naval Department was without a head. 
 
 The Board of Admiralty was not a satis- 
 factory executive. It was at all times de- 
 pentlent on its Congressional members for 
 quorums. It proved to be slower, more 
 ciuuljersome, and less responsible than the 
 Marine Committee. The management of 
 the navy still lacked unity and concentra- 
 tion. On the other hand, had the Board 
 not been superseded, its conmiissioners would 
 no doubt in time have developed greater 
 expertness and technical skill than did the 
 members of the Marine Committee.- It 
 shoidd also be said that under more favor- 
 able auspices the Board of Admiralty would 
 have shown a higher administrative efficien- 
 cy than it did; for its lines had indeed fallen 
 in unpleasant places, and a bankrupt federal 
 treasury and a decadent Congress denied it 
 the means recjuisite to the successful prose- 
 cution of its work. 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 78. XIV, 4-l."i-47. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 17. 17S1. 
 
 3. Ibid., July IS. 1781. 
 
CHAPTER VIII 
 
 THE SECRETARY OF MARINE AND THE 
 AGENT OF MARINE 
 
 Oil the question of llie proper organiza- 
 tion of the executive dej^artnients, the lead- 
 ers of the Revolution were divided into two 
 factions. Moved by their love of liberty, 
 their distrust of governments, and their jeal- 
 ousy of delegated and concentrated })owcrs, 
 the members of one faction favored the vest- 
 ing of the executive business in Congres- 
 sional committees. The members of the 
 other faction, who stood for governmental 
 authority and control, for constructive legis- 
 lation in the field of administration, and for 
 the ai)j)lication of the principles of business 
 to the affairs of state, declared for a system 
 of permanent and single-headed executives 
 chosen outside of the membership of Con- 
 gress. The issue that was here joined in the 
 special field of administration was of course 
 a part of that perennial and perpetual con- 
 flict between the freedom of the individual 
 and social control. In this case, as every- 
 where and always, the jiolitical doctrinaires, 
 the iconoclasts and radicals, and the men 
 
.\.;:\' (': ///(• . I iiwrii-iiit JvcrDlulioii 211 
 
 of heart nUhcr than of head, Uned up on the 
 side of liberty; ^vhile the i)ractical and con- 
 servative men. the representatives of vested 
 interests, anil the cold, k^gical thinkers, 
 stood together on the side of governmental 
 control. 
 
 The faction \vhii'li distrusted power and 
 wished to keep it scattered, may be called 
 the "dispersive school;" and the faction 
 ^vhich wishetl to gather up the power and 
 lodge it with a few men, may be called the 
 "concentrativc school." To the "disper- 
 sive school" belonged Samuel Adams, the 
 Lees. Patrick Henry, and William Whijii^le; 
 to the "concentrative school", Hamilton, 
 Washington, the Morrises, and Jay. JOarly 
 in the Revolution the advantage lay with 
 the "dispersive school." Its executive jilan 
 of Congressional committees needed little 
 work to put it into operation; it was more 
 flexible than the scheme of permanent single- 
 headed executives; and it was more in har- 
 mony with the ultra anti-monarchical spirit 
 of the times. The Revolutionary govern- 
 ment, originating as a congress of delegates, 
 organized itself, after the manner of con- 
 gresses, by means of conmdttees of its own 
 members. When the Congress became a 
 Government, and had entrusted to it a mul- 
 tiplicity of executive duties, it naturally 
 continued and adapted the old organization 
 for the transaction of its new business. The 
 cxectitive system of Congressional commit- 
 
212 Xaz'y of the American Rcz'olutioii 
 
 tees, in this way becoming fixeil, could not 
 be easily changed. 
 
 By 17S0 the "concentrative school" was 
 winning its way. Indeed, the adoption in 
 1779 of mixed boards composed of men both 
 in and out of Congress was a compromise 
 between the two schools, in which the "con- 
 centrative school" gave up its contention 
 for sim])licity in the executive organs, in 
 order to secure, in part at least, another of 
 its objectives, ])ermanency in the tenure of 
 the administrators. By 1780 both com- 
 mittees and boards had been tried and 
 found wanting. Then too, there was a 
 greater need for a change in the executive 
 system, than in the first years of the war. 
 As Congress became imbecile, the quality of 
 its committees and of their work deterio- 
 rated ; and as the country wearied of the war, 
 and its finances tightened, the necessity for 
 greater economy and efficiency in admin- 
 istration increased. In 1780 the feeling 
 among the leaders was general that a crisis 
 in the army, in the finances, and in the busi- 
 ness of the government, which could be met 
 only l)y some thorough and far-reaching 
 reform, was approaching. The leaders of 
 the "concentrative school" proposed a com- 
 plete change in the administrative system 
 of Congress as a solution of the serious prob- 
 lems tliat confronted the country. By the 
 end of 1780 a movement for a reform of this 
 sort was in progress. It was diligently fur- 
 
.\ a:'y i>f the .liiicricaii Rc:'o!utioii J13 
 
 tlu'ivU by oiK' .sflu)itl and zealously opposed 
 by the other. 
 
 "If Coiiiiress," Washuigton wrote in De- 
 cember, 1780. "suppose that Boards com- 
 posed of tlieir own body, and always fluctu- 
 ating, are competent to the great business 
 of war (which requires not only close appli- 
 cation, but a constant and uniform train of 
 thinking and acting), they will most assured- 
 ly deceive themselves. Many, many in- 
 stances might be adduced in proof of this." 
 Washington was convinced that extrava- 
 gant and improper expenditures of the pub- 
 lic money, inexpertness in the transacting 
 of business, and needless delays resulted 
 from vesting all or a part of the duties of 
 an executive office in Congress.^ Hamilton 
 declared specifically for the substitution of 
 single executives for plural ones, and he 
 named three men whom he considered espe- 
 cially qualified for departmental posts, 
 General Schuyler for Minister of War, Gen- 
 eral McDougall for Minister of Marine, and 
 Robert ^lorris for Minister of Finance. He 
 conceived that there were always more 
 knowledge, energy, responsibility, decision, 
 despatch, zeal, and attraction for first-rate 
 
 1. Ford's Washington, IX, 75-7G, Washing- 
 ton to James Duane, December 20, 1780; 33-.5, 
 Washington to John Sullivan, November 20, 
 1780; 12.5, Washington to R. R. Livingst(;n, 
 January .31, 1781 ; 131-34, Washington to John 
 Sullivan, P'ebruarv 4, 1781; 240, Washington 
 to John Sullivan, "May 11, 1781. 
 
214 -\ "i'V of flic .lincyicau Kcz'oliition 
 
 ability "where single men, than where bod- 
 ies are concerned.'" Gouverneur Morris 
 contributed to the agitation in behalf of 
 better executives an enumeration of the 
 qualifications requisite in the men who were 
 to become heads of the leading departments. 
 He held, as still do some of the writers on 
 naval administration, that a Minister of 
 Marine should possess a practical and tech- 
 nical knowledge of naval affairs; and he pre- 
 sented a unique list of his qualities in the 
 following words : 
 
 "A minister of the marine should be a 
 man of ])lain good sense, and a good econo- 
 mist, firm but not harsh; well acquainted 
 with sea affairs, such as the construction, 
 fitting, and victualling of ships, the conduct 
 and manoeuvre on a cruise, and in action, 
 the nautical face of the earth, and maritime 
 phenomenon. He should know the temper, 
 manners, and disposition of sailors; for all 
 which ])urposes it is proper, that he should 
 have been bred to that business, and have 
 followed it, in peace and war, in a military, 
 and commercial capacity. His principles 
 and manners should be absolutely republi- 
 can, and his circumstances not indigent."^ 
 
 It has been said that the debate in Con- 
 gress over the change in the executive sys- 
 
 1. Hamilton's Hamilton, I, 127, note. Ham. 
 ilton to Robert Morris, 1780; 154-55, 159 
 Hamilton to James Duane, September .3,1780' 
 
 2. Sparks's Gouverneur Morris, I, 229-30. 
 
-\^.': V ('/ ///(■ . liiu-riciiii Rc:'oliitioii 215 
 
 toni was long, aiul was marked by the work- 
 ings of party spirit, the self-interest of some 
 members, and the doubts and fears and tli- 
 vided opinions of others.^ Samuel Adams 
 placed liimsclf at the head of the advocates 
 of the old system. On January 10, 1781, 
 the friends of the new system gained their 
 first decisive victory; for on this day Con- 
 gress resolved to establish a Department of 
 Foreign Affairs, and to appoint for its chief 
 officer a Secretary for Foreign Affairs." Five 
 days later Adams wrote to Richard Henry 
 Lee a letter which is almost pathetic in its 
 earnestness and seriousness. "^ly friend," 
 he said, "we must not suffer anything to dis- 
 courage us in this great conflict. Let us re- 
 cur to first principles without delay. It is 
 our duty to make every proper exertion in 
 our respective States to revive the old patri- 
 otic feelings among the people at large, and 
 to get the public departments, especially the 
 most important of them, filled with men of 
 understanding and inflexible virtue. Our 
 cause is surely too interesting to mankind 
 to be put under the direction of men, vain, 
 avaricious, or concealed under the hypocrit- 
 ical guise of patriotism, without a spark of 
 public virtue." Adams recognized that the 
 public service needed reforming. This he 
 
 1. Sparks's Gouvcrncur Morris, I, 227-28; 
 Reed's Reed, II, 2'JG. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, Janu- 
 ary 10, 1781. 
 
2i() Xaz'y of tlic .iDicriani Rd'olitiicni 
 
 would accomplish, not by a change of the ad- 
 ministrative system, but by the introduction 
 of more competent and more virtuous men 
 into Congress and into its committees. This 
 latter was to be brought about by a revival 
 of civic interest in the several states.* 
 
 On February 7, 1781, Congress "resumed 
 the consideration of the plan for the ar- 
 rangement of the civil executive depart- 
 ments." It this day resolved that there 
 should be a Superintendant of Finance, a 
 Secretary of War, and a Secretary of Marine. 
 It summed up the duties of the Secretary of 
 Marine in the following brief paragraph: 
 
 "It shall be the duty of the secretary of 
 marine to examine into and to report to 
 Congress the present state of the navy, a 
 register of the officers in and out of com- 
 mand, and the dates of their respective 
 commissions; and an account of all the na- 
 val and other stores belonging to that de- 
 partment; to form estimates of all pay, 
 equipments, and supplies necessary for the 
 navy; and from time to time to report such 
 estimates to the superintendant of finance, 
 that he may take measures for providing 
 for the expences, in such manner as may best 
 suit the condition of the public treasury; 
 to superintend and direct the execution of 
 all resolutions of Congress respecting naval 
 
 1. Wells, vSanivicl Adams, III, 127, Adamsto 
 Leo, January ir>, 1781; 128, extract from a letter 
 of Luzerne.French minister to the United States. 
 
.\\i:'y of the .Uncrican Rci'oliition 217 
 
 j)rei)aralions; to make out, seal, aiRl cotiut- 
 ersifjn all marine commissions, keep registers 
 thereof, and publish annually a list of all 
 ap])ointments; to report to Congress the 
 oilieers aiul agents necessary to assist him 
 in the business of his department; and in 
 general to execute all the duties and powers 
 sj^ecified in the act of Congress constituting 
 the board of admiralty." 
 
 Speaking generally, the Secretary of Ma- 
 rine was to succeed to the duties and powers 
 of the Board of Admiralty. It is, however, 
 significant that the Secretary was not spe- 
 cifically charged with the ordering and 
 directing of the movements of the vessels of 
 war, as was the Board. The specified duties 
 of the new office are largely secretarial. 
 Congress was disposed to be less liberal in 
 granting powers to a Secretary chosen out- 
 side its meml^ership than to a Board partly 
 composed of Congressmen. On February 
 9th the salar}' of the Secretary of Marine 
 was fixed at S5000 per annum. ^ 
 
 On February 27, 1781, Congress, with a 
 promptness which was exceptional, elected 
 Major-General Alexander McDougall of New 
 York to be Secretary of Marine, for which \)o- 
 sition he had been recommended bv Alex- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Feb- 
 ruary 7, P'ebruary 9, 1781. On October 1, 
 17S1, the salary of the Secretary of Marine 
 was fixed at S4,000 per annum, payable in 
 specie. 
 
21 8 A'(7T'_v of the .'liiicrican RcT'olntion 
 
 andor Hamilton. McDougall's qualifica- 
 tions for the ofHce were above the average. 
 In the French antl Indian War he had been 
 a commander of privateers. Later he be- 
 came a merchant in New York City. He 
 was a leader of the Revolution in that state, 
 and had risen to the rank of a major-general 
 in the Revolutionary army. McDougall de- 
 clined to accept the position proferred him 
 unless permitted to hold his rank in the 
 army, and to retain the privilege of return- 
 ing to the field when his services were re- 
 quinnl. He based this partial refusal on 
 patriotic grounds. Congress did not wish 
 a Secretary of Marine on these conditions; 
 and it therefore voted that it did not expect 
 the acceptance of Major-General McDougall, 
 and that it had a due sense of his zeal "for 
 the safety and honour of America, and ap- 
 plaud his magnanimity in declining 'to re- 
 tire from the toils and perils of the field in 
 the present critical condition of the United 
 States in general, and that of New York in 
 ])articular.' "^ Congress made no other 
 choice of a Secretary of Marine. 
 
 During the summer of 1781 the control of 
 naval affairs gravitated towards Robert 
 Morris. Soon after assuming the office of 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Feb- 
 ruary 27, March .'?0, 1781. Three states were 
 willing to accept McDougall on the conditions 
 he proposed. Samuel Adams and his friends 
 voted against acceptance. 
 
.\(7;-\' "/ ///(' Anicricaii Rd'olnlioii 2i() 
 
 SuiK-riiiKMulanl of Fiiuuicr in .May, 17S1, 
 he was l)n)u<>;ht into close relation with the 
 navy. He was invited to take ui)on him- 
 self more or less of the naval business by 
 \\\c urgent need of sending the cruisers on 
 important errands, the helplessness of the 
 Board of Admiralty, the inertia of Congress, 
 and the interregnum in the headship of the 
 Xaval Department, Avhich lasted from the 
 tliscontinuance of the Board of Admiralty 
 early in July, 1781, until the appointment 
 of an Agent of Marine on iSeptember 7. The 
 figure that Morris j:)resentsatthis time is tliat 
 of the strong and confident man of affairs, 
 sagacious, expeditious, and painstaking, 
 who is surrounded by weaker men, hesitat- 
 ing, vacillating, and procrastinating in their 
 administ rati ve attempts. 
 
 In June, 1781, Morris wrote to the Pres- 
 ident of Congress reconmiending the aj> 
 i:)()intment of a captain for the 74-gun ship 
 "America," and explaining how money for 
 completing her might be ol)tained. He 
 says that he is aware that John Jay has lib- 
 erty to sell this ship at the Court of Madrid; 
 that he thinks and hopes that Jay will not 
 succeed, for the sale of the "America" w^ould 
 be injurious to the United States; and that 
 it would be "more consistentwith Oeconomy 
 and with the dignity of Congress to have her 
 finished than to let her Perish." On the 
 receipt of this letter, Congress authorized 
 Morris to take measures for launching the 
 
220 Xaz'x of the .Inicyicaii Rcz'oliitioii 
 
 "America" uiid fitLiiig her for sea.^ Morris 
 now hinted to the Board of Admiralty that 
 the frigate ''Trumbull" could perform an 
 essential public service if put under his di- 
 rection, and pursuing his j^lan, he ol)tained 
 a ref'olution of Congress giving him control of 
 this vessel.- During the summer of 1781, 
 while the reorganization of the Xaval De- 
 partment was in suspense, Morris, on his 
 own initiative, directed the fitting out of the 
 "Alliance" and "Deane," and ordered them 
 to proceed to sea, "being convinced that 
 while they lay in port, an useless Expence 
 must necessarily be incurred."^ 
 
 Meanwhile, a movement to place the Na- 
 val Department under the control of Morris 
 had been set on foot in Congress. On June 
 26 Meriwether Smith of Virginia reported 
 a series of resolutions providing for the re- 
 organization of the Naval Department, a 
 work which he considered necessary because 
 the present naval system was "inefficient 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, I, 47, 55, Morris to President of 
 Congress, June 22, 1781 ; Ibid., 28, p. 145, Re- 
 port of Committee respecting "America"; 
 loiirnals of Continental Congress, June 23, 
 l781. 
 
 2. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, I, 77; Journals of Continental Con- 
 gress, July 1 1, 1781. 
 
 3. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, I, 137, Morris to President of Con- 
 gress, September 10, 1781. 
 
.\"(r:\' ('/ the American Rcrohttion 221 
 
 ami exin'iisive."' The most important of 
 these resolutions was one which dissolved 
 the offices of the Board of Admiralty, tlie 
 navy boards, and the naval agents; and an- 
 other, which empowered the Superint end- 
 ant of Finance to apjioint some discreet 
 aj2;ent to manage the navy under the order 
 and inspection of the said sujjerintendant, 
 until a Secretary of ]\Iarine should be ap- 
 })ointed, or until the further pleasure of Con- 
 gress. On the day of their introduction 
 these resolutions were referred to a com- 
 mittee, consisting of Meriwether Smith of 
 \'irginia, Roger Sherman of Connecticut, 
 ancl Daniel of St. Thomas Jenifer, of i\Iaiy- 
 land. On July 2, having made a sliglit 
 change in the phraseology of the resolutions, 
 this committee reported them to Congress f 
 and on July 6 it again re]:)orted them, hav- 
 ing now added a few additional resolutions. 
 One of the latter was to the effect that the 
 election of a Secretarj^ of Marine should be 
 pf)stj)()ned imtil the first ^londay in Novem- 
 ber. On the putting of this resolution, it 
 passed in the negative. The states divided 
 sectionally; the four New England states 
 and Delaware voted in the negative; Penn- 
 sylvania and the five Southern states, ex- 
 cept South Carolina which Avas divided, 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 28, p. 135, Resolutions of M. Smith. 
 
 2. Ibid., p. 1.3.3, Report of Committee on 
 Smith's resolutions. 
 
222 -\'(7cT of the American Rei'olntioii 
 
 voted in the affirmative; delegates from 
 New York and New Jersey were not pres- 
 ent in Congress, The vote seems to indicate 
 the defeat of those who were in favor of 
 placing the navy under the control of Mor- 
 ris. On the same day, July 6, the remain- 
 ing resolutions were referred to a committee 
 consisting of Thomas McKean of Delaware, 
 Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, and Theo- 
 doric Bland of Virginia.^ 
 
 On July 18 the new committee reported a 
 series of resolutions, diff(>ring little from 
 those which had been referred to it, with the 
 exception of one important change; the 
 Agent of Marine was now to be appointed, 
 not by Morris, but by Congress. On this 
 day Congress passed two of the committee's 
 resolutions. One of these transferred the 
 care of the marine prisoners from the Board 
 of Admiralty to the Commissary of Pris- 
 oners of the army; and the other ordered 
 the seal of the admiralty to be deposited 
 with the [Secretary of Congress, and em- 
 powered him to use it in countersigning na- 
 val commissions. The renuiining resolu- 
 tions again went over. Congress was able 
 to agree on the discontinuance of the Board 
 of Admiralty, but not on the arrange- 
 ments for its successor.^ 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 28, p. 149, Resolutions of Committee; 
 Journals of Continental Congress, July G, 1781. 
 
 2. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 
.Wiry ('• ///(' .Intcriaiii Rc:u>!ittioii 223 
 
 Finally, the \viu)lo business of the re- 
 or<ianizati()n of the Naval Department was 
 referred to a third connnittee, coni])oscd of 
 Theodoric Bhuul of \'ir<j;inia, James M. Yar- 
 mim of Rhode Island, and James Duane of 
 Xew York. On the report of this commit- 
 tee on August 29, Congress agreed "that for 
 the ])resent an agent of marine be appoint- 
 ed, with authority to direct, fit out, equip, 
 and emi)loy the ships and vessels of war be- 
 longing to the United States, according to 
 such instructions as he shall, from time to 
 time, receive from Congress." The Agent 
 of Marine was to direct the selling of all 
 prizes. He was to settle and pay the naval 
 accounts, and keep a record of his work. 
 As soon as he entered into the execution of 
 his office, the functions and appointments 
 of the board of admiralty, the several navy 
 boards, and all civil officers, appointed 
 imder them, should cease and be determined. 
 The salary of the new head of the Naval De- 
 l)artment was fixed at SI, 500 a year, and 
 that of his clerk at S500. Both the Agent 
 of Marine and his clerk were required to 
 take an oath "well and faithfully to exe- 
 cute the trust reposed in them, according 
 to the best of their skill and judgment"; 
 and to give good and sufficient bond.' 
 
 gress, 28, p. 14 7, Report of Committee on July 
 IS; Journals of Continental Congress, Julv 18, 
 1781. 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 
224 'VaT'v of the .lincrican Kczvliition 
 
 These resolutions of August 29 were to 
 be only temporary; and the)^ did not dis- 
 place those of February 7, 17S1, which pro- 
 vided for a Secretary of Marine. A second 
 temporary expedient was resorted to on 
 September 7, when Congress resolved: 
 ''That until an agent of marine shall be ap- 
 pointed by Congress, all the duties, powers, 
 and authority assigned to the said agent, 
 be devolved upon and executed by the said 
 superintendant of finance."' 
 
 The reason why Congress appointed an 
 Agent of Marine instead of a Secretary of 
 ]\larine is not at all points clear. Having 
 failed to secure the acceptance of McDougall 
 as Secretary of Marine, Congress may have 
 decided that the small and disheartening 
 business of the navy would not attract first- 
 rate talent ; or that for the transaction of this 
 business a full-fledged executive department 
 was not necessary. It is more probable 
 that the appointment of an Agent of Marine, 
 imder the circumstances of a disagreeing 
 Congress, the failure of the Board of Admi- 
 ralty, and the improbability of securing an 
 efficient Secretary, was merely a temporary 
 and feasible expedient for conducting the 
 affairs of the navy. There are obvious rea- 
 sons why the proposal to give the Superin- 
 
 gress, 28, p. 157; Journals of Continental Con- 
 gress, August 29, 1781. 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember 7, 1781. 
 
A ,7rv ('/ //'(' .liiicriaiii lu':'()liitic>ii 225 
 
 tendant of Finance the power to appoint 
 the Agent of Marine, or the selection of Mor- 
 ris as Agent, should have aroused vigorous 
 opposition. Men of Samuel Adams's way 
 of thinking would oppose it, among other 
 reasons, because it placed too nuicli ])ower 
 in the hands of one man. The friends of 
 the navy would dislike to see the Naval De- 
 partment swallowed up by the Dejmrtment 
 of Finance. But on the other hand, nuuiy 
 considerations recommended the step wliich 
 was finally taken. It was the most econom- 
 ical disposition of the naval business which 
 could be made. Morris had superior quali- 
 fications for the office, and he was at once 
 available. Indeed, he was the only man in 
 sight that i^romised to be ecpial to the task 
 of straightening out the tangle of marine 
 accounts, of financing a bankrujit navy, and 
 of wielding effectively that arm of the mili- 
 tary service. He was admirably qualified 
 for the headship of the Naval Department 
 by his experience as a man of business, fa- 
 miliar with accounts and the selection of 
 employees, as the owner of a fleet of mer- 
 chantmen, and as one of two or three of the 
 most influential members of the Marine 
 Committee during the years 177G and 1777, 
 when the navy was founded. Whatever 
 may have been the shortcomings of the navy 
 while Morris was directing it, they 'did not 
 spring from the lack of an efficient execu- 
 
226 Xaz'x of tlic American Revolution 
 
 tivo. For tiie first lime during the Revo- 
 lution its management was marked by 
 despatch, decision, and an expert and ade- 
 quate understanding of its ]:)roblems. 
 
 On September 8, 1781, Morris wrote to 
 the President of Congress accepting, in 
 words of modesty and reluctance, his ap- 
 pointment as Agent of Marine. "There 
 are many Reasons/' he said, "why I would 
 have wished that this Burthen had been 
 laid on other Shoulders, or that at least 1 
 might have been permitted to appoint a 
 temporary Agent untill tlie further Pleasure 
 of Congress. As it is I shall undertake the 
 Task however contrary to my Inclinations 
 and inconsistent with the many Duties 
 which press heavily upon me, because it 
 will at least save Money to the PubUc." 
 He then added, in a characteristic way, 
 some observations on his new task. "True 
 Oeconomy in the public business," he de- 
 clared, "consists in employing a sufRcient 
 Number of Pr()])er persons to perform the 
 Public Business." He wished the accounts 
 of the marine deixirtment to be speedily set- 
 tled.^ 
 
 Morris filled the ofhce of Agent of Marine 
 from Sejitember 7. 17S1. until November 1, 
 1784. It is believed that he received no sal- 
 ary as Agent of Marine. In atldition to Mor- 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, l.T/, I, 133, Morris to President of Con- 
 gress, September S, 1781. 
 
Xaz'X of the -luicriciui l\c:\>liitio)i 22j 
 
 ris the ]iors()nnoi of the I\larine Of lice con- 
 sisted oi James Read, Secretary to the 
 Agent of Marine, at a salary of $1,000 a 
 year; Joseph Penncll, paymaster, at a sal- 
 ary of Si. 000; and George Turner, Commis- 
 sary of Xaval Prisoners, at a salary of $1,- 
 200; the latter officer was authorized on July 
 24, 1782.' Read, who had been one of the 
 commissioners of the Navy Board of the 
 Middle Department, was of great service to 
 -Morris in conducting the business of the 
 Marine Office. The clerical work of the 
 Office was performed by the clerks of the 
 office of the Superintendant of Finance, an 
 instance of Morris's economies. 
 
 According to the resolutions of Septem- 
 ber 7, 1781, the positions of the commis- 
 sioners of the navy boards W'erc abolished 
 and the positions of the prize agents were va- 
 cated. The Navy Board at Boston con- 
 tinued however to fit out vo^ssels until 
 March, 1782. It was not until some time 
 later that it delivered over the books and 
 papers of the Board to John Brown, the for- 
 mer secretary of the Board of Admiralty, 
 whom Morris had appointed naval agent for 
 settling the business of the navy in New 
 England. In the four New England states, 
 North and South Caroliiui, and Georgia, 
 Morris either re-appointed the prize agents 
 of the Board of Admiralty, or appointed new 
 
 1 Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 1:37, II, 183. 
 
228 Xaz'y of the .Inicricaii RcTolntiuii 
 
 ones; in the other states, he served in this 
 capacity himself.' 
 
 The Agent of Marine, Hke the Board of 
 Admiralty, communicated with Congress 
 by means of written reports, which that body 
 referred to special committees of its own 
 members. Accordingly, when naval busi- 
 ness was discussed in Congress, it usually 
 came up in the form of a "report of a com- 
 mittee on the report of the Agent of Marine." 
 The subjects upon which the Agent of Ma- 
 rine reported were similar to those dealt 
 with by his predecessors in naval adminis- 
 tration. Not a few of his reports were con- 
 cerned with the settling of marine accounts, 
 and the satisfying of claimants against tho 
 government, which business was now in- 
 sistent. During his tenure of the office of 
 Agent of I\Iarine, Morris prepared the larger 
 part of the naval legislation of Congress. 
 The changes or additions to his work which 
 were made by committees of Congress were 
 unimportant. 
 
 The law that provides for a change in a 
 governmental system is often incomplete, 
 and experience under the new order of busi- 
 ness soon suggests the need of supjjlemen- 
 tary legislation. This was the case with 
 the laws which transferred the naval busi- 
 ness from the Board of Admiralty to the 
 Agent of ]\Iarine. Morris, in one of his first 
 
 1. M. I. J. Griffin, Commodore John Barry, 
 169. 
 
/\ i/: \' .'■ //;.' .liiu'ricaii Rciiilulidii 22*) 
 
 ri'i^orls, ox])laiiu'(l to Congress that he had 
 no power to hold courts of enquiry; there- 
 upon, Congress, on November 20, 17S1, re- 
 vived the law of February S, 1780, on the 
 holding of courts of enquiry and courts-mar- 
 tial, which had lajised witli the ])assing of 
 the Board of Admiralty. Morris's busi- 
 ness-like care for the saving of time and ef- 
 fort is well shown, when in this re))ort he 
 tactfully suggests that Congress adapt their 
 act not only to the Agent of Marine, but 
 also to the Secretary of Marine, so that 
 when the latter is appointed, "it may not 
 l)e nccessar}' for him to bring this matter 
 again under Consideration."^ 
 
 By the law of November 20 Moi-ris was 
 emjiowered to constitute a court of enquiry 
 with three persons; and to constitute a court- 
 martial with three captains and three first 
 lieutenants of nuirines, "if there shall be so 
 many of the marines tlien jiresent". l^ut 
 in the event that so nuiny ofhcers for a courts 
 martial could not be conveniently assem- 
 bled, he might appoint any five persons to 
 hold it. Morris, convinced of the impro- 
 ])riety of constituting naval courts with 
 civilians, did not wish to avail himself of 
 Ihis latter alternative. Accordingly, on 
 .June 8, 17S2, he made a report on naval 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, l.'i7, I, 233, Morris to President of Con- 
 gress, November 17, 1781; Journals of Conti- 
 nental Congress, November 20, 1781. 
 
230 Xaz'x of flic .Imcrican Revolution 
 
 courts, which became the basis of the reso- 
 lutions of Congress of June 12 on this sub- 
 ject. These provided that in the future a 
 marine court of enquiry or court-martial 
 for en(|uiring into and trying capital cases 
 should consist of five navy and marine of- 
 ficers, two of whom should be captains; and 
 in all cases not capital, should consist of 
 three navy and marine officers, one of whom 
 should be a captain in the navy. No sen- 
 tence in capital cases was to be executed 
 until approved by the Agent of Marine. All 
 naval courts for conunissioned officers must 
 be appointed by the Agent of Marine. A 
 captain in the navy might appoint a court- 
 martial for the trial of offences committed 
 by any other than a commissioned officer, 
 provided that the sentencing of a warrant 
 officer to be cashiered should have the con- 
 firmation of the Agent of ^Marine.^ 
 
 During the incimibency of Morris, no cap- 
 tain in the navy was cashiered. The find- 
 ings of a court-martial, which was held in 
 Boston in the early summer of 1781, possess 
 a peculiar interest, because of the light which 
 they throw upon the penal code of the Conti- 
 nental navy, and because this case is one 
 of the first in which a seaman in the Ameri- 
 can navy was sentenced to be hanged. 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, I, 543, Report of Morris, June 3, 
 1782; Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 12, 1782. 
 
\'(?r'\' r'/' tlw .bucricaii Rci'olufion 231 
 
 'llirce f^caiiK'u, who were enlistctl on board 
 the "Alliance," were tried for a breach of 
 the 29th article of the rules and regulations 
 of the luivy.^ Of Patrick Sheridan, the 
 court adjud<i;ed that he should be whip])ed 
 three hundied and fifty-four lashes upon 
 the naked back, one hundred and seventy- 
 seven thereof alongside the ship "Alliance," 
 and the remainder alongside the ship 
 "Deane." John Crawford was sentenced 
 to wear a halter around his neck, and receive 
 fifty lashes. Sheridan and Crawford were 
 to lose certain wages and their share of 
 prize money. The court found tiie third 
 seaman, William jMcClehany, "jDcculiarly 
 Cuilty of a breach of all the Clauses in the 
 Article aforesaid," and it adjudged that he 
 should "suffer the punishment of death, 
 and that he be hanged by the neck on the 
 starboard fore Yard Arm of the said ship 
 'Alliance' until he is dead." 
 
 The Board of Admiralty laid the pro- 
 ceedings of this court-martial before Congress 
 in July, 17'Sl, but owing to the confusion of 
 tiie naval business at this time, and to the 
 carelessness of Congress, no action was 
 taken on them. When John Brown, the 
 nava l agent of the Agent of Marine, reached 
 
 1. The 29th article of Adams's rules as 
 adopted by Congress in 17'75 fixed penalties 
 for desertion and cowardice. It is not likely 
 that the numbering was changed. I know of 
 no earlier instance of the sentencing of a sea- 
 man in the American navy to be hanged. 
 
232 Xavy of the American Revolution 
 
 Boston, towards the end of 1781, he found 
 the three men in prison, waiting the execu- 
 tion of their sentences, and "perishing with 
 cold for want of Cloathing." The fate of 
 the three men is best told in Brown's words: 
 "Under these circumstances it was the opin- 
 ion of the Board (and I agreed with them) 
 that as the proceedings had lain so long be- 
 fore Congress without anything being done, 
 and it being uncertain when they would act 
 ui)on them, to save expence it was best to 
 dispose of tlie i\Ien in the best manner we 
 could. Accordingly the two who were sen- 
 tenced to be whipped were put on board the 
 L)eane, the other was sold by the Sheriff 
 to pay his bill of fees, keeping, &c., and with 
 the surplus of the money he procured us 
 three good seamen for the Deane. My mo- 
 tive for concurring in this proceeding was to 
 save expence and jjreserve the public Money 
 in my hands for more Material purposes."^ 
 
 In Decem])er, 1781, and January, 1782, 
 Congress passed an ordinance, "in pursu- 
 ance of the powers delegated by the Con- 
 federation," which codified in great part the 
 previous legislation on captures and con- 
 demnation of prizes, recaptures and sal- 
 vage, contraband, and the sharing of prizes 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Conlinental Con- 
 gress, 137, I, 3G7, Finding of Court Martial, 
 dated June 28, 1781; 365, Morris to President 
 of Congress, March 25, 1782, containing ex- 
 tract from Brown's letter. 
 
.\,/:\' :•■' !'!,■ . hiu'iiiiiii lu-iiihilicii 2^^^ 
 
 betweon the captors and the govoriinuMit 
 and between the captors themselves. Sev- 
 eral changes were made in previous resolu- 
 tions, and a few new ones were added. On 
 their receiving a reasonal)le salvage, the re- 
 captors of negroes, mulattoes, Indians, 
 and indented servants, were to return all 
 such property to its owners. The new or- 
 dinance specified in some detail the various 
 forms of property which were subject to cap- 
 ture. It contained a revised list of articles 
 of contraband. It declaretl that the rules 
 of decision in the several admiralty courts 
 should be "the resolutions and ordinances 
 of the United States in Congress assembled, 
 jiublic treaties when declared to be so by an 
 act of Congress, and the law of nations, ac- 
 cording to the general usages of Europe;" 
 public treaties were given ])recedence over 
 the two other classes of rules. ^ This ordi- 
 nance went into operation on February 1, 
 17S2. Its importance is diminished by 
 reason of its being in force during only the 
 last year of the war, when tlie naval activi- 
 ties of the American fleets had decreased. 
 
 It is believed that this ordinance was en- 
 tirely the work of Congress. Indeed, it soon 
 appeared that there was at least one pro- 
 vision, the giving of the whole of certain 
 ])rizes to captors on board of Continental 
 vessels, which the Agent of Marine disap- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, De- 
 cember 4, 17S1, January S, 1782. 
 
2^1 .\(/;"\' ('/ the .Imcncau Revolution 
 
 proveil. In June, 17S2, Morris made a re- 
 ]5()rt to Congress in which he showed that, 
 owing to the government's UberaHty to its 
 officers and seamen, it had lost ten thousand 
 dollars on the late successful cruise of the 
 frigate "Deane," during which she had cap- 
 tured five prizes of considerable value. He 
 thought that wages, bounties, and one-half 
 of prizes were cjuite sufficient inducements 
 for manning the fleet. In all cases, however, 
 in which the capture of a vessel of the enemy 
 was cs])ecially meritorious, Morris would have 
 Congress encourage and stimulate effort 
 and merit in the navy by giving the captors, 
 by a special act of Congress, the whole of 
 their j)rizes. On July 10, 1782, Congress 
 passed an ordinance embodying Morris's 
 recommendations.* 
 
 When Morris, on September 7, 1781, be- 
 came Agent of Marine, the direction of the 
 movements of the Continental vessels was 
 vested in him, but with a serious limitation; 
 he was authorized to employ the armed 
 cruisers "according to such instructions as 
 he shall, from time to time, receive from 
 Congress." Morris could never abide in- 
 definite grants of power which confused 
 authority; and he therefore, by means of a 
 cleverly written letter, elicited a resolution 
 from Congress giving him full power "to fit 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, I, 559, Morris to President of Con- 
 gress, June 20, 1782; Journals of Continental 
 Congress, July 10, 1782. 
 
Xaz'x of fill' . lincrti-aii l\c:'o!i(tioii J35 
 
 oui and cMn})l()y the shii)s of war belonging 
 to these Unitetl States, in such manner as 
 shall appear to him best calculated to jiro- 
 mote th(> interest of these I'nited States.'" 
 
 When Morris fell heir to the duties of the 
 \aval Department, in the summer of 1781, 
 the Continental navy was reduced to small 
 numbers. There were in active service only 
 five captains and seven lieutenants in the 
 navy, and three captains and three lieuten- 
 ants in the marine corps. Including with 
 these, those officers who were unem])loyed, 
 were in private service, were prisoners, or 
 were on parole, there were twenty-two cap- 
 tains and thirty-nine lieutenants in the 
 navy, and twelve captains and twelve Heu- 
 tenants in the marine corps.^ Only three 
 vessels were now in commission; the frigate 
 "Trumbull," 28, at Philadelphia, and the 
 "Alliance." 36, and "Deane," 32, at Boston. 
 The "America" and "Bourbon" were still 
 on the stocks. About the first of Septem- 
 ber, 17S2, .Morris purchased the ship "Wash- 
 ington." 20, and in October he took over 
 into the Continental service in payment for 
 a dcl)t the ship "Due de Lauzun," 20. 
 
 The movements of the fleet under Morris's 
 direction were marked, as formerly, by bits 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, I'.Vt', I, 137, Morris to President of Con 
 grass, September 10, 1781; Journals of Con- 
 gress, September 12, 1781. 
 
 2. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 37, p. 473. 
 
236 Xaz'x of the American Revolution 
 
 of good and bad fortune, encounters with 
 naval sliips, privateers, and niercliantnien, 
 and voyages to France and the West Indies. 
 From the summer of 17S1 until the end of 
 the war the httle fleet captured twenty 
 prizes, some fifteen of which reached safe 
 ports. The last of his Majesty's vessels to 
 surrender to a Continental ship was the 
 schooner "Jackall," 20, Commander Logic, 
 which was taken in the spring of 1782 b}' 
 Cai)tain Samuel Nicholson, whcni in com- 
 mand of the "Deane," or the "Hague," as 
 she was now called. By a singular coinci- 
 dence the first, and the last, valuable jirize 
 captured by a Continental ship during the 
 Revolution, w'ere taken by Captain John 
 Manly. On one of the last days of Novem- 
 ber, 1775, he received the surrender of the 
 brig "Nancy," a transport; and in Januar}^ 
 1783, while in command of the "Hague" he 
 ca})tured the shijj "Bailie" of 340 tons Inir- 
 den, with a cargo consisting of sixteen hun- 
 dred barrels of provisions.' 
 
 One of the most interesting, varied, and 
 fortunate cruises of the war was made by 
 Captain John Barry in the "Alliance," 36, 
 one of the largest and best-built vessels of 
 the Continental nav}^ Barry left New 
 London on August 4, 1782, and having 
 visited the region of the Bermudas, and the 
 Grand Banks of Newfoundland, he sailed 
 eastward and overhauled a fleet of Jamai- 
 
 1. Boston Gazette, January 27, 1783. 
 
.\"(/r\' ()/' ///(• American Revolution 2^y 
 
 canuMi, and arri\(Ml at L'OritMit on October 
 17. He had captured nine ])rizes, four of 
 which he carried into I/Orient. These four 
 shii)s were Janiaicanien, and with \\\v\v rich 
 carfjoes of rum and su<;-ar,theysohl for/J(>2(),- 
 GIO. one of tlie hirgest sums reahzed on 
 any cruise durin<i; tlie Revokition. On De- 
 cember 8, Captain Barry left France for the 
 West IniHes. Having made a caU at ]\Ia- 
 deira, Barry earlj^ in January, 17S3, an- 
 chored at St. Pierre, Martinique, where he 
 found a letter from the Agent of Marine or- 
 dering him to proceed to Havana and con- 
 voy the "Due de Lauzun" to Philadelphia. 
 About the first of February the "Allianc(>" 
 arrivetl at Havana, after she had i)u1 into 
 St. Eustatius and Cape Francois, and had 
 been chased by one fleet off Porto Rico and 
 another off Hisi)aniola. On account of the 
 closing of the jiort of Havana, Barry was 
 detained here a month. After consider- 
 able correspondence with the Governor of 
 Havana, l^arry on March 6 was ])ermitted 
 to sail with his convoy, which had on board 
 seventy-two thousand dollars in specie. On 
 March'lO, 1783, Barry fell in with a British 
 vessel, which is said to have been the frigate 
 "Sibylle," 32, and he now fought the last 
 naval engagement of the Revolution. It 
 lasted forty-five minutes, ended indecis- 
 ively, and resulted in the loss of ten men on 
 board the "Alliance;" the loss of the British 
 is unknown. The two American vessels 
 
238 Aaz'x of the American Rcrolution 
 
 now parted company, and each soon readied 
 a safe port; the "AlHance" arrived at New- 
 port, Rhode Island, on March 20, and the 
 "Due de J.auzun" anchored at I'liiladelphia 
 on March 21. It was now two months since 
 the Preliminary Articles of Peace had been 
 signed at Versailles.^ The naval move- 
 ments of the Continental vessels during the 
 Revolution ended with the arrivals of these 
 two vessels. 
 
 While Morris had the direction of the 
 fleet, only one ves^sel was captured l)y the 
 enemy, and this before he became Agent of 
 Marine. In July, 1781, he orderetl the 
 "Trumbull," 2S, Captain James Nicholson, 
 to proceed to Havana with despatches, let- 
 ters, and a cargo of flour. The "Trumbull" 
 had scarcely cleared the Capes of the Dela- 
 ware, on August 8, when she was chased by 
 the frigate "Iris," 32, Captain (Jeorge Daw- 
 son. Encountering a storm, the "Trum- 
 bull" was dismasted, and thus crippled she 
 was overtaken by the "Iris." The "Trum- 
 bull's" crew were a sorry lot; some of them 
 were British deserters, and others were cow- 
 ardly and disaffected. It was late in the 
 evening when the fight began. Many of 
 the crew now put out their battle lanterns 
 and flew from their quarters. Captain 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, I'.n, II, 1();5; M. I. J. Griffin, Commodore 
 John Barry, l()2-248, prints many contempora- 
 neous papers relating to Barry's cruise. 
 
.\'(7rv (>f the .liiicrican Rcfoliition 239 
 
 Nicholson aiul his oiliccrs, witli u handful of 
 seamen. brav(>ly defended their slii)) ai!;ainst 
 iin])()ssible odds for an hour before they sur- 
 rendered. Nicholson lost sixteen men; two 
 of his lieutenants were wounded. It is re- 
 called that the "Iris" was originally the 
 "Hancock," of the Continental navy, and 
 tiiat she was the first of the thirteen origi- 
 nal frigates to surrentler to the enemy. 
 The "Iris" was a fast ship, and is said to 
 liave made the fortunes of all the British 
 eai)tains that conmumded her. It was the 
 irony of fate that the first of the thirteen 
 frigates to be captured should receive the 
 surrender of the last remaining one. A let- 
 ter from New York, dated August 11, 1781, 
 informs us that "this day arrived the cel- 
 ebrated rebel frigate named the Trumbull."* 
 The attempts of Morris, in 1782, to ob- 
 tain an increase in the naval force of Con- 
 gress, form one of the most interesting and 
 characteristic parts of his naval work. The 
 surrender of Cornwallis on OctoV)er 19, 1781, 
 was not considered by many contemjiorane- 
 ous Americans as an event that must neces- 
 .'jarily end the Revolution. Indeed, the 
 final outcome of the war was in doubt for 
 more than a 3'ear. The Agent of Marine 
 was too cautious and conservative to count 
 on ])eacc before its actual accomplishment 
 had l)een sealed by a formal treaty. After 
 
 1. Clowes, Royal Navy, IV, 72, 73; Penn- 
 sylvania Packet, August l(j, 17S1. 
 
240 Xaiy of the Aiucrican Rcvolutioti 
 
 tlic surrender of Corn wall is he not only con- 
 tinued to send the Continental cruisers 
 against the enemy, but whenever an occa- 
 sion presented, he vigorously urged on Con- 
 gress the necessity of a naval increase. To 
 the mind of Morris the need of a navy in 1782 
 was greater than it had been at any previous 
 time during the Revolution. He conceived 
 that up to this time Britain had attempted 
 to conquer the Colonies on land by means of 
 her army; since she had been defeated in 
 this, it was now her purpose to starve the 
 Colonics into submission by means of her 
 navy and superior sea-power. The United 
 States must meet the enemy's change of tac- 
 tics by building a navy. 
 
 In April, 1782, Morris took steps to have 
 the frigate "Bourbon" completed. Con- 
 gress was not convinced of the ex])edienc3^ 
 of this, and was inclined to sell the frigate 
 in its unfinished state. Morris wrote re- 
 ])rovingly to Congress that the most econom- 
 ical thing to do was to com]:)lete the vessel; 
 and that ''there is also a degree of Dignity 
 in carrying through such measures as Con- 
 gress have once adopted, unless some change 
 of circumstances renders the execution im- 
 proper." He then added: "The present 
 circvunstances of the United States 1 appre- 
 hend to be such as should induce our atten- 
 tion to the re-establishment of a Naval 
 Force, and altho' former attempts have 
 proved unfortunate, \\v must not take it for 
 
.\a:y oj ilw Aiiiciican Kci'olution 241 
 
 graulcd that future Essays will be luisuc- 
 cessful. Altho' the Naval Force of our ene- 
 my is powerful, and their lShii)s Numerous, 
 yet that Force is opposed by ecpial Numbers, 
 so as to give them much more employment 
 than at the time om' infant Fleet was 
 Crushed."! 
 
 On Ma}' 10, 17S2, in response to a request 
 of Congress. Morris submitted an exhaustive 
 report on the state of American conmierce. 
 Referring to the intentions of the British, 
 he declared that having Ijeen compelled to 
 abandon the idea of conquest, their avowed 
 design was to annihilate the American com- 
 merce. The plans of the enemy could ]k' 
 frustrated and the American trade protected 
 1)V so small a fleet as two shij)s of the line 
 and ten frigates. The ships of the line, to- 
 gether with two frigates, should be stationed 
 in the Chesapeake, to cruise as occasion 
 might require. The frigates should be di- 
 vided into two ecjual scjuadrons, each of 
 which should serve as a convoy of the Amer- 
 ican trade between the United .States and 
 France. liy each squadron nudcing two 
 round trips a year, a quarterly communica- 
 tion l)oth ways between these two cotmtries 
 would be established. The I'nited States 
 of course could not provide this service, but 
 the ships which the ])!an re(|uire(l might 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress. 1.37, I, 41.5, Morris to President of Con- 
 gress, April 21, ITSli. 
 
242 Xcn'x of the American Kcz'ohitioii 
 
 be detailed from the French or Spanish fleet. 
 "It is to be hoped/' Morris said, "that if the 
 war continues much longer, the United 
 States will be able to provide the necessary 
 force for themselves, which at present they 
 are not, tho' if the above arrangements take 
 place, they might now provide for the trade 
 from America to the West Indies." Con- 
 gress authorized Morris to apply to both 
 Spain and France for the needed vessel?.^ 
 
 But a more extensive naval plan than this 
 was in Morris's mind, and one which could be 
 undertaken independent of foreign ships. 
 Oii July 30, 17S2, he submitted to Congress 
 an estimate for the public services of the 
 United States for the year 1783, amounting 
 in all to eleven millions of dollars. More 
 than one-fifth of this sum was to be spent 
 on the navy. "Congress will observe," he 
 said,'" that the estimates for the Marine De- 
 ])artment amount to two Millions and a 
 half, whereas there was no Estimate made 
 for that Service in the last year any more 
 than for the civil list," Morris based this 
 most remarkable recommendation for a na- 
 val increase on the belief that the enemy 
 had changed his mode of warfare, and that it 
 was now his purpose to annihilate the com- 
 merce of America, and thus starve her into 
 submission. With this sort of a campaign, 
 conducted by the enemy, an American army 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, 1,447, Report of Morris, May 10, 1782. 
 
A i/rv ('/ the .Imcrican Rd'ohttion 243 
 
 without a navy woukl bo burdonsonie with- 
 out being able to accomplish anything. 
 With a navy, we could prevent the enemy 
 from making predatory excursions, ruining 
 our connnerce, and capturing our supplies; 
 he would either be compelled to keep a su- 
 ]ierior naval force in this country, which 
 would give our allies a naval superiority 
 elsewhere; or else he must permit the bal- 
 ance of naval strength in America to be on 
 our side; in which latter case we could pro- 
 tect our trade, annoy his commerce antl cut 
 off the supplies which he would be sending to 
 his posts in America. Then, concluded 
 ihjrris in words which remind one of the an- 
 nual report of some recent Secretary of the 
 Navy asking for the yearly quota of battle- 
 ships: "By oeconomizing our Funds and 
 constructing six ships annually we should 
 advance so rapidly to Maritime importance 
 that our enemy would be convinced not 
 only of the Impossibility of subduing us, 
 but also of the Certainty that his forces in 
 this Country must eventually be lost with- 
 out being able to produce him any possible 
 Advantage;" and we should in this way 
 regain the "full Possession of our Country 
 without the Expence of Blood, or treasure, 
 which must attend any other Mode of Oper- 
 ations, and while we are pursuing those 
 Steps wliich lead to the Possession of our 
 natural Strength and Defence."' 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 
244 -\<?^'V of the .Inicricaii Kci'olittioii 
 
 The signing on November 30, 1782, of the 
 Provisional Articles of Peace between the 
 United States and Great Britain, news of 
 which reached America early in the spring 
 of 1788, removed the necessity of a naval 
 increase, and in the minds of many the need 
 of a navy at all. Morris did not at once 
 give up the notion that the government on 
 a peace footing should maintain a respect- 
 able marine. In May, 1783, he asked Con- 
 gress to relieve him of his naval duties. 
 "The affairs of the Marine Dej)artment," he 
 writes, "occupy more time and attention 
 than I can easily spare. This Department 
 will now become important, and I hope 
 extensive. I must therefore request that 
 Congress will be pleased to appoint an 
 Agent of Marine as soon as their conven- 
 ience will admit. "^ He became convinced 
 however that not nuich could be done for 
 the navy until the finances of Congress were 
 placed on a better and more permanent 
 basis. In July, 1783, Morris made a report 
 on a proposition of Virginia offering to sell 
 her naval ship "Cormorant" to the United 
 States. Congress agreed to his report, 
 which was as follows: "That although it 
 is an object highly desirable, to establish a 
 respectable marine, yet the situation of the 
 gress, lo7, I, 713, Estimate for public services 
 for 1783, July 30, 1782. 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, II, 425, Morris to President of Con- 
 gress, May 3, 1783. 
 
.\(/:'v ('/ ///(' .liiicricaii lu':u>liili(>ii 245 
 
 l)iil)li(.' treasury rentiers it iiol advisable to 
 ])ureliase sliips for the present, nor until the 
 several states shall grant such funds for the 
 construction of ships, tlocks, naval arsenals, 
 and for the support of the naval service, as 
 .shall enable tlie United States to establish 
 their marine upon a permanent and re- 
 sjxH'table footing.'" 
 
 Meanwhile, Congress had been ra])i(lly go- 
 ing out of the naval business, by formally 
 entling the war at sea, by })r()viding for the 
 settlement of marine accounts, antl by dis- 
 ])osing of its naval stock. On March 24, 
 17S3, it ordered the Agent of Marine to re- 
 call all armed vessels cruising under the 
 American colors. On April 11 it issued a 
 ''Proclamation, Declaring the Cessation of 
 arms, as well by Sea as by Land, agreed 
 ui)ou between the United States of America 
 and His Britannic Majesty; and enjoining 
 the observance thereof." On April 15 it 
 ordered the Agent of Marine to set free all 
 the naval jjrisoners of the enemy. ^ 
 
 During the last year of the Revohition 
 and for several years after its close, one of 
 the princijml administrative tasks of the 
 government was the settling of the outstand- 
 ing accounts of the several executive de- 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 1.'37, II, 72.5, Report of Morris, July31, 
 17S3; Journals of Continental Congress, Au- 
 gust .5, 178.3. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, March 
 24, April 11, April 15, 1783. 
 
24^) Xaz'y of the Aincricaii Rcvolutioi 
 
 partmcnts. This was a work fraught with 
 extraordinary difficulties. The administra- 
 tion of a government founded and conducted 
 amid the distractions of war was necessarily 
 marked b}^ irregularities in official procedure, 
 the lack of system in accounting, and in 
 general by ha])hazard ways of business. On 
 Februar}^ 27, 1782, Congress acting on the 
 recommendation of Morris authorized him 
 to appoint five commissioners with full 
 power and authority to liciuidate and finall}^ 
 settle the Revolutionary accounts. Each 
 conmiissioner was paid $1,500 a year; he 
 was permitted to employ a clerk. The 
 states were recommended to empower the 
 commissioners to examine witnesses under 
 oath. Each commissioner was given charge 
 of a certain class of accovmts; to one of the 
 five men fell the settling of the accounts of 
 the Naval Department. Owing to Morris's 
 caution in making appointments, and to the 
 obstacles that stood in the way of a wise 
 choice, the "commissioner for settling the 
 accounts of the marine department" was 
 not selected until June 19, 1783, when Jo- 
 seph Pennell, the paymaster of the Marine 
 Office, was named for the place.^ By the 
 fall of 1783 Pennell was settled in his work, 
 and was complaining of its arduousness. 
 He soon found himself involved in a dis])ute 
 with the members of the old Naval Com- 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Feb- 
 ruary 27, 1782, June 19, 1783. 
 
XiK'Y of the .1 iiicricdit Ixcz'olitlion 247 
 
 mutrf. lie said that they had received 
 money from Congress for which they had 
 not accounted; and that, according to the 
 vouchers, they had ])aid one debt twice. 
 He fovind that the members of the I\Iarine 
 Committee were inchvidually charged with 
 the moneys they had received; antl that 
 when they left the Committee, they made 
 no settlement. In many instances vouchers 
 were lacking. Statements from members of 
 the Navy Boards and from the naval agents 
 could be obtained only with great difHculty, 
 as these men were now discharged, and they 
 were often scattered. He discovered that 
 the prize agents made no uniform charge 
 for their services; some exacted five, and 
 others two and a half per cent on the re- 
 ceipts from the sale of prizes. Offices for 
 settling the naval accounts were opened in 
 Philadelphia, New York, and Boston. On 
 the retirement of Morris, Pennell became re- 
 sponsible to the new Board of Treasury.' 
 
 In the last year of the war Congress l)egan 
 to dispose of its naval craft. On September 
 3, 1782, the 74-gun ship "America" now at 
 last almost ready for launching was on the 
 recommendation of the Agent of Marine 
 given to France to replace the ship of the 
 line "Magnificjue/' 74, which the French 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, l.'^7, 111,651,055, Morris to President of 
 Congress, May 26, 1784, enclosing extract of 
 letter of Pennell. 
 
24<S Xaz'x of the .luicrican Rcz'olittion 
 
 fleet had recent!}' lost in Boston harljor. 
 Congress, "desirous of testifying on this oc- 
 casion to his iMajesty, the sense they enter- 
 tain of his generous exertions in behalf of 
 the United i^tates/' directed the Agent of 
 Marine to present the "America" to Lu- 
 zerne, the French minister at Philadelphia, 
 for the service of His Most Christian Majes- 
 ty.^ It was a gracious act of international 
 friendship. In April, 1783, the "Due de 
 Lauzun " was lent to the French minister 
 to carry home some French troops, after 
 which service she was to be sold.- In July 
 Morris ordered the "Hague" to be sold, 
 and recommended to Congress a like dispo- 
 sition of the "Bourbon," which latter ship 
 in all probability had been recently 
 launched.^ In March, 1784, Morris recom- 
 mended the sale of the "Alliance," as she 
 was "now a mere bill of costs;" and also 
 the "Washington," because much money 
 would be required to rejjair her, and there 
 was no need to em]:)loy her as a packet, 
 since the French and English had estab- 
 lished a mail service* Lieutenant Joshua 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember 3, 1782. 
 
 2. Ibid., April 21, 178.3. 
 
 3. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 137, III, ()77, Report of Morris, July 22, 
 1783. 
 
 4. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 137, 3, p. 243, Report of Morris, March 19, 
 1784. 
 
A (K- V <'/ //'(' .lincrican Rcz'olufioii _'4>) 
 
 Barney, acting as the agont for tlic Xaval 
 Doj^artnicnt, sold the "Washington" in 
 Baltimore^ in the sinnnier of 1784. 
 
 Tiie nienilx'r.s of Congress vere not nnani- 
 nious on the question of the proper disposi- 
 tion of the "AlHance." On January 15, 
 1 784, a committee of three reported : " That 
 the honour of the Fhig of the United States 
 and the protection of its trade and coasts 
 from the insults of pirates reciuire that the 
 Frigate of Alliance should be repaired."^ 
 A committee in March, 1784, and anotlun- in 
 May, 1785, n^commended her sale.^ Final- 
 ly, on June 3, 1785, Congress directed the 
 Jioard of Treasury "to sell for specie or 
 public securities, at public or private sale, 
 the frigate Alliance, with her tackle and 
 appurtenances."^ In August, 1785, the 
 Board of Treasur}^ sold this vessel f()r£2,S87, 
 to Ix' paid in United States certificates of 
 public debt. The purchasers afterwards 
 sold the "Alliance" at a great profit to 
 Robert ]\Iorris. In June, 1787, this vessel 
 sailed for Canton, China, as a merchantman.'* 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 j^ress, 28, p. 221, Report of Committee, Janu- 
 ary 15, 17S4. 
 
 2. Ibid., 28, pp. 213, 225-27, Reports of 
 Committees. 
 
 3. Journals of Continental Congress, June 
 3, 1785. 
 
 4. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 140, 11,45, Board of Treasury to Presi- 
 dent of Congress, August 5, 1785; M. I. J. 
 Griffin, Commodore John Barry, 258-59. 
 
250 .\az\x uf the American Rcz'ulutioit 
 
 From the sale of the "AlUanec" until the 
 establishment of a new navy under the 
 Constitution in 1794 it was left to the stars 
 and strii)es floating from American mer- 
 chantmen to familiarize foreign ports and 
 seas with the symbol of the new Nation. 
 
 Congress did not formally end the naval 
 establishment by act or resolution, unless 
 one considers that such was the effect of 
 the resolution of January 25, 1780, which 
 provided that the pay of all naval olhcers 
 except those in actual service should cease. 
 After this date it would seem that as the 
 vessels were ca):)ture(l, sold, or thrown out 
 of commission, the names of the olHcers were 
 taken from the pay-njU. In September, 
 17S3, an unsuccessful attempt was made in 
 Congress to discontinue the Agent of Mar- 
 ine.^ Morris continued in office until No- 
 vember 1, 1784, when he retired from public 
 service. Congress made no move to fill his 
 place as Agent of Marine, for there was little 
 need for such an official. Certain unimpor- 
 tant naval business, chiefly concerned with 
 the settlement of naval accounts, remained, 
 however, to be transacted. This for the 
 most part naturally fell to the Board of 
 Treasury, organized in the spring of 1785. 
 This Board, aided by the commissioner for 
 settling the marine accounts, and by James 
 Read, the efficient secretary to the Agent 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Sep- 
 tember IG, 1783. 
 
Xaz'x of the .-liiicricaii Rcfoliilioii 251 
 
 of Marine, with whom Morris on retiring 
 left the books and pai)crs of the Naval De- 
 partment, wound up the small, unimportant, 
 and tlwindling business of the navy. 
 
CHAPTER IX 
 
 NAVAL DUTIES OF AMERICAN REPRE- 
 SENTATIVES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES 
 
 On the outbreak of the war between the 
 Colonies and the mother-countr}', Congress 
 turned with true poUtical insight to France 
 for aid. The self-interest of no other coun- 
 try in Europe gave so good a basis for friend- 
 ship and alliance with America. To France, 
 the success of the revolting British Colonies 
 meant the humbling of a victorious rival, 
 the turning of a part of Britain's valuable 
 colonial trade into French channels, and 
 probably a reopening of the trial at arms of 
 the Seven Years' War and a reversal of some 
 of its humiliating decisions. Common inter- 
 ests led the two countries to cooperate in 
 achieving and furthering their objects and 
 ambitions; and this led to the establishing 
 of intimate diplomatic, commercial, and 
 naval relations between them. Many of the 
 duties that grew out of these three classes 
 of relations had to be transacted in France, 
 and they therefore necessitated the appoint- 
 ment of American representatives to be 
 resident in that country. The naval duties 
 
.\\i:'\ of the Aincrican Rii\>lution 2^t^ 
 
 t>l ilu-se ic'i)r('sc'iiiativos wvvv nuiucroiis aiul 
 important. Tlicy involved the renting, \)\\v- 
 cha.se, and bniiding of naval vessels; the 
 officering, manning, and fitting out of ves- 
 sels; the directing of cruises; the jiurchase 
 of naval supplies; the tlisciplining of ofhcers; 
 the paying of officers and crews; the dispos- 
 ing of prizes; the devising of naval plans; the 
 commissioning of privateers; the caring for 
 naval prisoners and the negotiating for 
 their exchange; and the disseminating of 
 naval intelligence. The vesting of these 
 duties in the American rejH'esentatives in 
 France virtually constituted the establish- 
 ment of a ]5ranch Naval Office at Paris.' 
 
 Besides the above duties, which may bo 
 considered strictly naval in character, the 
 American representatives had other busi- 
 ness closely related to their admiralty work, 
 but which was also intimately connected 
 with their diplomatic and commercial work. 
 For instance, dealings with breaches of neu- 
 trality connnitted by American ships had 
 to do ecpially with diplomatic and naval 
 affairs. The selling of colonial products 
 which tlie Conunercial Committee of the 
 Continental Congress exported to I'rance, 
 
 1. For convenience the term " Xaval Of- 
 fice" will be used in this chapter. It will be 
 understood of course that there existed no 
 "Xaval Office" apart from the Office of the 
 American representatives at Paris, in whom 
 were vested diplomatic, naval, and commer- 
 cial duties. 
 
254 -^ '/■^'\' of the .lincricaii Rcz'tilittioii 
 
 and the buying of French manufactures 
 which the American representatives shipped 
 to America, were of course commercial du- 
 ties. These transactions, however, came 
 into contact with naval affairs when the 
 goods purchased in France happened to be 
 naval stores, or when naval ships carried 
 the goods or convoyed the merchantmen 
 which carried them. For the sake of ob- 
 taining a complete view of the admiralty 
 work of the American representatives in 
 France, this chapter will touch upon naval 
 duties of all sorts even though their diplo- 
 matic and commercial aspects stand out the 
 most prominently. 
 
 The first naval business of the Colonies in 
 France fell to Silas Deane, a political and 
 commercial agent of the Continental Con- 
 gress, who arrived at Paris in July, 1776. 
 In December, 1776, Deane was succeeded 
 by three American commissioners to the 
 Court of France, Benjamin Franklin, Silas 
 Deane, and Arthur Lee. These three men 
 shared the naval duties of their office until 
 the spring of 1778, when Deane was super- 
 seded by John Adams. In February, 1779, 
 Franklin, who had been chosen Minister 
 Plenipotentiary at the Court of France, fell 
 heir along with the other duties of the com- 
 missioners to those of a naval character; 
 and he continued in this office until the end 
 of the Revolution. Of the first three com- 
 missioners Silas Deane had the most to do 
 
A (/:'\' ('/ the .liiwriciDi Ri^ohition 255 
 
 w illi Uie naval business. He says that the 
 management of the Continental ships of 
 war ami of their prizes which was a "most 
 comjilicateil and embarrassing part of our 
 alTairs" fell entirely upon himself.' When 
 Deane was supei'sedetl, it would seem that 
 his naval duties fell to Franklin ralher than 
 to Adams. Franklin had at all times the 
 chief part of the work of exchanging naval 
 prisoners with Great Britain; and Adams 
 excelled the other commissioners in trans- 
 mitting to the home government naval in- 
 telligence. 
 
 Tlie headcjuarters of the Naval Office were 
 of course situated at Paris, several hundred 
 miles from the ports frequented by the Con- 
 tinental vessels. This was a great disad- 
 vantage, as it caused delays in communicat- 
 ing with the naval officers and naval agents, 
 l)esides other inconveniences. The Office 
 gave its orders as a rule by letter, but now 
 and then when its officers and agents visited 
 Paris, it communicated with them by word 
 of mouth. Its official correspondence with 
 the home government was carried on al- 
 most exclusively with the "Foreign Office" 
 at Phila<lelphia — that is, at first with the 
 Committee of Secret Corresi)ondence, then 
 with the Conmiittee of Foreign Affairs, and 
 finally with tlie Secretary for Foreign Affairs. 
 A few letters pa.ssed between the Naval 
 
 1. Ingraham, Papers relative to Silas Deane, 
 67. 
 
256 Xai'x of the .liiicric-aii Rcz-oliitioii 
 
 Office at Vans an<l the Xa^'al Dcitartniciit 
 in America. Tlie secretary and the clerks, 
 first of tlie Commissioners, and later of the 
 Minister at the Court of France, assisted in 
 transacting the naval business. 
 
 The American representatives at Paris 
 employed agents in a number of the chief 
 Atlantic ports of France to transact their 
 naval and commercial business. The prin- 
 cipal agencies were at Nantes, L'Orient, 
 Bordeaux, Brest, and Dunkirk. There were 
 also agencies at Bilbao, and Coruna, Spain; 
 and in Holland. It is difficult to separate 
 the naval and commercial duties of these 
 agencies, as they were vested in the same 
 men. The whole subject is exceedingly 
 complicated. For transacting naval busi- 
 ness, Nantes was the most important agency, 
 although L'Orient was not far behind it. At 
 Nantes in 1777 within a comparativeh^ short 
 period of time one finds Thomas Morris, a 
 half-brother of Robert Morris, William Lee, 
 a brother of Richard Henry Lee, Jonathan 
 Williams, a nephew of Franklin, John Ross, 
 a Philadelphia merchant, and a certain Ger- 
 man merchant by the name of 8chweig- 
 hauser exercising similar duties. William 
 Lee was for a time connnercial agent for all 
 of France, and his authority of course came 
 in contact with that of the Commissioners 
 at Paris .* Such divisions and duplications 
 
 1. Wharton's Diplomatic Correspondence 
 and Ford's Letters of William Lee are the best 
 sources for the work of these agents. 
 
.\\i:-y of the .liiicricaii Rcrolittioii 2^y 
 
 of powers resulted in much contention, mis- 
 understanding, and jealousy. Jolm Adams 
 tells us that when he arrived in France in 
 the sjiring of 1778 he found in some i)laccs 
 two or three persons claiming the character 
 of American agents; and that at one port, 
 three agents had been appointed, one by 
 the Commissioners at Paris, another by the 
 commercial agent of France, and a third 
 by the Commercial Committee of Congress. 
 " We have such abuses and irregularities 
 every day occurring as are very alarming. 
 Agents of various sorts are drawing bills 
 upon us, and the commanders of vessels of 
 war are drawing ui)on us for expenses and 
 supplies which we never ordered." Moved 
 by the reformatory ze'al that so often char- 
 acterizes the new appointee to public oflice, 
 Adams attempted to reduce the business 
 of Congress in France to some system.^ 
 
 The Xaval Ofhce at Paris appointed sev- 
 eral naval officers by filling out blank com- 
 missions and warrants, which had been 
 signed and sent by the President of Congress 
 for that purpose. Late in the war the 
 cjuestion arose as to the proper rank in the 
 navy of some of these appointments. In 
 certain specific cases which were referred to 
 Robert Morris as Agent of Marine, he rec- 
 ommended that new commissions be granted 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence 
 II, n'.)o, Adams to Commercial Committee, 
 May 24, 1778. 
 
25S A'oTT of the .Uncricaii Kcz'olutioji 
 
 dated as tiic old, and that the oliicers re- 
 ceiving them talce rank according to the 
 dates of their okl commissions. The Naval 
 Office granted commissions of captain to 
 Gustavus Conyngham, Samuel Nicholson, 
 Peter Landais, and John Green. On the 
 recommendation of John Paul Jones it ap- 
 pointed Richard Dale to be a lieutenant on 
 board the "Bon Homme Richard." Dale 
 became an officer of distinction in the new 
 navy under the Constitution, where he rose 
 to the rank of commodore. Landais was 
 the only Frenchman who received a perma- 
 nent commission as captain in the Continen- 
 tal navy. 
 
 Silas Deane had a^ penchant for recom- 
 mending French officers; and he was very 
 credulous as to the compliments expressed 
 by themselves and their friends in their be- 
 half. On November 28, 1776, Deane wrote 
 to the Committee of Secret Correspondence 
 as follows, having just referred to certain 
 army officers whom he was sending to 
 America: "As to sea officers, they are not 
 so easily obtained, yet some good ones may 
 be had, and in particular two, one of whom 
 I have already mentioned; the other is 
 quite his equal, with some other advantages; 
 he was first lieutenant of a man-of-war, 
 round the World with Captain Cook, and 
 has since had a ship, but wants to leave 
 this for other service where he may make a 
 settlement and establish a family. These 
 
Xaz'y i>l the .liiicriiau Rci'olutioii 259 
 
 two olliccrs would engage a iiiiniber of 
 younger ones, should they embark. 1 send 
 herewith the plans of one of them for 
 burning ships." The French ofheer who 
 tlesigned these plans, also made "tlrafts of 
 ships and rates for constructing and regu- 
 lating a navy," of which Deane had the 
 " highest opinion." Tliis ofheer, Dcanc said, 
 ''has seen much service, is a person of study 
 and letters, as well as fortune, and is ambi- 
 tious of planning a navy for America, which 
 shall at once be much cheaper and more 
 effectual than anything of the kind which 
 can l)e prodticed on the European system.'" 
 That Deane gave too ready an car to the 
 soft words of the French, is clear from his 
 extravagant recommendations of the er- 
 ratic and troublesome French captain, Peter 
 Landais. Deane said that Landais would 
 be a "valuable acquisition to our Navy;" 
 and that he was a "skilful seaman of long 
 Experience in every Part of the World, of 
 good judgment and the most unsuspicious 
 honor and l^robity." In May, 1778, Con- 
 gress contintied Landais in the naval service; 
 l)ut directetl "the commissioners of the 
 United States at foreign courts" not to 
 "recommend any foreign sea-officers, nor 
 give any of them the least expectation of 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence 
 II, 191, 200, Deane to Committee of Secret 
 Correspondence, Novemljcr G, November 28, 
 1776. 
 
2f.o Xaz'y of the American Rcz'oltttio)i 
 
 being cniployod as captains in the navy."^ 
 The Naval Ofliee at Paris issued a few 
 commissions to pri\ateers. As early as 
 October, 1776, Deane was writing to the 
 Committee of Secret Correspondence for 
 blank commissions. Private as well as pub- 
 lic interests were involved in the cruises of 
 Ca])tain Gustavus Conyngham in European 
 waters. Carmichael, a Marylander and an 
 employee in France of Congress and the 
 Commissioners at Paris, asserted that Deane 
 in 1777 intended to ecjuip a vessel in the 
 Mediterranean sea partly on public and 
 partly on private account, that an agent 
 was employed who succeeded in buying a 
 vessel, but that the state of Genoa inter- 
 posed and stopped the enterprise.^ Two fa- 
 mous, or better infamous, letters of marque 
 were fitted out at Dunkirk and commis- 
 sioned by the Naval Ofhce in 1779. They 
 were named the "Black Prince" and the 
 "Black Princess." Their crews were a 
 malodorous medley, containing "a few 
 Americans, mixed with Irish and English 
 smugglers." These smugglers had recently 
 broken prison in Dublin, recaptured their 
 smuggling vessel, and escaped to Dunkirk. 
 Should they be reca^itured by the English 
 
 1. Collections of New York Historical So- 
 ciety, Deane Papers, II, 122; Journals of Con- 
 tinental Congress, May 9, 1778. 
 
 2. Ingrahain, Papers relative to Silas 
 Deane, 141-49. 
 
Xaz'y of the .Inwrican lu-ioliitioii jdi 
 
 and their idenlity hv tliscovcrcd, they would 
 l)e forced to suffer the i)enalty for sniug^Uno;. 
 As they spoke EngUsh, it was thought that 
 their past character might be best concealetl 
 by giving them an American commission, 
 instead of a French one. These two priva- 
 teers captured or destroyed upwards of one 
 hundred and twenty sail of the British, and 
 insulted "the coasts of these lords of the 
 ocean." In the summer of 1780, the 
 "Black Prince" was wrecked on the coast 
 of France, and the commission of the "Black 
 Princess," upon the request of Vergennes, 
 the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, was 
 recalled by Franklin.^ In 1780 certain 
 American prisoners, who had escaped, fittetl 
 out a privateer at Cadiz in Spain and asked 
 Jay, the American minister at Madrid, for 
 a commission. He referred them to Frank- 
 lin.- 
 
 When the American Commissioners as- 
 sembled in I'aris in December, 177G, to begin 
 their mission, they had with them the orders 
 of Congress to purchase, arm, and equip a 
 frigate and two cutters. They were to send 
 the frigate cruising against the enemy in 
 the English channel, and were to employ 
 the cutters in transporting supplies to 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 III, 8()2-0:i; IV, 20, 33; Hale's Franklin in 
 France, I, chapter XVI, Privateers from Dun- 
 kirk. 
 
 2. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence 
 III, 731. 
 
262 Xiwy of the American Revolution 
 
 America. The Commissioners were fur- 
 ther directed to hire or buy at the French 
 Court eight line of battle ships. ^ They be- 
 gan to carry out these orders in January, 
 1777, when Captain Samuel Nicholson was 
 sent to Boulogne to purchase one of the 
 cutters; in the spring a lugger was obtained 
 at Dover, England; and in the early summer 
 another cutter was bought at Dunkirk. In 
 the two latter transactions William Hodge, 
 a merchant from Philadelphia, acted as the 
 agent of the Connnissioners. Early in the 
 year Captain Lambert Wickes, who had in 
 Decemlx^r, 1776, arrived in France in the 
 Continental sloop "Reprisal" with Dr. 
 Franklin on board, was inspecting vessels for 
 the Commissioners. Nicholson's cutter was 
 named the "Dolphin;" and Hodge's two 
 vessels were called, respectively, the "Sur- 
 prise" and the "Revenge." It is believed 
 that the "Revenge" was purchased jointly 
 on public and private account. After this 
 vessel's first cruise it is known that Hodge 
 and possibly others were pecuniarily inter- 
 ested in its ventures. 
 
 By the fall of 1777 the Commissioners had 
 completed the construction of a 32-gun fri- 
 gate at Nantes, which they called the 
 "Deane." They also purchased a ship 
 which they fitted out as a 28-gun frigat^ 
 
 1. Journals of Continental Congress, Octo- 
 ber 3, 1776; Wharton, Diplomatic Correspon- 
 dence, II, 177. 
 
.\d: y ,'' ///<■ American Ri'Z'oliilioii 263 
 
 and named tlie "Queen of France." Early in 
 177S tliey sent the "Deane" under the 
 ooniniand (f ('a]itain Sanniel Nicliolson, and 
 the "Queen of France" under the connnand 
 of Captain John Green, both vessels laden 
 with supplies, to Boston. The "Deanc" re- 
 mained in the navy until the end of the 
 Revolution. The "Queen of France" was 
 surrendered to the British in IMa}^ 1780, on 
 the fall of Charleston, South Carolina. On 
 the application of the Conniiissioners to the 
 French Court for the loan or sale of some 
 shii)s of the line, they were told that the 
 French government considered it al)solutely 
 necessary to keep the whole of its fleet at 
 home ready for the defence of France in 
 case of a rupture with Great Britain; but, 
 that, since England was apprehensive of 
 a war with France, such a disposition of the 
 French naval forces was servic(>able to 
 America in so far as it forced England to 
 retain an equal force in the British seas.^ 
 
 In the spring of 1777 the Conmiissioners 
 received orders from Congress to build six 
 vessels of war; but before this, they had on 
 their own responsibility contracted with 
 "one of the ablest sea ofTicers of France, 
 skilled in all the arts relating to the marine," 
 who had offered " his services to our States, 
 with tlie permission of the minister," to 
 "superintend the building of two ships of 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 284. 
 
2()4 A (/TV ('/ I lie Aiiicricau Rci'olutioii 
 
 war, of a particular construction, which, 
 though not of half the cost, shall be superior 
 in force and utility to ships of sixty-four 
 guns." This officer had already built a 
 vessel of this type for the King of France 
 which the Commissioners were told "ex- 
 ceeds everything in swift sailing."^ Only 
 one of these frigates, which was named the 
 "Indian," was placed upon the stocks, and 
 this one at Amsterdam. To conceal its 
 ownership and destination it was built in 
 the name of a private indi^'idual. The 
 Commissioners wrote in the fall of 1777, 
 when the ship was almost finished, that it 
 was a large frigate and was supposed to 
 equal a ship of the line, as it Avould carry 
 thirty 24-pounders on one deck. The shi]) 
 did not get to sea under Continental colors. 
 Owing to the many difficulties of equipping 
 and manning so large a ship in a neutral 
 port, and to the lack of money necessary 
 for such w^ork, the Commissioners sold it to 
 the King of France for a sum equal to that 
 which they had expended upon it; the King 
 at the same time agreed to pension well the 
 officer who had built it.^ With the sale of 
 this frigate the work of the Naval Office at 
 Paris in naval construction came to a close. 
 The " Indian " was finallv rented to the state 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 284-85. 
 
 2. Ibid., 433, Commissioners to Committee 
 of Foreign Afifairs, November 30, 1777. 
 
.\ii:\ of tlir . Iincn'caii J\r:\:!iiti(>ii 2(>~^ 
 
 ui Stiiiih Carolina. In 1771> and 17S0 the 
 French jj;overnnient loaned several vessels 
 to the Naval Office. 
 
 Durinfi; the years 1777, 177S, and 1779, 
 the fitting out of Continental armed vessels, 
 as well those which were sent to France 
 from America, as those which were originalh' 
 obtained by the Commissioners, was a se- 
 vere tax on the slender resources of the Con- 
 tinental treasury at Paris. After a long 
 voyauc or cruise a wooden sailing vessel 
 needed much repairing. Perchance, it must 
 be careened and cleaned or repaired below 
 the water line; new masts and spars were 
 often needed; and old sails had to be mended 
 and new ones providetl. Always, the vessel 
 Ix'fore beginning a new cruise must be fresh- 
 ly provisioned; and its crew, depleted by 
 battle, desertion, and the dispensations of 
 l^rovidence, had to be replenished. The en- 
 listing of a few r(>cruits was not a difficult 
 thing at this time, for there was human drift- 
 wood in every ]:)ort of Christendom, of divers 
 nationalities, willing to shi|) under any flag. 
 Many Frenchmen (Milisted in I'^rench ports 
 on board American vessels. In 17S2 Frank- 
 lin said he was continually pestered by such 
 Frenchmen, who, being put on board prizes, 
 had been captured by the English, and were 
 now demanding arrears of ])ay.* In May, 
 1779, Frardvlin was complaining to Congress 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 V 512,13. 
 
266 Xai'x of tJic .{incrican Rcrohitioii 
 
 that the expense of fitting out each Conti- 
 nental cruiser -wliich it sent to France 
 amounted to 60,000 or 70,000 Hvres. He 
 said that Mr, Bingham, the Continental 
 agent at Martinique, had recently drawn 
 ui)()n him for the expense of fitting out two 
 Continental cruisers which had recently put 
 in to that island, but for lack of money he 
 would be obliged to protest Bingham's bill/ 
 The American representatives in France 
 fitted out and loaded with supplies for Amer- 
 ica both Continental vessels and French and 
 American merchantmen. This work prop-* 
 erly forms a part of their connnercial duties. 
 Deane tells us that while he was in France 
 he expended more than ten million livres 
 for stores, goods, and ships; and that he 
 loaded sixteen ships for America.^ The 
 commercial agents had much to do with 
 this work; Nantes was the principal shipping 
 port. 
 
 Before the treaties of February, 1778, be- 
 tween the United States and France, the dis- 
 posing of prizes captured by American ves- 
 sels in French ports was exceedingly infor- 
 mal. Since France was obliged to at least 
 make a pretence of observing her treaties 
 with England and the laws of neutrality, 
 she could not permit a trial of American 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 III, 189, 193, Franklin to Committee of Foreign 
 Affairs, May 2G, 1779. 
 
 2. Collections of New York Historical So- 
 ciety, Deane Papers, IV, 159. 
 
.\"(/r_v of the American RrrolKtioii 2(^/ 
 
 prize ca.ses in lier admiralty courts. C\)ii8e- 
 quoiitly, prizes captured l)y American ves- 
 sels were ilisposed of witliotit trial and lec;al 
 condemnation; they were taken into the 
 offing of French ports and secretly sold to 
 French merchants at a great sacrifice to the 
 captors. After February, 1778, the prizes 
 were legally tried, but not according to a 
 uniform practice. Some cases were tri(>d 
 by the French admiralty courts; but in other 
 cases the French cotirts ])reparcd the proccs 
 verbaux, which they sent to Franklin; he 
 then condenmed the prizes and ordered the 
 court to sell them. After July, 1780, Frank- 
 lin ceased to exercise such judicial func- 
 tions.' 
 
 One of the objects of the cruises of Conti- 
 nental vessels in European waters was to 
 capture Englishmen and exchange them for 
 American naval prisoners languishing in 
 prisons in England. These imprisoned 
 Americans were confined chief!}' at I<\)rton 
 prison at Portsmouth, and Mill ])rison at 
 Plymouth. A list of prisoners confined at 
 Mill prison during the Revolution, which 
 contains 947 names, has been made out.- In 
 April, 1782, there were eleven hundred 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 III, 801-0:j, 880-81; Bigelow's Franklin, VII 
 54-55, 58-59. 
 
 2. Pennsylvania Packet, May-June, 1782. 
 Another list will be found in New England 
 Historical and Genealogical Register for 18G5, 
 74, 13G, 20'J. 
 
2()S Xaz'y of I lie .lincricaii Rcvolnt'uni 
 
 Americans iu the jails of England and Ire- 
 land, all committed to prison as charged 
 Avith high treason.^ A few Americans were 
 confined at (Gibraltar. These prisoners often 
 suffered greatly from a lack of sufficient food, 
 clothing, bedding, and fuel. This was in 
 part caused by the cruelty and fraud of 
 those whom the British government en- 
 trusted with the supply and control of its 
 prisons. The rigors of their captivity were 
 softened, and their deprivations in a meas- 
 ure relieved by money which Franklin sent 
 from Paris, and by private subscriptions in 
 their behalf made by generous English- 
 men. 
 
 To escape their ])enury and distress some 
 prisoners enlisted in the enemy's navy, or 
 joined the British whaling fleets. Others 
 escaped from prison ; some of these burrowed 
 their way out, committing treason througii 
 His Majesty's earth, to use a phrase of Cap- 
 tain Conyngham, who, with sixty compan- 
 ions, in this way escaped from Mill jirison 
 in November, 1779. These escaped prison- 
 ers gradually found their way into Holland, 
 the seai)orts of France, or even Paris; and 
 they often became a tax upon Franklin's 
 pity, and the Continental treasury in his 
 keeping. Franklin was deeply moved by 
 the sufferings of these men, whether con- 
 fined in England or at liberty in France. His 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 V, 326-27. 
 
.\a:y of tin- .liiicricaii Rcrohilion 2U) 
 
 t'ffon^i in tlu'ir Ix'half arc au important i)art 
 of his work and achievements in France. 
 
 A king correspondence directed towards 
 securing; an exchange of Enghslimen cap- 
 tureil by American vessels and confined in 
 France for Americans confined in l^ngiand 
 was conducted by Franklin with his friend 
 Hartley in England. Hartley was a noble- 
 minded and humane Englishman, who was, 
 at the time, a member of the House of Com- 
 mons. Tlie first letters on the exchanging 
 of prisoners were written, however, by the 
 American C<)nunissioners, to Lord Stor- 
 niont, the British Ambassador at Paris. 
 The Commissioners stated that Ca])lain 
 Wickes, of the Continental cruiser "Re- 
 lirisal," had in his possession on(> hundred 
 captured British seamen, and they wished 
 to exchange them for an equal nunilxM- of 
 Aiuerican seamen, prisoners in England. 
 The first letter of the Commissioners Lord 
 Stormont ignored. To the second letter, 
 or possibly to the third, he replied in those 
 well-known words: "The King's Ambas- 
 sador receives no apjilications from rebels, 
 unless they come to implore His Majesty's 
 mercy." The reply of the Commissioners 
 was equally spirited: "In answer to a let- 
 ter which concerns some of the most ma- 
 terial interests of humanity, and of the two 
 nations, Great Britain and the I'liited States 
 of America, now at war, we received (he en- 
 closed indecent j^aper, as coming from your 
 
270 Xaz'v of the .hiicricaii Rcvoluiioii 
 
 Lordship, ^vhit■h ^ve roturu for your Lortl- 
 ship's more mature cousideration."^ 
 
 Until after the treaties of February, 1778, 
 between the United States and France, 
 Great Britain resisted the exchange of naval 
 prisoners, confined in l^igland, on three 
 grounds : that it involvetl the recognition of 
 belligerent rights in the insurgents; that 
 France being neutral, the Colonists would be 
 compelled either to free captured British 
 seamen taken in European waters, or else 
 to take them to America; and that since 
 British seamen were far more numerous 
 than American, an exchange would tell more 
 favorably for the Americans than for the 
 British.^ Not until France had entered into 
 the war, did I^ritain take a broader and 
 more generous position, and begin to listen 
 to Franklin's overtures for an exchange of 
 prisoners. During 1778 the negotiations 
 proceeded slowly and vexatiously, and it 
 was not until March, 1770, that the first ex- 
 change was made. One hundred American 
 prisoners from the Mill prison at Plymouth 
 were then sent to France by the British gov- 
 ernment in the Milford cartel-ship; and in 
 August one hvmdred more were exchanged. 
 
 In October, 1779, when Captain Jones ter- 
 
 1. Hale's Franklin in France, I, Chapter 
 XI, American Prisoners, prints many original 
 letters. 
 
 2. "Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 724. 
 
.\(/c'V ('/ tlu- .Imcrican Rcrnlittioii Jji 
 
 iiiiiialcd his famous cruise, he carried into 
 theTexel.HoUuiul, 472 prisoners; and Frank- 
 nn hatl liigh hopes that at last consitlerable 
 numbers of the unfortunate American 
 j)risoners would be released. Since the 
 Texel was a neutral port, complications 
 growing out of the laws of neutrality 
 now arose. If Jones's prisoners were 
 to be exchanged for Americans, it was 
 decided that they must first be brought 
 to France. Rather than risk their recap- 
 ture, Franklin agreed to permit them to 
 be considered as the prisoners of France 
 and to be exchanged for an e(}ual numbc^r 
 of Frenchmen imprisoned in l^ngland. In 
 return, the French were to give Franklin 
 472 English prisoners confined in French 
 prisons, which were to be exchanged for 
 American prisoners. Franklin had diffi- 
 culty in securing the Fnglishmen from 
 France; after England had sent owv one 
 hundred prisoners, misunderstandings arose, 
 and in May, 17S0, she refused to exchange 
 Americans except for Englishmen taken by 
 American cruisers. One of the main ob- 
 jects of Jones's famous cruise, the releasing 
 of American prisoiuTS in England, seems to 
 have partly failed.' In March, 1782, 
 Franklin considered a proj)osed plan for 
 rescuing the American prisoners in Forton 
 prison, and bringing them to FraiTce on 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 III, o'.ir,, GOS, OSl-82, 745-46. 
 
2-/2 XiU'x of the Aiiicricaii Rcz^ollltiult 
 
 sniujigling vessels, bill he concluded that 
 the project was inipraclicablc.^ 
 
 After France and Spain entered into the 
 war, the American Commissioners confined 
 British prisoners in French and Spanish 
 prisons. Before the French treaties, the 
 Commissioners had no place, except in their 
 own ships, to stow away their prisoners. 
 The American captains were therefore 
 forced to free many captives. They often 
 exacted of a prisoner a pledge or parole that 
 he would, on returning to Fnglantl, be re- 
 sponsible for the release of an American pris- 
 oner; but of course the British government 
 refused to take cognizance of such pledges, 
 or to listen to the claims of the Commission- 
 ers that these released captives should be 
 considered as returned prisoners. Begin- 
 ning with 1778, the burden upon the Com- 
 missioners for the maintenance of English 
 prisoners was considerable. In May, 1779, 
 Franklin thought it would take more than 
 100,000 livres to pay all the accounts arising 
 from expenditures in their behalf.^ Could 
 satisfactory and expeditious exchanges have 
 been effected with England, this item of ex- 
 pense would have been greath^ reduced. 
 When the Revolution came to an end, there 
 was still a considerable nunil)er of Americans 
 in English prisons. 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 V, 27C.. 
 
 2. llnd., Ill, 189. 
 
XiU'V ('/' the .liiu'rii\iii J\i':'oliition 2Jt, 
 
 A nuiiil)(.TuralK\m'il hrcaclK's of neutrality, 
 said to have been made by American armed 
 vessels, was brought to the attention of the 
 American re])resentatives at the Court of 
 France. For example, in 1777 the French, 
 Spanish, and Dutch governments com))lained 
 that either their ships or their merchandise 
 had been unlawfully captured. In 1778 
 the S])anish and Swedish Courts asserted 
 that Captain Conyngham had violated the 
 laws of neutrals. The Dutch found fault 
 \\ ith Cajitain Jones for sending the brigan- 
 tine "Bcrkenbosch" to America. In 17S0 
 the Portuguese Ambassador at Paris pre- 
 sented Franklin with papers which alleged 
 that the Massachusetts state cruiser "Mars" 
 had illegally taken a Portuguese ship and 
 had sent it to New England. Tlie American 
 representatives at Paris regularly dis])osed 
 of such cases as the above l)y referring them 
 to Congress, and to the American courts of 
 admiralty. In the case of the Portuguese 
 ship, Franklin wrote to Congress that he 
 hoped that it would forward a speedy de- 
 cision; and that it would give orders to the 
 American cruisers not to meddle with neu- 
 tral vessels, for this was a practice "apt to 
 I)roduce ill blood." Complaints having 
 i)een made of violences done by American 
 armed vessels to neutral nations, the Com- 
 missioners, in November, 1777, issued a proc- 
 lamation enjoining the American command- 
 ers to obey the laws of neutrality. In 
 
2/4 A'(7T'v of the .Intcricaii Rcz'oliitioii 
 
 17S0, in view of the First Armed Neutrality 
 wliich had been proposed by Catherine of 
 Russia, and which was then being concerted 
 by certain European nations, FrankUn wrote 
 to Congress, aslcing whether it would not be 
 proper to confine American ca]jtures to the 
 principle that "free ships shall make free 
 goods," since it was likely that this would 
 become the law of nations.^ 
 
 Many miscellaneous duties, more or less 
 naval in character, fell to the Commission- 
 ers at Paris and to their successor, the Amer- 
 ican Minister. In August, 1778, the Com- 
 missioners offered a few observations on 
 some regulations for prizes and prisoners, 
 wliich Sartine, the French Minister of ]\Iar- 
 ine, had prepared with a view of making uni- 
 form certain rules of France and the United 
 States on these subjects.- In June, 1778, 
 Franldin issued a curious passport in the 
 form of a proclamation to all commanders 
 of American armed vessels, not to attack a 
 certain British vessel, which was bound to 
 the Moravian mission on the coast of Lab- 
 rador. "1 do therefore hereby [inform you] 
 that the sloop 'Good Intent,' l)urthen about 
 75 tons, Capt. Francis Mugford, carrying 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 425, 435, 784, 827; IV, 24, 180; Stevens's 
 Facsimiles, 19G7, 1909; Bigelow's Franklin, 
 VII, ;?08; C. H. Lincoln, Calendar of John Paul 
 Jones Manuscripts, 1G3. 
 
 2. ^''harton. Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, G82-83, G84-87. 
 
A (/: \' ('/ the .Imcrican Resolution 275 
 
 ill the prrsfiit vo\'agt' about 5000 bricks for 
 huililing {'hiniueys, with provisioiLS and 
 nrt'essarios for the inissionaries and their as- 
 sistants, and some ironmongery and tin ware 
 for the Indians — the crew consisting of the 
 Captain, Mate, three men, and a boy, and 
 tlie passengers one man and three women — 
 is the vessel employed in the above service 
 this year.'" Coming amid the cruelties, re- 
 sentments, and misimderstandings of war, 
 this document, which breathes a humane 
 spirit and declares that the philanthropic in- 
 terests of nations arc inviolable, is imleed a 
 most welcome one. In October, 1778, the 
 Connnissioners ])rovi(led the Andjassador 
 of Naples at the Court of France, whose 
 country had lately opened its ports to Amer- 
 ican vessels, with a description of American 
 Hags. After describing the flag of the Unit- 
 ed States, they added: "Some of the States 
 have vessels of war distinct from those of 
 the United States. For example, the ves- 
 sels of war of the state of ^Massachusetts 
 Bay have sometimes a jiine tree; and those 
 of the state of South Carolina a rattlesnake 
 in the middle of thirteen strii)es. M(Tchant 
 ships liave only thirteen stripes, but the 
 flag of the United States ordained by Con- 
 
 1. Hale's Franklin in France, I, 245. 
 Franklin issvied a similar proclamation in be- 
 half of the celebrated navigator, Captain Cook. 
 — Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, III, 
 75. 
 
2/^) Xa:'y of the .Inicricaii Revolution 
 
 gross is the thirteen stripes and the thirteen 
 stars above described."^ 
 
 The Naval Office at Paris served as a 
 channel for the communication of foreign 
 naval intelligence; it also proposed to Con- 
 gress several important naval ])lans. John 
 Adams, while Connnissloner, and later Avhile 
 on a diplomatic mission in Holland, wrote 
 long letters to Congress on the armament of 
 the foreign navies, the movements of the 
 British, French, and kSpanish fleets, and the 
 captures made by these fleets. In Novem- 
 ber, 1776, Silas Deane, always fertile in 
 schemes, proposed to the Committee of Se- 
 cret Correspondence the sending of frigates 
 against the Newfoundland fisheries; after 
 destroying these, the frigates were to sail 
 for the Baltic and cruise after the enemy's 
 ships bound for Russia. In the same letter 
 he proposed a second project. A number of 
 frigates with merchantmen under their con- 
 voy should be loaded w'ith tobacco, rice, 
 wheat, and other colonial products, and 
 should sail for Bordeaux. Alter unloadijig 
 their cargoes and refreshing their crews the 
 frigates should strike a blow on the British 
 coast which would "alarm and weaken Great 
 Britain most effectually. The city of Glas- 
 gow might at any hour be destroyed by 
 a single frigate capable of landing two hun- 
 dred men." After their descent on England 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 759-60. 
 
.\ii:y <>! t/ir . I iiirrlt-un /\'r:'(>hition zyj 
 
 the l'ri<:;;H('s should sail northward and in- 
 tcrcopt the Baltic ships, or else return to 
 France and wait for a good opportunity to 
 strike a second blow. Shii)s engaging in 
 such expeditions could obtain any number 
 of recruits in France. By issuing commis- 
 sions, individuals wotild "join you in the ad- 
 venttire under your flag, with stout frigates, 
 several of which are now building absolvitely 
 with the design, viz., the hopes of getting 
 into the service of the United States of 
 North America."^ Deane's letters at this 
 time are somewhat extravagant, nor are 
 thev always based on an accurate knowledge 
 of the facts. "Would it not be well," he 
 asks, "to purchase at Leghorn five or six 
 stout Frigates, which might at once trans- 
 port some companies of Swiss and a quan- 
 tity of stores and the whole be defended by 
 the Swiss soldiers on their passage?"^ 
 
 In May, 1777, the recommendations made 
 l)y Deane in November, 1776, were in sub- 
 stance repeated by the Commissioners at 
 Paris to the Committee of Foreign Affairs. 
 These new recommendations were in all 
 
 1. Collections of New York Historical So- 
 ciety, Deane Papers, I, ,339-40. The letter of 
 Deane here published, it is believed, was writ- 
 ten to the Committee of Secret Correspon- 
 dence, and not to the Secret Committee as 
 given. 
 
 2. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 199. Deane to Committee of Secret Cor- 
 respondence, November 2S, 1776. 
 
jy^i Aa7'3' of the .liiicricaii Rcz'olutioii 
 
 probabilil}' drafted by Dcane. The Com- 
 missioners thought that a blow might be 
 struck on the coast of England which would 
 "alarm and shake Great Britain, and its 
 credit, to the center." The burning and 
 plundering of Liverpool or Glasgow would 
 do more essential service to the Colonies 
 than a million of treasure and blood spent in 
 America. It would raise our reputation to 
 the highest pitch, and lessen in the same de- 
 gree that of our enemy. The Commission- 
 ers were confident that the plan was prac- 
 ticable, and could be carried out with very 
 little danger. They also recommended the 
 sending of two or three Continental frigates 
 with some small cruisers into the German 
 ocean, where, about the middle of August, 
 they might seize the greater part of the en- 
 emy's Baltic and northern trade. One 
 frigate, they said, would be sufficient to de- 
 stroy the "Greenland whale fishery, or take 
 the Hutlson Bay ships returning."' 
 
 In the fall of 1778 the Commissioners called 
 the attention of both the Committee of For- 
 eign Affairs and the French Minister of Ma- 
 rine to the ease with which a single frigate or 
 privateer of twenty or twenty-four guns 
 could capture the valuable whale fishery 
 which the English maintained off the coast 
 of Brazil. The seventeen vessels employed 
 in this industry were manned and officered 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 324-27. 
 
Aai'x of t/ir . Iiiu'ricau lKc:\>liiti(>ii jjg 
 
 alnuKst eiilirely by Americans belonging to 
 Nantucket and Cape Cod. These men had 
 V)een captured by Great Britain, and having 
 been given their choice of entering the Brit- 
 ish naval service or the whale fishing indus- 
 try, had chosen the latter. ]iy their re- 
 capture four lunulred and fifty of the best 
 kind of American seamen would be added to 
 the Continental service, and moreover the 
 cargoes of oil which would be taken were 
 very valuable.* 
 
 In December, 1777, the Committee of 
 Foreign Affairs proposed to the Commis- 
 sioners at Paris the most extensive naval 
 expedition planned for the Continental fleet 
 during the Revolution. The plan was to 
 be carried out by two or three of the frigates 
 which the Marine Committee were sending to 
 France. These, being well manned, were 
 early in February, 1778, to be despatched to 
 the French island of Mauritius in the In- 
 dian ocean, where they should refit and re- 
 plenish their stores. The frigates should 
 next proceed to the Coromandel Coast, a 
 twenty days' sail from Mauritius. Here 
 tliey should intercept the enemy's China 
 ships, and also distress the internal trade of 
 India. The prizes could be sold in Mauritius 
 and ihc proceeds sent to Paris by bills of ex- 
 change. Goree was recommended as a bet- 
 ter port of call than the Cape of Good Hope, 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 818- 1<J, 832-.3:j. 
 
28() Xcn'x of the Aincrican Rcvoluiio)i 
 
 where there was ihinger to be apprehended 
 from British vessels. In the same letter 
 the Committee wrote that "another bene- 
 ficial attempt may be conducted along the 
 coasts of Africa. The French and Dutch 
 settlements, and perhaps the Portuguese, 
 will purchase the prizes, and give bills on 
 Europe."' No reply was made by the Com- 
 missioners relative to the j^-ojjosed East In- 
 dian expedition until in July, 1778, when 
 Arthur Lee wrote to the Committee of For- 
 eign Affairs that the Conmiissioners con- 
 sidered the plan "impracticable at the pres- 
 ent." "Better order," he said, "must be 
 established in our marine, and the ships' 
 companies better sorted, before it will be 
 safe to attempt enterprises at such a dis- 
 tance, and which reqtiire a certain extent of 
 ideas in the captain and entire obedience in 
 the crew."" One must agree with Lee's con- 
 clusion, although mon^ weighty objections 
 to the complicatetl i)lan of ihe Committee 
 might be adduced. 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 440-41. 
 
 2. Ibid.. G73-74. 
 
CHAPTER X 
 
 NAVAL DUTIES OF AMERICAN REPRE- 
 SENTATIVES IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES 
 
 (Conti)iucd ) 
 
 111 1777 the work of the Xaval Office at 
 I'aris ^vas jjreater and more varied than 
 < luring any other year. Naval vessels were 
 both built and j)urchased. Continental 
 shii)s, and merchantmen chartered from the 
 French, were laden for America with mus- 
 kets, cannon, powder, cordage, duck, tents, 
 blankets, and clothing. The naval prison- 
 ers in England and the violations of neutral 
 rights committed by Continental ships and 
 by privateers demanded much attention. 
 In the spring the Continental brig "Lexing- 
 ton," and in the fall the "Raleigh," "Al- 
 fred," and "Independence," arrived in 
 France. The "Reprisal," 16, "Lexington," 
 14, "Dolphin," 10, "Surprise," 10, and "Re- 
 venge," 14, were fitted and refitted in French 
 ports and sent cruising off the British coasts; 
 and the prizes of these vessels were sold in 
 France. The "Dolphin," "Suri)rise," and 
 'Revenge" were oflicered and manned in 
 
2Sj .\(r:'\' ('/ ///(.■ .liiicncuii kci'ulitlioit 
 
 France. The task of conducting all these 
 naval activities in a neutral country the 
 Commissioners found to be a most delicate 
 one. 
 
 Among the earlier undertakings of the 
 American representatives at Paris were 
 their attempts to obtain the freedom of 
 French ports for American vessels. Nor 
 was their work of this sort confined wholly 
 to the French Court, for in the spring of 
 1777 Arthur Lee sought at ]\Iadrid permis- 
 sion for American vessels to sell their prizes 
 and to refit in Spanish ports; and later in 
 the year he went on a similar errand to Ber- 
 lin. Both the Spanish and Prussian Courts 
 refused his reciuests.^ Prizes were, how- 
 ever, without difficulty secretly disposed of 
 in Spain. 
 
 As early as August, 1776, Deane wrote 
 from Paris that he was "not without hopes 
 of obtaining liberty for the armed vessels of 
 the United Colonies, to dispose of their 
 prizes in the ports of this Kingdom, and also 
 for arming and fitting out vessels of war di- 
 rectly from hence. "^ When Franklin ar- 
 rived in France, early in December. 1776, 
 he carried instructions for the Commission- 
 ers to a])ply immediately to the Court of 
 France for the protection of its ports to 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 296-97, 355-58, 370. 
 
 2. Ibid., 119-20, Deane to Committee of 
 Secret Correspondence, August 18, 1776. 
 
.. ,/r\' ('/' the .lincncan I\.czviiitu>ii j^^\ 
 
 AiiuTU-aii ships ol' war, privateers, aiul 
 ])rizes. If this favor wore granted, he was 
 to ask for permission to sell American prizes 
 anil their cargoes in French j^orts. In case 
 both requests met with favoral)le resj^onses, 
 the Committee of Secret Corres]K)n(lence 
 would obtain the consent of Congress to em- 
 power the Commissioners to appoint a jutlge 
 of admiralty in France; this judge would try 
 all American prize cases, arising in the })orts 
 of France, in accordance with tiie rules and 
 regulations of Congress. Pending the ob- 
 taining of the consent of Congress, the Com- 
 missioners were authorized to consult with 
 the French Ministry whether it would per- 
 mit the erection of American admiralty 
 courts in France and the French West In- 
 dies.' Of course France could not grant 
 such reciuests as these if she wished to re- 
 main at peace with England. During 1776 
 the Americans generally overestimated the 
 friendliness of France. They either failed 
 to see that the laws of neutrality must set 
 quite definite limits to her overt favors, or 
 else they thought her eager for an excuse to 
 go to war with Great Britain. The attitude 
 of France towards permitting American ves- 
 sels of war and their prizes the freedom of 
 French ports was disclosed sooner than the 
 Commissioners had reason to expect. 
 
 It is remembered that the "Reprisal" ar- 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II. 178-7y. 
 
284 \aix of the .lincricaii Rci'olution 
 
 rived in France with Franklin on boarel 
 early in December, 1776. She was the first 
 Continental vessel to reach European wa- 
 ters. Not far from the French coast she 
 captured two small British briji:;antines, and 
 carried them into Nantes. These were the 
 first American prizes to enter French ports. 
 It may be guessed that the captains of the 
 two prizes were not long in communicating 
 wuth Lord Stormont, the British Ambassa- 
 dor at Paris, and that Lord Stormont was 
 not long in communicating with the French 
 government. On December 17 he held a 
 conference with Vergennes, the French Min- 
 ister of Foreign Affairs, to whom he de- 
 clared that the prizes were unlawfully cap- 
 tured, since the "Reprisal" had no commis- 
 sion from a sovereign ):)ower as a letter of 
 marque; that he expected that the prizes 
 would be immediately restored to their own- 
 ers; and that the permitting of their sale 
 would be a violation of the treaty of Utrecht 
 between Great Britain and France. Though 
 conciliatory,. Vergennes's reply was not al- 
 together satisfactory to the British Ambas- 
 sador, who records that the French Minister 
 ended "with expressions which seemed to 
 shew an Intention of taking some Middle 
 Way, and leaving the Point undetermined."* 
 During 1777 Lord Stormont held many 
 
 1. Stevens's Facsimiles, 1392, 1-2, Lord 
 Stormont to Lord Weymouth, December 18, 
 1776. 
 
Xarv (>t till' .lincricaii Kc:'ohttio)i 2^^ 
 
 similar coiiferciu'cs with Versoniies in which 
 the naval Hl)erties permitted the Americans 
 in French ports were the subject of discus- 
 sion. \'er2;ennes set forth the position of 
 his government in a way that was reason- 
 ably acceptable to England. He declared 
 that its purpose was to prevent every vio- 
 lation of its treaties and of the law of na- 
 tions. He gave orders that the prizes cap- 
 tured by the Americans should not be sold 
 in French ports. At different times he 
 commanded the American vessels of war to 
 sail within twenty-four hours from French 
 liarbors. When the British wrath flamed 
 out at some overt act of the Americans, Ver- 
 gennes appeasctl it by vigorous antl decisive 
 acts of repression, aimed at the American 
 captains and agents. A past master in 
 soft and plausible answers, he excused fla- 
 gi'ant violations of British rights by explain- 
 ing that every government had some tem- 
 pestuous sjiirits which were hard to control, 
 and that the "avidity of gain" in merchants 
 could not always be restrained. 
 
 The British government could not object 
 to the public acts of th(^ French government, 
 or to the reception which it gave to the 
 American Commissioners, wlioni it received 
 "privately with all civility," but avoided an 
 open reception, as it was "cautious of giving 
 umbrage to England." As regards its ob- 
 servance of the treaty of Utrecht, and its in- 
 ability to grant the freedom of its ports to 
 
28C) A'(/T'-\' ()/" ///(' .■liiicricaii f\c:'(^Iittio)i 
 
 American vessels and their prizes, its dec- 
 larations to the Commissioners were in line 
 with those which it made to Lord Stormont. 
 On the other hand, the Commissioners were 
 given to understand, through secret and in- 
 formal channels, that the Colonies had the 
 sympathy of the French government; that 
 so far as was consistent with French treaties, 
 they might expect favors and indulgences; 
 that the ports of France were open to Amer- 
 ican ships "as friends;" that ways of dispos- 
 ing of American prizes which would not be 
 offensive to England might be found; and 
 that other irregularities would be permitted 
 unnoticed.^ The C()mmissft)n(>rs pressed their 
 favors as far as they could safely go; indeed, 
 so far, that at one time they endangered the 
 continuance of their friendly relations with 
 the French Court. 
 
 The two prizes which the "Reprisal" car- 
 ried into Nantes in December, 1776, were ta- 
 ken into the ofKng of that port and privately 
 sold. The "Reprisal" was cjuietly refittecl, 
 and in February, 1777, she made a cruise 
 off the coast of Spain and returned to L'Or- 
 ient with the Falmouth packet and four 
 other English vessels. Lord Stormont made 
 vigorous remonstrances. The French gov- 
 eriunent at once ordered the "Reprisal" antl 
 her prizes to put to sea within twent3'-four 
 hours. Nothing of this sort was done. The 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 283-84, 364, 379. 
 
A i7T'\' I'f the .lijwrlcaii f\'r:'(>liiliiin 287 
 
 "Reprisal" remaincHl in port, on the ground 
 that she had s])rung a leak; and her prizes 
 were secretly sold for one-seventh of their 
 value to French merchants, who, for the 
 sake of large jjrofits, eagerly overlooked the 
 irregularity of the transaction.' Confident 
 of the accuracy of the cues they were re- 
 ceiving, the Commissioners now fitted out, 
 maimed, and officered at Dunkirk the "Sur- 
 prise," Captain Gustavus Conyngham, and 
 early in May, 1777, sent her cruising. With- 
 in a few days after his leaving Dunkirk, 
 Conyngham returned with the Harwich 
 packet, and one other prize. The storm 
 raised by the British at so open and un- 
 doubted a violation of their rights could be 
 pacified only by more rigorous measures. 
 The French government therefore impris- 
 oned Captain Conyngham and his crew', 
 anfl returned his prizes to their owners.^ 
 
 Not at all disconcerted, the Commission- 
 ers fitted out a fleet, consisting of the "Re- 
 prisal," "Lexington," and "Dolphin," to in- 
 tercept the Irish linen ships. Captain 
 Wickes was placed at its head as commo- 
 dore, and was instructed not to return to 
 France unless he found it absolutely neces- 
 sary. Wickes got to sea during the first 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II. 379-80; Stevens's Facsimiles, 1445, 15."^6, 
 1 568. 
 
 2. Stevens's Facsimiles, 1529, Lord Stor- 
 mont to Lord Weymouth, May 8, 1777. 
 
288 Xaz'x of the A)iici'icaii Rcz'oluiioii 
 
 of June. Mi-sijing tlie linen ships, lie sailed 
 quite around Ireland, and captured or de- 
 stroyed seventeen or eighteen sail of vessels ; 
 he "most effectually alarmed England, pre- 
 vented the great fair at Chester, occasioned 
 insurance to rise, and even deterred the Eng- 
 lish merchants from shipping goods in Eng- 
 lish bottoms at any rate, so that in a few 
 weeks forty sail of French ships were load- 
 ing in the Thames, on freight, an instance 
 never before known."* The three vessels 
 returned to French ports about July 1. 
 
 Obviously there was a limit to the for- 
 bearance of the English gov(>rmnenl, and 
 it made it plain that this limit had been 
 reached. Jx)rd Stormont was instructetl to 
 tell the French government that, however 
 desirous the British king might be to main- 
 tain peace, he would not submit ''to such 
 strong and public instances of support and 
 protection shewn to the Rebels by a Nation 
 that at the same time professes in the strong- 
 est terms its Desire to maintain the present 
 Harmony subsisting between the two 
 Crowns. The shelter given to the armed 
 Vessels of the Rebels, the facility they have 
 of disposing of their Prizes by the conni- 
 vance of Government, and the conveniences 
 allowed them to refit, are such irrefragable 
 proofs of support, that scarcely more could 
 
 1. Stevens's Facsimiles, 703, 1-539; Whar- 
 ton, Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 379-80, 
 Deane co Robert Morris, August 23, 1777. 
 
.\,,': y III fJic .hncricaii l\'r7-(>liifi'oii 2^n 
 
 \)v tloiic it ilierc was an avowed Alliance be- 
 tween France and them, antl We were in a 
 state of War with that Kingdom."^ 
 
 This last cruise of Wickes al-so threatened 
 to entlanger the friendliness of the French 
 Court and the Conimissioners. Veriieinies 
 wrote to them with some spirit, and insinu- 
 ated that they had broken their promises. 
 "After such repeated advertisements," he 
 said, "the motives of which you have l)een 
 informed of, we had no reason to ex]iect, 
 gentlemen, that the said Sicun- Wickes would 
 prosecute his cruising in the JOuropean seas, 
 ami we could not be otherwise than greatly 
 surprised that, after having associated the 
 privateers the Lexington and the Dolphin 
 to infest the English coast, they should all 
 three of them come for refuge into our ports. 
 You arc too well informed, gentlemen, and 
 too penetrating, not to sec how this conduct 
 affects the dignity of the king, my master, 
 at the same time it ofTends the neutrality 
 which his majesty ]:)rofesses." 
 
 in their reply the Commissioners exhib- 
 ited some knowledge of the pleasing 
 phrases of diplomacy. They said that 
 they were "very sensible of the protection 
 afforded to us anfl to our commerce 
 since our residence in this kingdom, 
 agreeable to the goodness of the king's 
 gracious intentions and to the law of na- 
 
 1 Stevens's Facsimiles, 1562, Lord Wey- 
 mouth to Lord Stormont, July 4, 1777. 
 
2()0 Xtny of the .liucrican Rcrulniioii 
 
 tions, and it gives us real and great concern 
 when any vessels of war appertaining to 
 America, either through ignorance or in- 
 attention, do anything that may offend his 
 majesty in the smallest degree." They 
 tried to shift the blame of their captains' re- 
 turn to French ports to the British men of 
 war that had chased the American vessels 
 into safe retreats. "We had," they con- 
 tinued, "some days before we were honored 
 by your excellency's letter, dispatched by an 
 express the most positive orders to them to 
 depart directly to America, which they are 
 accordingly preparing to do." There can 
 be no doubt about the honesty of these or- 
 ders, for it was plain to the Commissioners 
 that the French government was not dis- 
 posed to forgive further infringements of 
 neutral rights. By express orders of the 
 French king the fleet of Wickes was seques- 
 tered until it gave security that it should 
 return directly to America.^ 
 
 Meantime the Commissioners had ob- 
 tained the release of Conyngham and his 
 crew. He was now placed in command of 
 the "Revenge;" and in July, eluding the 
 British, he sailed from Duiddrk, ostensibly 
 for America. He first cruised along the 
 eastern coast of England, into the North 
 
 1. Stevens's Facsimilies, 1G77; Wharton, 
 Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 3G4-G6, Ver- 
 gennes to Commissioners at Paris, July 10, 
 1777, and Franklin and Deane to Vergennes, 
 July 17, 1777. 
 
A cr:'v of the .liiu'rican Kcz'olittioii jcji 
 
 ►^t'a aiul ilie regit)!! ut llu' Baltic, then back 
 thri)Ugh the straits of Dover and into the 
 Irish Channel, and finally into the Bay of 
 Biscay, anchoring at Ferrol, Spain, about 
 the first of October. The terror of his 
 name, which his recklessness and daring 
 greatly increased, spread great alarm among 
 the inhabitants of the 13ritish Isles. He 
 did not return again to France with the 
 "Revenge." This fact made his cruise less 
 annoying to the Commissioners, than the 
 la.st cruise of Wickes. Hodge, the agent of 
 the Commissioners, who hixd given bond to 
 the French admiralty that the "Revenge" 
 would not engage in operations against the 
 British, was arrested and thrown into the 
 Bastile; and \'ergennes wrote a most severe 
 letter, to be shown to the Commissioners. 
 Presently, when the wrath of the British 
 had abated, Hodge was released on the rep- 
 resentation of the Commissioners that he 
 was a person of character, and that they 
 could not "conceive him capal)le of any will- 
 ful offence against the laws of this nation."* 
 About the middle of September the "Re- 
 prisal" and the "Lexington" sailed for Amer- 
 ica; the "Reprisal" foundered on the Grand 
 
 1. C. 11. Jones, Captain Gustavus Conyng- 
 ham, 15-17; Outlook for January 3, 1903, 
 71-83, James Barnes, Tragedy of the Lost 
 Commission; Hale's Franklin in France, I, 139; 
 Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, II, 375, 
 377, 40G. 
 
2()2 Xaz'x of the .hiicricaii Rrz'oliitioii 
 
 Banks of XcwIiiuiKllaiul, losing all on board 
 except the cook; and the "Lexington" was 
 taken by the British off Ushant. With the 
 departure of these vessels the movements of 
 the Continental fleet for 1777 in European 
 waters came to an end; as did also the nice 
 task of the Commissioners of conducting a 
 naval war from a neutral country as a base, 
 without losing the friendshij) of that comi- 
 try, or involving it in war. Had not hos- 
 tilities l)rokon out in 1778 between France 
 and England by reason of other causes, a 
 repetition of the naval operations of 1777, if 
 permittetl by the French, would very 
 likely have brought them on. 
 
 During 1778 two cruises were made in Eur- 
 opean waters, one by Captain Tucker, and 
 the other by Captain Jones. On April 1, 
 1778, the frigate "Boston," Captain Samuel 
 Tucker, arrivtnl at Bordeaux with John 
 Adams, the new Commissioner who was to 
 succeed Silas Deane, as a passenger. After 
 refitting. Tucker made a short cruise in 
 which he captured four prizes. In August 
 the "Boston," in company' with the frigate 
 "Providence," and the ship "Ranger," 
 sailed for America. Some months previou.s 
 the "Ranger," when under the command 
 of Captain Jones, had made an important 
 cruise. Jones arrived in this vessel in 
 France on December 2, 1777. He expected 
 to receive command of a frigate or a ship 
 of the line; but in this he was disappointed. 
 
.\'i;:'\' ('/ the .liiwriiaii lu'iuiliilioii 203 
 
 On .laiiuai'}' IS. 177S. ihc Coinniissioncrs 
 wrote to him that they could not jM'ocure 
 svK'ii a ship as he expected ; and that they ad- 
 vised him, "after equipi)ing the 'Ranger,' 
 in the best manner for the cruise you pro- 
 pose/' to proceed "with her in the manner 
 you shall judge best for distressing the en- 
 emies of the United States, by sea or other- 
 wise, consistent with the laws of war and the 
 terms of yoiu" conunission."' 
 
 From these orders it may be seen that 
 Jones had in mind a descent on the British 
 coast. On April 10, 177S, he sailed for the 
 Irish sea. After capturing or destroying 
 four vessels, he made an unsuccessful at- 
 tempt to burn the shipping at Whitehaven in 
 Cumberland. He next tried to take pris- 
 oner the Earl of Selkirk from his summer 
 home at St. Mary's Isle, off the southwest 
 coast of Scotland, but failed to find him. 
 These movements ashore naturally struck 
 terror to the inhabitants of the British Isles. 
 .Jones now crossed to Ireland, and in the 
 neighborhood of Belfast attacked the Brit- 
 ish naval ship "Drake," 20, Commander 
 George Burdon. After an engagement of 
 seventy-four minutes, during which the 
 "Ranger" was "skillfully handled and well- 
 fought," the "Drake" struck her colors. 
 Jones arrived in Brest with his prize on May 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 II, 471-72. 
 
J04 A(/:v ('/ till- ./;/;<•; ;V(J/; l\i':\>h(tion 
 
 10.' Many plans and sujiiivstions won^ ncnv 
 niado by botli tho C'oniniissiiMioi's anil lln^ 
 Fronoh ginornnicnt to supply .lonrs with 
 siHuo largo ship from tho I'^vnoh navy, or to 
 givo him tho command of a small Hoot, hut 
 thoy all misoarriod. Tho ambitious and 
 onorgotio Amorioan captain, chating uniitM' 
 his onfiM'cod idleness, was no{ to m.uko an- 
 other cruiso until tiftoon months had olapsotl. 
 During 1770 anil 17S0 tho Naval ollico at 
 Paris was chiotly cinicornod with tho nunn^ 
 monts, conduct, and achiovonuMits of twi> 
 ca[>tains in tho C\u\tinontal navy. ,lohn Paul 
 .liMios an^l PotiM" l.anilais. Novcn' havo tho 
 fiU'tunos of war thrown into cK^so associ.-ition 
 two n\ou of more striking contrasts. .lonos 
 was ardont, hopi>ful, and magnetic; l.andais 
 sullen, ipiarn^lsiimo. and repellent. .lonos 
 was a master of n\en; from unpnuuising ma- 
 terials, swept together by tho winds and 
 waves of divoi'so fortunes, ho made most 
 otToetivi' cnnvs. l.andais was seldom on 
 good terms with his oHicoi's or seamen, some 
 of whom wore always dissatisfied and nmti- 
 nmis. CalUnl to play their parts on the 
 same theater of war, the SciUcluuan achieved 
 signal success and distinction, and won tho 
 plaudits of tho French king, of Congress, 
 and of his countrymen; while to tho Fronch- 
 num fell the ill-will of his tnvn government, 
 
 1. Shorlnnno's jolui V.\u\ Jones, 4;vr>3, 
 loiios to Commissionors, May 127, 177S; 
 Clowes, Royal Navy, IV, 11-13. " 
 
.\'(/7'v <>( the .linrricdii Rci'ohition 2<;5 
 
 I lie luilrcfl of Aiiicric.'iriH, iuhI, in lii.s disniis- 
 siil IVijrii till- ti.'ivy (»r IIk" IJiiitcMl Sl,;i1,(!S, dis- 
 liotiur ;iiiil piMlcssidiiMl disj^riicc. 
 
 Ill I lie spring fif 177'.) l''r;Liil<liri — tif)W 
 Aiiicricaii iniiiislcr ill IlicCoiirl of I'^rnricc! — 
 I he I'Vf'iicli |j;i)\cnitiiciil , ;iii(| LiifMycM (! 
 |iliiiinc(| Mti cxiM'ilil i((ii iifi;:iirisl IIk; coast, of 
 I'ltij^laiid, wliicli Ii.'kI in view especially I Ik; 
 st filsirif!; of some of the larger i'ln^lisli towns, 
 Lafayette was to c(»niniani| the I'Vench 
 troops which were to l)e lent for the expedi- 
 tion, anti Jones, to whom the I'^re^ich ;j;overn- 
 menl had, in {''ehruary, ^iven 1 he command 
 of the "lion Homme IfichanI," formerly tin; 
 "Dnras," an ol<l l'];ist Indiaman, was to 
 conini;in(| the sea lorces. The "Alliance," 
 ('.'ipiaiii i,andais, which vessel had recently 
 arri\cd in P'rance from America, was to Ix; 
 a part of .Jones's fleet, 'i'his plan miscar- 
 ried. 
 
 It w.as not, until August j.'i that. .Jones 
 finally ^ot, to .sea with a fleet coiiHislin^ of 
 five iiav.ai vessels atid two i)riv;iteers. Tho 
 two chief vessels of the little fleet, wen; tiu^ 
 "I'mn Ilonnne Hicli.'ird," '12, C.-iptain .Jones, 
 ;iiid the "Alli.ance," 'M'), (';if)t;iin l.andais. 
 These two officers had of course perm;uient 
 commissions in the Continental navy; tlu; 
 three I''rench cifficers in (•ijinmand of mival 
 x'essels were fi;iven temporaiy (commissions 
 in the Continental navy. 'I'Jie expense 
 of the cruise W.MS home liy the I'Vench 
 government; and the fittinj^ out of the 
 
2(/) A'(7c'v of iJic .hiicricaii Rci'ohilioii 
 
 fleet was sujierintended by Chauniont. 
 the joint agent of the French gov- 
 ernment and the American minister.' 
 The destination of the fleet was determined 
 by the French government; and the orders 
 cf Jones, the commodore of the fleet, were 
 pn^pared l)y the French [Minister of ^larine, 
 traiishitcd and signed l)y Fraiikhn, and sent 
 to Jones by Chauniont. Tlie fleet sailed 
 under the American flag. Its principal ob- 
 ject was the intercepting of the Baltic 
 fleet of the. enemy. 
 
 The details of this memorable cruise are 
 familiar to the reader, and need not be re- 
 peated here. The fleet was scarcel}^ at sea 
 before Landais became insubordinate, as- 
 serted his independence of Jones, and left 
 and rejoined his conunodore when and 
 where he chose. Sailing first along the 
 west coast of Ireland and then around Scot- 
 land, Jones reached the east coast of York- 
 shire, on September 23. He had by this 
 time taken seventeen ships, and had made 
 an unsuccessful attempt to reach Leitii and 
 Edinburgh, and lay them under contribu- 
 tion. Off Flamborough Head Jones's fleet, 
 which was now reduced to the "Bon Homme 
 Richard," ''Alliance," and "Pallas," fell in 
 with the Baltic trade of forty-one sail and 
 convoyed by His Majesty's ships, "Serapis," 
 44, Captain Richard Pearson, and "Countess 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 III, 242. 
 
.\'(/;'v ('/ ///<■ .hncricaii Ju':-t>iiili(ni 2()j 
 
 of Scarb(trou<ih," 20, C'oniniaiuler Tluuiias 
 Piercy. Tlu'ie now ensued an enga<!;enient 
 between the "Bon Honnnc Kichaixl" and 
 the "Serapis," wliich histed more than three 
 hours. It was one of the fiercest fights re- 
 corded in the annals of naval warfare. For 
 the greater part of the engagement the two 
 vessels were lashed together, stem to stern, 
 starboard to starboard, and with the muz- 
 zles of their guns touching. Both ships were 
 set on fire in various places, and the "scene 
 was dreadful Ijeyond the reach of language," 
 to use Jones's phrasing. The "J^on Honmie 
 Richard" won the fight only through the 
 brilliant daring, the remarkable naval skill, 
 and the intelligence in action of her com- 
 mander. She was so badly injured that 
 she sank the second day after the fight; 
 her own crew were transferred to the "Ser- 
 apis." The loss to the "Bon Homme Rich- 
 ard" was 116 men; to the "Serapis," 129. 
 ])uring the fight of the "]^on Honmie Rich- 
 ard" and the "Serapis," the "Pallas," Cap- 
 tain Cottineau, and the "Countess of Scar- 
 borough," Commander Piercy, engaged each 
 other, with the result that the British ship 
 was compelled to surrender. The "Alli- 
 ance" took little or no ])art in the contest, 
 as her commander was sulking throughout 
 the engagement. The two prizes, the "Al- 
 liance," and the "Pallas" arrived at the 
 Texel in Holland on October 3, 1779.^ 
 
 1. Sherburne's John Paul Jones, 111-125, 
 
298 Xaz'x of the Anu-rican Rcvolntio)i 
 
 A naval discord now arose, which tried the 
 patience and temper of FrankUn. No soon- 
 er did Jones and Landais reach the Texel, 
 than each wrote to FrankUn making charges 
 against the other. Jones accused Landais 
 of gross insubordination and misbehavior 
 and specifically charged him with inten- 
 tionally firing into the "Bon Homme Rich- 
 ard" and killing a "number of our men and 
 mortally wounding a good officer." The 
 French government, which was inclined to 
 attribute the loss of the "Bon Homme Rich- 
 ard" and so many of her crew to the conduct 
 of Fandais, took a hand in the disimte, and 
 asked Franklin to call Landais to account at 
 Paris. In cases of this sort the Naval Office 
 had little authority or means to effect disci- 
 pline in the navy. A sufficient number of 
 commissioned officers could not be assem- 
 bled in France to hold a court-martial; and 
 if they could, it was doubtful whether the 
 Naval Office had the power to order such a 
 court. Their inability to hold courts-mar- 
 tial had been regretted more than once by 
 the American Commissioners. Landais 
 came to Paris, and Franklin investigated the 
 case before friends of the two disputants; 
 but satisfactory evidence and witnesses 
 could not be obtained to prove or disj)rove 
 the charges, so Franklin did the only thing 
 
 Jones to Franklin, October 3, 177'.), giving an 
 account of cruise; Clowes, Royal Navy, IV, 
 33-39. 
 
.\(.!:y of till' .Inirricai! l\r:'(ihili(>ii j()() 
 
 possible, l)y ivforrinji" tlu' disputi- to Con- 
 gress, and a ])roperly constitutctl court-mar- 
 tial in America. Franklin thoiifi;ht his in- 
 c|iiiry had one good effect, the preventing of 
 a duel in HoUanel between the two officers.^ 
 On the coming of Landais tf) Paris, Frank- 
 lin placed Jones in connnand of the "Alli- 
 ance." After cruising through the English 
 Channel to Spain, Jones, in February, 1780, 
 brought Ids vessel into L'Orient. Act^ 
 ing under Franklin's orders, Jones now re- 
 fitted his vessel with the purpose of return- 
 ing to America with a cargo of supplies. In 
 the sjiring of 1780 Landais began to beseech 
 Franklin to restore him to the command of 
 the "Alliance," ami he soon raised the ciucs- 
 tion whether the American minister at 
 Paris had the power to remove him from the 
 connnand of a vessel to which Congress had 
 api^ointed him. His request was refused 
 by Fraidclin in l)ald and vigorous terms. 
 "I think you," Franklin wrote, "so im])ru- 
 dent, so litigious, and (juarrelsomc a man, 
 even with yoiir best friends, that peace and 
 good order, and consecpiently tiic quiet and 
 regular subordination so necessary to suc- 
 cess, are, where you preside, impossible."^ 
 
 1. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 
 III, 375-77, 37.S-79. 535, 547-40, o62-G3; IV, 
 2'J3; Bigelow's Franklin, VII. 108-09. 
 
 2. Hale, Franklin in France, I, 327-28; 
 Chapter XVII, Captain Landais, prints niajiy 
 original letters connected with the dispute. 
 
300 Xaiy of the .liiicricaii Rcz'ohition 
 
 Later ho char<2;o(l Landais "not to meddle 
 with the 'Alliance' or create any disturb- 
 ance on board her, as you will answer the 
 contrary at your peril. "^ About the first 
 of June Jones left his vessel, and came up to 
 Paris to hasten the sale of his prizes. Lan- 
 dais now ap]3eared at L'Orient, raised a mu- 
 tiny on board the "Alliance," and, acting 
 on Arthur Lee's advice, took charge of her. 
 Early in July, without taking the stores 
 which had been assigned to his ship, Lan- 
 dais sailed for America. It was on this 
 passage that he developed a strangeness, a 
 madness, some say, that incapacitated him 
 for his command. He was removed, and 
 the "Alliance" was sailed into Boston in 
 charge of her lieutenant. Landais was now 
 tried by a court-martial ami dismissed from 
 the naval service. 
 
 Meantime Jones and Franklin liad suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining from the I'rench govern- 
 ment the loan of the "Ariel." Having 
 loaded her with supplies, Jones sailed for 
 America on October 7, 1780; but, encounter- 
 ing a storm which dismasted his vessel, he 
 was compelled to return to port. On De- 
 cember 18 he again put to sea; and in Feb- 
 ruary, 1781, he reached Philadelphia. 
 
 With the tlejiarture of Jones, the Euro- 
 pean waters, for the first time in four years, 
 were clear of the armed vessels of the Conti- 
 nental fleet. The veneral)le Franklin, vexed 
 
 1. Hale, Franklin in France, I, 330-31. 
 
.\'(/rv ('/ till' . lincrii-aii lu-rihiilicji 301 
 
 with the discords and details of naval affairs, 
 must have drawn a siiih of relief when the 
 last Continental vessel and captain had 
 withdrawn from France. The most dis- 
 agreeable of his duties as '"Admiral," to use 
 John Adams's word in this connection, now 
 came to an end. Concernino- his vexations, 
 Franklin wrote to one of his agents in the 
 summer of 1780: "1 have been too lon<>; in 
 hot water, plagued alint)st to death with the 
 passions, vagaries, and ill humours, and 
 madnesses of other jieople. 1 must have a 
 little re])ose."^ He had now for some time 
 l)een writing to Congress, asking to lie re- 
 lieved of his naval duties. An exam|)l(> of 
 his refjuests may be extracted from a letter 
 of March 4, 17S(). to the President of Con- 
 gress: "As vessels of war under my care 
 create me a vast deal of business (of a kind, 
 too, that I am unexperienced in), I must re- 
 l)eat my earnest recpiest that some person 
 of skill in such affairs may be appointed, in 
 the character of consul, to take charge of 
 them, i imagine that much would by that 
 means be saved in the expense of their vari- 
 ous refittings and supplies, which to me aj)- 
 jiears enormous. "- 
 
 From the beginning of 17S1 until the close 
 of the Revolution the duties of the Naval 
 
 1. Bigelow's Franklin, VII, 97-98, Frank- 
 lin to Joiiiithan Williams, June 27, 1780. 
 
 2. Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondonce, 
 111, 03.-). 
 
302 Xaz'x of the ^Inicricaii Rcz'ulutioii 
 
 Office at Paris were comparatively light. 
 Few armed vessels were sent from America 
 to France; and those that were, remained 
 only long enough to refit, load with supplies, 
 and receive letters and despatches for Amer- 
 ica. Over such ships Franklin exercised 
 little or no control. The Agent of Marine, 
 not wishing his vessels to slij) from his grasp 
 when within the reach of orders from Paris, 
 sometimes directed his captains who were 
 about to sail for France to return home on a 
 specified date. In May, 1782, he wrote dis- 
 approvingly to Congress concerning the "de- 
 lays and exorbitant expenses which have 
 accrued from the detention of public vessels 
 in Europe."^ Acting under the direct or- 
 ders of Morris, Captain Barry, in the "Alli- 
 ance," in February, 1782, left L'Orient and 
 cruised without success for seventeen days. 
 This was the last cruise in European waters 
 which was made by a Continental vessel dur- 
 ing the Revolution. 
 
 On July 10, 1781, Congress gave Thomas 
 Barcla}' a commission as vice-consul to 
 France in the place of William Palfrey, who 
 had, in November, 1780, been appointed 
 consul to France, and had gone down with 
 the vessel on which he took passage.' In 
 addition to his strictly consular duties, Bar- 
 
 1. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress. 
 137, 3, p. 313. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, No- 
 vember 4, 1780; July 10, 1781. 
 
A(/:'v oj the .liiicrtcaii Kcz'oliitloii 303 
 
 clay was aulliorizcd to "assist in directing 
 our Naval affairs."' When Barclay entered 
 upon his duties in France, our naval busi- 
 ness was narrowing to the settling of ac- 
 counts. He was in time, however, to rep- 
 resent his country in the trial and sale of a 
 few jn-izes, to assist in the shipping of some 
 supi)lies, and to sell the Continental ship, 
 "Due de Lauzun." In Xoveml)er, 1782, 
 Congress a})pointed Barclay a commissioner 
 for settling the Revolutionary accounts of 
 the United States in Europe; and in Decem- 
 ber Morris gave him his instructions.- Bar- 
 clay was directed to incjuire into the ac- 
 counts of the agents for fitting out armed 
 vessels in Europe, and to make a settlement 
 with the various prize agents into whose 
 hands jirizes or moneys derived from their 
 sale had come. Barclay's duties, both as 
 consul and as commissioner, came to an end 
 in the fall of 17X5, when he was appointed 
 to negotiate a treaty with Morocco. 
 
 Some of the duties of Barclay as connnis- 
 sioner for settling accounts were in Decem- 
 ber, 1783, vested in John Paul Jones. In 
 accordance with a resolution of Congress, 
 Franklin api)ointed Jones agent of the Unit- 
 ed States to solicit tlie payment of prize 
 
 1. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 i;i7, 1, p. 463, Instructions to Barclay. 
 
 2 Journals of Continental Congress, No- 
 vember 18, 1782; Force Transcripts, IJJ?, p. 
 55, Instructions to Barclay. 
 
304 A'(/rv of the .liJicricaii Rci'ohition 
 
 money, "in Avho.se liunds soever the money 
 may be detained," arising from prizes cap- 
 tured by vessels under Jones's command in 
 European waters.^ Jones was engaged in 
 this work during 1784 and 1785. L'nder 
 the sanction of Thomas Jefferson, the Amer- 
 ican Minister at Paris, Jones in 1786 set out 
 for Copenliagen, to settle a dispute with the 
 Danish Court over three of his prizes. 
 These ships had been captured, in 1779, by 
 the fleet under his conmiand, and had been 
 sent into Bergen, Norway. The Danish gov- 
 ernment had restored them to the British. 
 Jones's journey was interrujjted and he did 
 not reach Copenhagen until 1788. The Dan- 
 ish government now transferred the settle- 
 ment of the disputed claims to Paris, plead- 
 ing that Jones had not sufficient authority 
 to treat. By Jvme, Jones had left Copen- 
 hagen, had accej^ted the commission of 
 Vice-Admiral in the Russian navy, and was 
 writing from his flagship "Wolodimer" to 
 his friend Jefferson at Paris. The Revolu- 
 tionary accounts in Europe possessed the 
 usual vitality, not to say immortality, of 
 government claims. Certain Revolutionary 
 claims of South Carolina, growing out of ex- 
 penses which that state incurretl in Europe 
 in connection with the ship "Indian," are 
 
 1. Journals of Congress, November 1, 
 17So; C H. Lincoln, Calendar of John Paul 
 Jones -Manuscripts, 188, P'ranklin to Jones, 
 December 17, 1783. 
 
Ai/:'\' Oj tlic .Intcncan l\c:'(i!iilioii 305 
 
 now pending before the government at 
 A\'ashington. 
 
 In the West Indies the chief naval station 
 for the Continental vessels was St. Pierre, 
 Martinique. Bound on commercial errands, 
 our vessels occasionally visited St. Eustatius, 
 until its capture by the British in February, 
 1781; Cape Francois, Hispaniola; and in the 
 late years of the war, Havana. The United 
 States had conniiercial agents at these three 
 ports. But at I\Iartinique our vessels were 
 refitted, repaired, and provisioned when- 
 ever convenience suggested, or stress of 
 weather compelled, the seeking of a friendly 
 harbor in this part of the Atlantic. In June, 
 1776, William Bingham, who had been the 
 secretary of the Conunittee of Secret Corre- 
 spondence, went to Martinique as the com- 
 mercial agent of Congress; and in March, 
 17S0, he was succeeded by Parsons, Alston 
 and Comjjany. 
 
 The commercial agent at Martinique did a 
 varied and lively l3usiness. He was eni- 
 jiloyed in shipping supplies, obtaining con- 
 voys for his merchantmen, refitting priva- 
 teers, and now and then Continental vessels, 
 disposing of prizes, and forwarding to Con- 
 gress naval intelligence concerning the West 
 Indies and Europe. Congress at times sent 
 despatches and supplies to France by the 
 way of [Martinique; and the American rep- 
 resentatives and commercial agents in 
 France, now and then, communicaU'd with 
 
306 Xaz'y of the .Inicricaii Rcroliition 
 
 the United States through the same ishiiul. 
 In October, 1777, Bingham wrote to Con- 
 gress that, if France should declare war 
 against Great Britain, many prizes would 
 naturally be sent into Martinique, and that 
 he wished to be directed about proper forms 
 and methods for trying and selling them.^ 
 In December American prizes and privateers 
 were being publicly received into the ports 
 of Martinicjue, and Bingham was shipping 
 arms to America on board American vessels 
 under the convoy of a frigate which he liad 
 hired for that purpose. In January, 177S, 
 the ]iermitting of these favors was causing 
 spirited letters between the "General" of 
 Martinique and the Governor of the British 
 island of Antigua.' 
 
 During 1779 three Continental vessels, the 
 ''Deane," "General Gates," and "Confed- 
 eracy," put into Martini(jue to refit, repair, 
 and obtain provisions. The expense to 
 which Bingham's empty treasury was sub- 
 jected caused him to complain to Congress. 
 The only Continental armed vessel purchased 
 at Martinique was the little schooner 
 "Fame," 7 guns. The commercial agent 
 made this purchase on his own responsibility 
 in February, 1781, in order to carry to Phila- 
 delphia the news of tlie capture of St. 
 Eustatius bv tlic I^ritish. But uiifortun- 
 
 \. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 00, p. 9. 
 
 2. Ibid., 90, pp. 21, 27. 
 
.\'i/:\' of till' . hiicrii-aii Rt-ralitliini ^^07 
 
 alc'ly, iho "Fame" was forced to Ijcciucath 
 lior errand to a l)etter-fated conve^'aiice, as 
 the British carried lier into Antigua.^ 
 
 Our lunal affairs on the Mis,sissip])i (hiring 
 the Uevohition, although conducted on a 
 small scale, are not devoid of interest; nor do 
 they entirely esca])e the glamour of romance 
 which seems to totich everything connected 
 with the early history of this region. Oliver 
 rollock, originally a Pennsylvauian, and a 
 man of ability, integrity, and patriotism, 
 who freely spent his jjrivatc fortune for his 
 country, was the commercial agent at New 
 Orleans during the Revolution, and to him 
 fell sundry naval duties. Pollock was I'e- 
 sponsil)lc to the Commercial Committ(>e, the 
 tliird committee of Congress that was simul- 
 taneously ])\u'chasing and arming vessels. 
 He was intelligently and heartily assisted in 
 his work at Xew Orleans l)y the Governor of 
 Louisiana, Galvcz, ''that worthy Noble- 
 man," as Pollock called him. who "gave 
 mc the delightful assurance that he would 
 go every possible length for the interest of 
 •Congress."- It is refreshing to find for once 
 American and Spanish olHcials acting in 
 concert and ins])iring mutual confid(Mic(> and 
 affection, l-^arly in 1777, innn(Mliately after 
 
 1. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 137, 1, p. •.ir,7. 
 
 2. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, .")(), pp. 1-13, Pollock to President of 
 Congress, a rcsiimi' of Pollock's services as 
 commercial agent at New Orleans. 
 
3o8 Xaz'y of the .liiicricaii Rcz'olittioii 
 
 Galvcz became governor, he, with shght 
 Hiuitations, opened the port of New Orleans 
 to Anun-iean vessels of war and their prizes. 
 Galvez's favors to Americans called down 
 upon him the threats of the British at Pen- 
 sacola to have his conduct brought to the 
 attention of the Court at Madrid. 
 
 Pollock received from Congress blank 
 commissions both for officers in the Conti- 
 nental navy and for privateers. One of the 
 ])rivateers which he connnissioned, the "Re- 
 prisal," Cai^tain Calvert, sent into a safe 
 port, in April, 1778, a prize whose cargo con- 
 sisted of flour, sugar, coffee, and forty-eight 
 slaves.' In March, 1778, Captain Willing 
 and a small party of men arrived in New 
 Orleans from Pennsylvania, having come by 
 the way of the Ohio and Mississi})pi rivers. 
 They captured several prizes on the Misssis- 
 sippi, which were sold in New Orleans to the 
 value of S37,5()0. One of these, the " Rebec- 
 ca," Pollock bought for Congress on his own 
 responsibility. He obtaineil permission 
 from Galvez to fit out his ship in a warlike 
 manner; and he decided upon an armament, 
 consisting of "16 six pounders upon one 
 Deck, 2 Bow and 2 Stern Chacers, 8 four 
 pounders upon her cjuarter Deck, with Swiv- 
 els, Cohorns, &c."' He intended to enlist 
 one hundred and fifty men and send his ship 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, .'iO, p. (')(). 
 
 2. Ibid., 50, pp. 77-Sl. 
 
.\<;rv ('/ ///(' .Inicrican Kci'olniion 309 
 
 against His Majesty's sloop of war '' Syl])!!, " 
 ■which was dcfiMuliiii!; Manchac on Lake Pont- 
 chartrain. PoUock pUinnod to obtain most 
 of his armament from Havana, but the 
 Spanish authorities refused to permit its 
 shijiment even after Galvez had written to 
 tlie ('ul)an government.* 
 
 By July. 1770, Pollock had succeeded in 
 obtaining and mounting twenty-four guns 
 on the decks of his ship, wliich he liad now 
 christened the "Morris" in honor of his 
 well-known friend at Philadelphia. He had 
 appointed a full quota of officers; and he had 
 engaged seventy-six men, with "English de- 
 serters arriving daily" to swell the comjiie- 
 meiit. The captain of the "Morris" was 
 William Pickles, a man found to be "cap- 
 able and steady to our Cause." Pollock had 
 now for some time been waiting for orders 
 for his vessel from Philadelphia; and tired 
 of delay he w^as on the point of sending the 
 " Morris " cruising, when a severe hurricane 
 swept over New Orleans doing great damage 
 to the town and its siiipping. The " Morris " 
 was lost, and eleven of her crew were 
 drowned; the rest were rescued nine miles 
 below the city clinging to the wnn-kage of 
 their vessel. 
 
 Gf)vernor Galvez's heart was touched by 
 the loss of the Am(>ricans. He now " s])ared" 
 Pollock an armed schooner, wliich was soon 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 50, p. 07. 
 
31 o Xaz'v of the Atucricaii Ri'Z'olittioii 
 
 fitted out, and by h^optombor Pickles was 
 cruising on Lake Pontchartrain. On Sep- 
 tember 10 Pickles had a short, but hot. dis- 
 pute with the British armed sloop "West 
 Florida," which was forced to surrender, 
 although it lost but four men to Pickles's 
 (Mght. l\)llock now fitted out the "West 
 Florida," and sent her cruising on the Lake. 
 On September 21 Pickles captured a small 
 British settlement on the north side of Lake 
 Pontchartrain. He made prisoners of all the 
 inhabitants who refused to swear allegiance 
 to the United States. This capitulation, 
 Pollock wrote to Congress, gave them an 
 undoubted right to that part of the colony 
 of West Florida w'hich lay along Lake Pont- 
 chartrain; and he conceived, in language 
 that sounds familiarly like that of later ex- 
 pansionists, that the capitulation was "a 
 proper (irouiid on which to claim (at any 
 convenient ])eriod) the Sovereignty of the 
 Soil and the Allegiance of the Inhabitants."' 
 In October, 1779, the "West Florida" 
 cruised on the Lake at the request of (ialvez 
 for the protection of trade. Letters from 
 Philadelphia now made it evident to Pollock 
 that Congress wished the naval force on 
 the Mississippi to proceed to that town. 
 He therefore on January 20, 1780, gave 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, 50, p. 120, Copy of Capitulation of 
 Inhabitants of the Settlements on Lake 
 Pontchartrain, dated October 16, 1779, with 
 signatures of nineteen men. 
 
.\i!:y t>! the .l:iu-n\\i!i l\\-:'i>liili(>ii 311 
 
 I'icklcs orders lo >;iil lor IMiiladrlphia after 
 takiufi; on a carjio of tafia aiul su^ar al Ha- 
 vana; liut ho (lirectc'd Pickles, before enter- 
 ing on tliis detail, to join the fleet of Galvez 
 antl to assist in the reduction of [Mobile and 
 Pensacoia.' This was an undertaking which 
 Pollock had long assigned to an American 
 fleet and army; and since 1777 he had m-ged 
 it most audaciously upon Congress. After 
 aiding in the capture of ^h)bile and taking 
 a small priz(> which she sent into that town, 
 the "West Florida" proceeded to Philadel- 
 jihia, where she arri\-ed about the first of 
 June, 17S(). Since it appeared to a com- 
 mittee of Congress that the "West Florida" 
 was not fit for a cruiser, she was sold, and 
 her crew was assigned to other Continental 
 vessels.- Cai)tain Pickles was placed in 
 conmiand of the "]\Ierctiry" packet and de- 
 tailed to take Henry Laurens to Amster- 
 dam. Here ends the story of tlu^ Revolu- 
 tionary navy on the Mississippi. 
 
 1. Records and Papers of Continental Con- 
 gress, oO, pp. 123-25, Pollock to Pickles, 
 January 20, 17S0. 
 
 2. Force Transcripts, Library of Congress, 
 1.37, 2, p. 281; 37, p. 9o. 
 
PART II 
 
 THE STATE NAVIES 
 
CHAPTER XI 
 
 THE NAVY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 With the oxcoption of New Jersey and 
 Pehiware, each of the thirteen original states 
 (luring the Revolution owned one or more 
 armed vessels. Massachusetts, Connecticut, 
 I'ennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, ami 
 South Carolina had the largest fleets. New 
 Hampshire with its one ship and Georgia 
 with its four galleys just escaped from 
 being in the same class with New Jersey and 
 Delaware. The navies of Rhode Island, 
 New York, and North Carolina were small. 
 The navy of no one state was so large as 
 that of Congress. The total number of 
 state craft, however, greatly exceeded the 
 mnnl)er of vessels in the Continental navy. 
 The state vessels on the average were smaller 
 and not so well armed as the Continental 
 vessels. The states generally had less means 
 for naval purj)oses at their disposal than liad 
 Congress, and were therefore not so well 
 al)le to build large vessels. Then, too, the 
 chief need of each state for a navy was to 
 defend its seaports, coa.sts, and trade. For 
 such service small craft, adapted for run- 
 
3i6 A'az'x of I he /iuicrican Rcz'oliitioii 
 
 ning in and out of shallow harbors, rivers, 
 and bays, was demanded. The states 
 therefore provided themselves with armed 
 boats of various sizes, galleys with and 
 without sails, half-galleys, floating batteries, 
 barges, and fire-ships. Besides such vessels 
 as these, most of the states had a few larger 
 and stouter sailing craft, mounting gener- 
 ally from ten to twenty guns, and fairh^ well 
 fitted for deep-sea navigation. The one 
 state whose deep-sea exceeded its inshore 
 craft was Massachusetts. 
 
 The history of naval administration in 
 the several states possesses some common 
 features. It n-ill be recalled that in most of 
 the states the provincial gcn^ernment about 
 the year 1775 was superseded by a revolu- 
 tionary government, and this in turn about 
 a year later was succeeded by a ])ermanent 
 state government. The revolutionary gov- 
 ernment consisted of a legislative body, or 
 provincial congress, and an executive body, 
 or committee of safety. The permanent 
 state government consisted of a legislature 
 of one or two houses and an executive, 
 which was either a council, or a governor 
 and council. The initial naval administra- 
 tion in the states usually fell to the com- 
 mittee of safety, or revokitionary executive, 
 which, upon the change to a permanent 
 state government, be(|ueathed its naval 
 duties to the council or to the governor and 
 council. In most of the states the details 
 
Xaz'x 0/ the American Kcz'oliition 317 
 
 of naval administration wore at sonic lime 
 (lurins2; the Revolution kxlged with an execu- 
 tive hoanl. Some states had se]iarate boards 
 for naval and military affairs; in other 
 states, one board performed both functions. 
 
 The history of naval administration in 
 the states falls into two periods, one em- 
 bracing the years from 1775 to 177S, the 
 other the years from 1779 to 1783. In the 
 first period each state procured a naval arm- 
 ament, as a rule, for the general pur))ose of 
 providing a naval defence, and not to meet 
 some specific call for arnu^l vessels. By 
 1779 the first naval craft had been largely 
 captured, destroyed, or sold; and often the 
 first machinery of naval administration had 
 been in large part removed. In response to 
 sjiecial needs for armed vessels, calls for 
 which came most often from those who were 
 suffering from the ravages of the British 
 fleets, the states now procured additional 
 vessels, and often devised new administra- 
 tive machinery to manage them. 
 
 In defensive warfare, the problem in each 
 state was to provide for the defence of its 
 ]:)orts, trade, coasts, and ship])ing. The 
 offensive warfare of the state navies, which 
 was cpiite secondary in importance, con- 
 sisted chiefly of commerce-destroying, con- 
 ducted along the great ocean-paths of 
 British trade. The principal problem here 
 was for the American vessels in leaving 
 home ports and in returning with their 
 
3i8 Xaz'x of the American Rcvolittion 
 
 prizes to eliule the British vessels, which 
 hovered along the American coast, especially 
 at the mouths of the Chesapeake, Delaware, 
 and Narragansett bays. It is always to be 
 remembered that in all the states the priva- 
 teers exceeded the state craft, which were 
 often insignificant in comparison. 
 
 The reader recalls that in June, 1775, the 
 battle of I^unker Hill was fought, a British 
 army occupietl Boston, and British vessels 
 sailed the New England seas with little or 
 no opposition. These vessels had already 
 connnitted depredations and "piracies" 
 upon the coasts and trade of i\Iassachusctts, 
 and were obstructing the imi)ortation of 
 anmiunition and provisions for the Conti- 
 nental army. It was under these circum- 
 stances that Massachusetts took her first 
 step towards procuring a naval armament. 
 On June 7 her third Provincial Congress ap- 
 pointed a committee of nine " to consider the 
 expediency of establishing a nund)er of 
 small armed vessels, to cruise on our sea 
 coasts, for the protection of our trade, and 
 the annoyance of our enemies." The Pro- 
 vincial Congress, which moved very cau- 
 tiously, enjoined secrecy on the committee. 
 On June 10 three additional members were 
 added to the committee; but later in tlie 
 day a new committee consisting of seven 
 members was apparently substituted for th(> 
 old one. On June 12 the conmiittee "ap- 
 pointed to consider the expediency of estab- 
 
.\(7:'v ('/ the Aiiu-riiWi Rci'olutioii ^K) 
 
 lishing a number of ai'incd vessels" nuule a 
 report which provided for the fitting out of 
 not less than six vessels, to mount eight to 
 fourteen carriage guns, anil to cruise un- 
 (h'r the orders of the Committee of Safe- 
 ty — the chief executive organ of the 
 I'rovincial Congress consisting of nine 
 members, three of whom were from 
 Boston. This report came uji several 
 times between June 12 and June 20. Fi- 
 nally on the latter date "the matter was 
 ordered to subside."' The liattle of Bunker 
 Hill which was fought on June 17 may have 
 had something to do with this action of the 
 Provincial Congress. 
 
 On July 19, 1775, the Revolutionary gov- 
 ernment in Massachusetts was superseded 
 by a permanent government consisting of 
 a House of Ke])resentatives and a Council 
 of eighteen members elected by the House; 
 the two houses were called the General 
 Court. The continued dejiredations of the 
 liritish now caused several endangered ports 
 to ask the General Court to provide them 
 with a naval defence. The part of Massa- 
 chusetts which during the Revolution was 
 most exposed to the attacks of the British, 
 
 1. Journals of Third Provincial Congress 
 of Massachusetts, June 7, June 10, June 11, 
 June 12, June l.'i, June l(i, June 10, and June 
 20, 177"). All references to the state records 
 of Massachusetts refer to the manuscripts or 
 early printed copies to Ije found in the State 
 Library or State Archives at Boston. 
 
320 Xaz'x of tJic Auicricaii Rcz'oliition 
 
 aiul wliich was must trcnibk'some to (Icfciid, 
 was the coast of Maine, then often referre(l 
 to as the Eastern Coast. In August, 1775, 
 a petition came to the General Court from 
 Machias, a town situated on the Maine coast 
 a few miles west of the present Jilastport, 
 asking that commissions be granted to offi- 
 cers and men on board two armed vessels 
 which citizens of Machias had fitted out for 
 the defense of their town. In response the 
 General Court took into the service of the 
 state the sloop "Machias Liberty" and the 
 schooner "Diligent."* Jeremiah O'Brian, 
 one of the men who had signed the petition, 
 w'as commissioned by the Council com- 
 mander-in-(;hief of the two vessels; and he 
 was directed to enlist a number of men, not 
 to exceed thirty, for each vessel. The " Ma- 
 chias Liberty" and the "Diligent" w^re in 
 the service of the state until October, 1776, 
 when they were discharged. About the first 
 of October, 1775, Salem and Newburyport 
 each asked the General Court for naval aid 
 similar to that granted to Machias, but did 
 not receive it.- 
 
 The General Court of Massachusetts next 
 turned its attention to privateering. The 
 
 1. Journals of Massachusetts House of 
 Representatives, August 21, 1775. O'Brian's 
 name is found spelled in various ways. 
 
 2. Ibid., September 29, October 2, Octo- 
 ber 4, 1775; Records of General Court of 
 Massachusetts, October 4, 1775. 
 
Xaz'x oj I he .hiicncaii Rcix'lution 321 
 
 acts of the states on this head fall into two 
 f;-eneral classes; those which in terms estab- 
 lished state jn-ivateering, and those which 
 adopted Continental privateering or accom- 
 modated state laws to the same. After the 
 first half of 1776 all the states used Continen- 
 tal commissions and bonds. ]\Iassachusetts, 
 moving in this matter before Congress, nec- 
 essarily established state privateering. On 
 September 28, 1775, lier House of Repre- 
 sentatives, having such establishment in 
 view, appointed a committee of seven to 
 consider the ''Expediency of fitting out a 
 Number of Armed Vessels." On October 9, 
 this committee reported in favor of institut- 
 ing privateering and a prize court to try 
 cases of capture. On October 14 a bill em- 
 bodying the committee's recommendations 
 wa^r- introduced. It now passed slowly 
 through the k^gislative null, and on Novem- 
 ber 1 it became a law.^ John Adams once 
 referred to this statute of Massachusetts as 
 one of the most important documents in the 
 history of the Revolution. Its preamble 
 was the work of Klbridge Gerry, and the 
 body of the law was drafted by James Sulli- 
 van, many years later Governor of Massa- 
 chusetts.' Gerrv stated the sanctions for 
 
 1. Journals of Massachusetts House of Rep- 
 resentatives, September 28, October 6, !), 14, 
 17, IS, 19, 27, November 1, ITT'x 
 
 2. Austin's Gerry, I, 94-95; Works of John 
 Adams, X, 37. 
 
-^22 Xary of the ^Inicricaii Rcz'uliitioii 
 
 the law. These he found in the arbitrary 
 and sanguinary acts of Great Britain, in tlie 
 charter of Massachusetts granted by King 
 WilUam and Queen Mary, and lastly in the 
 resolution of the Continental Congress of 
 July IS, 1775, recommending each colony 
 to provide by armed vessels or otherwise 
 for the protection of its harbors and naviga- 
 tion. 
 
 The Massachusetts law provided that all 
 vessels convicted of making unlawful inva- 
 sions or attacks on the seacoasts or naviga- 
 tion of any part of America should be for- 
 feited. The Council was authorized to 
 grant letters of marque and reprisal to mas- 
 ters and owners of vessels upon their enter- 
 ing into bond faithfully to discharge the 
 duties of their office and to observe the naval 
 laws of the colony. Three admiralty dis- 
 tricts embracing the counties on the ]\Iassa- 
 chusetts seacoast were established. The 
 Southern district with the seat of its 
 court at Plymouth embraced Plymouth 
 county and the counties to the southward; 
 the Middle district with the seat of its 
 court at Ipswich embraced the counties of 
 Suffolk, Middlesex, and Essex and extended 
 from Plymouth county to New Hampshire; 
 and the Eastern district with the seat of its 
 court at North Yarmouth embraced the 
 seacoast comities of Maine. The form of 
 procedure in these courts was fixed for both 
 captured and recaptured vessels. In the 
 
A (/rv Of ilic .lnwricaii Rcz'oliitio)! t,2t, 
 
 latter case salva<2;e was from one-third to 
 one-fourth of the selling price of the vessel. 
 The facts in prize cases \v(>re to be tried by 
 twelve good and lawful men. At this time 
 the people of Massachusetts were so enraged 
 at the judges of the former Provincial ad- 
 miralty cotu't that they wotild have univer- 
 sally condemned the trying of facts in prize 
 cases by judges.* 
 
 The Cotmcil soon appointed three judges 
 of admiralty, Nathan Cushing for the 
 Southern district, Timothy Pickering for 
 the Middle district, and James Sullivan for 
 the Eastern district. Elbridge Gerry de- 
 clined the judgeship for the Middle district. 
 After trj'ing aljotit one hundred and fifty 
 pv'izQ cases, Pickering in Jun(\ 1777, re- 
 signed, and was succeeded by Nathan Cush- 
 ing, who now served as judge in both the 
 Southern and ^Middle districts.^ Compara- 
 tively few cases were tried in the Southern 
 and Eastern districts. Timothy Langdon 
 was for a long time jtidge of the Eastern 
 district. 
 
 During the fall of 1775 the General Court 
 took no stei)s towards establishing a state 
 navy. It was at this time assisting Wash- 
 ington in obtaining and arming vessels for 
 
 1. Amory's Sullivan, II, .378-79, James Sul- 
 livan to Gerry, December 2.^, 1779. 
 
 2. Records of Massachusetts Council, No- 
 vember 14, December 9, December 12, 177.">; 
 Pickering's Pickering, I, 79-80; Amory's Sulli- 
 van, I, G3. 
 
3^4 -\"i'3' of the American Rcvolutioii 
 
 the Continental military service around 
 Boston. Early in December the House of 
 Representatives, acting on a recommenda- 
 tion contained in a letter from John Adams 
 at Philadelphia, resolved to obtain statis- 
 tics on the number of officers, seamen, and 
 vessels, suitable for naval purposes, in the 
 seaports of Massachusetts. On December 
 29 the Council declared for a navy by passing 
 the following resolution : " Whereas several 
 of the United Colonies have of late thought 
 it expedient and necessary to fit out armed 
 Vessels for the Defence of American Liberty, 
 and it appears to this Court necessary that 
 ^Measures be taken jjy this Colony for our 
 further Protection by Sea: Therefore, Re- 
 solved that John Adams and- Joseph Palmer, 
 Esqurs. with such as the Hon. House shall 
 join be a committee for fitting out one or 
 more Vessels for the Defence of American 
 Liberty."^ 
 
 The House at once appointed its members 
 of the committee, which on January 12, 
 1776, made a report favorable to the estab- 
 lishment of a navy.- Accordingly, on Feb- 
 
 1. Records of General Court of Massachu- 
 setts, December 29, 1775. 
 
 2. Journals of Massachusetts House of Rep- 
 resentatives, Jantiary 12, 1776. On January 
 1 1 the Council resolved that two ships, one 
 of 36, and the other of 32 guns, should be 
 built. On the same day both House and 
 Council voted to recommit the resolution in 
 order that the committee which prepared it 
 might report on the expense to be incurred 
 
A (/: V (',' //;,• . I inrricaii k'rroliitlini 325 
 
 ruary 7 a rosoliitioii passed the General 
 Court to l)uil(l ten sloops of war, of 110 or 
 11") tons ])ur(len, each, suitable for carrying 
 fourteen to sixteen carriage guns, 6-pounders 
 and 4-pounders. A joint committee of the 
 two houses was appointed to build the ves- 
 sels, and £10.000 was voted for that pur- 
 pose.^ On the Ifith the committee was au- 
 thorized to contract for the building of only 
 five vessels, until there was a prospect of 
 procuring nuiterials for ten; it was author- 
 ized to buy five vessels, if it thought l:;est.- 
 By July, 1776, the slooji "Tyrannicide" 
 built at Salisl)ury, the brigantine ''Rising 
 Empire" built at Dartmouth, antl the brig- 
 antine "Intlependence" built at Kingston 
 were ready for sea; and ])y September the 
 sloops "Republic" and "Freedom" built at 
 Swanzey, and the "Massachusetts" built at 
 Sahsbury were completed. 
 
 Meanwhile the General Court had i)re- 
 pared and adopted the legislation necessary 
 to establish a navy. It liad drafted proper 
 naval forms ; and it had appointed a number 
 of naval officers. A partial pay-table was 
 
 in building and fitting the two ships. It does 
 not appear that further action was taken. — 
 Records of Massachusetts Council, January 
 11, 1776. 
 
 1 . Journals of Massachusetts House of Rep- 
 resentatives, February 0, 1770; Records of 
 Massachusetts Council, February 7, 1770. 
 
 2. Journals of Massachusetts House of 
 Representatives, February 10, 1776. 
 
326 A'az'x of the American Revolution 
 
 established 011 February 8.* This on April 
 12 was succeeded by a new one, which gen- 
 erally raised wages, and which provided for 
 a number of new offices. A ca])tain was now 
 to receive a monthly wage of £8; a first 
 lieutenant, £5, 8s.; a second lieutenant, £5; 
 a master, £4; a mate, £3; a surgeon, £7; 
 and an ordinary seaman, £2. Each vessel 
 was to be provided with 115 ofhcers and 
 seamen. No better proof of the rawness of 
 the naval service is needed than that af- 
 forded by the regulation that recruits, 
 whether officers, seamen, or marines, should 
 furnish themselves with "a good effective 
 Fire Arm, Cartouch Box, Cutlass, and 
 Blanket." The captains were ortiercd to 
 recommend to the Council a list of inferior 
 f)flicers and to enlist th(^ ]iroposed number 
 of seamen and marines. Captors were given 
 one-third of the proceeds of prizes." 
 
 On April 27, 1776, the General Court fixed 
 the respective shares of the proceeds of 
 prizes for officers and seamen: a captain 
 was to receive six shares, and "all the Cab- 
 bin Furniture;" a first lieutenant, five 
 shares; a drummer, one and one-fourth 
 shares; a seaman, one share; and a boy, one- 
 half a share.^ On April 29, in order to en- 
 
 1. Journals of Massachusetts House of Rep- 
 resentatives, February 7, 1776; Records of 
 Massachusetts Council, February 8, 1770. 
 
 2. Journals of Massachusetts House of 
 Representatives, April 12, 1776. 
 
 3. Ibid., April 27, 1776. 
 
.\\i:y of the .liiwricaii Ri'i'dlittioii T^2y 
 
 (•(Uiraiic ciilistnicnt , an advaiicc df diu! 
 month's wages was voted to rcM-niits. On 
 the same da}' it was decided that "the Uni- 
 form of Oflieers be Green and Wlnt(>, and 
 that the Colours be a white Flagg, \\ith a 
 green Pine Tree, and an Inscription, 'Appeal 
 to Heaven.' '" On July 26 the Council ap- 
 ])ointed a prize agent in each of the three 
 admiralty districts, whose duty was to rep- 
 resent the state in receiving, trying, and 
 selling prizes.- At times the prize agents 
 assisted in fitting out vessels. 
 
 During the first half of 1776 the law of 
 November 1, 1775, establishing privateering, 
 was three times amended and remodelled.-'' 
 The law was thereby accommodated to the 
 resolutions of the Continental Congress fix- 
 ing the kinds of property subject to capture, 
 and the respective shares of cajjtors and re- 
 captors. Doubts which had arisen as to 
 the proper construction of the original act 
 were now removed. The procedure before 
 ailmiralt}' courts was made more specific. 
 In cases of captures made l)y Continental 
 vessels, appeals were jjcrmitted from state 
 admiralty courts to the Continental Con- 
 gress; in all other cases, appeals were al- 
 lowed to the superior state courts. In each 
 
 1. Journals of Massachusetts House of Rep- 
 resentatives, April 20, ITTO; Records of Massa- 
 chusetts Council, April 2*), 1776. 
 
 2. Ibid. (Records), July 26, 1776. 
 
 .3. Goodell, Laws of .Massachusetts, Febru- 
 ary 14, April i;3, May 8, 1776. 
 
328 Xai'y of tlic American Rczuiliitiou 
 
 of the three admiralty districts in Massa- 
 chusetts additional towns were named where 
 court mio;ht be held. Tiie towns named for 
 the j\Ii(l(lle district were Boston, Salem, Ips- 
 wich, and Newburyport. 
 
 During the summer and fall of 1776 the 
 instructions and orders to the captains of 
 the armed vessels were issued to them by 
 the Council, having been previously pre- 
 pared by a committee. The following in- 
 structions, which were drafted by Thomas 
 Gushing and Daniel Hopkins, were given to 
 Captain John Fisk, and will suffice as a 
 sample of such documents: 
 
 "The Brigantine Tyrannicide under your 
 Command being properly Armed and Man'd 
 and in other respects fitted for a Cruise you 
 are hereby Ordered and directed immedi- 
 ately to proceed to sea and' use your utmost 
 Endeavors to protect the Sea Coast and 
 Trade of the United States and you are also 
 directed to exert yourself in making Cap- 
 tures of all Ships and other Vessels Goods 
 Wares and Mechandise belonging to the 
 King of Great Britain or any of his subjects 
 wherever residing excepting only the Ships 
 and Goods of the Inhabitants of Bermuda 
 and the Bahama Islands — You are directed 
 not to Cruize further Southward than Lati- 
 tudeTwelve Northnor farther J'^astthan Lon- 
 gitude Nine Degrees West from London nor 
 farther West than the Shoals of Nantucket. 
 At all times using necessary precautions to 
 
.\(/;t of tlic .lincricati Rd'olniioii 329 
 
 prevent ytuir W'sscl from falling into the 
 hands of the Enemy. 
 
 "And Whereas you have received a Com- 
 mission authorizing you to make Captures 
 aforesaid and a set of Instructions have 
 been delivered you for regulating your Con- 
 duct in that matter; these Instructions you 
 are Hereby directed diligently to attend to, 
 and if you are so fortunate as to make any 
 Captures you are to Order them to make 
 the first safe Harbor within the United 
 States. — and you are further Ordered not 
 to expend your Ammunition unnecessarily 
 and only in time of Action or firing Alarm 
 or Signal guns.'" 
 
 Until October, 1776, the Massachusetts 
 navy was administered by the General 
 Court, committees of its members, the Coun- 
 cil, and naval agents. The General Court 
 for the period of its recess in May, 1776, 
 placed the armed vessels in the charge of 
 "the committee for fortifying the harbor of 
 Boston." By the fall of that year it realized 
 that "secrecy, dispatch, and economy in 
 conducting the war" demanded a special 
 executive department. Accordingly, on 
 October 20 it established a Board of War 
 consisting of nine mem])ers, any five of 
 whom constituted a (luoruni. The Board 
 
 1. Records of Massachusetts Council, Octo- 
 ber 2'J, 177(j. The naval documents intro- 
 duced in the narrative on the Massachusetts 
 navy are typical of similar ones in other states. 
 
^^^o Xaz'x of I lie American Rcvoliilioii 
 
 of War was "empowered to Order and Direct 
 the Operations of the Forces in the Pay of 
 this State, botli by sea and land, by giving 
 the CommancU'rs of the Troops, Garrisons, 
 and Vessels of War, such Orders for their 
 Conduct and Cruizes from time to time as 
 they shall think proper."* It organized by 
 electing a president and secretary; and it 
 rented permanent c^uarters near the State 
 House in Boston. In December, 1776, 
 James Warren, later Commissioner for the 
 Continental Navy Board at Boston, was 
 president of the Board of War. Thilip Hen- 
 ry Savag6 was for a long time its president. 
 Savage presided at the meeting in 1773 at 
 Old South Church which decided that the 
 tea should not be landed.- The l^oard of 
 War entered upon its work with vigor in 
 November, 177(). It was yearly renewed, 
 until it was dissolved in February, 1781. 
 
 The principal business of the Board of 
 W^ar was the administration of the naval, 
 commercial, and military affairs of the state. 
 Its naval and commercial duties were quite 
 engrossing. The Board kept fairly distinct 
 the activities of its "armed" and "trading" 
 vessels. It is true that the armed vessels 
 were now and then sent on commercial er- 
 rands, or combined in a single voyage naval 
 
 1. Resolves of Massachusetts, OctoV)er 26, 
 1771). 
 
 2. Winsor's Memorial History of Boston, 
 II. 543. 
 
A (/rv ()/ the .liiu'riciiii Rcz'oliition 331 
 
 aiul traLliiifi' Juiics. The sloop '' Republic, " 
 used for a short time as a naval vessel, was 
 taken into the conuiiercial service. The 
 Massachusetts Archives contain a list of 
 thirty-two tradinj;- vessels owncnl or char- 
 tered by the Board of War.' These vessels 
 visited Xantes, Bilbao, i\Iartini(itie, Gtiada- 
 loupe, t^t. Eustatius, Cape Francois, Balti- 
 more, and the ports of North and South Car- 
 olina. They carried as staple exports, fish, 
 lumber, and New England rum. 
 
 1. Massachusetts Rcvohttionary Archives, 
 XL, 110-11. The inlhience on the naming 
 of vessels of the friendly relations existing 
 between the United States and France during 
 the Revolution early manifested itself. On 
 December 27, 177G, the Massachusetts Board 
 of War changed the names of its trading 
 vessels as follows: ships, "Julius Ca'sar" 
 to "Bourbon," "Venus" to " Versailles," 
 and "Triend" to "Paris;" l)rigantines, 
 "Charming Sally" to "Penet," and "Isabella" 
 to "Count D'Estaing. " The brigantine" Penet," 
 which was named for a I'rench merchant at 
 Xantes, a member of the firm of Pliarne, Penet 
 and Company, agents for the United States, 
 has been sometimes confused with the brig- 
 antine "Perch," which was obtained by Mas- 
 sachusetts in the fall of 1777 for the sole pur- 
 pose of conveying the news of Burgoyne's sur- 
 render to the American Commissioners at 
 Paris. The letters and dispatches were in- 
 trusted with Jonathan Loring Austin, secre- 
 tary of the Board of War, who after a passage 
 of thirty days reached the Commissioners at 
 Passy on December 4, 1777. — Board of War 
 Minutes, December 27, 1770; Hale's Franklin 
 in France, I, 155. 
 
332 A'(/z'V of tJic /liiicrican Kci'ohiiion 
 
 As a rule the work of the Board of War in 
 lookiiifj; after its trading vessels exceeded its 
 naval work. At times, as in the case of the 
 Penobscot expedition, the naval duties were 
 the important ones. A week's work of the 
 Board in behalf of its armed vessels shows 
 a curious mixture of orders on the commis- 
 sary-general for clothing and provisions, 
 and on the state storekeeper for naval 
 stores; and of directions to the prize agents, 
 the agents for building armed vessels, and 
 the naval captains. The General Court per- 
 mitted the I^oard a rather free hand in its 
 management of the navy. The Board car- 
 ried on a considerable correspondence with 
 the commanders of the armed vessels. The 
 following letter written to the Board by 
 Captain John Clouston of the armed sloop 
 '' Freedom" on May 23, 1777, from Paim- 
 boeuf, France, will illustrate this correspon- 
 dence from the Captain's side. Clouston's 
 disregard of orthograi)hy and punctuation 
 is exceptional even for a Revolutionary 
 officer. 
 
 "Gentlemen: 
 
 I have the pleasure of Informing 
 your Honours by Capt. Fisk of the 'Massa- 
 chusetts' That on the first Instant I arrived 
 safe in this Port after taking twelve Sail of 
 Englis Vessels Seven of which I despatched 
 for Boston Burnt three gave one smal Brigg 
 to our Prisners and one Retaken by the 
 
Ac/:v ('/ the .liiu'yii'ai! l\i':\ilutioii 333 
 
 ■luUTfaiiiii' ' which I'hasl us iuiv (Ihisscs 
 and fiiuliiig she Coiikl not Ciune up witli us 
 she gave Chase to our Prize and toock her 
 in our sijjlit — I have Cleaned tV: Refited my 
 \'essel and Taken in forty Tons of War Hke 
 Stores and have bin waiting for a wind to 
 go tliis fore days — Capt. Fisk being short 
 of Provisions 1 have sui)i)hed him with 
 foretcen Barels of Pork antl Eleven of Beef 
 and have Suffisantse for my ^'essel left.'" 
 
 In January, 1777, a new sea establishment 
 was effected. Wages were generally raised, 
 no doubt chiefiy to meet their decrease 
 caused by the dej)reciation of the currency. 
 A captain was now to receive a monthly 
 wage of £14, Ss.; a lieutenant or a nuister, 
 £7, 4s. ; a seaman, £2, Ss. ; and a boy, £1 , 4s. 
 The offices established in the Massachu- 
 setts navy, while not quite so many, were 
 in general the same as those in the Conti- 
 nental navy. The Massachusetts navy, 
 however, had the offices of prizemaster, 
 pilot, and l)oy. mIucIi did not occur in the 
 Continental list. Following the regulations 
 of Congress, the General Court now gave 
 captors one-half of their captiu'es. The ra- 
 tions for seamen were modell(Ml on th(> Con- 
 tinental bill of fare.^ On March 21, 1777, 
 
 1. Board of War Letters, Massachusettg 
 Revolutionary Archives, May 2'.i, 1777. 
 
 2. Massachusetts Resolves, January 8, Jan- 
 uary 24, 1777. On December 0, 1770, six 
 naval offices were estalilished, which included a 
 captain's clerk, prizemaster, and sergeant of 
 marines. 
 
334 A'at'v of the American Rcvolutio)i 
 
 the (icncral Court adopted rules and regu- 
 lations for its shijis of war; and it ordered 
 that they should be read by the command- 
 ing officer of a vessel at least once a week. 
 These rules, while briefer than the Conti- 
 nental rules, naturally followed the same 
 general lines. They show cither the influ- 
 ence of the Continental rules or of the Eng- 
 lish rules upon which the Continental rules 
 were based. The following curious rule in 
 part parallels quotations made from the 
 Continental rules in Chapter I: 
 
 "And if any Person belonging to either 
 of such Vessels shall be convicted of Theft, 
 Drunkenness, profane Cursing, or Swearing, 
 disregarding the Sabbath, or using the 
 Name of God lightly, or profanely, or shall 
 be guilty of ciuarreling or fighting, or of any 
 reproachful or ])rovoking Language tending 
 to make Quarrels, or of any turbulent or 
 mutinous Behavior, or if any Person shall 
 sleep upon his Watch, or forsake his Station, 
 or shall in any wise neglect to perform the 
 Duty enjoined him, he shall he punished 
 for any of the said Offences at the Discretion 
 of the comiuissioned Officers of such Vessel, 
 or the iMajor Part of them, according to the 
 Nature and Aggravation of the Offence, by 
 sitting in the Stocks, or wearing a wooden 
 Collar about his Neck, not exceeding 4 
 Hours, nor less than one, or by whipping, 
 not exceeding 12 Lashes, or by being put 
 in Irons for so long Time as the said Officers 
 
.\\i:\ of the Aiiicrican Rci'oliitioji 335 
 
 sliall judgi- llic Safety and \vc'll being of 
 the Sliij) and Crew requires, or otherwise 
 shall forfeit to the iState not more than 
 six, nor less than two Days Pay for each 
 offence."' 
 
 During every year of the Revolution at- 
 tempts were matle to increase the Massa- 
 chusetts navy. In the fall of 1777 the brig- 
 antine "Hazard" was addeil. On August 
 6, 1777, the General Court resolved that, 
 since the armed vessels at the lowest com- 
 putation had netted the state £05,000, the 
 Board of War should purchase or build two 
 vessels movuiting 28 and 32 gims, respec- 
 tively. In January, 1778, it reduced the 
 sizes of these vessels almost one-half; and 
 finally it gave up building them.^ In the 
 sj)ring of 1779 a prize of the "Hazard," the 
 brigantine "Active," taken in April off the 
 island of St. Thomas in the \\'est Indies, 
 was purchased."* In A]iril, 1778, the Gen- 
 
 1. Massachusetts Resolves, March 21, 1777. 
 
 2. Ibid., August G, 1777; January 17, 1778. 
 
 .3. The following is an extract from the en- 
 listing contract of the armed brig "Active," 
 which was signed by officers, seamen, and 
 marines: "And we herel>y bind ourselves to 
 Submit to all orders and regulations of the 
 Navy of the United States of North America 
 and this State and faithfully to observe and 
 obey all such orders, and Commands as we 
 shall receive from time to time from our Su- 
 perior Officers on board or belonging to the 
 said Brig Active and on board t.v Such 
 Boats or Vessel or Vessels as foresaid. 
 
T,T,6 Xavy of the .Inicricaii RL-zvIiition 
 
 eral Court resolved to build a frigate of 2S 
 guns, which would carry two hundred otli- 
 cers and men.^ This vessel was built at 
 Newburj'port antl was named the "Protec- 
 tor." In the fall of 1779 it was nearing 
 completion. The launching of the "Pro- 
 tector," which was the largest ship in the 
 Massachusetts navy, was a matter of more 
 than usual local interest, Stephen Cross 
 who Avas in charge of the construction of the 
 frigate wrote a letter to the Board of War 
 in July, 1779, which throws light upon 
 the minor naval duties of the Board. 
 Cross's language is somewhat involved, 
 but his meaning is clear; it is hanlly 
 necessary to say that the "souring" refers 
 to lemons. 
 
 "Gentlemen. 
 
 it being customary for the owners 
 of ^'essels when they are l.aimched to give 
 the Workmen something Better than New 
 England Rum to drink i!c Likewise some 
 thinu- to Eat and also all those Persons who 
 
 "And it is on the part of the State that such 
 persons as by Land or sea shall loose a Limb 
 in any Engagement with the Enemies of these 
 Ignited States of America or be otherwise so 
 disabled as to be rendered incapable of getting 
 a Lively Hood Shall be entitled to the same 
 Provisions as the disabled Persons in the Con- 
 tinental Service." — Massachusetts Revolution- 
 ary Archives, XL, 20. 
 
 1. Massachusetts Resolves, April 21, 1778. 
 
Atteiul the l.auiu-hiiitz; JOxpcfl to be asked 
 to Drink and Eat something and Especially 
 Publick Vessells it will be Expected that 
 something be Provided and it is my oiiinion 
 about sixt}' Galls of West India Rum & 
 sugars for the same & souring if to be had 
 and one Quarter Cask of Wine and A Ham- 
 per of ale or Beer together with a Tierce 
 hams Xeet Tongs or Corn Beef will be ne- 
 cessary to comply with the Customs in 
 these Cases."' 
 
 After August, 1779, when the disaster on 
 the Penobscot occurred, the naval duties of 
 the Board of War were slight. For a time 
 tlie "Protector" was the only vessel in the 
 navy. Witli the coming in of a new gov- 
 ernment tinder a Constitution on October 
 2"). 17S0, there was no longer much need for 
 a lioard of War. Acconling to the provi- 
 sions of the new Constitution, the Governor 
 was commander-in-chief of the navy; and 
 he was authorized to '"train, instruct, exer- 
 cise, and govern it," and to call it into serv- 
 ice in time of war. On February 8, 17S1, 
 the Board of War was discontinued, and 
 Caleb Davis, who was appointed Agent of 
 the Connnonwealth, succeeded to its minis- 
 terial duties.- The Governor and the Agent 
 
 1. Massachusetts Rcvcjlutionarv Archives, 
 XLIV, 27!). 
 
 2. Massachusetts Resolves, February 8, 
 17S1. Three members of the Board of War 
 and two clerks -were continued for a few months 
 to settle the accounts of the Board. 
 
33^ -\'a:v of tJic .liiicrican Rci'oliitioii 
 
 now shared the naval duties. The Governor 
 commissioned officers, issued orders to the 
 naval connnanders, and was responsible 
 to the General Court; the Agent had direct 
 oversight of the fitting out of vessels, the 
 selling of prizes, and was responsible to the 
 Governor. As the Revolution spent itself 
 the simplification of the administrative ma- 
 chinery of the state continued. On Janu- 
 ary 1, 17S3. the Agent was discontinued. 
 His naval duties fell to the Connnissary- 
 General.^ 
 
 During each year from 1780 to 1783 the 
 General Court made one or more attempts 
 to increase the naval force of the state. It 
 was spurred to action by the ravages of the 
 British cruisers on the Eastern Coast. On 
 March 21. 1780, two armed vessels mount- 
 ing not less than ten or more than fourteen 
 4"s or 6's were ordered. The expense in- 
 curred was to be met by the sale of the " Ris- 
 ing Empire" and of the confiscated estates 
 of Loyalists, and from tlie rents of the 
 property of absentees. On March 6, 1781, 
 the Agent was directed to obtain a small 
 vessel of eight to twelve guns to serve as a 
 tender for the "Mars;" and on April 23, he 
 was ordered to ]->rocure by hire or purchase 
 two ^nall craft to be employed as "guard a 
 coasta." On November 12, 1782, a com- 
 mittee was appointed to purchase a vessel 
 of twelve or sixteen guns to be used in pro- 
 
 1. Massachusetts Resolves, October 4, 1782. 
 
A(77'v of tlic .{mcrican Rci'ohttion 339 
 
 ti'ctinji the coast. On March 2(), 17S3, the 
 Coiumissary-Ooncral was ordorod to obtain 
 a small vessel antl a whale boat to cruise 
 against the enemy in Casco Bay and along 
 the Eastern Shore.' As the result of these 
 resolutioi:s, four armed vessels were added 
 to the navy: in the sj)nng of 1780 the 
 '"Mars;" in the summer of 17S1, the "De- 
 fence;"' in the winter of 17S1-17S2, the 
 "Tartar," which was built by the state; and 
 in the spring of 1782, the "Winthrop." 
 
 Private naval enterprise throughout the 
 Revolution was exceedingly active in Mas- 
 sachusetts. In 1775, some months before 
 the General Court granted letters of marque, 
 MassacluLsetts citizens, unauthorized, were 
 capturing the vessels of the enemy. Scarce- 
 ly a fortnight after the battles of Lexington 
 and Concord men from New Bedford and 
 Dartmouth fitted out a vessel and attacked 
 and cut out from a harbor in Martha's Vine- 
 yard a ])rize of the British sloop of war 
 "Falcon," 16. This act was called forth by 
 the captures which the "Falcon" had made 
 from the people of Buzzard's Bay. On 
 June 12, 177"), the inhabitants of Machias, 
 Maine, had captured the King's sloop "Mar- 
 garetta," Lieutenant Moore, after mortally 
 wounding the commantler and inflicting a 
 loss of fourteen men. Still other British 
 
 1. Mas.sachusetts Resolves, March 21, 17.S0; 
 Feljruarv 19, March 6, April 23, 1781; Novem- 
 ber 12, 1782; March 26, 1783. 
 
340 Xaz'y of the American Revolution 
 
 vessels were captured off the coast of Maine 
 during the summer of 1775.^ 
 
 With the act of November 1, 1775, grant- 
 ing to the Council the power to issue letters of 
 marque and reprisal, all such private enter- 
 prises as the above, when done under the 
 authority of a commission, were legal. It 
 does not appear however that Massachusetts 
 granted many commissions until the second 
 half of 1776. In 1777 she granted 90 com- 
 missions. The best year was 1779 when she 
 issued 222 commissions; the year 1781 with 
 216 commissions was not far behind. The 
 total number of commissions issued by Mas- 
 sachusetts for the years 1777 to 1783 was 
 998.^ In 1779 one hundred and eighty-four 
 prizes captured by privateers were libelled 
 in the Massachusetts prize courts.^ The 
 privateering industry for this year was very 
 active. The following is an extract from a 
 letter dated May 16, 1779, written from a 
 Massachusetts seaport : 
 
 "Privateering w'as never more in vogue 
 than at present; two or three privateers sail 
 every week from this port, and men seem 
 
 1. Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, 
 VI, 5G4; Maclay, History of American Priva- 
 teering, 52-(30. 
 
 2. Massachusetts Revolutionary Archives. 
 The total numbers of privateering commissions 
 always exceed the total numbers of vessels, 
 as the same vessels were often commissioned 
 two or more times. 
 
 3. Boston Gazette for 1779. 
 
.\(/:\' ('/" llir .liiicricaii Rci'olittioii 341 
 
 as pU'iiiy as grasshoppers in the fickl; no 
 vessel being iletained an hour for want of 
 them. We have near 1,000 prisoners on 
 board the guard-ships in Boston, and a great 
 balance due us from the enemy. Cruisers 
 from New York, Arc are daily brought in, 
 and often by vessels of inferior force; our 
 private(>rs-men being as conhdent of victory, 
 when u])on an equal footing with the Eng- 
 lish, as these were of gaining it of the French 
 in the last war."^ 
 
 The rivalry between the state service and 
 the privateers for seamen was exceedingly ac- 
 tive. The latter service was always the more 
 popular. In 1779 the Council recommended 
 that some effectual measures be taken to 
 prevent the owners of private ships of war 
 and merchantmen from seducing seamen 
 away that were engaged in the publicservice. 
 It declared that proper encouragement must 
 be given to state officers and seamen, and 
 that commanders must have the aid of the 
 government in manning their vessels, "or 
 they will lie by the Walls and so be of little 
 or no service."^ In 1778 the General Court 
 found some difficulty in securing com- 
 manders. 
 
 The movements of the armed v(>ssels of 
 the Massachusetts navy are cjuite similar to 
 the movements of the naval vessels of Con- 
 
 1. Virginia Gazette, June 19, 1779. 
 
 2. Journals of House of Representatives, 
 January 6, 1779. 
 
34- A'(7:t of the .Inicricaii Rc7'olution 
 
 gress.' The smaller fleet like the larger 
 cruised in European waters, in the region 
 of the West Indies, and to the eastward of 
 the Bermudas in the path of the richly-laden 
 West Indiamen. The Massachusetts ves- 
 sels, however, cruised more frequently near- 
 er home. About the first of June, 1779, the 
 ''Hazard" and "Tyrannicide" were in the 
 region of Nantucket. After 1779 the vessels 
 were frequently ordered to protect the 
 
 1. The vessels in the Massachusetts navy 
 with the approximate periods of their service 
 were as follows: Sloop " Machias Liberty," 
 1775-1776; schooner "Diligent," 1775-1776; 
 brigantine (at first a sloop) "Tyrannicide," 
 1776-1779; brigantine " Rising Empire," 1776- 
 1777; brigantine "Independence," 1776-1777; 
 sloop "Republic," 1776-1777; sloop "Free- 
 dom," 1776-1777; brigantine "Massachu- 
 setts," 1776-1778; brigantine ."Hazard," 1777- 
 1779; brigantine "Active," 1779; frigate 
 "Protector," 1779-1781; ship "Mars," 1780- 
 1781; sloop "Defence," 1781; ship "Tartar," 
 1782-1783; sloop "Winthrop," 1782-1783; 
 and galley "Lincoln," 1779-1781. Most of 
 these vessels mounted from ten to twenty 
 guns, 4's and 6's. The only larger vessel was 
 the "Protector," 26. Vessels such as the 
 "Tyrannicide," "Hazard," and "Winthrop" 
 carried about 125 officers and men. The fol- 
 lowing captains or commanders were the chief 
 officers in the Massachusetts navy: Jeremiah 
 O'Brian, John Lambert, John Fisk, John Fos- 
 ter Williams, John Clouston, Jonathan Hara- 
 den, Daniel Souther, Simeon Samson, Richard 
 Weldcn, Allen Hallet, James Nevens, John 
 Cathcart and George Little. Massachusetts 
 did not establish the rank of commodore. 
 
A'c/rv (V ///(• .liiu'iicaii /utc/;//;*';; 343 
 
 J-lasliTii ("oast. Ill the si)i-iiig of 1777 the 
 "Tyrannicide," Captain Jonathan Haraden, 
 "Massaclui.sett.s," Caj)tain John Fisk, and 
 "Freedom," Captain John Clouston, cruised 
 eastward as far as the coasts of France and 
 Spain, capturing some twenty-five prizes, 
 many of which however, were recaptured by 
 tlie British.' This was a most fortunate 
 venture, for all told one can Jiot now count 
 more than seventy prizes captured by the 
 Massachusetts navy. In the summer of 
 17.S0 the Board of War turned over the 
 "Mars," Captain Simeon Samson, to the 
 Massachusetts Conmiittce for Foreign Af- 
 fairs which sent her to France and Holland 
 for supplies. 
 
 1. These three vessels captured the four 
 prizes mentioned in the following advertise- 
 ment, which appeared in the Continental Jour- 
 nal and Weekly Advertiser for July 3, 1777, a 
 paper published at Boston. The advertise- 
 ment is introdviced here to illustrate the final 
 disposition of prize vessels: 
 
 "To be sold by Public Auction at eleven 
 o'clock on Wednesday the 23rd of July in- 
 stant at Mr. Tilcston's wharf in Boston the 
 following prizes with their appurtenances. 
 
 "The Shij) Lonsdale, about 250 tons 
 Brig Britannia, about 140 " 
 Brig Penelope, about 130 " 
 Snow Sally, about 180 " 
 
 "The above prizes lay at Tilcston's wharf. 
 They are all good vessels and well found. In- 
 ventories to be seen at the sheriff's office 
 Cornhill, and at the place of sale 
 
 ^•W 
 
 Greenleaf, SherifT. " 
 
344 ^(J'^'y of the American Revolution 
 
 The state vessels were at times joined in 
 cruises with privateers or with Continental 
 vessels; and enterprises were concerted with 
 all three classes of armed craft. In April, 
 1777, the state took into its service for a 
 month nine privateers, mounting 130 
 guns and carrying 1,030 men, to cruise 
 with the Continental frigate "Hancock" 
 and "Boston" after the British frigate "Mil- 
 ford" which had been especially annoying 
 and destructive to the trade of the state. ^ 
 In February, 1781, the "Protector" was 
 cruising with the Continental frigate 
 "Deane" thirty leagues windward of An- 
 tigua. In March, 1781, the Admiral of the 
 French fleet at Newport was requested to 
 send two French ships to cruise with the 
 "Mars" on the Eastern shore; and a bounty 
 was offered to privateersmcn who woukl 
 cruise against the ''worthless banditti" in 
 that region.^ 
 
 The capture of a prize often amounted to 
 little more than the chasing of a merchant- 
 man and the firing of a few shots as a sig- 
 nal for surrender. At times however when 
 the merchantman was armed, or when the 
 enemy 's vessel happened to be a privateer, 
 the action was more serious. One of the 
 most severe single engagements in which a 
 
 1. Massachusetts Resolves, April 26, 1777; 
 Massachusetts Revolutionary Archives, XL, 
 29, 55. 
 
 2. Massachusetts Resolves, March 2, 1781. 
 
A (/rv of the Aiucricaii Rci'olutioit 345 
 
 .Massachusetts vessel was concerned was 
 that between the "Protector," 26, Captain 
 John Foster WilHams, and the privateer 
 frigate "Admiral Duff," 32, Captain Stran- 
 ger. It occurrctl on June 9, 17S0, in lati- 
 tude 42° N. and longitude 47° W. The en- 
 gagement was heavy for an hour and a half 
 when the "Admiral Duff," having caught 
 fire, blew up; all on l)oard were lost except 
 fifty-five men who were picked up by the 
 "Protector." The American vessel lost six 
 men.^ The following brief account of one 
 of these minor engagements, told in the sim- 
 ple and direct language of the Massachu- 
 setts captain who took part in it, is taken 
 from a letter of Captain Allen Hallet to the 
 Board of War. It is dated at sea on 
 board the "Tvrannicide," latitude 2S'^ N., 
 longitude 68^ W., March 31, 1779. This sim- 
 ple and vivid description shows with clear- 
 ness the character of the minor engagements 
 of the Revolution. 
 
 "I have the pleasure of sending this to 
 you by Mr. John Blanch who goes prize- 
 master of my Prize, the Privateer Brig Re- 
 venge, lately conmianded by Capt. Robert 
 Fendall l)elonging to Grenada, but last from 
 Jamaica, mounting 14 Carriage Guns, 6 & 4 
 pounders, 4 swivels & 2 Cohorns, & sixty 
 ablebodied Men, which I took after a very 
 smart t^- Blof)dy Engagement, in which they 
 had S men killed & fourteen wounded, the 
 
 T Boston Gazette. July 24, 17S0. 
 
34'"^ A'atT of flic American Rcz'oliition 
 
 Vessell cut very nmcli to ])icces by my Sholt, 
 so that they had no command of her at all — 
 amongst the killed was the 1st Lieut. & 
 one Quarter Mr. — amongst the wounded is 
 the Capt. 2nd. Lieut. <fe Gunner — I cap- 
 tured her as follows: on the 29 Inst, at 4 
 P M. 1 made her about 4 leagues to wind- 
 ward coming down upon us, ujion which I 
 cleared the Ship and got all hands to Quar- 
 ter, ready for an Engagement, I stood close 
 upon the Wind waiting for her, about half 
 past six PM. she came up with me, and 
 hailed me, ask'd me where I was from, I told 
 them I was from Boston & asked where they 
 were from, they said from Jamaica & that 
 they were a British Cruizer, I immediately 
 told them I was an American Cruizer, upon 
 which they ordered me to Strike, & seeing 
 I did not intend to gratify their desires, 
 they rang'd up under my Lee & gave me 
 a Broadside, I immediately return'd the 
 Compliment & dropping a Stern, I got under 
 their Lee and then pour'd Broadsides into 
 her from below and out of the Top's, so 
 fast & so well directed that in one hour & 
 a Quarter we dismantled two of her Guns 
 & drove them from their Quarters <t com- 
 pell'd them to Strike their Colors, during 
 the whole Engagement we were not at any 
 one time more than half Pistol Shott dis- 
 tant & some part of the Time our Yards 
 were lock'd with theirs — I had Eight men 
 wounded only two of which arc Bad — 
 
A (/c'v ('/ ///*■ Aiiicricaii Rci'ulittioii 347 
 
 amongst the wounded are my first Lieut. 
 A: .Ma^iter, 1 intended to man her and keep 
 her as a Consort diu'ing the Cruize, bvit 
 having twenty wounded Men on board, of 
 my own men & prisoners I thought it Best 
 to send her home, with all the wounded 
 men on board under the Care of the Sur- 
 geons Mate."' 
 
 By far the largest naval undertaking of 
 the Revolution made by the Americans was 
 the Penobscot Expedition. Until 1779 the 
 general policy of those who managed the 
 fleet of Massachusetts was to send its ves- 
 sels cruising against the British transports, 
 merchantmen, and small privateers, and to 
 leave the coast to be defended by the sea- 
 coast establishment and by local forces. 
 In August, 1777, the Council agreed with 
 this poUcy for it then spoke of the Conti- 
 nental vessels, the state vessels, and the 
 privateers as "improper" to be employed 
 in clearing the coasts of these "vermin.."^ 
 In April, 1779, however, it disapproved this 
 policy. It now in a message to the House 
 submitted whether, instead of sending the 
 armed vessels on long cruises after ])rizes, 
 it would not have been va.stly more to the 
 advantage and profit of the state to have 
 employed them cruising on the coast of 
 Ma.s.sachusetts for the protection of trade 
 
 1. Massachusetts Revolutionary Archives, 
 XLIV, 408. 
 
 2. Ibid.. 268. 
 
34!^ A'(77'3' of ilic American Rci'ohttion 
 
 and the defence of harbors and seaeoast, 
 "which have been left in such an un- 
 guarded and defenceless Situation that 
 where we have taken one Vessel of the 
 Enemy their small privateers out of New 
 York have taken ten from us."^ It would 
 seem that the Board of War was right in 
 employing its fleet in prize-getting I'ather 
 than in defensive warfare. The capturing 
 of small j^rivateers and of merchantmen 
 were the only enterprises for which the Rev- 
 olutionary fleets were adapted. Those ves- 
 sels that cruised continually near the Ameri- 
 can coast, sooner or later, fell foul of the 
 stouter and l)ctter armed ships of the enemy. 
 Moreover, the Board of War, had it not re- 
 sponded to the commercial spirit of the 
 times, would have been compelled to adopt 
 the methods of the privateers, did it wish 
 to succeed in its competition with them for 
 seamen. 
 
 During the first half of 1779 the British 
 vessels were very destructive to the trade 
 and shipping of Massachusetts and New 
 Hampshire. On June 9, eight hun- 
 dred of the enemy, encouraged by certain 
 Tories in Maine, effected a lodgment on the 
 Maine coast at a place called Bagaduce, now 
 Castinc, near the mouth of the, Penobscot 
 river.- This made a fine vantage-point as 
 
 1. Journals of Massachusetts House of Rep- 
 resentatives, April 7, 1779. 
 
 2. Aniory's Sullivan, II, 376-78, James SuUi- 
 
A'c/c'v ('/ ///(■ .liitcricaii I\i':\>liiti(>ii 34') 
 
 u base for naval operations. The appeal 
 for naval protection which the inhabitants 
 of Massachusetts now made upon her was 
 a strono; one. Towards the close of June 
 the Massachusetts government bep;an con- 
 certing with the Continental Navy Board 
 at Boston and with the government of New 
 Hampshire an exj^Hlition to capture and 
 destroy this British station. Samuel Ad- 
 ams, who had recently retired from the 
 chairmanship of the Marine Committee of 
 Congress and had returned to Boston, fur- 
 thered the enterprise. To the fleet wliich 
 was now formed, Now Hampshire contrib- 
 uted the "Hami)den," 22; the Navy Board 
 at Boston, the Continental vessels, "War- 
 ren," 32, "Providence," 12, and "Diligent," 
 12; and Massachusetts, the three state brig- 
 antines, "Tyrannicide," 16, "Hazard," 14, 
 and "Active," 14, together with thirteen 
 privateers, which were temporarily taken 
 into the state service. These twenty armed 
 vessels mounted in all 324 guns, and were 
 
 van to John Sullivan, August 30, 1779. James 
 Sullivan says that, on the occupation of Baga- 
 duce by the British, Boston and neighboring 
 seaports were greatly alarmed at the pros- 
 pect of a scarcity of wood; and that men who 
 had made their fortunes by war, for once 
 and for a moment, felt a pultlic spirit, and 
 freely olTered their ships to the government. 
 They were careful to have them appraised 
 and insured by the state, which of course 
 suffered the loss on the failure of the expedi- 
 tion. 
 
350 Aac'v of tlic American Revolution 
 
 manned by more than 2,000 men. Besides 
 the armed fleet there were twenty trans- 
 ports which carried upwards of 1,000 state 
 miUtia. The naval forces were under the 
 command of Captain Dudley Saltonstall of 
 the Continental navy; and the troops were 
 commanded by Brigadier-General Solomon 
 Lovell of the state military forces of Massa- 
 chusetts. Paul Revere was Chief of Ar- 
 tillery with the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. 
 The assembling, manning, provisioning, 
 and fitting of so many vessels greatly taxed 
 the resources of Massachusetts. The fleet 
 left Boston on July 19, and during the last 
 days of the month appeared off the Penob- 
 scot, and attacked Bagaduce with only par- 
 tial success, since it failed to take the main 
 fort. Before a second attempt was made, 
 a British fleet from New York under the 
 command of Sir George Collier, who had re- 
 ceived news of the expedition, appeared in 
 the Penobscot. The British fleet consisted 
 of the " Raisonnable," 64; ''Blonde," and 
 "Virginia/' 32's; "Greyhound," "Camilla," 
 and "Gallatea," 20's; and "Otter," 14; to- 
 gether with three small vessels at the gar- 
 rison, the "Nautilus," 16, "Albanv," 14, 
 and "North," 14. The British fleet mount- 
 ed 248 guns and carried niore than 1,600 
 men. In number of guns and men the ad- 
 vantage lay with the Americans, but in 
 weight of metal and tonnage it was probabl}- 
 with the British. On the morning of Au- 
 
.\(;:v (V ///(' .lincricaii Rcrifliitioii 33 [ 
 
 gust 14 the lirilisli licet came in si^lit of liic 
 American. The two fleets \Yere barely in 
 range of each other's guns when the Ameri- 
 cans were seized with a panic, and fled with 
 their vessels helter skelter up the river, pur- 
 sued 1)}' the British. The Americans offered 
 almost no resistance whatever, but ran their 
 ships ashore, set fire to them, and escaped 
 afoot, when ncjt too closely pursued. With 
 the cxcejjtion of two or three vessels which 
 were captured, the American fleet was an- 
 nihilated. The British lost 13 men; the 
 American loss has been placed at 474 men. 
 The larger part of the American sailors and 
 soldiers retiu'ned by woods to New Hamp- 
 shire and Massachusetts. 
 
 The total cost of this expedition to Massa- 
 chusetts as calculated by the Board of War 
 was £1,739,175. The larger part of this 
 sum, £1,390,200, was charged t« the account 
 of the navy. It sufTered the loss of three 
 state armed vessels and a victualer, nine 
 ))rivateers, and twenty transports. Among 
 the twenty transports, with ))ossi])ly one ex- 
 ception, was the whole trading fleet of the 
 state. Soon after the disaster a joint com- 
 mittee of the Massachusetts House of Rep- 
 resentatives and Council with Artemas Ward 
 as president, held an inquiry and made a 
 report on the causes of the failure of the 
 expedition. In answer to tlie question, 
 "What ajjpears the principal reason of the 
 failure," the committee decided unani- 
 
35^ A'azT of the American Rcfolittio)! 
 
 mously, "want of proper Spirit and Energy 
 on the part of the Commodore." A court- 
 martial, which was hekl on the frigate 
 "Deane" in Boston harbor about the first 
 of October, decided against Captain Salton- 
 stall; and he was dismissed from the na\y. 
 Rarely has a more ignominious military 
 operation been made by Americans than 
 the Penobscot expedition. A Xew Eng- 
 lander with some justice has likened it to 
 Hull's surrender at Detroit. Had it been 
 succ(>ssful, it would not have been worth 
 the effort it cost. Its object had no national 
 significance; it was an eccentric operation. 
 "Bad in conception, bad in preparation, 
 bad in execution, it naturally ended in dis- 
 aster and disgrace."^ 
 
 Besides the "Tyrannicide," "Hazard," 
 and "Active" the Massachusetts navy lost 
 to the enemy at least tliree other vessels. 
 Towards the close of 1777 the British cap- 
 tured the ''Freedom" and "Independence." 
 On May 5, 1781, His Majesty's ships "Roe- 
 buck," 44, and "Medea," 28, captured the 
 
 1. Massachusetts Revolutionary Archives 
 CXLV, iyu-203, 350; Weymouth Historical So- 
 ciety Publications, I, chapters VII-X, j^ives the 
 best account of the Penobscot expedition, 
 also contains the Original Journal of General 
 Solomon Lovell kept on the expedition ; Massa- 
 chusetts Historical Society Collections, 7th, 
 II, 4.30; Proceedings of Massachusetts Histori- 
 cal Society, 2nd, XII, 201-202; Clowes, Royal 
 Navy, IV', 28-29. 
 
.\"t/:'_\' ('/ the Aiiicricaii Rti'oliitioii 353 
 
 " rrolcflor," 2(), with more than one hun- 
 dred and thirty men on board.* She was 
 added to the Koyal Navy as the "Hussar." 
 In the hitter half of 1782 Captain George 
 Little in the "Winthrop" cruised on the 
 Eastern Coast, and ca[)tured and sent into 
 Boston ''nearly the whole of the arm'd 
 force they ])()ssessed at Penobscot;" he thus 
 in j)art I'etrieved the naval honor of his 
 state.- Acting uniler orders of Governor 
 Hancock, Little in the "Winthrop" made 
 the last cruise of the Massachusetts nav}-, 
 when in the winter of 1782-1783 he visited 
 Martinique. On his return, he was fitting 
 for a cruise on the Eastern Coast, when 
 about April 1 news of permanent peace ar- 
 rived. On June 4, 1783, the Commissary- 
 General was directed to sell the "Winthrop," 
 the last vessel in the navy. The ''Tartar" 
 had been sold during the past winter.^ 
 Captain Little's accounts were being settled 
 in .\hircli, 1785. 
 
 1. Massachusetts Revolulionarv Archives, 
 XXXIX. 45. 
 
 2. Ibid., CLVIH, -74, Message of Governor 
 Hancock to House of Representatives, Feb- 
 ruary 0, 1783. 
 
 '.i. Massachusetts Resolves, June 4, 1783. 
 Those naval vessels which were not cajitured, 
 destroyed, or sold, were eitlier returned to 
 their owners, or were thrown out of com- 
 mission and employed in other services. 
 
CHAPTER XII 
 
 THE NAVY OF CONNECTICUT 
 
 An introcluctniT word aljout the govern- 
 ment of Connecticut during the Revolution 
 may not be amiss. Speaking generally, the 
 power of legislation was vested in the Gov- 
 ernor, Council, and House of Representa- 
 tives; and of administration in the Governor 
 and Council of Safety.^ The Legislature or 
 General Assembly met two or three times a 
 year. Jonathan Trumbull, the only Pro- 
 vincial governor in the thirteen colonies who 
 was not displaced by the dominance of the 
 Patriot party, was governor of Connecticut 
 throughout the Revolution. On October 
 10, 1776, Connecticut, by a resolution of the 
 General Assembly, which made no change 
 in the frame-work of the government, ceased 
 to be a colony and became a state. The 
 Council of Safety, appointed to assist the 
 Governor in administration, was electe^l each 
 year. Its membership varied in numbers; 
 in 1775 there were five members; in 1779, 
 twentv. About half of its members attend- 
 
 1. One must distinguish between the 
 Council and Council of Safety. A few mem- 
 bers were common to both bodies. 
 
A i/r\' I'! the .liiwricaii Rcz'olittioii 355 
 
 ed its meetings, which were principally held 
 at Hartford, and at Lebanon, the home of 
 Governor Trumbull. Roger Sherman, Oli- 
 ver Ellsworth, and other leaders of the Revo- 
 lution in Connecticut served in the Council 
 of Safety- 
 Connecticut's first step towards obtaining 
 a naval armament was made early in July, 
 1775, when her General Assembly resolved to 
 fit out antl arm two vessels of suitable bur- 
 den for the defence of the seacoasts of the 
 colony, and authorized the Governor and 
 Council to procure, furnish, and employ the 
 two vessels.' On July 24, 1775, tlie Gover- 
 nor and Council of Safety thoroughly con- 
 sidered the "affair of the two armed ves- 
 sels;" and letters relating thereto from men 
 in New Haven, Middletown, Wethersfield, 
 and other towns were read. Captain John 
 Deshon and Nathaniel Shaw, jr., Ijoth of 
 New London, and Captain Giles Hall of 
 Norwich attended the meeting and offered 
 information and advice. A committee of 
 four, consisting of two members of the 
 Council of Safety together with Deshon and 
 Hall, was appointed to visit the principal 
 ports of the colony and ascertain the terms 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 99-100. The published Colonial and State 
 Records of Connecticut to which I refer, con- 
 sist of two parts, the Records of the General 
 Assembly, and the Jounrals of the Council of 
 Safety. The reader can easily tell from the 
 context to which part each reference refers. 
 
35^ Naz'x of the American Rcz'olutioii 
 
 upon which vessels, officers, and men might 
 be had.^ 
 
 On August 2 this committee reported that 
 sundry vessels could be obtained at reason- 
 able prices, but that none of them were per- 
 fectly adapted for vessels of war. The com- 
 mittee said that the people of the colony 
 disagreed as to the propriety of arming ves- 
 sels; many thought that it would be impos- 
 sible for America to compare by sea with the 
 British, and that to attempt it would pro- 
 voke insult and would expose the seacoast 
 and trade of Cormecticut to increased dan- 
 ger; but others thought that a naval arma- 
 ment would be an advantage, and would 
 afford protection to the colony. Tiie Gov- 
 ernor and Council of Safety expressed a 
 doubt whether they had a right to suspend 
 the measure of the General Assembly, even 
 if they should think it advisable. They now 
 resolved to fit out an armed vessel, the brig 
 "Minerva," of about 108 tons burden, be- 
 longing to Captain William Griswold of 
 Wethersfield; and to obtain a smaller and 
 faster vessel of some twenty-five tons burden 
 to be employed as a "spy vessel, to run and 
 course from place to place, to discover the 
 enemy, and carry intelligence." Ca])tain 
 Samuel Niles of Norwich was appointed 
 captain of the spy-vessel; and Benjamin 
 Huntington of the Council of Safetv and 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 108. 109. 
 
A (/TV ('/ ///(■ .liiicriian Rcz'olittioii 357 
 
 Jolm Doshon were ajipointed a comniittce to 
 obtain, fit out, and furnish it.^ 
 
 On August 3 the Governor and Council of 
 Safety appointed Captain Giles Hall of Nor- 
 wich captain and commander of the "Min- 
 erva. " A pay-table and a small list of 
 officers were now established. Captain Hall 
 was to receive a monthl}' salary of £7; the 
 first lieutenant, £5; the second lieutenant, 
 and master, £4 each; seamen, £2, 5s.; and 
 marines, £2. Hall was instructed to raise 
 forty seamen and fort}' marines.^ 
 
 When the committee for obtaining the 
 spy-vessel reported on August 14, the Gov- 
 ernor and Council of Safety resolved to buy 
 the schooner "Britannia," belonging at 
 Stonington, at a price not to exceed £200. 
 Robert Xiles was made captain of the "Spy," 
 the name now given to the schooner, in 
 place of Samuel Niles.^ The "Spy" was 
 cruising early in October, 1775, when she 
 recaptured and bi-ought into New London 
 a large shij) containing eight thousand bush- 
 els of wheat,^ the first capture of the Con- 
 necticut navy. 
 
 By October the "Minerva" was ready for 
 sea, and on the ninth of this month, in re- 
 spon.se to a request of the Continental Con- 
 gress, the Governor and Council of Safety 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 109. 110. 
 
 2. Ibid.. 111-13. 
 
 3. Ibid., 117. 
 
 4. Connecticut Gazette, October l.j, 1775. 
 
35*^ A'ac'3' of the American Revolution 
 
 ordered this vessel to intercept two trans- 
 ports bound from England for Quebec.^ 
 This detail was not carried out by the " Min- 
 erva" for the very sufficient reason "that 
 all the hands or soldiers and marines on 
 board, except about 10 or 12, being duly 
 noticed of said orders, utterly declined and 
 refused to obey the same and perform said 
 cruise," which through their disobedience 
 wholly failed.^ The Governor and Council 
 of Safety ordered the mutinous men dis- 
 charged, and others enlisted in their places; 
 but before the "Minerva" was again ready 
 for service, the General Assembly in Decem- 
 ber directed Captain Hall to return his ves- 
 sel to its owner and dismiss his crew. 
 
 In December, 1775, the General Assembly 
 deciding to increase the naval forces of the 
 colony, appointed Colonel David Waterbury 
 of Stamford and Captain Isaac Sears of New 
 Haven to examine a certain brigantine at 
 Greenwich with a view to ascertaining its 
 fitness for the naval service; and it resolved 
 to build or otherwise procure an additional 
 armed ship and four row-galleys "for the 
 defence of this and the neighboring colonies." 
 Waterbury and Sears reported that the 
 Greenwich brigantine was a new vessel which 
 had made one voyage to the West Indies, 
 
 1. See Chapter I, Naval Committee, page 
 35; Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 176. 
 
 2. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV. 
 176. 
 
.\'i;:'\' ('/' llu- .liucrican Rcx'olutioti 359 
 
 aiul that slio would motuit sixteen six- 
 pounders and twenty-four swivels/ The 
 Ciovernor and Council of Safety at once pur- 
 chased the brigantine, which they named 
 the "Defence," and appointed Captain Seth 
 Harding of Norwich to conunand her. By 
 April, 1776, the ' 'Defence" was manned and 
 ready for sea. 
 
 On January 9, 1776, the Governor and 
 Council of Safetyappointed Benjamin Hunt- 
 ington of the Council of Safety and Cai)tain 
 Seth Harding a conmiittee to visit Midtlle- 
 town and other towns on the Connecticut 
 river to ascertain the terms upon which the 
 second vessel could be purchased or built. ^ 
 In the end the Governor and Council of 
 Safety decided to build a ship of 200 tons 
 burden at Saybrook, and they employed 
 Captain Uriah Hayden at six shillings a day 
 to imdertake the task.^ The ship was built 
 during the spring and summer of 1776. An 
 important event in the history of the " Oliver 
 Cromwell," as the new ship was called, is 
 thus chronicled in the Connecticut Gazette 
 of August 23, 1776, published at New^ Lon- 
 don: "Last Lord's Day, the new Ship of 
 War belonging to the State of Connecticut, 
 built at Say-Brook, and commanded by 
 William Coit, Esq., came out of the River 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 200-02. 
 
 2. Ibid.. 223-24. 
 
 3. Ibid., 229. 232. 
 
3O0 Xary of the .lincricaii Ra'ohition 
 
 and arrived here Tuesday: she is the largest 
 Vessel that has ever come over Say Brook 
 Bar, and was piloted by Capt. James Har- 
 ris.'" 
 
 Before building the row-galleys the Gov- 
 ernor and Council of Safety sent one 
 builder to Philadelphia and another to Prov- 
 idence in order to take advantage of the 
 experiences of Pennsylvania and Rhode 
 Island in constructing this sort of craft. Of 
 the four galleys ordered in December, 1775, 
 but three were built, the "Whiting" at New 
 Haven, the "Shark" at Norwich, and the 
 "Crane" at East Haddam. They were rig- 
 ged as schooners; and by July, 1776, their 
 construction was completed and they were 
 officered and manned. 
 
 The General Assembly permitted the Gov- 
 ernor and Council of Safety a free hand 
 in their control of naval affairs. They were 
 given full power and authority to order, di- 
 rect, furnish, and supjily the navy, during 
 the recess of the General Assembly. It 
 does not appear, however, that the sessions 
 of the General Assembly caused much change 
 in the management of the naval affairs. It 
 was not in session longer than a few weeks 
 or a few days at a time. In October, 1776, 
 the General Assembly directed the Govern- 
 or and Council of Safety to execute and con- 
 tinue all naval lousiness which they had be- 
 gun, the sessions of the Assembly notwith- 
 
 1. Connecticut Gazette, August 23, 1776 
 
Xarx of the .Inicricaii Rcroliiliini ^(n 
 
 8taiuliii<;-.' Matters, which in some states 
 were (leterniinecl by lejiislation, such as tlie 
 estal)Hshing of naval rules and regulations, 
 the shares of priz(>s, and the naval pay, were 
 in C()nn(H-ticut for the most part left to ad- 
 ministrative orders. In such work the Gov- 
 ernor ami Council of Safety often followed 
 Continental models. In July, 1776, they 
 ordered Richard Law, amendjer of the Coun- 
 cil of Safety, to * 'compile a Code of Laws 
 for the Naval Service of this Colony, as 
 nuich in conformity to the laws of the naval 
 service of the United Colonies as may con- 
 sist with the service of this colony."- 
 
 The Governor and Council of Safety trans- 
 acted the naval business, as has already been 
 seen, by means of committees of the Coun- 
 cil of Safety, naval agents, and mixed com- 
 mittees composed of members of the Council 
 of Safety and men from the outside. The 
 sending of prizes captured by Connecticut 
 ships of war into the j)orts of Massachusetts, 
 ami the refitting of the state's vessels in 
 B((ston, necessitated the emplo5'ment of a 
 naval agent in Massaciuisetts. In April, 
 1777, Samuel Elliot of Boston was acting 
 for the Governor and Council of Safety in 
 this capacity. In October, 1777, the Gen- 
 eral Assembly authorized the appointment 
 
 1. Records of the State of Connecticut, I, 
 U. 
 
 2. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 492 
 
T,()2 Xaz'x of the .liiicricaii Kcivlittioii 
 
 of a naval agent for Massachusetts, and on 
 the 22nd of this month the Governor and 
 Council of Safet}^ appointed Elliot agent in 
 all marine affairs to be transacted by Con- 
 necticut in Massachusetts.^ 
 
 During the Revolution the chief seaport 
 of Connecticut was New London, then one 
 of the largest and most important towns in 
 New England. The most complete naval 
 news of the time is to be found in the Con- 
 necticut Gazette published at New London, 
 and not in the Hartford Courant, or in the 
 New Haven paper, the Connecticut Journal. 
 New London was the naval station of the 
 Connecticut fleet, the port where it was re- 
 fitted and re])aired. One of the most 
 wealthy, influential, and public-spirited 
 merchants of New London was Nathaniel 
 Shaw, jr. He was an ardent patriot and was 
 on intimate terms with Washington and 
 other Rcvolutionarv leaders.^ The Govern- 
 
 1. Records of State of Connecticut, L212, 
 214, 418, 452. This is either Samuel ElHot, 
 a Boston merchant, or Samuel Eliot, a most 
 distinguished Boston merchant, a benefactor 
 of Harvard college, and grandfather of the 
 present President Eliot. — See New England 
 Historical and Genealogical Register, XX 11 1 
 (18G9), 338-39. I find the agent's name spelled 
 Elliot, Eliott, and Eliot. 
 
 2. Better evidence of the social standing 
 of the Shaw family in New London may not 
 be needed than that afforded by the statis- 
 tics contained in the following newspaper 
 clipping: "A great wedding dance took place 
 
.\(/:'V of the .liiicricaii Rci'ohtlion 3^)3 
 
 or aiiil Council of SutVty nalurally lurnod 
 to Shaw when naN'al (hities wore to bo por- 
 fornuMl in Xcw London. Wc have already 
 scon that Shaw was prosont at a mooting of 
 tlio Council of Safety in July, 177"), and was 
 consulted on the initial naval i)roj(H't of the 
 colony. From 1775 to 1779 the Governor 
 and Council of Safety availed themselves of 
 his services in fitting oiit their naval ves- 
 sels. In July, 1776, they apj^ointed him 
 ''Agent for the Colony, for the ]nirpose of 
 naval supplies and for taking care of such 
 sick seamen as may be sent on shore to his 
 care."* In October, 1778, the General As- 
 sembly ajipointed Shaw Marino Agent for 
 Connecticut and authorized him to ecpiip 
 the state vessels, to direct their cruises, and 
 to receive and sell their jirizos, in all, taking 
 the advice of the Governor and Council of 
 Safety from time to time.- 
 
 The Governor and Council of Safety 
 showed an enterprising willingness to exi)er- 
 imont in naval warfare, when in Fel)ruary, 
 1776, they permitted David Bushnell to 
 
 at .New London at the house of Nathaniel 
 Shaw, Esq., June 12, 17G9, the day after the 
 marriage of his son Daniel Shaw and Grace 
 Cuit ; 92 gentlemen and ladies attended, and 
 danced 92 jigs, .52 contra-dances, 4.5 minuets, 
 and 17 horn-pipes, and retired 45 minutes 
 past midnight." — F. M. Caulkins, History of 
 Norwich, Connecticut, .3.32. 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 474. 
 
 2. Records of State of Connecticut, II, 136. 
 
364 Xa:-y of the American Revolution 
 
 explain to them his niacliinc for blowing up 
 ships, and voted him £60 to coni]ilote his 
 invention.' Bushnell's "American Turtle," 
 as his contrivance was called, anticipated 
 modern inventions in submarine warfare. 
 It consisted of a tortoise-shaped diving boat 
 which could be proi)elled under water. It 
 contained a sup])ly of air sufficient to last 
 the ojjerator a half-hour, and was guided by 
 means of a compass made visible by phos- 
 phorus. Upon reaching the doomed ves- 
 sel a screw was driven into it by the ojDcrator. 
 A magazine of powder -was attached by a 
 string to the screw. The casting of the mag- 
 azine from the diving-boat set going a cer- 
 tain clock-w^ork wdiich gave the operator 
 time to get beyond the reach of dang(T before 
 it ignited the ])owder. In 1777 a trial of the 
 "Turtle" against the British ship "Eagle," 
 84, in New York Harbor was imsuccessful. 
 The o])erator succeeded in getting untler 
 the "Eagle," but was unable to drive the 
 gerew into her bottom. 
 
 Connecticut did not establish state priva- 
 teering. In May, 1776, the General Assem- 
 bly authorized the Governor to fill out the 
 blank ])rivateering commissions which the 
 President of Congress should send from time 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 233-36. I have followed the famihar ac- 
 counts of this invention. Washington gave 
 Jefferson an account of Bvishnell's invention 
 in September, 17S5. — Ford, Writings of Wash- 
 ington, X. 504-06. 
 
Ac;:\' ('/ llic .liiicricaii Rc:'(>hitiou 3^)5 
 
 to time, and to di'livor them to such jxTsons 
 as should cxectitc the bond prescribed by 
 Congress.' A list of Connecticut privateers 
 in which some vessels are counted two or 
 more times has been made out. The totals 
 of this list give 202 vessels, 1, 009 guns, and 
 7,754 men.^ In order to enlist her quota of 
 troops for the Continental army, Connecti- 
 cut in May, 17S0, placed an embargo upon 
 privateers.^ In May, 1776, the General As- 
 sembly, in pursuance of the recommenda- 
 tions of the Continental Congress relative to 
 the establishment of admiralty courts by 
 each state, vested the county courts of Con- 
 necticut with the power to ' 'try, judge, and 
 determine, Ijy jury or otherwise, as in other 
 cases, concerning all captiu'es that have or 
 shall be taken and brought into said resj)ec- 
 tive counties." The courts were to follow the 
 rules of the civil law, the law of nations, and 
 the resolutions of Congress. Appeals were 
 allowed to the Continental Cf)ngress agree- 
 able to its directions and resolves. Connect- 
 icut was more liberal in granting appeals to 
 Congress than Massachusetts, which state, 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 318-iy. 
 
 2. Records and Papers of New London 
 County Historical Society, J, pt. 4, p. 32. 
 
 3. State Archives, Acts of Connecticut, 
 May, 17S0. The laying of embargoes on pri- 
 vateers for short periods in order to obtain 
 men for different purposes was common dur- 
 ing the Revolution. 
 
366 Xoz'X of the American Revolution 
 
 it will be recalled, permitted such appeals 
 only in cases of captures made by the ves- 
 sels of the Continental navy.^ 
 
 The reader may recollect that on August 
 26, 1776, the Continental Congress recom- 
 mended that each state should grant certain 
 pensions to its citizens who should receive 
 serious disaljilities in the Continental naval 
 service. In May, 1777, the Connecticut 
 General Assembly granted such pensions; 
 and in imitation of the resolutions of Con- 
 gress it granted half-pay to all officers, sea- 
 men, and marines in the Connecticut navy, 
 who were wounded in action so as to be dis- 
 abled from earning a livelihood ; and a frac- 
 tion of half-pay for lesser disabilities.^ 
 
 In October, 1777, the House of Represen- 
 tatives passed a bill providing an elaborate 
 list of rules and regulations relating to naval 
 discipline, naval courts-martial, pay of offi- 
 cers and seamen, and the sharing of ])rizes. 
 The bill, however, was rejected by the Coun- 
 cil.' In April, 1779, when too late to be of 
 much service, the General Assembly passed 
 a statute creating a naval establishment, 
 which was modelled on that of Congress. 
 Two scales of wages were established, one for 
 vessels under twenty guns, and the other 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 280-81. 
 
 2. See Chapter IV, page 129; Records of 
 State of Connecticut, I, 246-49. 
 
 3. Connecticut Revolutionary Archives, 
 VIII, 1777-1778. 
 
Xarx of the American Rci'oluiion ^fty 
 
 for vessels of twenty ^uns or upwards. 
 Captains of the two cla-sses received a 
 monthly wage, respectively, of S48 and S60; 
 lieutenants and masters, $24 and S30; and 
 boatswains, S13 and $15. The wages for 
 seamen and marines did not vary, being S8 
 for seamen, and $6.67 for marines. The 
 sharing of })rizes among officers and seamen 
 varied for the two classes. In general, the 
 same odices -were established as in the Con- 
 tinental navy; there were, however, not so 
 many of them. Following the regulations 
 of Congress, the General Assembly gave the 
 officers, seamen, and marines the whole of 
 cai)tured shii)s of war and privateers, and 
 one-half of all other vessels.' 
 
 Besides the vessels already mentioned, 
 there were, in the Connecticut navy, for a 
 short time in 1777, the schooner "Mifllin" 
 and the sloop "Schuyler;" and for an equally 
 brief period in 1779, the sloop "Guilford."- 
 
 1. Records of State of Connecticut, II, 
 230-33. 
 
 2. The vessels of the Conrtecticut navy 
 with the approximate periods of their service 
 were as follows: Brijjantine " Minerva," 1775; 
 schooner "Spy," 177r;-1778; ship "Defence,"^ 
 177G-1770; ship "Oliver Cromwell," 1770- 
 1779; galleys "Crane" and "Whitinp," 1776; 
 galley "Shark," 177G-1777; schooner " Mifflin," 
 1777; sloop "Schuylor," 1777; and sloop 
 "Guilford," 1779. The galley " New Defence," 
 belonging to Branford, received arms, ammu- 
 nition, and stores from the state. The sloop 
 "Dolphin," a prize of the "Spy," was pur- 
 
368 A'azT of the American Rcz'olitlion 
 
 By far the most ini])ortant vessels in the 
 navy were the "OUver Cromwell", 18, "De- 
 fence", 14, and "Spy", 6. The principal 
 cruising ground of the Connecticut vessels 
 was in and near Long Island Sound. This 
 region was fairly alive with British craft of 
 all sorts. Long Island was a nest of Tories, 
 and New York was of course headquarters 
 for the British in America. Connecticut, 
 being convenient to both places, found 
 much service for her navy in piotecting her 
 coasts and in preventing illicit trade with 
 the enemy. 
 
 The cruises of the "Oliver Cromwell," 
 "Defence," and "Spy" were by no means 
 confined to the waters near home. Several 
 times they visited the ports of Massachu- 
 setts. In the summer of 1777 the "Oliver 
 Cromwell" cruised to the northward of the 
 Azores, in the path of the homeward bound 
 West Indiamen, where she captured and 
 sent into Massachusetts the brigantine 
 "Honor" and the "Weymouth" packet. 
 In the spring of 1777 the "Defence" and a 
 privateer met with success to the windward 
 of the Lesser Antilles in capturing British 
 
 chased in the fall of 1777, and sent to Phila- 
 delphia for flour. The following captains were 
 the chief officers of the navy: Giles Hall, 
 Robert Niles. William Coit, "Seth Harding, 
 Timothy Parker, and Samuel Smedley. Coit 
 had commanded the "Harrison" in Washing- 
 ton's fleet, and Harding was given a commis- 
 sion in the Continental navy. 
 
.\d:\ ('/" Ihc Aiiicrican Rcz'ohitioii ^(x) 
 
 vessels bound for the West Iiulies. In the 
 following spring the "Oliver Cromwell" and 
 the "Defence" were cruising in the same re- 
 gion, where they captured the letter of 
 marque "Admiral Kepjiel," eighteen six- 
 pounders, the most valuable prize taken 
 by the Connecticut navy. The "Admiral 
 Keppel" and her cargo sold in Boston for 
 £22.321. In .June and July, 177S, the "Oli- 
 ver Cromwell" and the "Defence" refitted 
 in Charleston, South Carolina. Towards 
 the end of July the "Oliver Cromwell" 
 sailed for Nantes with a load of indigo, 
 which she exj^ected to exchange for clotli- 
 ing. Encountering a storm, this vessel was 
 dismasted, and forced to return to Connect- 
 icut. Some thirty prizes, most of which 
 reached safe ports, were captured dur- 
 ing the Revolution by the Connecticut 
 navy.* 
 
 Upon the urgent and repeated solicita- 
 tions of Washington, the three Connecticut 
 galleys were sent by the Governor and Coun- 
 cil of Safety in the sunmier of 1776 to New 
 York to assist in the cami:»aign on the Hud- 
 son. The "Crane" and "Whiting," after 
 giving a good account of themselves in an 
 attack on two British vessels near Tarry- 
 town, were lost to the enemj^ in the fall of 
 177G. The "Shark" probably met a similar 
 
 1. Revolutionary Piles of Connecticul Ga 
 zettc, Hartford Courant, and Connecticut 
 Journal. 
 
370 A'c/c'v of the American Rcrolntioii 
 
 fate.^ The "Spy," Captain Robert Niles, 
 was one of several vessels which were se- 
 lected to carry to France the news of the rat- 
 ification by Congress of the French treaties 
 of February, 1778. Captain Niles had the 
 honor of reaching France first with his im- 
 portant message and packet. On his re- 
 turn voyage Niles and his vessel were cap- 
 tured. In March, 1779, the "Defence" 
 struck on a reef near Waterford, Connecti- 
 cut, and sank.2 On June 5, after a severe 
 fight to the southward of Sandy Hook, the 
 "Oliver Cromwell" surrendered to a super- 
 ior force.3 About July 1 the "Guilford," 8, 
 which had been recently added to the navy, 
 was taken by the enemy." With the cap- 
 ture of this vessel, the navy of Connecticut 
 came to an end. 
 
 The warfare of "armed boats" partici- 
 pated in by Connecticut deserves notice. 
 During the Revolution much smuggling 
 was carried on between men in Connect- 
 icut and the British and Tories on Long Isl- 
 and and at New York. The feeding of the 
 British army at New York, the supplying 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Connecticut, XV, 
 481, 488; Records of State of Connecticut, I, 
 85, '2OI; Hartford Courant, August 12, 1776; 
 Connecticut in Revolution, 593-94. 
 
 2. Records of State of Connecticut, II, 372; 
 Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 11,642, 
 650. Hartford Courant, March 16. 1779. 
 
 3. Hartford Courant, June 15, 1779. 
 
 4. Records of State of Connecticut, II, 360. 
 
.\a: \ oi tiic .liiu'iican Rci'ohtlion 371 
 
 of tlic Tones on Long Island, and the de- 
 mand for manufactured articles in Connect- 
 icut, naturally made good markets. Po- 
 litical law was in rivalry with economic law, 
 and proved, in large part, powerless. In 
 1778, 1779, and 1780, the Connecticut Gen- 
 eral Assembly passed a number of stringent 
 acts forbidding illicit commerce with the 
 enemy. Many patriot refugees had fled to 
 Connecticut from Long Lsland. Some of 
 these men would oljtain a license to return 
 to their former homes for their jDroperty, 
 and under its cover would engage in smug- 
 gling. To prevent this abuse, the General 
 Assembly in April, 1779, recalled the 
 power to issue licenses, which it had jirevi- 
 ously vested in the selectmen of towns. ^ 
 
 Since the trade had assumed alarming 
 prf)portions, the General Assembly, in May, 
 1780, authorized the Governor and Council 
 of Safety to commission not more than 
 twelve armed boats to supjiress the trade. ^ 
 In October, Colf)nel William Ledyard, who 
 was in command of the forts at New London 
 and Groton, was ordered to provide three 
 more whaleboats, besides the two wfiich he 
 already hadobtained, to be used in the Sound 
 against the smugglers; and the Commandant 
 of the French navy at Newport was asked to 
 send two vessels to aid in the work.^ These 
 
 1. Rc'cords of State of Connecticut, U. 222. 
 
 2. State Archives, Acts of Connecticut, 
 May. 17X0. 
 
 3. Ibid.. October. 178U. 
 
2;]2 Aaz'V o] the American Rci'olutioii 
 
 efforts of the state were in lar<io part unavail- 
 ing. Some of the boats commissioned to 
 stop the trade became participants in it. 
 "On consideration of the Many Evils com- 
 mitted by the armed Boats in this State 
 commissioned to cruise on their own acct. 
 for the pretended purpose of making _ cap- 
 tures on the enemy and preventing illicit 
 Trade and Traders," the General Assembly 
 on Januarv 23, 1781, revoked all the com- 
 missions which it had given to the armed 
 boats. 
 
 A more successful attempt to stamp out 
 the abuse was that made by Norwich, in 
 January, 1782. Certain associators agreed 
 to hold no social or commercial intercourse 
 with those persons detected in evading the 
 laws. They provided boats which kept 
 watch at suspected places; smuggled goods, 
 wherever found, were seized and sold, and 
 the proceeds were devoted to charitable 
 purposes.^ 
 
 I. History of Norwich, F. M, Caulkins, 398. 
 
CHAPTER XIII 
 
 THE NAVY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 The two olijccts of Ponnsylvania's naval 
 €ntcrj)risos were the dofenco of Phihidelj^hia 
 and the protection in Dehiware river and 
 bay of the outward and inward bound trade 
 of the state. These two needs determined 
 the form and size of her armed vessels and 
 the character of their operations. Pennsyl- 
 vania therefore adapted her fleet to shal- 
 low waters. Only in a few instances did 
 her arnu^d vessels pass beyond the Capes of 
 tiie Delaware into the Atlantic. 
 
 On July 5, 1775, the Pennsylvania Com- 
 mittee of Safety, the first Revolutionary 
 <'xecutive of this state, visited "Red Bank," 
 situated a few miles below Philadelphia, 
 near the mouth of the Schuylkill, for the pur- 
 pose of deciding on the character of the de- 
 fences which were to be made at this point 
 on the river. On the 6th, having returned 
 to Piiiladelphia, the Committee reported 
 the results of its inspection; whereupon it 
 came to its first naval resolution, that 
 RolxTt White and Owen Biddle be a 
 committee for the construction of boats and 
 
374 -Var'v of tlic American KLTolittioii 
 
 machines for the defence of the River.^ On 
 July 8 it ordered John Wharton to immedi- 
 ately builtl a "Boat or Calevat/' 47 or 50 
 feet keel, 13 feet broad, and 4 1-2 feet deep. 
 By October, thirteen such gallej's or armed 
 boats had been built, at a cost of about 
 £550 each. They were armed chiefly with 
 18-pounders.- Durin<i; the late summer and 
 the fall of 1775 the Committee of Safety at- 
 tended to the numerous details of officering, 
 manning, arming, and provisioning these 
 galleys. It chose a captain and lieutenant 
 for each of them; and on October 23 it ap- 
 pointed Thomas Read commodore of the 
 fleet. It organized a naval staff consisting 
 of a muster master, a pay master, a surgeon, 
 an assistant surgeon, a ship's husband, and 
 a victualer. The distinguished scholar, 
 Dr. Benjamin Rush, was made surgeon. 
 The Committee of Safety prepared a form 
 of commission for officers, a list of rules and 
 regulations, general instructions for the 
 captains, and general instructions for the 
 commodore.^ 
 
 The rules and regulations of the Pennsyl- 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, X, 
 Minutes of Committee of Safety, July 4, G, 8, 
 1775. 
 
 2. Pennsylvania Archives 2nd, I, 246; Wal- 
 lace's William Bradford, 203. 
 
 3. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, X, 
 Minutes of Committee of Safety, August 26, 
 September 1, October 2, 12, 16, 23, Novem- 
 ber 6, 1775. See also the Minutes of the Com- 
 mittee of Safety for each day of this period. 
 
.\i/:'v of the .lincricaii Rcriilulioii 375 
 
 vaiiin navy wcit coiu'cniccl with little else 
 than the establishing of a jienal code. All 
 penal offenses were to be tried by a court- 
 martial, which, in capital cases, was to con- 
 sist of fifteen naval officers; and in all other 
 cases, of five officers, unless so many could 
 not be assembled, when it might consist of 
 three. A majority of the court was suffi- 
 cient to convict, except in capital cases, 
 where two-thirds were necessary. In re- 
 turning a verdict, the officers of lowest rank 
 voted first. Except in cases of mutiny, or of 
 cowardice in time of action, all sentences of 
 death needed the approval of the General 
 Assembly, or, in its recess, of the Committee 
 of Safety. Besides the death penalty, a 
 court-martial could inflict no punishment 
 other than "degrading, cashiering, drum- 
 ming out of the fleet, whipping, not exceed- 
 ing thirty-nine lashes, fine, not exceeding 
 two months' pay, and imprisonment, not 
 exceeding one month." All fines were to 
 go to the relief of those maimed and dis- 
 abled in the service, or to the widows and 
 families of such as should be killed. These 
 rules, apparently, were not influenced by 
 those of the Continental navy j^repared Ijy 
 John Adams.^ 
 
 On November 7. 1775, the Committee of 
 Safety decided to ])uil(l a ship for the serv- 
 ice on the Delaware, which would mount 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, X, Min- 
 utes of Committee of Safety, August 2'J, 1775. 
 
37^^ A t/z'v uf the American Rcz'niuliun 
 
 twenty IS-pounders; and it appointed six 
 of its members, among whom were Robert 
 Morris and John Nixon, a committee to 
 build and arm the vessel. This committee 
 estimated that £9,000 would be necessary 
 to construct the ship. Later, owing to the 
 unfitness of the season for shij)building, 
 it was authorized to purchase a vessel.' By 
 April, 1776, it had obtained and equipped 
 the ship "Montgomery," and Thomas 
 Read had been given command of it. 
 A number of small and unimportant 
 craft were gradually added to the navy. 
 On December 28, 1775, Captain John 
 Hazelwood was appointed commander 
 of ten fire-rafts. These rafts were thirty- 
 five feet long and thirteen feet wide, were 
 loaded with oil barrels, rosin casks, turpen- 
 tine, brimstone, and various other inflam- 
 mables, and were designed to float down 
 stream and set fire to the enemy's ships 
 through direct contact.' An inventory of 
 the navy, dated August 1, 1776, shows the 
 following vessels and men: the ship "Mont- 
 gomery," 138 men; the floating battery 
 "Arnold," 82 men; thirteen galleys, 35 men 
 each; six guard boats, 12 men each; six 
 small vessels, including fire-ships, a total 
 of 27 men. The total number of officers, 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, X, 
 Minutes of Committee of Safety, November 7, 
 November 10, 1775. 
 
 2. Ibid., December 28, 1775; Pennsylvania 
 Archives, 2nd, I, 248, note. 
 
.\'c7rv ('/" ///(' .hncricaii Rcrohitioii yj" 
 
 seamen, and marines was 76S; the Pennsyl- 
 vania land forces at this time amounted to 
 1,365 men.' In August. 1776. the schooner 
 "Delaware" and the hriii; "Convention" 
 were added; and in the fall the "l^itnam" 
 floating battery. 
 
 I have found no mention of the uniform 
 of the officers of the Pennsylvania navy. 
 The uniform of the Pennsylvania marines 
 was "a brf)wn coat faced with green, letters 
 1. P. B. on the buttons, and a cocked hat." 
 In October, 1776, the flag for the naval ves- 
 sels had not been provided. The following 
 memorandum, taken from the miiuites of 
 the Peiuisylvania Navy Board of May 29, 
 1777, shows that flags had then been pro- 
 cured: "An Order on William Webb to 
 Elizabeth Ross, for fourteen pounds twelve 
 shillings and two pence, for Making Ships' 
 Colours etc."^ 
 
 The Committee of Safety was assisted 
 and directed in its naval work by committees 
 of its own members, of which the ])rincipal 
 ones are as follows: "ship committee," 
 
 1. Pennsylvania Archives, 1st, V, 3-5. The 
 names of the thirteen galleys were as follows: 
 "Bull Dog," "Burke," "Camden," "Chat- 
 ham," "Congress," "Dickinson," "Experi- 
 ment," " Effingham," " Franklin," " Hancock," 
 "Ranger," "Warren," and "Washington." 
 The "Delaware" and "Conv^ention " were at 
 times referred to as galleys. 
 
 2. Pennsylvania Archives, 1st, V, 46; 2nd, 
 I, Minutes of Pennsylvania Navy Board, May 
 29, 1777; 2nd, I, 251. 
 
3/8 A'arv of the Anicricaii Rcz'oliition 
 
 "armed l^oat committee/' "committee for 
 fitting out two of the armed boats," "com- 
 mittee for building two galleys for the Bay 
 Service," and "committee for fitting out 
 four guard boats to cruise at Cape May." 
 The Committee of Safety was composed of 
 twenty-five members, any seven of whom 
 formed a quonmi. licMijamin Franklin was 
 its first president. Robert Morris was for 
 a time its vice-president. In the absence 
 of Franklin, Morris or John Nixon often pre- 
 sided. On July 23, 1776, the Pennsylvania 
 Convention ai)i>ointed a Council of Safety 
 to succeed the Committee of Safety, a suc- 
 cession which involved merely a change of 
 personnel and of name. From July 24, 
 1776, until March 4, 1777, when the Supreme 
 Executive Council, the executive under the 
 first state constitution, assumed control, 
 the administration of the Pennsylvania 
 navy was vested in the Council of Safety. 
 
 Much difficulty was experienced by the 
 several Pennsylvania executives in finding 
 suitable conunodores for the fleet. The 
 office on October 23, 1775, first fell to Thom- 
 as Read. On January 13, 1776, Thomas 
 Caldwell was made commodore; and on 
 March 6, 1776, Read was formally placed 
 second in conunand. Failing in health, 
 Caldwell, on May 25, resigned, and on June 
 15 the Committee of Safety appointed Sam- 
 uel Davidson. This succession met with 
 serious and continued opposition on the 
 
A (fi'v ('/ llw American Kci'olution 379 
 
 part of tho oilicers of the navy. They de- 
 chircd that the appointment of Davidson 
 vioUited the rule of promotion according to 
 seniority in service; and they made vigorous 
 rem(»nstrances, Avhich received countenance 
 and snjiport from men of influence in Phila- 
 delpliia. So serious was tlie cUimor and in- 
 sul)or(Unation, that the Committee of Safety 
 was compelled to yi(>ld to the demands of a 
 resolution of the Provincial Conference of 
 Committees, and remove Davidson from the 
 command of all the vessels except the ship 
 "Montgomery" and the "Arnold" floating 
 battery. The Conmiittee, however, in an 
 "Address to the Inhabitants of Pennsyl- 
 vania," upheld the propriety and justice of 
 their appointment; and it declared that by 
 the sui)port which the dissatisfied officers 
 had received "mutiny was justified and 
 aV)etted and disobedience triumpheil over 
 Authority."^ 
 
 When the Council of Safety assumed con- 
 trol of the navy on July 24, 1776, it found 
 the si)irit of dissatisfaction and insubordi- 
 nation so strong among the naval officers 
 that it removed Davidson from the navy; 
 at the same time, however, it declared 
 that the charges made against him 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, X, 
 Minutes of Committee of Safety, July 2, 1776; 
 Proceedings of Provincial Conference of Com- 
 mittees of Pennsylvania, June 23, June 24, 
 1776. 
 
380 Xary of the .Ijiicricaii Rcvohiiion 
 
 were frivolous/ On September 2, 1776, 
 the Couneil of Safety gave Samuel Mifflin 
 an opportunity to decline the office of 
 commodore. Thomas Seymour was named 
 for the place on September 26, 1776. 
 Early in 1777 Captain John Hazelwood, 
 "Commander-in-Chief of the Fire Vessels, 
 Boats and Rafts belonging to the State," 
 objected to being subject to the orders of 
 Commodore Seymour, who was an old man, 
 infirm, and incapacitated for his ])osition. 
 On September 6, 1777, when Philadelphia 
 was threatened })y the British, Seymour was 
 discharged, and Hazelwood was appointed 
 in his place. ^ Hazelwood was the sixth 
 commodore within less than two years. 
 
 The Committee of Safety and the Council 
 of Safety passed a mimber of resolutions fix- 
 ing the naval pay. For a time the officers 
 on board the ship "Montgomery" and the 
 two floating batteries were generally paid 
 larger wages than those on board the galleys. 
 On February 22, 1777, the Council of Safety 
 adopted a new pay-table, which gave the 
 same salary to officers of the same rank, on 
 whatever vessel employed. The monthly 
 wages of the leading officers were as follows : 
 commodore, $75; captains, $48; first lieu- 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, X, 
 Minutes of Council of Safety, August 22, Aug- 
 ust 27, 1770. 
 
 2. Ibid., XT, Minutes of Supreme Executive 
 Council, September 6, 1777. 
 
-\i/r\' ('/ ///(• . Inicricaii Rci'dutio)! 381 
 
 K'liaiits. Sol); .siToiul lirutc'iiaiits, S2U; and 
 surgoons, $48. Seamen were paid $12 a 
 month. A bounty of $12 was now given to 
 recruits.' On June 25, 1777, the salary of 
 the commodore was raised to $125 a month.- 
 On February 4, 1776, the Committee of 
 Safety gave captors two-thirds of the pro- 
 ceeds of the prizes taken on the Delaware 
 river, and reserved the remaining one-third 
 for the maintenance of disabled sailors and 
 the widows and families of those who should 
 be killed. 3 
 
 Recognizing the navy's n(>ed of a }K>rnia- 
 nent body of administrators, the Council of 
 Safety on February 13, 1777, appointed a 
 Navy Board of six members who were auth- 
 orized to take under their care all the ves- 
 sels of the navy. On February 19 four 
 additional members were added. ^ On 
 March 13. 1777, the Suj^reme Executive 
 Council, which on March 4 hatl become the 
 executive of the state, reconstituted the 
 naval board. It was now to consist of 
 eleven mendo(>rs, any three of whom formed 
 a fiuorum. It was given "full ])ower and 
 authority to do and perform all Matters and 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, XI, 
 Minutes of Council of Safety, February 22, 1777. 
 
 2. IVjid., Minutes of Supreme fe.xecutive 
 Council, June 2."), 1777. 
 
 .3. Ibi<l.,X, Minutes of Committee of Safety, 
 February 4, 177G. 
 
 4. Iliid., XI, Minutes of Council of Safety, 
 February 13, February 19, 1777. 
 
382 Xaz'x uj the .liiicricaii Rcz'oliitidii 
 
 things Relating to the Navy of this State, 
 subject nevertheless to the directions and 
 examinations of the Council, from time to 
 time, as we may judge expedient, and sav- 
 ing to ourselves always the j^ower of ap- 
 pointing officers." William Bradford and 
 Josejih Blewer, who each served for a time 
 as chairman of the Board, were its most use- 
 ful nieml)(n-s. On the same day, March 13, 
 the Supreme Executive Council constituted 
 a Board of War/ 
 
 The work of the Navy Board consisted of 
 a great variety of details relating to provis- 
 ioning, arming, equipping, officering, and 
 manning the numerous craft of the navy. 
 Soon after entering into office it reported to 
 the Council that it found the armed boats 
 needing i-epairs and alterations, and that 
 owing to the better wages paid to theseamen 
 on board privateers there was a shameful 
 deficiency in the armed boats' complement 
 of men. Th(^ Board recommended the lay- 
 ing of an embargo to prevent the sailing of 
 private ships mitil the navy should b(> re- 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, XI, 
 Minutes of Supreme Executive Council, 
 March 13, 1777. The members of the Navy 
 Board as constituted by the Supreme Ex- 
 ecutive Council were as follows: Andrew 
 Caldwell, Joseph Blewer, Joseph Marsh, 
 Emanuel Eyre, Robert Ritchie, Paul Cox, 
 Samuel Massey, William Bradford, Thomas 
 Fitzsimmons, Samuel Morris, jr., and Thomas 
 Barclay. 
 
.'\c;:'\' ('/' the .liiicrican Rcz'i'liilioii 383 
 
 ciuiucl. It found that additional olliccrs 
 \vi>ro needed.' The Council immediately or- 
 dered the Board to aj^point the requisite 
 nunil)er of warrant officers and to recom- 
 mend j^rojKn' commissiontHl ofhcers. 
 
 During 1777 the naval business of Penn- 
 sylvania was large and complicatcMl. A 
 list of stores issued to the navy for one 
 month during the year contains the names 
 of fifty-one vessels. Many of these are minor 
 and unimportant craft, such as half-gal- 
 leys, fire-shijis, and accommodation sloops. 
 A rctiu-n of the Naval Department on Feb- 
 ruary 1, 1777, shows 71 conmiissioned offic- 
 ers, 2 staff officers, 123 non-commissioned 
 officers, and 513 privates; total officers and 
 men in the navy, 709. Many men who 
 enlisted in the navy had little or no experi- 
 ence at sea. The amount of the pay rolls for 
 May, 1777, was £'6,32o.- 
 
 The salient event in the history of the 
 Pennsylvania navy was the campaign on 
 the Delaware river which followed the occu- 
 ]iation of Philadelphia by the British in 
 Sei)temb('r, 1777. Before this time the 
 navy had rendered miscellan(H)us services 
 on the Delaware river and bay, which had 
 been useful though nf)t at all brilliant. Now 
 
 1. Captains Nicholas Biddle, Thomas Read 
 and Charles Alexander, and Lieutenant James 
 Josiah resigned from the Pennsylvania navy 
 to enter the Continental navy. 
 
 2. Pennsvlvania Archives, Und, I, 41G-24. 
 
3^4 A<';^'.V of the .liiicricaii Kcvoliitioii 
 
 and then some of the vessels were ordered 
 down the river to protect incoming and out- 
 going merchantmen, or to drive back the 
 venturesome craft of the enemy. On May 
 8, 177G, the galleys had a spirited engage- 
 ment with the " Roebuck," 44, and the '' J.iv- 
 erpool," 28, in the Delaware river near the 
 mouth of Christiana Creek. Little injury 
 was done on either side. The British ves- 
 sels returned to the Delaware Capes, and the 
 Americans returned to their station at Mud 
 Island, which was generally the headquar- 
 ters for the state fleet. 
 
 The reader is familiar with the military 
 movements of Howe during the summer and 
 fall of 1777; his irretrievable blunder in sail- 
 ing from New York for Philadelphia, instead 
 of cooperating with Burgo3'ne in the cam- 
 paign on the Hudson; his landing with an 
 army at the head of Elk in Maryland late in 
 August; his march to Philadelphia; and 
 after fighting the battle of Brandywine, his 
 entry into that city late in September. Upon 
 occupying Philaclelphia the British were 
 forced to open a comnuuiication with the 
 sea. This was for the time being prevented 
 by the American defences at Mud Island 
 aiid Red Bank just below the mouth of the 
 Schuylkill. Here were situated Forts Mer- 
 cer and Mifflin; and here were stationed the 
 vessels of the Pennsylvania and Continental 
 navy under the connnantl of Commodore 
 Hazelwood. During October and Xovem- 
 
.\^!:■\■^>| llic . 1 mcriciiii Rrri'lulioii 385 
 
 bcr, 1777. the Pennsylvania navy did its 
 best fighting and rendered its most valuable 
 services. At this time the Pennsylvania 
 Navy Board made its headquarters near tiic 
 fleet on board the sloop ".Sj^eedwcU." 
 
 On October 22 and 23, when the British 
 fleet below the American defences on the 
 Delaware attempted to pass them, Commo- 
 dore Hazelwood with two floating batteries 
 and twelve galleys forced them to retire, and 
 succeeded in burning two of their vessels, 
 the ''Augusta," 64, and "Merlin," IS, which 
 ran aground. Congress voted Hazelwood 
 an elegant sword in recognition of his merit. 
 On the fall of Forts jNIifflin and Mercer the 
 American fleet was left without support. At 
 a council of war held on board the sloop 
 "Speedwell "on November 19, it was decid- 
 ed to pass Philadel])hia with the fleet in the 
 night and gain a point of safety to the north- 
 ward of the city. Thirteen galleys, twelve 
 armed Ijoats, the brig "Convention," and a 
 nmiiber of minor craft ])assed the city witii- 
 (>ut receiving a shot. Before the ship 
 " Montgomery," schooner " Delaware," float- 
 ing Ijatteries "Arnold" and "Putnam," 
 and several Continental vessels could get 
 under sail, the wind died away; and thus 
 Ijecalmed it was found necessary to set fire to 
 them in order to prevent their capture.* 
 
 1. Wallace's William Bradford, 2."i2-.5.'!, 
 3fiG-C7; Pennsylvania Archives, 1st, VI, 21, 
 47-50. 
 
386 iVacT of the .lincricait Rci'olutioii 
 
 On October 11, 1777, Commodore Hazel- 
 wood reported a capture of fifty-eight pris- 
 oners. About seventy men were killed or 
 wounded in the different actions of the navy 
 in the fall of 1777. Hazelwood wrote in 
 October, 1777, that he had lost two hundred 
 and fifty men through desertion owing to 
 their cowardice and disaffection; and in 
 February, 1778, that a great man}^ men had 
 nm away since he had been in winter quar- 
 ters. * 
 
 Several cases of the desertion of conmiis- 
 sioned ofhcers which took place during the 
 cami:»aign on the Delaware, were tried by 
 courts-martial during the summer of 1778. 
 First Lieutenant vSamuel Lyon of the " Dick- 
 inson " galley was charged with deserting his 
 vessel and goingover to the enemy with seven 
 men. Lyon pleaded guilty to the charge, 
 and a court of fifteen fellow officers sen- 
 tenced him "to suffer Deathby being Shott." 
 On September 1 Lyon, together witli Samuel 
 Ford, a lieutenant lately attaclu>d to the 
 "Effingham" galley who also had been con- 
 victed of desertion, were executed on one 
 of the guard boats in the Delaware. The 
 first conviction for a capital crime in the 
 Pennsylvania navy is said to have been 
 made in the case of the boatswain of the 
 " Montgomery," who was sentenced to death 
 for desertion on June 25, 177S. On the trial 
 
 1. I'ennsvlvania Archives, 1st, V, 003,721; 
 VI, 235; Vli, 105. 
 
\av\' of the .liiicricaii Rcz'olutioii t^^^j 
 
 of John LawrcntH' for ik'sortion, a gunner on 
 board the "Dickinson" galley, the accused 
 acknowledged that he "took the Oath of 
 Allegiance to the King of Great Britain, and 
 received three and a half Guineas for his 
 share of the Boat and Arms," which he as- 
 sisted in carrying to the enc^my. The court 
 sentenced him to "suffer Death by being 
 hung with a Rope around his Neck till he is 
 Dead. Dead, Dead." Lawrence together 
 with the lieutenant of the galley "Ranger" 
 were reprieved on September 1, 1778.^ These 
 desertions from the Pennsylvania navy arc 
 but one instance of many which prove that 
 it was without esprit de corps, and that its 
 officers and men were often raw, undisci- 
 plined, and insubordinate. Used to a free 
 and easy life, they did not take kindly to the 
 routine and discipline of the naval service. 
 During the winter of 1777-1 778 when the 
 British were in I'hiladclphia, the navy and 
 Navy Board were some miles up the Dela- 
 ware. A few members of the Board con- 
 tinued to hold its sessions at Bordentown, 
 Trenton, or other convenient points. The 
 navy was disorganized at this time, and the 
 work of the Board was naturally dull and 
 disheartening. In Jaiuiary, 1778, William 
 Bradford, its chairman, wrote from Trenton 
 to President Wharton of the Supreme Ex- 
 ecutive Council : " 1 am left here alone, none 
 
 1. Pennsylvania Archives, 2nd, I, 42.")-31. 
 
388 Xaz'x of the Aincyican Revolution 
 
 of the lioard bciii.t^ with mo. I am also 
 tired of bcins lid'^N li^<^l mucli rather be in 
 action with the Mihtia."^ 
 
 In April, 1778, the Navy Board, actino; 
 reluctantly on Washington's advice who 
 feared that the British would make a raid 
 and capture the fleet, dismantled and sank 
 all or nearly all of the state craft in the 
 Delaware river.^ On ]\Iay 8 the British 
 made their expected foray on the shippmg 
 to the northward of Philadelphia, and de- 
 stroyed some forty-five vessels, amono- which 
 were the two Continental frigates, "Effing- 
 ham" and "Washington," and probably a 
 few of the minor craft belongingto the Penn- 
 sylvania navv.^ 
 
 As soon as the British received intelligence 
 of the sailing of a French fleet under D'Est- 
 aing for America, they prepared to evacuate 
 Philadelphia. In anticipation of this event 
 Hazel wood was in June raising and refitting 
 his fleet, and wishing that he hail it in his 
 "power to give the enemy a scouring before 
 they got out of the river." On July 19 he 
 reported his vessels afloat and ready for use. 
 Already the Supreme Executive Council had 
 ordered the navy to be put into commission, 
 and the brig "Convention" to make a cruise 
 down the Bav. 
 
 The Pennsylvania navy had cost the state 
 
 1 Pennsylvania Archives, 1st, VI, 204. 
 
 2. Ibid., 332-83. 
 
 3. Almon's Remembrancer, 1778, 148-o0. 
 
at (he rate of £100,000 a year.' It had been 
 serviceable in tlefendinii; the Delaware, but 
 it had in the end failed to hold it. Always 
 hampered by a lack of seamen, of naval sup- 
 plies, and of an armed force comparable to 
 that of the enemy, the Navy lioard found 
 the greatest difhculty in enforcing the orders 
 of the Council. It was naturallj^ blamed 
 for a part of the inactivity and the misfor- 
 tunes of the fleet. Since the British had 
 abandoned Philadelphia, and a strong 
 French fleet was in American waters, the 
 need for a naval def(>ncc of the Delaware 
 seemed more remote than it did in tlie first 
 years of the Kevolution. These considera- 
 tions moved the iSu]ireme Executive Coun- 
 cil on August 14, 1778, to recommend to the 
 General Assembly the dismissal of the Navy 
 Board, and all the officers and men of the 
 navy, except those that were necessary toman 
 two or three galleys, two or three giiard l)oats, 
 and the brig "Convention." The General 
 AssemV)ly at once agreed to the recommend- 
 ation. Finally, on Friday, December 11, 
 the following vessels were sold at the "Cof- 
 fee House" in Philadelphia: "Ten galleys. 
 Nine armed Boats, the Brig 'Convention,' 
 the sloops 'Speedwell,' 'Sally/ 'Industry,' 
 and 'Black Duck;' and the schooner 
 •Lvdia."-- 
 
 1. Scharf and Westcott, History of Phila- 
 delphia, I, 300. 
 
 2. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, XI, 
 
30O Xa:\ of the .iincrican Rci'oluiion 
 
 In March, 1779, there remained in the 
 navy six small craft, namely, the galleys 
 "Franklin," "Hancock," and "Chatham," 
 and the armed boats, "Lion," "Fame" and 
 "Viper;" and there were still in commission 
 five captains, six lieutenants, and one hun- 
 dred and eighteen men.^ This little fleet 
 was quite insufficient to protect the com- 
 merce of the state. In March, 1779, the 
 Supreme I^Lxecutive Council, in response to 
 a petition from the merchants of Philadelphia 
 praying for the protection of their trade, 
 purchased the ship "General Greene," at a 
 cost of £53,()()0; and placed it in charge of 
 two agents, who were to fitit for sea, and re- 
 ceive and dispose of its prizes. Part of the 
 money which was used in fitting the "Gen- 
 eral Greene," 14, was raised by pi-ivate sub- 
 scription. During the summer and fall of 
 1779 the new shi]), under the command of 
 Captain James Montgomery, cruised along 
 the Atlantic coast between Sandy Hook and 
 the Virginia Capes either alone, in company 
 with the Continental frigates, "Boston," 
 "Deane," and Confederacy." or in company 
 with the well-known Philadelphia privateer, 
 
 Minutes of Supreme Executive Council, Au- 
 gust 14, August 16, December 9, 1778. The 
 capture of the sloop "Active" by the "Con- 
 vention" in the fall of 1778, gave rise to the 
 most celebrated prize case of the Revolution. 
 — Jameson, Essavs in Constitutional History 
 of United States, 'l7-21. 
 
 1. Pennsylvania Archives, 2nd, I, 255. 
 
.\ (.!:■}■ Of llu- . I iJirricaii l\i-r(>!iiti()ii t,()1 
 
 " Ilolkri'."" The '■(iciicral (Irceiu'" was 
 (luite fortunate, as she sent into Pliiladel- 
 ])hia six prizes. In the s])rin<^ before a full 
 complement of men could be enlisted, Presi- 
 dent Reed of the Supreme Executive Coun- 
 cil was compelled to lay an embargo on 
 privateers. Her crew were a mutinous rab- 
 ble. In June Captain Montgomery wrote 
 that he had arrived at New Castle with a 
 " CIreat number of Prisoners on board and a 
 (ireat Part of my own Crew Such Villous 
 that they would be glad of an opportunity 
 to take the Ship from i\w. Somof the Ring- 
 leaders I have sent up in Irons." On Oc- 
 tober 27 the Council ordered the "General 
 Greene" to be sold, as this was more econ- 
 omical than laying her up for the winter. 
 Her sale, much below her real value, arous- 
 ed suspicions of collusion and corrui)tion.* 
 
 Naval legislation in Pennsylvania was not 
 extensive. In 1775, 1776, and 1777 almost 
 all naval rules and provisions were estab- 
 lished liy executive decrees. Before the 
 middle of .January, 1776, the Committee of 
 Safety had established courts for the trying 
 of prize cases. ^ It permitted appeals from 
 the state prize courts to Congress. On Sep- 
 tember 9, 1778, however, the General As- 
 
 1. Pennsylvania Archives, 1st, VII, 320, 
 47(); Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, XI, 
 724. 750; XII, 1.50; Scharf and Westcott, His- 
 tory of Philadelphia, I, 40,1. 
 
 2. J. F. Jameson, Essays in Constitutional 
 History of United States, '.). 
 
392 A'(/T'v of I he jluwricau Rcvolniion 
 
 sembly established a Court of Admiralty. A 
 law passed in 1780 provided that a judge of 
 admiralty should be appointed and com- 
 missioned for seven years by the Supreme 
 Executive Council.' On September 17, 
 
 1777, an act was passed for the relief of of- 
 ficers, seamen and marines, who, being in 
 the service of the United States and resi- 
 dents of Pennsylvania, should be disabled 
 from earning a livelihood. In all probability 
 this was passed in accordance with the rec- 
 ommendations of the Continental Congress 
 of August 26, 1776. On March 1, 1780, the 
 General Assembly granted officers, seamen, 
 and marines in the Pennsylvania navy, who 
 were in actual service on March 13, 1779, 
 and who should continue therein luitil the 
 end of the war, half-pa}^ for life.- 
 
 It is believed that Pennsylvania did not 
 establish state privateering. Her execu- 
 tives in commissioning privateers in all 
 probability followed the regulations of Con- 
 gress. The Pennsylvania Archives contain 
 a list of 448 privateering commissions issued 
 for the years from 1776 to 1782. Most of the 
 privateers were small vessels, mounting six 
 to twelve cannon, and carrying twenty-five 
 to fifty men. Out of the 448 commissions, 
 only 14 commissions were for vessels movmt- 
 ing twenty or more guns. In 1779 Penn- 
 
 1. Laws of Pennsylvania, September 9, 
 
 1778, March 8, 1780. 
 
 2. Ibid., September 17, 1777; March 1, 
 1780. 
 
.\(/f\' of tJic .hiicricaii Rcvolitlioii 393 
 
 syl\:iii!a issiunl conmiissions for one huii- 
 dnnl diffeiviit veysels.^ 
 
 The spring of 1782 Avas marked l)y a re- 
 newal in naval enterprise similar to that in 
 the spring of 1779. Armed ships, refugee 
 boats, and picaroon privateers fitted out at 
 New York, had been greatly distressing the 
 ship])ing and trade of Philadelphia, ^^'i^hin 
 eight months the Britisii frigate "Medea" 
 hail taken nine Philade]])hia privateers; the 
 whale-boat "Trimmer" from New York had 
 been very destructive to the shii)ping on the 
 Delaware; and the British naval shi]) "(Jen- 
 eral Monk," formerly the American priva- 
 teer "Washington," was inflicting serious 
 losses on Pennsylvania's commerce.^ The 
 merchants and traders of Philadelj)hia now 
 appealed by petition to the General Assem- 
 bly for protection. Accordingly, on A])ril 
 9, that l)ody appointed three commissioners 
 to i)rocure and eciuip a naval armament for 
 t he defence of Delaware river and bay. The 
 commissioners were authorized to borrow 
 £50,000, which was to be repaid from certain 
 old tonnage and impost duties, and from a 
 new impost on certain specified articles. 
 The act also provided for a distribution of 
 the proceeds of prizes. This-" act is signifi- 
 cant in its being the first instance where the 
 General Assembly authorized a naval in- 
 crease and appointetl a committee to take 
 
 rr I'ennsylvania Archives, 2nd, I, 388-402. 
 
 2. Scharf and Westcott, History of Phila- 
 delphia, I, 121-22. 
 
394 -V(/r'_v of the .liiicrican Kcz'olutiuii 
 
 charge of naval vessels. It met with con- 
 siderable disfavor. The Supreme Executive 
 Council informed the General Assembly that 
 it considered the appointment of commis- 
 sioners and the conferring upon them of full 
 administrative powers unconstitutional and 
 an encroachment of the legislative on the 
 administrative body.* 
 
 Antici])ating the act of the legislature, the 
 merchants of Philadelphia had fitted out 
 the ship "Plyder Ally," IS, and had ap- 
 pointed Lieutenant Joshua Barney of the 
 Continental navy to command her. Pro- 
 ceeding down the Bay, Barney on April 8 
 made his memorable capture of the "Gen- 
 eral Monk," 18, Captain Josias Rogers. Both 
 the "Hyder Ally" and the "General Moidv" 
 were now taken into th(^ service of the state. 
 The "General Monk," which was renamed 
 the "Washington," was in May, 1782, 
 loaned to Robert Morris, the Continental 
 Agent of ]\Iarine, who sent her on a commer- 
 cial errand to the West Indies. On the return 
 of the "Washington." Morris purchased 
 her for the service of Congress. The " Hyder 
 Ally" under differont commanders cruised 
 for the rest of the year with little suc- 
 cess. In December the commissioners ob- 
 
 1. Laws of Pennsylvania, April 9, April 15, 
 1782; Mary Barney, Memoirs of Commodore 
 Barney, 303-04. Pennsylvania Archives, 1st, 
 IX, 531-32. The three Commissioners were 
 John Patton, Francis Gurncy, and William 
 AUibone,. 
 
Ai/rv ('/ ///(' .lircricait I\c:'()luti()it j^()5 
 
 tainod jicrniissioii fnuii llio SupnMiu' I^xcc- 
 ulive Council to sell lier, and build a vessel 
 of more suitable construction for the defence 
 of the Delaware, for which purpose they 
 were already eciuippinp; an armed schooner. 
 When the " Hyiler Ally " was offered for sale, 
 the commissioners bid her in for the state, 
 as the bidders refused to give her full value. ^ 
 The establishment ofofKcers and seanu^n 
 on board the "Hyder Ally" and the ''Wash- 
 ington" was a new one. On February 13, 
 1781, the officers and seamen of the first 
 establishment were all discharged, except 
 Captain Boys and certain disabled seamen; 
 and on December 20 Boys was dismissed, 
 since theservicein which he was engaged was 
 at an end.^ W'hen peace was declared in 
 the spring of 1783, a few men were prob- 
 ably in naval employ under the new estab- 
 lishment. That the state still owned a few 
 small vessels is certain. On Aj^ril 10, 1783, 
 the Supreme Executive Council endorsed a 
 letter from the commissioners saying "that 
 as no doubt appears to remain tiuit Hostili- 
 ties are ceased, we conceive it our Duty to 
 recjuest your permission to dispose of the 
 Armed vessels under our direction belonging 
 to the State, in order to enaV)le us to close 
 our accounts with the Public."^ 
 
 1. Colonial Records of Pennsylvania, XIII, 
 Minutes of Supreme Executive Council, De- 
 cember 0, 17S2. 
 
 2. Pennsylvania Archives, 2nd, I, 250. 
 
 3. Ibid., '1st. X, 20. 
 
' CHAPTER XIV 
 
 THE NAVY OF VIRGINIA 
 
 In July, 1775, ^'irgiIlia began to raise and 
 officer an army of more than one thousand 
 men. By fall Lord Dunmore, the Provin- 
 cial Governor of Virginia, who in June had 
 retreated to His ^Majesty's ship "Fowey" at 
 Yorktown, had collected a small flotilla, 
 and had begun a series of desultory attacks 
 upon the river banks of A'irginia. On Octo- 
 hcv 25 he was repulsed at Hamjiton ; on De- 
 cember 9 he was beaten by the Virginia pa- 
 triots at Great Ridge; and on January 1 he 
 burned Norfolk. His movements excited 
 so much alarm that the leading patriot fam- 
 ilies on the James, York, Rappahannock, 
 and Potomac rivers retreated inland for 
 safety. In order to prevent the depreda- 
 tions of Lord Dunmore, and to provide ef- 
 fectually for the general defence of the state, 
 the Virginia Provincial Convention in De- 
 cember authorized the Committee of Safety 
 of the state "to provide from time to time 
 such and so many armed vessels as they 
 may judge necessary for the protection of 
 the several rivers in this colony, in the best 
 
.\(;:'\' ('/ the .liiicricaii Rcz'olutioii 397 
 
 iiianiRT the fircuinstanccs of the country 
 will admit." The Committee of Safety was 
 further directed to raise a sufficient number 
 of officers, sailors, and marines; and settle 
 their pay, which was not to exceed certain 
 specified rat(^s. Th(^ maximum wage 
 of "the chief connnauder of the whole as 
 commodore" was fixed at fifteen shillings a 
 day.i 
 
 Between December, 1775, and July, 1776, 
 the Committee of .Safety procured and es- 
 tablished a small navy. On April 1 it fixed 
 the naval pay, generally at the maxinnun 
 rates permitted. Captains in the navy 
 were to receive a daily wage of 8s.; captains 
 of marines. 6s.; midshi])men, 3s.; mariiK>s, 
 Is., 6d. The Committee resolved that two 
 years ought to be a maximum period of serv- 
 ice. It appointed a number of the most 
 prominent officers in the Virginia navy, 
 among whom were Captains James Barron, 
 Richard Barron, Richard Taylor, Thomas 
 Lilly, and Edward Travis. It fixed the rel- 
 ative rank between army and navy oflicers. 
 It jjurchased the boats "Libert v" and "Pa- 
 triot," the brigs "Li1)erty" and "Adven- 
 ture," and the schooner "Adventure." It 
 contracted for the construction of a num- 
 ber of galleys on the different rivers of the 
 state.- 
 
 1. Hcninp, Statutes of Virji;inia, IX, 83. 
 
 2. Calendar of Virj:jinia State Papers, VIII, 
 75-240, Journal of Committee of Safety of 
 
398 Xiwy of the American Revolution 
 
 Gcoroe !\Ias()ii and John Dalton were ap- 
 pointed a coninntteo to biiikl two row-gal- 
 leys, and buy three cutters for the defence of 
 the Potomac. In Aprils 1776, Mason wrote 
 that the galleys were well under way, and 
 that three small vessels had been purchased, 
 of which the largest was a fine stout craft of 
 about 110 tons burden, mounting fourteen 
 8's and 4's, carrying ninety-six men, and 
 named the "American Congress." A com- 
 pany of marines for this vessel, he said, 
 w'erc being ex(M-cised in the use of the great 
 guns.^ The Connnittee of Safety chose a 
 "Lieutenant of Marines in the Potomac river 
 Department." 
 
 The Provincial Convention of Virginia, 
 which met at Williamsburg on May 6, 1776, 
 being convinced that the naval prepara- 
 tions would be conducted more expedi- 
 tiously and successfully if proper persons 
 were appointed to superintend and di- 
 rect the same, chose a Board of Naval Com- 
 missioners, consisting of five persons." The 
 
 Virginia, February 7 to July 5, 177G. Vir- 
 ginia had a class of vessels which she referred 
 to as "armed boats." They were smart craft, 
 and appear to have been schooner-rigged. 
 
 1. Miss Rowland's George Mason, I, 214, 
 218. 
 
 2. Hening, Statutes of Virginia, IX, 149-51. 
 The Provincial Convention which met May 
 G, 1776, adopted a Constitution which provided 
 for a Legislature of two houses, and an Execu- 
 tive consisting of a Governor and a Privy 
 Council of eight members. 
 
.\'(/rv iif the .liiicrlcaii Revolution 399 
 
 Jjoanl wa.s aulliorizcMl lo appoint a clerk 
 ami assistants, and to cloct from their mem- 
 bership a First Commissioner of the Navy — 
 the title of a well-known ofhcer in the Eng- 
 lish naval service. No member of the 
 I^oard could sit in tlie letiislature or hold a 
 military ofhce. Each Commissioner was to 
 receive twenty shillings a day, when em- 
 ployed. On the depreciation of the cur- 
 rency this was doubled.^ A majority of the 
 Board constituted a quorum. Thomas 
 \Miiting served as First Commissioner of 
 the Board throughout its existence. 
 
 In general, the Inisiness of the Navy 
 Board was "to superintend and direct all 
 matters and things to tlie navy relating." 
 It had charge of the building, purchase, fit- 
 ting, arming, provisioning, and repairing of 
 all armed vessels and transports. It had 
 charge of the shipyards and the public rope- 
 walk. In case of vacancies in the navy or 
 marines it recommended oflicers to the Gov- 
 ernor and Council. It could suspend an of- 
 ficer for neglect of duty or for misbehavior. 
 It was to keep itself informed on the state 
 of the navy through reports from the na- 
 val officers. It was authorized to draw 
 warrants on the treasiny for money ex- 
 pended in the naval department, and to 
 audit the naval accounts. 
 
 The Navv Board had chart^c of naval af- 
 
 1. Hening, Statutesof Virginia. IX, 521-22' 
 Octobe/ session of General Assembly in 1778' 
 
400 Aaz'v of the American Rcvoliiiioii 
 
 fairs in Virginia for tliree years, from the 
 summer of 1776 until the summer of 1779. 
 During 1776 and 1777 vessels were built on 
 the Eastern Shore of Virginia, on the Po- 
 tomac, Raijpahannock, l\Iattapony, Chick- 
 ahominy, and James rivers, and at Ports- 
 mouth, Gos])ort, and South Quay. After 
 1777 vessels were chiefly built at the Chick- 
 ahominy and Gosport shipyards. Xo other 
 state owned so much land, property, and 
 manufactories, devoted to naval purposes, 
 as Virginia. In April, 1777, the Navy 
 Board purchased 115 acres of land, for £595, 
 on the Chickahominy, twelve miles from its 
 confluence with the James. ^ On this site 
 was located the Chickahominy shipyartl. 
 Virginia's ships found here a safer retreat 
 than at Gosport, which lay convenient for 
 the enemy's ships. It is said that before 
 the Revolution the British had established 
 a marine yard at Gosport, and named it for 
 Gosport, England, where many supplies for 
 the Royal Navy were manufactured. In 
 some way Virginia came into ]3ossession of 
 the shipyard at this place.- Two ships were 
 built for the defence of Ocracoke Inlet, the 
 chief entrance to Albemarle Sound, at 
 South Quay, on the Blackwater, a few miles 
 north of the North Carolina line. 
 
 1. Southern Literary Messenger, 1857, 14. 
 The references to this magazine refer to a series 
 of valuable articles entitled "The Virginia 
 Navy of the Revolution." 
 
 2/ E. P. Lull, History of U. S. Navy Yard, 
 
.\(/:v of the .liiicriiaii Rci'oliitioii 401 
 
 At Warwick, ou 'he James, a few miles 
 bt'low Riehmoiul, the state liuilt and op- 
 erated a rope-walk. The state owikmI a 
 manufactory of sail-chick and a foundry. 
 In July, 1776, four naval maijazines were 
 established, one each for the James, York, 
 Kai)pahannock, and Potomac rivers. For 
 each nuigazine one or two agents were ap- 
 pointed to collect and issue provisions, 
 ships' supplies, and naval stores.^ For the 
 location of the magazine on the Potomac 
 the General Assembly authorized the Navy 
 Board to purchase an acre of land at the 
 head of "Potomack Creek. "^ In January, 
 1777, the Navy Board appointed James 
 Maxwell, Naval Agent, to su])erintend the 
 shipyards, and the building, rigging, equip- 
 ])ing, and repairing of the naval vessels. Ke 
 was to follow the instructions of the Board, 
 and keep it informed on the state of the 
 navy.^ Maxwell's annual salary was £300, 
 payable quarterly. He lived at the Chick- 
 alioniiny shipyard. 
 
 \'irginia had a naval staff consisting of 
 pay masters, muster masters, surgeons, and 
 chaplains. The captains and recruiting of- 
 
 at Gosport, Virginia, 8-11; Hening, Statutes 
 of Virginia, XI, 407. 
 
 1. Journals of Virginia Navy Board, Vir- 
 ginia State Archives, June 2r>, June 20, 177(). 
 
 2. Hening, Statutes of Virginia, IX, 2.35- 
 30. 
 
 'A. Journals of Virginia Navy Board, Janu- 
 ary 7, 1777. 
 
402 Xai'x of the yhncrican Rcz-ohitioii 
 
 ficers enlisted seamen. Their task was ren- 
 dered difficult, not so much because of 
 the superior attractions of privateering, as 
 in New England, as because of the small 
 number of seamen resident in the state. 
 The first commodore of the Virginia navy 
 was John Henry l^oucher. He was serving 
 as lieutenant in the Maryland navy, when, 
 in March, 1776, Virginia called him to the 
 command of her Potomac fleet, and soon 
 promoted him to the head of her navy.* He 
 served as commodore for only a few months, 
 resigning in November, 1776. Walter 
 Brooke was commodore from April, 1777, 
 until September, 1778. Brooke's successor, 
 James Barron, was not appointed until 
 July, 1780; he served until the end of the 
 w^ar. The commodore of the navy made 
 his headquarters regularly at or about 
 Hampton, and superintended the armed 
 vessels in that part of the state.^ 
 
 In Virginia, as in the other states and in 
 the Continental Congress, naval enthusiasm 
 and interest was at its height in 1776. In 
 the fall the Navv Board contracted for the 
 buildicig of twenty-four small transports.' 
 The General Assembly in its October ses- 
 sion authorized the Navy Board to con- 
 
 L Maryland Archives. XI, 293-94. 
 
 2. Journals of Virginia Navy Board; State 
 Navy Papers, I ; Southern Literary Messenger, 
 1S57, 3. , ^ 
 
 3. Journal of Virginia Navy Board, Sep- 
 tember, October, 1776. 
 
Xai'y of the American Rci'olittion 403 
 
 struct two l'ri<i;ates of thirty-two puns each, 
 and four large galleys, adapted "for river 
 or sea service." For manning these galleys 
 and those already building, the Xavy Board 
 was empowered to raise thirteen hundred 
 men, exclusive of oflicers, to serve three 
 years from March 3, 1777. It was to rec- 
 ommend proper officers to the Governor and 
 Council. Having been commissioned by 
 the Governor, the officers were to enlist the 
 crews for their respective galleys. Since to 
 secure a sufficient nimiber of experienced 
 seamen would be impossible, it M'as provided 
 that each crew should consist of three classes 
 of men : able seamen, at a daily wage of 3s. ; 
 ortlinary seamen, at 2s.; and common lands- 
 men, at Is., 6d. As the men in the second 
 and third classes became proficient, they 
 ^^•ere to be promoted. Every recruit w'as 
 given a bounty of S20.^ 
 
 The Provincial Convention, in its Decem- 
 ber session in 1775, erected a Court of Ad- 
 miralty, consisting of three judges, to en- 
 force the Continental Association against 
 trading with England. In its May session 
 in 1776, it gave this court jurisdiction over 
 all cai)tures f)f the enemy's vessels. The 
 General Ass(>mbly, at its October session in 
 1776. superseded all previous admiralty legis- 
 
 r Hening, Statutes of Virginia, IX, 190-97. 
 In August, 177 0, the Xavy Board drew vip a 
 list of naval rules which were endorsed by the 
 Governor and Council. — Journals of Virginia 
 Navy Board, August 2, 1776. 
 
404 A'at'\' of the .hiwrican Rrz'olutioii 
 
 lation by an "Act for l^.-ialtlishing a Court 
 of Admiralty." Such court was to consist 
 of throe judges, elected by joint ballot of 
 the two hous(^s of the General Assembly. 
 The judges were to hold their offices "for so 
 long time as they shall demean themselves 
 well therein." The court, which was to be 
 held at some place to be fixed by the Gen- 
 eral Assembly, was to have cognizance of 
 "AW causes heretofore of admiralty juris- 
 diction in this country." Its proceedings 
 and decisions were to be governed by the 
 regulations of the Continental Congress, the 
 acts of the General Assembly of Virginia, the 
 English statutes prior to the fourth year of 
 the reign of James , and by the laws of Oleron 
 and the Rhodian and Imperial laws, so far 
 as they have been heretofore observed in 
 the English courts of admiralty. In cases 
 which related to captures from a public 
 enemy with whom the United States should 
 be at war, and in which a conflict should 
 arise between the regulations of Congress 
 and the acts of the General Assembly, the 
 regulations of Congress should take prece- 
 dence; in all other cases of conflict, the acts 
 of Virginia were to prevail. This provision 
 is of particular interest. It is one of the 
 first instances in which a state recognized 
 the superiority of federal law when in con- 
 flict with state law. Virginia was liberal 
 in granting appeals to Congress, as she per- 
 
A'(;r'\' (if the .liiicrican Rn'olutioii 405 
 
 inincd ilu'in in all oasos ot" ihc capliiro of 
 the eiuMiiy's vessels.^ 
 
 The Aclniiralty Court of A'iro;inia tried few 
 ]")rize cases. Governor Thomas Jefferson 
 in writing- to the President of Cong;ress in 
 •June, 177!|, no doulit understates the truth 
 when he says that "a British ])rize would 
 be a more rare phenomenon here than a 
 comet, because one has been seen, but the 
 other never was." His state, he said, had 
 liiup; suffercMl from a lack of Ijlank letters of 
 iiKir(|U('. and he wished fifty to be sent to 
 him.- \'ir^inia did not establish state pri- 
 \ateering, but followed the reo;ulations of 
 Congress on the subject. Because of the 
 lack of seamen and the continual ])resence 
 of the enemy's vessels- at the mouths of the 
 Mrginia rivers, the privateering interest 
 was not important in this state. 
 
 The Navy Board superintended both the 
 trading and armed vessels of the state vm- 
 til Aj^ril. 1777, when the trading vessels 
 were placed in charge of William Aylett.^ 
 Writers on the Virginia navy have not, as a 
 rule, distinguished one class of vessels from 
 the other, nor is it always easy to do so. 
 Durinii 1776 seven vessels were em])loyed 
 
 1. Hening, Statutes of Virginia, IX, 103, 
 i:n-32, 202-00. 
 
 2. Ford, WritinjTs of Thomas Jefferson, II, 
 241-43. 
 
 3. Journals of Virginia Navy Board, April 
 8. 1777. 
 
40() Xai'x of the .■liiicricaii RcvoUtiion 
 
 ohi(>fiy ill coiniiicrce.^ In the fall, most of 
 them were ordered to the West Indies with 
 cargoes of flour and tobacco; one, the brig 
 "Adventure," was directed to proceed to 
 Dunkirk, France. The armed fleet for 1776 
 consisted of sixteen small craft adapted 
 chiefly for service in the rivers of Virginia 
 and in Chesapeake Bay.- In 1777 the gal- 
 leys "Accomac" and "Diligence" were built 
 and stationed on the Eastern Shore; and the 
 ships "Caswell" and "Washington" were 
 built at South Quay on the Blackwater, for 
 the defence of Ocracoke Inlet, which Vir- 
 ginia was undertaking jointly with North 
 Carolina. Besides these four vessels, two 
 brigs, one armed boat, and the ships "Glou- 
 cester," "Protector," "Dragon," and "Tar- 
 tar," were this year added to the navy. In 
 177cS an armed boat and the ships "Tem- 
 
 1. These vessels were the brig "Adven- 
 ture;" the schooners "Hornet," "Peace and 
 Plenty," "Revenge," and "Speedwell;" the 
 sloop "Agatha;" and the armed boat "Molly." 
 The lists of vessels here given were compiled 
 from the Virginia naval archives. 
 
 2. These vessels were the galleys "Henrv," 
 "Hero," "Lewis," "Manly," "Norfolk Re- 
 venge," "Page," and "Safeguard;" the brigs 
 "Liberty," "Mosquito," "Northampton," and 
 "Raleigh:" the schooners "Liberty" and "Ad- 
 venture;" the sloop "Scorpion;" and the armed 
 boats "Liberty" and "Patriot." The schooner 
 "Liberty" was taken into the trading fleet as 
 the "Hornet." It is believed that this list does 
 not contain the vessels in Mason's Potomac 
 fleet. 
 
.\(/:\' of the .Inicrican Rcz'olitiion 407 
 
 pest"' and "Tlietis" were built; and in 1779 
 two arnunl boats, the lirig "J(>ffcrson" and 
 the shi)') "X'irginia." were added. ^ 
 
 This fleet is fonnithible only in its enumer- 
 ation. It was poorly armed, incompletely 
 manned, and in almost every respect ill 
 fitted for service. But few of its vessels 
 went beyond the Chesapeake Bay. It 
 showed most activity durino; 1776 and the 
 sprinp: of 1777. From 1775 until 1779 fif- 
 teen small prizes were captured. In May, 
 177fi. Captain Taylor seized four small mer- 
 chantmen; in June, one of the Barrons 
 brought up to Jamestown the transport 
 "Oxford," with 220 Highlanders on board; 
 in the spring of 1777 the ''Moscpiito," Cap- 
 tain Harris, carried into St. Pierre the ship 
 "Noble," valued at 75,000 livres; and a few 
 months earlier the brig "Liberty" captured 
 the ship "Jane," whose cargo of West India 
 goods was valued at £6,000. These were 
 the most fortunate captures made by the 
 \'ir":inia navv.^ 
 
 1 The names of the vessels not mentioned 
 in the text, which were added during 1777, 
 1778, and 1779 were the brips "Greyhound" 
 and "Hampton" and the armed Ijoats "Nichol- 
 son," "Experiment," "Fly," and "Dolphin." 
 The names of several other vessels which were 
 probal)ly used in trade, occur during this peri- 
 od. Some of the ships are at times referred 
 to as galleys. 
 
 2. Files of Virginia Gazette; Journals of 
 Virginia Convention, May S, 1776; Virginia 
 
4o8 Xary of Ihc .1 iiicrican Rcroliitioii 
 
 Vir<iiiiia's naval craft met with the usual 
 misfortunes. During the first half of 1777 
 His Majesty's ship "Ariadne" captured the 
 "Mosquito." About the same time the 
 frigate "Phcenix" took the "Raleigh." The 
 British made two raids into Virginia which 
 were destructive both to the shipping of the 
 state and to private individuals. The first 
 was ordered by Clinton in the spring of 
 1779; the troops were under the command 
 of Matthews and Collier. At the Gosport 
 shipyard they destroyed five uncompleted 
 vessels, three of which were frigates, besides 
 a large quantity of masts, yards, timber, 
 plank, iron, and other ships' stores. The 
 shipyards on the Nansemond were looted; 
 and twenty-two vessels with a considerable 
 quantity of powd(T were taken or destroyed 
 on the "South Branch of the navy." Suf- 
 folk was biu'ned, and upwards of two thou- 
 sand barrels of Continental pork and fifteen 
 hundred barrels of flour were destroyed. In 
 all one hundred and thirty vessels were 
 burned.^ The raid of Arnold and Phillips 
 will be considered later. 
 
 The General Assembly at its May session 
 in 1779 discontinued the Navy Board, and 
 
 Historical Register I, 77; Calendar of Virginia 
 State Papers, III, .305. 
 
 1. Almon's Remembrancer, 1779, 289-95, 
 account given by British officers; Records of 
 State of North Carolina, XIV, S5-8G, 94-95. 
 Some of the vessels destroyed at Gosport prob- 
 ably belonged to Congress. 
 
.\\i:-\ ('/" ///.■ . liiicri(.-iin l\ri'()iiitioii 409 
 
 vi-sletl its .strictly naval duties with the 
 newh' created Board of War, consisting of 
 fiA'c members. The Board of War was em- 
 powered to appoint a Naval Commissioner. 
 A Board of Trade was now given charge of 
 the trading vessels of the state, and of the 
 state manufactories of military supplies.^ 
 
 The General Assembly in its May session, 
 1780, "for the purpose of introducing oecon- 
 omy into all the various departments of 
 government, and for conducting the publick 
 business with the greatest expedition," abol- 
 ished the Boards of War and Trade, and 
 authorized the Governor to appoint a Com- 
 missioner of War, a Commercial Agent, and 
 co(")rdinate with these two, a Conmiissioner 
 of the Xav}'. Tliis act is the outgrowth of 
 the same movement for economy and effi- 
 ciency in administration, which resulted in 
 the estaiilishment in January and Febru- 
 ary-, 17S1, of the single-headed executive 
 departments of the Continental Congress. 
 The salary of the Commissioner of the Navy 
 was fixed at thirty thousand pounds of to- 
 bacco a 3'ear, and that of his clerk at ten 
 thousand pounds.^ The Commissioner was 
 to be under the "controul and direction of 
 the governour and council." Governor 
 Jefferson a]ipointed Jam.es Maxwell, the 
 naval agent under the Navy Board, Com- 
 missioner of the Navy. 
 
 1. Hcning, Statutes of Virginia, X, IS- 
 IS. 12.3. 
 
 2. Ibid., 278, 291-92. 
 
4IO Xtn'y of the American Rczvlutioji 
 
 The General Assembly in the May session 
 of 1779, as an inducement to enlistment, 
 granted seamen and marines additional 
 bounties and pensions. Recruits entering 
 for the rest of the war were now to receive 
 $750 and one hundred acres of land. They 
 were to be furnished upon enlistment, and 
 once a year thereafterwards, with a com- 
 plete suit of clothes. Naval officers were en- 
 titled to a "grant of the like quantity of 
 lands as is allowed to officers of the same 
 rank in the Virginia regiments on continen- 
 tal establishment." Disabled sailors and 
 the widows of th(^ slain were entitled to im- 
 mediate relief, and an annual pension. At 
 the October session of this year, moverl by 
 the need for money and the impossibility 
 of fitting out the whole fleet, the General 
 Assembly ordered the governor to sell nine 
 of the armed vessels, and to equip and man 
 the remaining six with all diligence. For 
 some reason the governor did not carry out 
 the order. There was probably little mar- 
 ket for the vessels.^ 
 
 The years 1780 and 17S1 were marked by 
 a renewed naval acinity in \'irgiiiia. It 
 is recalled that the theater of war had now 
 shifted to the Southern states. Savannah 
 was in the hands of the enemy. Charleston 
 surrendered in May, 17S0. By the fall of that 
 year the lowlands of the states to the south 
 of Virginia were generally in the possession 
 
 1. Hening, IX, 537; X, 23-24, 217. 
 
.\c/;\' ('/ ///(• .liiwricaii Revolution 411 
 
 of the Jiriiisli. AppanMitly Virfiiiiia, would 
 be tlie next to fe(>l the rough hand of the 
 conquering enemy. British jirivateers and 
 naval craft lay off the mouths of the Vir- 
 ginia ri\'ers. and ('a])tur(Hl all her vessels that 
 ventured towards tlie Bay or the sea. Early 
 in 17S0 it was apprehended that the enemy 
 meditated an invasion of the coasts of the 
 state. 
 
 When the General Assembly came to- 
 gether in May. 17S0, it at once took meas- 
 ures for the protection of the coasts. It 
 passed ''an act for putting the eastern fron- 
 tier of this commonwealth into a posture 
 of defence." This act, after providing for 
 calling out the militia in the seaport coun- 
 ties, ordered the Governor and Council to di- 
 rect the Commissioner of the Navy to imme- 
 diately make ready for service in the Bay 
 and on the seacoast the ships "Thetis," 
 "Tempest." and "Dragon," the brig "Jeffer- 
 son," and the galleys "Henry," "Accomac," 
 and "Diligence." Three hundred marines, 
 to be commanded by five cajjtains antl fif- 
 teen lieutenants, were to be recruited. Ma- 
 rines and sailors who enlisted for three years 
 were to receive a bounty of $1,000. Naval 
 officers were put upon the same footing in 
 reganl to pay, rations, and prixnleges as of- 
 ficers of the same rank in the land service.* 
 
 When the Legislature came together in 
 October, since the situation was still more 
 
 1. Hening, X, 290-99. 
 
412 Xaz'x of the .luicrican Rcz'oliitioii 
 
 critical*, it was moved to i)ass an additional 
 act for the defence of the seacoast. This 
 act shows that the navy was in sore need for 
 seamen and money. It provided drastic 
 measures to obtain both. Naval oflicers 
 were now antiiorized. under certain restric- 
 tions and limitations, to impress seamen. 
 The eastern counties of the state were direct- 
 ed to bind to the sea, "under the most pru- 
 dent captains that can be procured to take 
 them," one-half of all orphans of certain de- 
 scriptions livino; below the falls of the Vir- 
 ginia rivers. A hospital for seamen was 
 established at Hampton, to be maintained 
 by a tax of nine pence a month on the salar- 
 ies of all mariners and seamen in either the 
 navy or the merchant service of the state. 
 Officers and seamen were given the whole of 
 their captures; and still other inducements 
 to enlistment by way of ])ay and clothing 
 were held out. 
 
 Two new galleys, of the same construc- 
 tion as those Iniilt by Congress in 1776, car- 
 rying two 32's at the bow and at the stern, 
 and G's at the sides, were ordered for the de- 
 fence of the Chesai)eake. Five vessels of 
 the state fleet were to be immediately made 
 ready for service; and all the other naval 
 vessels were to be sold and the proceeds de- 
 voted to naval purposes. For tlie use of the 
 navy import duties were laid upon rum. gin, 
 brandy, and other spirits; on wine, molasses 
 and sugar; and on all imported dry goods. 
 
-Wrrv of the American Rcvolniioii 413 
 
 cxct'pi salt, nuinitioiis of war, and iron from 
 Maryland.* Tonnage was laid upon mer- 
 chant ^•e.ssels. Despite these efforts few 
 seamen and little money were raised, and the 
 fleet dnrinc; 17S0 areom])lished almost 
 nothing.^ 
 
 The salient event in the histor}' of the 
 A'irginia navy in 1781 was the invasion of 
 Arnold and Philli])s dnring the first half of 
 the y(\ir. Arnold was first reported on the 
 coast of Virginia on December 29, 17S0, 
 when his fleet consisting of twenty-seven sail 
 was seen at Willoughby Point.^ Governor 
 Jefferson began at once to make strenuous 
 efforts to get the Virginia fleet in condition to 
 oppose Arnold. The role of admiral was an 
 odd one for Jefferson. In February he sent 
 Benjamin Harrison, speaker of the Virginia 
 House of Delegates, to Philadelphia to re- 
 quest of the French minister the aid of the 
 French fleet.^ A half-dozen or more priva- 
 teers were taken into the service of the state. 
 Twelve vessels of the state fleet of 1776-1779 
 still remained. Most if not all of these ves- 
 sels were either at the Chickahominy ship- 
 yard and near by on the James, or else at 
 the month of the James. Few of them were 
 sufficiently maimed to render much service. 
 On A\)Y\\ 26 Maxwell reported 7.S men on 
 board seven vessels, whose complement was 
 
 1. Hening, X. .^TO-SG. 
 
 2. Ford, Writings of JeflFerson, II, 392. 
 
 3. Ibid., 443-44. 
 
414 A'(M'3' of the .liiicricaii Rcz'olittioii 
 
 520 men. Other ships had neither arms nor 
 men.^ 
 
 In April, 1781, Arnold and PhiUips made 
 their raid up the James, penetrating as far 
 as Richmond. On April 21 and 22, a detach- 
 ment under Lieutenant-Colonel Abercrombie 
 destroyed the shipyard on the Chickaiiom- 
 iny, including a number of naval craft and 
 the warehouses. On April 27, at Osbornes 
 on the James a few miles below Richmond, 
 the Virginia fleet, supported by two or three 
 hundred militia upon the shore opposite the 
 British army, drew up to opj)ose the enemy. 
 It consisted of six ships, eight brigs, five 
 sloops, two schooners, and several smaller 
 craft. Its chief vessels were the "Tempest," 
 16, "Renown," 16, and "Jefferson," 14. The 
 British sent a flag of truce to the Commo- 
 dore of the Virginia fleet, proposing to treat 
 with him for its surrender. He sent back 
 the spirited reply that "he was determined 
 to defend it to the last extremity." A few 
 cannon planted on the shore soon gave the 
 enemy a connnand of the situation. After 
 a short engagement, the Virginians scuttled 
 or set fire to several of their vessels and fled 
 to the opposite shore. None of the fleet 
 escaped. The British captured twelve ves- 
 sels, which the Virginians were unable to 
 destroy. On this expedition the British 
 burnt the state rope-walk at Warwick. After 
 
 1. Virginia Calendar of State Papers, I 
 588; II, 74. 
 
A'(/7'v cf //''' Auicvicau Rd'ohtiion 415 
 
 \\\v raid of Arnold and I'hillips, l)ut one ves- 
 sel remained in tho ^'ir^•iIlia navy, tlie 
 armed boat "Liberty."' 
 
 The officers and seamen of the Virginia 
 navy, thrown out of emi)loym(>nt by the 
 (h'struction of the fleet, aided the alhed 
 forces at the siege of Ydrktown in collecting 
 sup]ilies and transporting troops. The boat 
 "Liberty" was used as a transport; and also 
 the ships "Cormorant," "J^oyalist," and 
 "Oliver Cromwell," which three vessels, it 
 is believed, Virginia purchased for this pur- 
 pose. Soon after the surrender of Corn- 
 wallis the Virginia General Assembly, recog- 
 nizing that "during the continuance of the 
 present exjK'nsive war it is necessary to hus- 
 band the resources of the state with the 
 utmost oeconomy," dismissed almost all the 
 officers and seamen, the Conmiissioner of 
 the Navy, the chaplains, surgeons, pay 
 masters, and all others on the naval staff.- 
 
 A number of times during the Revolu- 
 tion, and now for the last time in 1782, Vir- 
 ginia and Maryland undertook to concert 
 a naval defence of their trade on the Chesa- 
 peake. The General Asseml)ly of Virginia 
 wliich met in May, 17S2, appointed three 
 commissioners to superintend the work of 
 
 1. Almon's Remembrancer, 17S1, H, 02- 
 O.T. Arnold to Clinton, Petersburg, Mav 12 
 1781. 
 
 2. Hening, Statutes of Virginia, X, 450; 
 Virginia Xavy Papers, I, and IL 
 
4iC) Xcn'x of the .liiicrican Rci'olittioii 
 
 protecting the Bay. The "Cormorant" and 
 "Liberty" were to be immediately prepared 
 for this service. Two galleys and two 
 barges or whale boats wc^re to be l^iiilt. For 
 this work the state appropriated £1,000, the 
 proceeds arising from the sale of the " Loyal- 
 ist," and certain tonnage and import duties. 
 The commissioners were to fix the pay and 
 subsistence of the seamen ; the fleet was not 
 to be sent outside of the Capes. ^ 
 
 The commissioners managed a small naval 
 force during 17S2 and 1 7S3 until the war came 
 to an end. Conmiodore liarron, stationed at 
 Hampton, was chiefly occupied at this time 
 with the exchanging of ])risoners. Beyond 
 the building of a few naval craft, it does not 
 appear that this final naval enterprise of 
 Virginia was attended with fruitful results. 
 When peace was declared in the spring of 
 1783, the commissioners had in different 
 stages of construction the schooners "Har- 
 rison," "Fly," and "Patriot," and the 
 barges "York" and "Richmond." Virginia 
 now disposed of all her fleet except the 
 "Liberty" and "Patriot," which she re- 
 tained as revenue cutters.- In order to 
 keep these two armed vessels in tim(> of 
 peace, Virginia, in accordance with a pro- 
 
 1. Hening, Statutes of Virginia, XI, 42-44. 
 In March, 1783, the three commissioners were 
 Paul Loyall, Thomas Brown, and Thomas 
 Newton, jr. — Virginia Calendar of State Pa- 
 pers, III, 456. 
 
 2. Virginia Navy Papers, II. 
 
Xui'x of the .liiicrican Rcz'ohttloii 417 
 
 \isii)n in the Articles of Coiifeileralion, ob- 
 tained the permission of Congress.^ These 
 two boats \vere still in the employ of the 
 state in 1787. The "Liberty" saw mon; 
 service than any other state or Continental 
 vessel of the Revolution. She was in the 
 employ of Virginia from 177") until 17S7. 
 
 1. Journals of Conlinental Congress, Oc- 
 tober 3, 1783. 
 
CHAPTER XV 
 
 THE NAVY OF SOUTH CAROLINA^ 
 
 South Carolina employed her first armed 
 vessels in obtaining a suj)))!}' of gunpowder, 
 the need of which article was so keenly felt 
 throughout the colonies during the first 
 years of the Revolution. In July, 1775, the 
 South Carolina Council of Safety sent 
 Captains John Barnwell and John Joy- 
 ner of Beaufort with fort}' men in two large 
 and well-armed barges to assist the Geor- 
 gians in taking an English sup))ly-ship, which 
 was daily expected at Savannah. The en- 
 terprise was wholly successful. The ship 
 with its cargo of sixteen thousand pounds 
 of gunpowder was cajjtured by the combined 
 forces of the two colonies. South Carolina 
 sent four thousand pounds of her share of 
 the powder to the Continental Congress at 
 Philadelphia.^ 
 
 1. In writing this chapter I have l)ecn 
 much assisted by Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., Secre- 
 tary of the Historical Commission of South 
 Carohna. 
 
 12. Drayton, Memoirs of American Revo- 
 lution, I, 200-71. Collections of South Caro- 
 lina Historical Society, II, .30. 
 
.\'(j--\ of the /lincrican l< evolution ^ifj 
 
 in ill'- hajn'- j/io/)i.)i of JiiJy ».h'- r'ounoil of 
 Saff'ty planri'-'i to H'-izo ct-n-di'iti {runpowd'rr 
 Btof'] at NaHKau, N"\v J'rovid<fj';';, an'i for 
 thih purpoM; lh«r "C'omrn'-rc'r," a rloop b"- 
 lonjrifijr to nUz'-u-i of \'\v Vork, wan Ufrnpf>- 
 rarily tak'-n into th'- r'-rvic'rof iii'tHiHU-. It 
 will !>*' r'-'-all'-'l that f ■ornrnodor*- Ivvrk ifof>- 
 kin;^ in tijf- initial *->?ray of th*' Contiri'rntal 
 fl'-'-t i/i i''<-briiary atj'l Mar';!), 1770. att/;rnpt- 
 i'<i to caf^tun? thi?- jrunpowdor. iV-fonr th'i 
 "O/nini'-n.'-" '.va-: r'-a'Jy to H*ft Kai!,vi'or'l carn<,' 
 that th'r hrij^antinf' "Ji^-t-yy" from J.on'Jon 
 with a cM.ryL'> of anjrrjunition wan noon to 
 mrivc at St. Aijjfii>-;tin'-. Captain Cl'-m'^nt 
 \j'Ui])r\itr('., X)i('. <:()UUiHiU<\'T of th'r "Corn- 
 rn'.-rc'f," v\'a% thfrr'-fon- <)T<\<:r<-A to f.r^urj- off 
 Ht. Auj^ijAtin'f in v/at'-h for th<r i:X]><-cXi-A v-'n- 
 h"\. On Aujruht 8 h'- captun^d th'; " HdMdy" 
 with h«T loa'l of jrijnf;ov.fl<-r arnountinj^ to 
 alrn'/Ht twlv- thousand poun'lr,' 
 
 X'-ith'-r of th'fH/; two ';pi>o'J'fh U^'J to a f><^r- 
 rnan'-fit naval annnmcui. 'llt'in, as v/a-s to b'- 
 <'X]K:i:\.i<\ , ■■ ;OOUt by th'; Wfti^h- 
 
 hity of f/roT' 'lown, tho capital 
 
 an'i ''hi<'f pon. oi rii',- i'rov'uK-j'.. Th'i critical 
 month in South Carolirja in 177.v wan S<'f>- 
 tz-rnlx-r. iJurinff this month two of Ifin 
 Maj'-'-ty'H v'-'-z-l-. the "Tarnar." 10, an'i 
 "Ch'-rok'f-," 0, lay in fharU-n 'Jown harbor. 
 It waH in S<-pt^fmU'r tijat J.or'l William 
 
 1 ' - - - ' • " -.al 
 Mt ., ... .-.. .' .,, , .,,,-,.. 
 
420 Xai'Y of the .Imcricaii Revolution 
 
 Cauipl^ell, the Royal Governor of tlie l*rov- 
 ince, fled from Charles Town on board the 
 "Tamar." In September the South Caro- 
 lina Covmcil of Safety began to seize the 
 forts commanding the channel leading to 
 Charles Town from the sea. The executive 
 of the Revf)lutionary government at this 
 time consisted of the Council of Safety of 
 thirteen members. About the first of Oc- 
 tober the Council of Safety obtained the 
 schooner "Defence" and placed it under 
 the command of Captain Simon Tufts, a 
 native of Massachussetts, but now a resident 
 of Charles Town. The Council of Safety 
 fixed the pay of officers and men on board 
 the schooner. 
 
 During November, naval affairs were 
 chiefly in the hands of tiie Second Provin- 
 cial Congress, the Revolutionary legislature, 
 which body on November 10 appointed 
 Edward lilake Conmiissary of Stores for 
 the Naval Department. On November 11 
 the "Defence," 10, manned by her regular 
 complement of seamen, and thirty-five ma- 
 rines taken from the land forces, was detail- 
 ed to cover a party sent to obstruct certain 
 channels near Charles Town by siid^ing old 
 schooners. While engaged in tliis service 
 she exchanged shots with the "Tamar" and 
 "Cherokee" without causing much damage 
 on either side. On November 12, stirred 
 by this encounter, the Provincial Congress 
 voted, though bj' a narrow majority, to im- 
 
Ai/T'v ('/ the .lincricaii Revolution 421 
 
 press, fit out, and arm tlie ship "rr()si)er" 
 for the purpose of capturing the British 
 ships in Charles Town harbor; and appoint- 
 ed commissioners to superintend the work.' 
 The Provincial Congress having adjourned 
 on the 29th of No-vember, the Sc>cond Coun- 
 cil of Safety continued the naval prepar- 
 ations. On December 16 it appointed Wil- 
 liam Henry Drayton, the well-known Revo- 
 lutionary agitator and leader, to conmiand 
 the "Prosper" in place of Captain Tufts 
 who had some time before been transferred 
 from the "Defence" to the "Prosper."'^ A 
 third vessel was now obtained, the schooner 
 "Comet," and was placed in charge of Cap- 
 tain Joseph Turpin. Owing to the paucity 
 of seamen in South Carolina, the Council of 
 Safety in December directed Captain Rob- 
 ert Cochran to proceed to Massachtissetts 
 and obtain recruits for the navy. When in 
 January, 1776, Cochran was in Philadelphia, 
 the delegates of South Carolina to the Conti- 
 nental Congress called that body's atten- 
 tion to Cochran's mission. In order that 
 no friction should arise between Cochran 
 and the military authorities in Massachus- 
 etts over the enlistment of men, Congress 
 recommended to him that he offer to sea- 
 
 1. Journals of South Carolina Provincial 
 Congress. NovemVjer !), 10, 12, 1775. 
 
 2. Collections of South Carolina Historical 
 Society, III, Journals of South Carolina Coun- 
 cil of Safety, December 10, 1775. 
 
^22 Xai'x of the American Rci'olution 
 
 nicii iiiotlcralc wa^cs ami l)()imti(>s; tluit he 
 iinnu'diaU'ly iH'[)air Id tlu' cuiiip at Cam- 
 bridfiv and take WashinglDu's advice; and 
 that \w (Mdist 1h(^ seanuMi in lliose parts of 
 tilt' niuiitrv where he would least interfere 
 with the I'enlinental service. The Massa- 
 chus(>tts Council a<2;reed to ])ernnt Cochran 
 to raise tlnw Innulred men.* South Caro- 
 lina also (Milisted seamen in G(M)r<iia.'- 
 
 On Feln-uary 15 the S(>cond Provincial 
 Con<>;ress, whii-li had met on the 1st, appoint- 
 ed a connnittee to report on the best means 
 and the (>xi>ense of buiklinfi; two frip;ates of 
 thirty-two fiuns eacii. It authori/,(Ml the 
 enlistinji;, if necessary, of two hundred ma- 
 rines. On March 5 a connnittee was ap- 
 pointed to prepare "i)roper Rules and Arti- 
 cles for the bett(u* rejiulation and lioviM-n- 
 lucnt of the Navy of this Colony." On the 
 201 h, the report of this connnittee after 
 amendment was adopted, and on the next 
 day the respective rank of army and navy 
 officers was fixed. On March 14th the I'rn- 
 vincial Con<2;ress authorized the connnittee 
 at (uHiri^etown, a ]>ort to the north of 
 Charles Town, to jMn-chase and iit out ))roper 
 armed V(>ssels for th(> def(>nce of the trade of 
 (!(>orii-ett)Wii, and on the same dav uave 
 
 1. Porco, .\iiK'iican .Vrohivos, 4lli, IV, 
 1307-()S. Journals of Continental (.'onj^ness, 
 January If), January 19, 177(1. 
 
 2. Cnbhos, Dociinientary History of the 
 American Revolution, 1701-177t), 258. 
 
Xa-c'x of the .hiicricuii Rczvliitiun 423 
 
 similar orders to a coiiuiiiltcc of Jicaufort, a 
 j)ort I0 the south oi' Charles Town. Provi.s- 
 ioii was iirjw made for a Muster-Master Gen- 
 eral of the Army and Navy.' In March the 
 armed scliooner "J^-frfry" was in the service 
 of the state. 
 
 On March 20, 1770, a new f^overninent 
 under a Constitution went into effect in 
 South Carolina. ^Jliis provided for a lej^is- 
 lature consistinji; (A' two houses, a General 
 Assend)ly and a Lejiislative Council. 'J"l)(.' 
 executive of the state was a President, or 
 "President and Commander-in-chief," th(! 
 title ran, and a Privy Council of seven mem- 
 bers. Accordiiif^ to the constitution the 
 captains of tli(! navy were; tf) be cliosen by 
 a joint ballot of the; two houses of the Legis- 
 lature, and were to be commissioned by the 
 J'resident.^ Early in April Cohuiel Pinck- 
 iiey presented in the General Assembly an 
 ordinance to appoint a Connnander of the 
 Xavy to be subject to the; President.'* On 
 Ai>ril U the Lcfrislatun; passed an act to 
 jjrevent the desertion (jf soldiers and sailors. 
 A hospital for sick and wounded soldiers and 
 sailors was established at Charles Town. On 
 April 11 the Lefi:islature established a Court 
 of Admiralty which was given jurisdiction 
 
 1. Journals of South Carolina Provincial 
 Conj^ress, February ]'>, February 22, March 
 r,, 14, 2/,, 20, 1770. 
 
 2. Constitution of South Carolina of 1770. 
 ;{. Journals of South Carolina General As- 
 
 ^.emhly, April 10, A],ril 11, 1770. 
 
424 Xaz'x of the .liiicricaii Revolution 
 
 over all captured ships belongino- to "Great 
 Britain, Ireland, the British West Indies, 
 Nova Scotia, East and West Florida." The 
 facts in cases of capture were to be tried by 
 a jury.^ 
 
 On September 21, 1776, President John 
 Rutledge, in a message to the Legislature, 
 recommended the appointment of conmiis- 
 sioners to superintend the naval affairs of 
 the state, believing that thereb^^ the navy 
 would be placed upon a better footing. On 
 the same day, in accordance with the Presi- 
 dent's recommendation, the General As- 
 sembly appointed a committee to draft a 
 bill. On October 8 an act was passed which 
 established a Board of Xaval Commission- 
 ers, consisting of seven men, and empowered 
 "to superintend and direct all matters and 
 things whatsoever to the navy of this state 
 in any wise relating."- This act was model- 
 led on the act of Virginia on the same sub- 
 ject. It varies from the Virginia act in a 
 few particulars, and is a little more detailed. 
 The Navy Board was charged with the build- 
 ing, hiring or buying of all naval vessels, 
 and the arming, outfitting and provisioning 
 of the same, and with the construction of 
 
 1. Journals of South Carolina General As- 
 sembly, April 11, 1776; Cooper, Statutes of 
 South Carolina, IV, April 9, April 11, 1770. 
 
 2. Journals of South Carolina General As- 
 sembly, September 21, 1770; Cooper, Stat- 
 utes of South Carolina, IV, Octobers, 1776. 
 
Xaz'x of tJic American Rcvohttion 425 
 
 rojx'-walks aiul shii)yards. It was author- 
 ized to audit the naval accounts, draw war- 
 rants on the treasury for necessar}^ expen- 
 ditures, recommend officers, fill vacancies 
 temporarily with the approval of the Presi- 
 dent, keep itself informed as to the state of 
 the navy, and report thereon to the Legis- 
 lature. With the concurrence of the Presi- 
 dent and the Privy Council the Board could 
 remove or suspend officers for neglect of 
 duty or misbehavior. Soon after the organ- 
 ization of the Board, the question was 
 raised whether it had the power to order 
 the vessels on cruises; the President and 
 Privy Council decided that the Board iiad 
 no such power, and that the detailing of 
 vessels was a function of their own.^ In 
 addition to its strictly naval duties the Board 
 directed the procuring and fitting out of 
 trading vessels and transports. 
 
 The Navy Board held its first meeting on 
 October 9, 1776, at Charles Town, and organ- 
 ized by electing Edward Blake First Com- 
 missioner. On the 12th it chose its clerk.- 
 The duty of this officer was to keep a regu- 
 lar journal of the transactions of the Board; 
 and (tnce in three months, or oftener if ncc- 
 essarv, to go aboard the vessels and take an 
 
 1. F'orce, American Archives, 5th, II, 
 Journals of South Carolina Navy Board, Oc- 
 tober 2"), 1 776. 
 
 2. n)id., Journals of South Carolina Xavv 
 Board, October 9, 12, 1776. 
 
42() Xai'x of the .liiicrican Rcz'oli(tioii 
 
 accounl of the officers and seamen and pay 
 them their wages. His salary was £1,400 
 currency, a year. At first a majority ot" the 
 Board constituted a ciuorum. When it be- 
 came difficult to assemble four out of its 
 seven members, two more members were 
 added to the Board, and a quorum was re- 
 duced to three men.^ The act which estab- 
 lished the Board was to continue in effect 
 two years. On October 9, 177S, the Board 
 was continued until October 8, 1779, and 
 from thence until the end of the Legislature, 
 then in session. The introduction of a 
 bill into the House of Representatives on 
 February 8, 1780, to repeal all previous 
 acts establishing a Board of Naval Com- 
 missioners makes it highly probable that 
 the Navy Board Avas discontinued about 
 this time.- 
 
 On taking charge of naval affairs the 
 Nav}^ Board found one of its most engrossing 
 duties to be the purchasing of supplies of 
 all sorts — salted beef and pork, bread, 
 pitch, tar, turpentine, tallow, duck, cord- 
 age, and spars. On October 17, 1776, it ap- 
 l)ointed a naval agent at Georgetown to 
 ])rocure and issue supplies to the schooner 
 "Rattlesnake," Captain Stephen Seymour, 
 now in the emi)l()y of the state for Xhv pro- 
 
 1. Cooper, Statutes of South Carolina, 
 IV, August 23, 1777. 
 
 2. Journals of South Carolina House of 
 Representatives, Fcbruarj' 8, 17S0. 
 
Ai/r'v ('/ the American Rciolittion 427 
 
 tccliou uf this port.' The Board coiithiued 
 the building of four gallon's, which had been 
 begun by President Rutledge. In April, 
 
 1777, it leased Captain Cochran's shipyard 
 at Charles Town, together with five negroes, 
 for the term of five years.^ In October, 
 
 1778, it bought of Paul Pritchard, ship- 
 wright, eighty-five acres on Hobcaw creek, 
 near Charles Town, for a shipyard.^ 
 
 During 1777 and 1778 the Legislature 
 passed a few ordinances relating to the navy. 
 On January 16, 1777, it fixed the shares of 
 prizes. Officers and seamen were to n^ceivc 
 one-half the net proceeds of all captures. 
 This half was then to be divided into six- 
 teen parts and allotted to officers and sea- 
 men according to a fixed scale. Captains 
 were given two-sixteenths; seamen and ma- 
 rines, three-sixteenths.^ In February the 
 captors' share of vessels of war antl priva- 
 teers was increased to the whole of the prize. 
 In January, 1778, a law of obvious purpose 
 was jDassed, which freed all seamen who en- 
 tered into the Continental or state naval 
 service from the obligations of previous con- 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, oth, II, Jour- 
 nals of South Carolina Navy Board, October 
 17, 1776. 
 
 2. Journals of South Carolina House of 
 Representatives, September 10, 1779. The 
 contract with Cochran was being dissolved. 
 
 3. Notes of Mr. A. S. Salley, Jr., Secretary of 
 the Historical Commission of South Carolina. 
 
 4. Cooper, Statutes of South Carolina, J.V, 
 January 10, 1777. 
 
428 Xai'y of the .liiicricaii Revolution 
 
 tracts made with the owners of private ships. 
 In March, 1778, the appointment of a com- 
 modore to command the navy of the state 
 necessitated a new (Hstribiition of the pro- 
 ceeds of captures among oflicers and seamen. 
 The commodore's share Avas fixed at two- 
 sixteenths.^ In October, 1778, the Legis- 
 lature authorized the Navy Board to pur- 
 chase any "negroes or other slaves for the 
 use of the publick shipyard or rope work," 
 which property was to be vested in the pub- 
 lic forever.- 
 
 During 1776, 1777, and 1778 the Navy 
 Board added a few vessels to the navy. 
 Several galleys were built during this period. 
 In the fall of 1776 the brigantine "Notre 
 Dame" was ])rocured, armed, and sent to 
 France under the command of Captain Rob- 
 ert Cochran on a trading voyage.^ In 1777 
 one finds the sloop "Beaufort" in the serv- 
 ice of the state, being probably stationed 
 at Beaufort for the defence of the trade of 
 that i)ort. Early in 1779 the Navy Board 
 completed the construction of the brig "Hor- 
 net." Now and then the state obtained the 
 
 1. Cooper, Statutes of South Carolina, IV, 
 February 13, 1777, January 2G, March 28, 
 1778. On February 13, 1777, a new act re- 
 lating to the Court of Admiraltv was passed. 
 
 2. Ibid., October 9, 1778. 
 
 3. In 1776 the following vessels were em- 
 ployed as merchantmen: schooners, "Polly," 
 "Peggy" and "Little Thomas;" the brigantine 
 "Notre Dame," and the sloop "Margaret." 
 
Xazy of the .Inicricaii Rci'olittioii 429 
 
 loan of privateers for short periods. Infor- 
 mation concerning South Carolina's priva- 
 teers is scant. We know, however, that 
 she had a considerable fleet. Between 
 August 17, 1776, and April 16, 1777, Presi- 
 dent Rutledge granted thirty-seven letters 
 of marque.' 
 
 Few states exceeded South Carolina 
 in naval expenditures. With the excep- 
 tion of Massachusetts, the vessels of no 
 other state went to sea so often as did those 
 of South Carolina. The navy of South Car- 
 olina was smaller than that of \'irginia, 
 but much more active. From 1776 to 
 1779 it captured some thirty-five small 
 prizes, only about half of which, however, 
 reached safe ports.' Its principal cruising 
 grounds were off the South Caroliiui and 
 Florida coasts and in the West Indies. The 
 South Caroliiui vessels frequently cruised 
 off St. Augustine. This was an important 
 British port during the Revolution, and 
 many privateers and smaller British vessels 
 visited it. The noting of a few captures 
 will show the character of the work of the 
 South Carolina navy. In July. 1777, th(> 
 "Notre Dame" carried into a South Car- 
 olina port the brig "Judith," 12, laden with 
 
 1. South Carolina Archives, Miscellaneous 
 Records, A, 18, 19. 
 
 2. Files of South Carolina and American 
 General Gazette, and Gazette of State of South 
 Carolina. 
 
430 Xaz'y of tlic .liitcricaii Revolution 
 
 dry goods for St. Augustine; and in Ocloljer 
 the same vessel captured the brig "John," 
 and the schooner "Jemmy and Sally" with 
 cargoes of staves and shingles outward 
 bound from the Mississippi.^ In the spring 
 of 1779 the "Notre Dame/' "Hornet," and 
 "Eagle" made prizes of the sloop "Prince of 
 Wales," 12, and the brig "Royal Charlotte," 
 both bound for Georgia, with West India 
 products.^ 
 
 In December, 1777, President Rutledge 
 and the Privy Council, in opposition to the 
 best military judgment in South Carolina, 
 concerted with Captain Xiclioias Biddle, of 
 the Continental frigate "Randolph," 32, an 
 expedition to clear the coasts of the enemy's 
 vessels. South Carolina furnished the "No- 
 tre Dame," 16, Captain Hall, and three pri- 
 vateers, which were temporarily taken into 
 the public service. These were the ships 
 "General ^Moultrie," IS, Captain Sullivan, 
 "Polly," 16, Captain Anthony, and "Fair 
 American," 14, Captain Morgan. One hun- 
 dred and fifty South Carolina troops were 
 taken on board to serve as marines. Sailing 
 about February 1, 1779, the fleet soon cleared 
 the coast of the enemy, and then proceeded 
 to the West Indies on the lookout for rich 
 West India merchantmen — an object which 
 
 1. Gazette of State of South Caroliii.-i, Julv 
 21, November 4, 1777. 
 
 2. Ibid., April 7, 1779. 
 
Xaz'x of the .liiicricaii Rcz'olution 431 
 
 was probably in view from the first. On 
 March 7. when the fleet was to the wind- 
 ward of Barbadoes, the "Randolph" fell in 
 with the British ship of the line "Yar- 
 mouth," 64. During a running fight an ex- 
 plosion of tremendous force occurred on 
 board the "Randolph." j^ui'ning spars and 
 timbers six feet long, together with an un- 
 damaged ensign, fell upon the decks of the 
 "Yarmouth." The "Randolph," with al- 
 most her entire crew of 315 men, including 
 Captain Joseph loor and fifty South Caro- 
 lina marines, sank soon after the accid(>nt. 
 Five days after the fight the "Yarmouth" 
 picked up four men clinging to the wn^ck- 
 age, the only men rescued. Two of the four 
 South Carolina vessels, the "General ]\h)ul- 
 trie" and the "Fair American," now re- 
 turned home, taking on the way a valuable 
 Guincaman. The "Notre Dame" and the 
 "Polly" continued their cruise within the 
 West Indies, the "Notre Dame" reaching 
 as far westward as the Isle of Pines. The 
 two vessels ca))tured eleven small prizes, 
 a number of which, however, wc^re r(>cap- 
 tured before reaching safe ports. ^ 
 
 The transference of the seat of war from 
 the Northern to the Southern states, in 
 
 1. Moultrie, Memoirs of American Revolu- 
 tion, I, 19.3-99; South Carolina and American 
 General Gazette, April 2.3, May 2S, June 4, 
 177s ; Ramsav, Revolution in South Carolina, 
 I, 71; Clowes's Royal Navy, IV, 10. 
 
432 Xavy of ihc American Revolution 
 
 1779, and the British naval expedition 
 against Charles Town, early in 1780, caused 
 increased naval activity in South Carolina. 
 In August. 1779, the House of Representa- 
 tives sent to the Senate a bill offering boun- 
 ties and fixing a new rate of wages for officers 
 and seamen.^ In September the House 
 passed a bill for building two floating bat- 
 teries and four galleys.^ Acting on the 
 recommendations of the Governor, the 
 House in February, 1780, voted that it 
 would be of public utility to employ a num- 
 ber of negroes not to exceed one thousand 
 to act as pioneers and fatigue men in the 
 army and as oarsmen and mariners in the 
 navy.^ Additional armed vessels were now 
 obtained in (liff(M'(Mit ways. During 1779 
 the Governor issued commissions to four- 
 teen vessels. A number of small craft, 
 used chiefly as transports, were impressed.* 
 
 1. Journals of South Carolina House of 
 Representatives, August 31, 1779. 
 
 2. Ibid., September 6, 1779. The Senate 
 was not willing to make so large a naval in- 
 crease. 
 
 3. Ibid., February 14. 1780. 
 
 4. South Carolina Archives, Miscellaneous 
 Records, A. Among the vessels to which 
 the Governor gave commissions were the fol- 
 lowing: galleys "Congress," "South Edisto," 
 "Revenge," "Beaufort," "Lee," "Marquis de 
 Bretigny," and "Carolina;" sloop "Count 
 de Kersaint," brigantines "General Lin- 
 coln" and "Beaufort," schooner "Eshe," and 
 the vessel "Lovely Julia." The following ves- 
 sels, a number of which were impressed, were 
 
Xai'x of the .liiicricaii Rci'olufiuii 433 
 
 The "Notre Dainc," 16, and th(> "(Jciu'i-al 
 ]\Ioultrie/' 20, were assi<j;ne(l to the defence 
 of Charles Town. The state pureJia.sed 
 from France the "'Bricole/' 44, and the 
 "Truite," 26. The "Brieole" was i)iereed 
 for sixty guns, and nioimted forty-i'oiu' 
 24's and 18's. She was the largest vessel 
 owned by any of the states. For the 
 defence of Charles Town France sent 
 " L'Aventure," 26, and ^'Polacre," 16; and 
 Congress the "Providence," 28, "Boston," 
 24, "Queen of France," 28, and "Ranger,'^ 
 18.^ 
 
 The naval defence of Charles Town was in- 
 trusted to Captain Abraham Whipple, tlu> 
 senior officer of the four Continental vessels. 
 Whi])ple advised that a naval defence at the 
 bar on the seacoast, which lay to the east- 
 ward of the forts that commanded the en- 
 trance to Charles Town harbor, should not 
 be imdertaken; and later he gave it as his 
 opinion that it was imi)racticable for the 
 armed vessels to coojjerate with the forts. 
 Such timid counsels prevailed, and no naval 
 defence of Charles Town was made. With 
 the exception of the " Ranger" all the ves- 
 sels were dismantled and their guns and 
 crews removed to reinforce the land batt'^r- 
 
 in the service of the state in 1779 or 1780: gal- 
 ley "Rutledge," schooners "Polly," "Rattle- 
 snake," "Sally," "Anthony," "General Moul- 
 trie," "Nancy," "Three Friends," brig "Wasp" 
 and brigantine "Ballony. " 
 
 1. Almon's Remembrancer, 1780, 11,44-47. 
 
434 ^Vaz'v of tJic .lincrican Rczvliitloii 
 
 ics and ti'Dojis in Cliarles Town. With the 
 fall of the city on May 12, 1780, South Caro- 
 lina lost her entire navy, with the exception 
 of the frigate "South Carolina," whose for- 
 tunes we are about ready to consider. The 
 "l^ricole," ''Truite," ''General Moultrie," 
 and "Notre Dame" were sunk.^ The "Bos- 
 ton" and "Ranger" were added to the Royal 
 Navy. 
 
 In 17S1, with the returning tide of the 
 patriot forces a few small vessels were 
 armed at Georgetown.- In February, 1783, 
 Governor Guerard recommended the pur- 
 chase of a ship, which had lately been car- 
 ried into Wilmington, North Carolina, for the 
 defence of Charles Town harl)or. The House 
 was unfavorable to the transaction, be- 
 cause of the lack of means, the diffictilty 
 of manning the ship, and the risk of bringing 
 it around.^ In March, 1783, a committee 
 of the House was appointed to consider 
 what arrangements should be made with re- 
 spect to the naval officers of the state; and 
 it reported that, by the Articles of Confed- 
 eration, South Carolina was precluded from 
 
 1. Previous to the siege of Charles Town, 
 His Majesty's navy had captured the following 
 vessels: February, 1777, "Defence" taken by 
 the "Roebuck" and "Perseus;" December, 
 1777, "Coniet," taken by the "Daphne;" 
 April, 1779, "Hornet," taken by the same. 
 
 2. Gibbes, Documentary History of Amer- 
 ican Revolution, 177(5-1782, 181, 183. 
 
 3. Journals of South Carolina House of 
 Representatives, February 12, 1780. 
 
XcK'y of tlic Aiticrican Rci'ohtfiou 435 
 
 having a navy, and thai ii was thoroforc of 
 the opinion that the state could not retain 
 in its service its naval officers.^ 
 
 A most interesting episode in the history 
 of the South Carolina navy remains to be 
 told. It properly begins with the commis- 
 sioning on March 11, 177S, of Alexander Gil- 
 Ion, a prosperous and influential Mierchant 
 of South Carolina, to be a commodore in the 
 navy with "full and ample power and au- 
 thority to take the Command, Direction, 
 and Ordering of the said Nav}'," agreeable 
 to its rules and articles. On the same day 
 John Joyner, William Robertson, and John 
 McQueen received commissions as captains. 
 On March 26 the stat(> decided to raise 
 abroad £oOO,()0() currency, or £71,429 ster- 
 ling, for the purpose of building or ]iurchas- 
 ing three frigates. On July 17 Gillon was 
 commissioned to go abroad and undertake 
 the task of securing the loan and procuring 
 the vessels. The exact sum which Gillon 
 was now directed to borrow was less than 
 £500,000 by the sum of the proceeds which 
 he would derive from the sale of certain prod- 
 uce, to be exported from South Carolina 
 to Europe, and consisting chiefly of indigo 
 and rice. Early in the fall of 1778 the 
 " Xotre Dame" carried Gillon, his three cap- 
 tains, and other naval officers to Havana, 
 wh(>nce they took passage to Europe. 
 
 1. Journals of South Carolina House of 
 Representatives, March o, 1783. 
 
4,^'' A (/7'\' ('/ the .liiicncaii h'cz'ohitioii 
 
 On January 31, 1779, Gillon Avas empow- 
 ered to borrow, in addition to previous au- 
 thorizations, £15,000 sterling, which was 
 to be invested in arms, ammunition, and 
 " Indian goods." Of the total sum, £86,429, 
 which he was authorized to obtain, he act- 
 ually borrowed in Amsterdam, Ghent, Bor- 
 deaux and Paris £46,725, and received as 
 the proceeds arising from the sale of ex- 
 ported produce £10,000. It is thus seen 
 that Gillon, in his financial mission, was 
 moderate!}' successful. He was less for- 
 tunate in making the proposed naval in- 
 crease. He succeeded, however, in renting 
 the frigate "Indian" from the Chevalier 
 Luxembourg for one-fourth of her prizes, 
 for a period of three years. The reader 
 recollects that tiiis ship was built at Amster- 
 dam in 1777 by the American Commission- 
 ers at Paris, and that owing to lack of money 
 and to comi)]ications growing out of the 
 laws of neutrality, they had sold the "In- 
 dian" to the French king. Jx)uis XVI. had, 
 in turn, ceded the "Indian" to the Chevalier 
 Luxembourg.^ 
 
 Gillon renamed his frigate the "South 
 Carolina," and mounted her with twenty- 
 eiffht 32's and tw(>lve 12's. Numerous de- 
 
 1. South Carolina Archives, Miscellaneous 
 Records, A. 6(), 67; Journals of South Carolina 
 House of Representatives, March 10, 178.3, 
 report of a committee on certain papers of 
 Commodore Gillon. 
 
.\a:'y of the .1 iiirrlriiii l\r:'oliitio)i 437 
 
 lays ciisiU'd ill <;('tuiig lo sea. Owing to 
 shallow water and the heavy draught of the 
 "South Carolina," she was from July to No- 
 vember, 1780. moving from Amsterdam to 
 the T(^xel. She spent the winter of 1780- 
 1781 in a small creek near the Texel. These 
 delays caused much expense, and in order 
 to pay off some of his bills, (lillon, in the 
 spring of 1781, sold to Colonel John Laurens 
 for Congress military supplies, which tie had 
 recently jiurchased for South Carolina, to 
 the amount of £10,000. Laurens now en- 
 gaged (Jillon to take tlu>se su])iilies together 
 with others to Philadeli:)hia. (Jillon had 
 been given full ])ower to man and officer his 
 vessel, having carried over with him fifteen 
 commissions and thirty warrants in blank. 
 In March, 1781, he wrote that he had about 
 two liundred men on board, and that he 
 expected two hundred and eighty from Dun- 
 kirk wliich the Chevalier Luxembourg had 
 raised for the state.* 
 
 The "South Carolina" finally got to sea 
 about the first of August, 1781, leaving be- 
 liind the convoy which had expected to ac- 
 comj^any her. Gillon's movements and 
 dealings abroad are not at all points clear, 
 lie aroused suspicions as to his honesty, 
 and made a numl)er of en(Mnies. Exactly 
 why he did not at once proceed to Phila- 
 
 1. South Carolina Historical and Genealogi- 
 cal Magazine, I, 28-32, 130-47, two letters of 
 Gillon. 
 
4.^^ A'ai'x Oj the American Rcvoliilion 
 
 flclpliia Willi I III' sii|)|)li<'s fnf Congress 
 wliicli he liiul on hoard is nol cfrtjiiii. On 
 sailing lie cruised for a inonlli in the North 
 Sea, and for a time near the JOiifflish Chan- 
 nel, and then, about the first (»f Oetoher, 
 he put into Coi'una, Spain. (lillon said 
 that, he had heen detained by contrary 
 winds, and had returned for fresh j)rovisions 
 before sailinfT for America.' 
 
 On .January 12, 17<S2, (lillon arii\'ed al 
 Havana with five valuable .Janiaicainen, 
 loadeil with rum and sugar, and said to be 
 worth $ir)(),()()0. ilere he found the S|)an- 
 iurds j)lanning a descent on the Jiahaina Isl- 
 ands, and he now agreed to take connnand 
 of the sea-forces consisting of fifty-nine 
 Sjjanish and American vessels — probably 
 chiefly Spanish, (leneral Cadrigal com- 
 mand(>d the troo))S. 'i'he expedition left 
 Havana on April 22, and on May S the Ba- 
 hamas surrendered without firing a shot, 
 (lillon not very modestly attributed the suc- 
 cess of the enterprise to the "great atten- 
 tion which the captains and officers of the 
 American vessels of war |)aid in conveying 
 such :i licet through so diflicull and so vm- 
 frecjuented a passage, with a beating wind 
 all the way, whereby we disapi)ointed any 
 plans the en(>niy might have formed of at- 
 
 1. New Yorlv Historical SociuLv Collec- 
 tions, Deane Papers, IV. 450, 4()S, "478, :A\)\ 
 Wharton, Dijiloinutic- {>jrresp(jndence. IV, 'Aii- 
 47, ncjte. 
 
,\V/7'v "( the Amcricdn Kciuilulidii 439 
 
 t;ifkiiif( us in our w,iy lhrr»u{rh ihf ^ulf;}i of 
 J'lorida." 'I'fif island surrr-ndfirfd, not U) 
 \\\(' jrjint. Arnfrif-an and Spaninh forces, hut 
 to thf Spaniards alorif.^ It was rf^port.od 
 that tlio Spaniards and Gillon captured 
 throe hundred troops and ninety sail of ves- 
 Hels.2 
 
 On May 2Sth the "South Carolina" ar- 
 rived in J'hihidelphia, when; sfie was refits 
 lirif^ during the summer and fall of 17S2. 
 An afrejit of the f,'heva!ier J/UXf-mbourj^ 
 now reniov(;d Gillon from the eornmanrj 
 of his vessel, whieh was given to Captain 
 Joynr-r, 'I'hf; "South Carolina" did not f^et 
 to sf-a until iJe-r-emher, J7S2. Soon after 
 leaving the- Cape-s of the JJelaware she was 
 ediased by a liritish squadron, which, after a 
 raee of eigliteen hours, f>verhaulefl her, and 
 at the end of a two hours' figlit, forced \\cr to 
 surrendf-r.^ For the h^ss of this vesse-l the 
 Chevalier JjixemlK>urg, in accordance with 
 the terms of \\\h crmtract, demanded from 
 South (,'arolina the payment of .'-{00,000 
 livres. Gillon asserted tFiat JvUxernbourg 
 had forfeiU;d all right to the money by dis- 
 
 1, Pennsylvania J'ackot, March 5, May '.'A, 
 and Jun'i 4, ]7H2. The issue of June 4 con- 
 tains a letter of ''iillon to Governor Mathewcs 
 of South Carolina, dated May 1';, 17S2, con- 
 taining an account of the expedition; Oibbes, 
 Documentary History of American Revolu- 
 tion, 1770-1782, 170. 
 
 2. Connecticut Gazette, June 11, 17S2. 
 '.'1. Clowes's Royal Navy, IV, 'il. 
 
440 -\'(re'v "/ //'<' .lincricaii Rc't'dliilinn 
 
 placing him at Pliiladelphia from his com- 
 mand of the vessel. Further, Gillon de- 
 clared that the Chevalier had subjected 
 the state to serious losses by sending its 
 marines, in, the winter of 1780-1781, on 
 an expedition to the Island of Jersey.^ 
 One estimate makes the total cost of the 
 frigate to the state more than S200,000, and 
 another puts it at SoO(),()()().- The Luxem- 
 bourg claims renuiined unsettled until De- 
 cember 21, 1814, when the state made a 
 final payment of $28,894 to the heirs of the 
 Chevalier.-'' South Carolina is still pros- 
 ecuting her claims against the United States 
 for a reimbursement of the expenses con- 
 tracted in behalf of the "South Carolina."* 
 
 1. Journals of South Carolina House of 
 Representatives, March 10, 1783. 
 
 2. McCradv, South Carolina in Revolu- 
 tion, 1775-1780, 219. 
 
 3. Cooper, Statutes of South Carolina, V, 
 December 21, 1814. 
 
 4. Conversations with Hon. J. T. Gantt, 
 Secretarv of State of South Carolina. 
 
CHAPTER XVI 
 
 thp: minor navies of the southern 
 
 STATES 
 
 Xaval administration in IMaryland was 
 vested in the Committee of Safety until 
 March 22, 1777, when it passed to the Gov- 
 ernor and Council, the executive uiuU>r the 
 first state constitution of Maryland. The 
 Committee was given a free hand in its con- 
 trol of the navy. The Provincial Conven- 
 tion empowered it to fix the pay of officers 
 and seamen, and to ai)point the command- 
 ers of the smaller naval vessels. The Con- 
 vention, however, established the pay of 
 marines, which was the same as that of the 
 state troops; and it decided that the uni- 
 form of the marines should be a blue hunt- 
 ing shirt.* The first naval work of the 
 Committee of Safety was the fitting and 
 arming, in February and March, 1776, of 
 the ship "Defence," twenty-two 6-pound- 
 ers. Captain James Nicholson, the chief ves- 
 sel in the Maryland navy. In March the 
 schooner "Resolution" was purchased as a 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, IV, 744- 
 45; 5th, III, 94. 
 
44- -Vt/c'^' ('/ the AmcriciUi Rcvolutiini 
 
 tender for the "Defence." The Committee 
 of Safety, which held it.s meetings in Annap- 
 olis was early in 1776 assisted in its work at 
 Baltimore, the chief port of the state, by 
 the Baltimore Committee of Observation; 
 and, later in the year, by Jesse Hollings- 
 worth, who was aj^pointed naval agent for 
 Baltimore. 
 
 In June and July, 1776, the Provincial 
 Convention ordered the Committee of Safety 
 to buikl seven row-galleys, and to fit out 
 three small vessels, mounting not more 
 than ten guns each, and a number of armed 
 boats not to exceed six.' By the spring 
 of 1777 the Committee of Safety had built, 
 fitted, and officered the galleys "Baltimore," 
 "Conqueror," "Indeijendence," and "Ches- 
 ter," and the armed boat "Plater;" it had 
 in process of construction, ready to launch, 
 the galley's "Johnson" and "Annapolis," 
 and it had purchascvl the tender "Amelia" 
 and tJTe schooner "Dolphin." During the 
 first years of the war the Conniiittee of 
 Safety hired or ])urchased several small ves- 
 sels, Avhich were used chiefly as merchant- 
 men.- It is not always easy to distinguish 
 these craft from the naval vessels, which 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, VI, 
 1487, 14UG. 
 
 2. The folluwing vessels were emplo)-ed as 
 trading craft: Sloop "Molly;" schooners 
 "Ninety-Six," "General Smallwood," and 
 "Friendship;" brigs "Sam" and "Friend- 
 ship," and ship "Lydia." 
 
A'(/t'v of the .liiicrican Rn'olufioji 443 
 
 \\ci-{' now and then sent on trading voyages. 
 .Maryland's most common commercial ven- 
 ture was to ship flour and tobacco to the 
 firm of Harrison and Van Bibber at I\Iartin- 
 icjue, and there laden her vessels for the 
 homeward voyage with munitions of "war.* 
 
 As an inducement to recruits, the Pro- 
 vincial Convention, in October, 1776, offered 
 a bounty of $20 to able seamen, and $10 to 
 landsmen. Officers and seamen who re- 
 ceived bt)unties and wages were given one- 
 third of their prizes, the share granted by 
 the Continental Congress; those who did not 
 receive bounties and wages were given the 
 whole of their prizes." Maryland was im- 
 able to meet the competition with privateers 
 for seamen, and her vessels w^ere often forccMl 
 to remain in port for lack of crews. In De- 
 cember, 1776, the naval agent at Baltimore 
 wrote that he could 'load twenty vessels 
 rather than man and sail two. The money 
 paid to captains and sailors is wond(>rful, 
 and no way to shun it."^ 
 
 Mar\'land established in her navy tiie 
 rank of commodore. On June 8, 1778, iier 
 Governor conmiissioned Thomas Grason, 
 who had been ai)pointed commodore on 
 April 21 by the General Assemljly.' in 
 1782 a "Connnodore Whalev" was in the 
 
 1. Maryland Archives, XI, XII, XVT, XXI. 
 
 2. Force, American Archives, "jth, III, 128. 
 •A. Ibid., 102.5. 
 
 4. -Maryland Archives, XXI, 12.5. 
 
444 -\<'i^'V of tlic American Rcz'ohitioii 
 
 naval service, ilvr most i)r()niiiiont cap- 
 tains were James Nicholson, Avho in 1776 
 became the senior captain in the Continental 
 navy; and George Cook, who had served 
 seven years in the British navy. Lieuten- 
 ant John Henr}'- Boucher resigned early in 
 1776 to enter the Virginia naval service, 
 where he soon rose to the highest rank. 
 
 In May, 1776, the Provincial Convention, 
 ])ursuant to the resolves of the Continental 
 Congress, established a Court of Admiralty, 
 consisting of a judge, marshal, and register. 
 The procedure was to be that usual in such 
 cotu-ts; trial by jury was made optional; 
 and the judge was permitted to determine 
 the i^laces of sitting.* The privateers of 
 ^Maryland were generally small craft, mount- 
 ing on the average eight 4-pountlers. They 
 plied their trade chiefly in Chesapeake Bay. 
 From April 1, 1777, to March 14, 1783, a 
 period of almost six years, Maryland issued 
 letters of marque and rejn-isal to 248 pri- 
 vateers, carrying a total of 1810 guns.^ 
 
 Since a number of her vessels had been for 
 some time idle for lack of crews, Mary- 
 land ill the first half of 1779 sold all 
 of her naval craft, except the galleys 
 "Conqueror" and "Chester," and the 
 schooner "Dolphin."'' l'"rom 17S() to Xhv 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4th, V, 1596, 
 1597-98. 
 
 2. Scharf, History of Maryland, II, 205. 
 
 3. Maryland Archives, XXI, 399. 
 
A'jT'v of the American Rci'oliifioii 445 
 
 end of the Revolution the trade in the Ches- 
 apeake, and the property of tlie inhabitants 
 of tlie Maryland coasts, on both sides of the 
 Bay. suffered severely from the ravages of 
 the British refugee barges, priA-ateers, and 
 small naval craft. These conditions led 
 Mar3-land to make frequent attempts, during 
 the last years of the war. to provide a naval 
 armament for the defence of the Bay. In 
 1780 she was moved to renew her naval ac- 
 tivities by still other considerations. The 
 success of the British this year in South and 
 North Carolina and on the coasts of \'ir- 
 ginia made the outlook for Maryland very 
 threatening. It was also known that Clin- 
 ton wished to carry th(> war into ^Maryland 
 and Virginia. 
 
 In October. 17S(). Maryland jiassc^l her 
 first act for the defence of the Bay. Th(^ 
 Governor and Council were orders 1 to pro- 
 vide, officer, and man fotir large bargi^s or 
 row-t)oats, each to carry at least twenty- 
 five men, one galley to be armed with two 
 18's and two 9's. and one sloop or schooner 
 to carry ten 4's. Th(\v were to enlist onf» 
 hundred marines for three years. The ma- 
 rines were to be paid £2, 5s. a month and a 
 bounty of S40, and the seamen £3 a month 
 and a bounty of .'?20.^ During the May ses- 
 sion of the legislature in 17S1. just after Ar- 
 nold's invasion into \'ir";inia. this act was 
 
 1. Statutes of Maryland, October session, 
 1780, chapter XXXIV. 
 
44^ s\az'y of tlic .Imcrican Rcz'olution 
 
 amended. The Governor and Council were 
 now directed to procure two galleys and a 
 number of barges not to exceed eight. ^ 
 
 In passing, mention should be made of 
 the service which Maryland rendered the 
 Continental army in 1781, in transporting 
 troops. When, in the spring of that year, 
 Lafayette and his army were on their way 
 to Virginia to attempt the capture of Ar- 
 nold, Maryland impressed upwards of one 
 hundred transports, together with three 
 small armed vessels, which she placed under 
 the command of Captain James Nicholson, 
 This fleet carried a large part of Lafayette's 
 troops, stores, guns, and baggage from the 
 head of Elk to Annapolis. In August and 
 September the state rendered similar aid to 
 Washington's army, which was then on its 
 way to Yorktown. Every vessel in the 
 state was pressed into service.^ 
 
 During the last year of the war the Brit- 
 ish were especially annoying to the trade 
 and coasts of Maryland and ^'irginia. Fif- 
 teen or twenty small craft which made their 
 headquarters on the islands in the Chesa- 
 peake were ver}^ destructive, and their dep- 
 redations called forth protective measures 
 not only in Maryhmd. but in Virginia, as 
 we have seen. In viu-h state private initi- 
 
 1. Statutes of Maryland, Mav session, 
 1781, chapter XXXIV. 
 
 2. Scharf, History of Maryland, II, 430-40, 
 450, 4G1. 
 
.\(7rv ('/ tlir .liiicricaii Rri'ohitioii 447 
 
 :iti\{' (litl what it t-oukl to stop the pillaging, 
 l)Ut it was not able to cope with the en- 
 emy. 
 
 On Jun(> 13, 1782. the Maryland legisla- 
 ture api)ointe(l William Paca, Walter Tilgh- 
 man and Robert Goldsboroiigh commis- 
 sioners to provide for the defence of the J^ay. 
 They were ordered to procure four barges 
 and a galley or other vessel of force, to fit 
 them for immediate service against the en- 
 emy, and to turn them over to the Govern- 
 or and Council when ready to be employed. 
 I'he legislature also appointed William Han- 
 son Harrison, a commissioner to go to Rich- 
 mond and concert with the Virginia execu- 
 tive or legislature a joint defence of the Bay. 
 A new naval establishment was now effcH'ted. 
 The Governor and Council were to raise and 
 t)fhcer two hundred and fift}' able seamen, 
 watermen, landsmen, and marines, who were 
 to serve until January 1, 1783, or longer. 
 The}^ were to fix the pay and rations of the 
 officers. Officers and seamen who should 
 lose a limb, or be otherwise maimed or hurt, 
 were to receive the same benefits which the 
 state should hereafter give to her soldiers 
 in the Continental army. The naval forces 
 were to be subject to the naval rules and 
 regulations provided by Congress for the 
 Continental navy. A penalty of £50 was 
 prescribed for enticing seamen away from 
 the state service. The expense incurred 
 in providing this naval increase was to be 
 
44'> -\'(;rv <'/ the American Rcvolntioti 
 
 met cliiclly from an ai)pnipriati()n of €10, ()()() 
 and from the sale of the confiscated property 
 of Tories.^ 
 
 Owing to the continuance of the depreda- 
 tions of the British, the legislature in its 
 November session of 1782 passed another 
 act for the defence of the Bay. The Govern- 
 or and Council were directed to fit out a 
 certain galley or ship, now building for the 
 state, and the barges ''Somerset/' "Terri- 
 ble," "F(>arnaught," and "Defence," and en- 
 list three hundred and fifty men to serve until 
 January 1, 1784. Two-thirds of the proceeds 
 of captures M'ere now to be given to the cap- 
 tors. The expense of this establishment 
 was to be met by import duties on rum, 
 brandy, and other distilled spirits; on wine, 
 loaf sugar, and coffee; and on all goods 
 and merchandise, with certain exceptions.^ 
 
 The navy of Maryland rendered miscel- 
 laneous services. It convoyed merchant- 
 men, imported and distributed arms and 
 ])rovisions, transported troops, watched the 
 fleet of the enemy to report its movements, 
 and defended the trade and coasts of tiie 
 state. Except when used for commer- 
 cial purposes, Maryland's vess(^ls rarely 
 passed outside the Capes at the mouth of 
 the Chesapeake. Attempts which were 
 
 1. Statutes of Maryland, April session 
 1782, Chapter III. 
 
 2. Statutes of Maryland, Xoyember ses- 
 sion, 1782, Chapter XXVI. 
 
Xaz'x of the ^Imcrican Rcrolittioii 449 
 
 made to briiij;' about the cooi)eralion of the 
 ]\Iaryland ami Virginia fleets did not often 
 succeed. A few small prizes were taken, 
 but none of them were of much value. In 
 the fall of 1776 the "Defence," Caj^tain Cook, 
 cruised as far southward as the West Indies, 
 and captured five small })rizes, laden with 
 logwood, mahogany, indigo, rum, and sugar.^ 
 Several sharp encounters between the ves- 
 sels of ^laryland and the enemy took place 
 in the Bay. As early as March, 1776, the 
 "Defence," 22. Captain James Nicholson, 
 checked the advance up the Chesapeake of 
 the British sloop-of-war "Otter," 10, and 
 recaptured several prizes.^ Now and then 
 attempts were made to dislodge the British 
 from some of the islands in the Bay. So 
 late as the latter part of March, 17S3, the 
 state sent a small schooner and two barges 
 against a rendezvous of the British on 
 Devil's Island, one of the Tangiers.^ 
 
 On November 30, 1782, the Battle of the 
 Barges occurred near the Tangier islands. 
 The mortality of the Americans in this en- 
 gagement was relatively greater than in 
 any other sea fight of the Revolution. In 
 its carnage and in the bravery displaycnl 
 by the Americans, this fight does not suffer 
 from a comparison with that of Jones off 
 Flamborough Head. The Maryland fleet, 
 
 1. Maryland Archives. XII, 500. 
 
 2. Riclgelv, Annals of Annapolis, 175-77. 
 
 3. Scharf; History of Maryland, II, 481-82. 
 
450 Xavy of the A)>icricaii Rci'olittioii 
 
 which had been joined by a voluntoer Vir- 
 ginia barge, was commanded bv Commodore 
 Whaley of the barge "Protector." The Brit- 
 ish fleet of barges was under the command 
 of Cajitain Kidd of the "Kidnaiijx'r," mount- 
 ing IS-pounders. For one cause or another 
 the "Protector" was the only American barge 
 which engaged the British fleet. While the 
 "Protector" inflicted much damage on the 
 vessels of her adversary, she natm-all}' was 
 unable to fight long against such tremendous 
 odds. An extract from the simple and 
 pathetic narrative of the fight written by Col- 
 onel John Cropper, a volunteer Virginia of- 
 ficer on board the "Protector," possesses in- 
 terest: "Commodore Whaley was shot down 
 a little before the enemy boarded, acting the 
 part of a cool, intrepid, gallant oflScer. Cap- 
 tain Joseph Handy fell nigh the same time, 
 nobly fighting with one arm, after the loss 
 of the other. Captain Levin Handy was 
 badly wounded. There went into action 
 in the Protector sixty-five men, twenty-five 
 of them were killed and drowned, twenty- 
 nine were wounded, some of whom are since 
 dead, and eleven only escaped being wound- 
 ed, most of whom leaped into the water to 
 save themselves from the explosion." Colo- 
 nel Cropper, to whom, on the death of Wha- 
 ley, the command of the "Protector" fell, 
 was wounded three times, "and after the 
 
A'c7c'3' of the American Rcvuliition 451 
 
 .surrender knocked down l)y a four-])(>niid 
 rammer."^ 
 
 During the last years of the war Marvhuid 
 in her attempts to defend the Cliesaj^eake, 
 obtained as many as ten barges.- She had 
 also in the naval service at tliis tinu^ a 
 schooner, the ''Flying Fish." The end of 
 her navy may be dated with the statute 
 passed by her legislature in May, 1783, 
 which authorized the Intendant to sell "the 
 galley and the barges."^ 
 
 North Carolina's initial step in procvu'ing 
 a naval armament was taken on December 
 21, 1775, when her Council of Safety re- 
 solved to fit out three armed vessels for the 
 defence of the trade of the state. It ap- 
 
 1. Southern Literary Messenger, XXIV, 
 (1857), 218, Colonel John Cropper to Colonel 
 Williams Davies, his superior in command in 
 the Continental line. 
 
 2. Scharf enumerates the following barges: 
 "Revenge," "Terrible," "Intrepid," "Pro- 
 tector," "Experiment," "Venus," "Defence," 
 "Reformation," "Dolphin," and "Fear- 
 naught." These barges were about forty-two 
 feet long, eight feet wide, and three deep. 
 Each carried about twenty-four oars, from .six- 
 teen to thirteen feet long, and mounted two 
 large guns. — Scharf, History of Maryland, II, 
 204. 
 
 3. Statutes of Maryland, April session, 
 1783, chapter XVI, Votes and Proceedings of 
 Maryland Senate, April session, 1783, 03. 
 For "the pay-rolls of the "Flying Fish," "De- 
 fence," and several Maryland barges, see 
 Maryland Archives, XVIII, GOG-15. 
 
452 A'flc'v oj the American Revolution 
 
 pointed three Boards of Commissioners, 
 each of which was to immediately purchase, 
 arm, man, and victual a vessel. The board 
 for Cape Fear was composed of five men; for 
 Newbern, of eight; and for Edenton, of six.^ 
 Since it proved difficult to assemble a quor- 
 um of the Newbern Board, the Council of 
 Safety in June, 1776, vested its powers in 
 three of its members.- In J\Iay, 1776, the 
 Provincial Congress fixed the monthly 
 wages of officers, seamen, and marines. Cap- 
 tains were to be paid £10; lieutenants, mas- 
 ters, captains of marines, and doctors, £8 
 each; marines, £2, ISs.^ 4d.; "seamen com- 
 plete," £4; "seamen not complete," £3.^ 
 
 By October, 1776, the Cape Fear Board 
 had fitted out the brigantine "Washing- 
 ton;" the Newbern Board, the brigantine 
 "Pennsylvania Farmer;" and the Ivlenton 
 Board, the brigantine "King Tammany." 
 The Council of Safety now ordered these 
 three vessels to protect the trade of the state 
 at Ocracoke Bar, and to proceed against the 
 enemy's Jamaicamen homeward bound from 
 the West Indies. "It may be necessary to 
 inform you," it wrote on October 1 to Cap- 
 tain Joshua Hampstead of the "Pennsyl- 
 vania Farmer," "that the Jamaica fleet will 
 sail for Europe about the middle of this 
 month under the convoy of a twenty-gun 
 
 Xorth Carolina Colonial Records, X, 352. 
 Ibid.. 6.S7. 
 Ibid., 584. 
 
Xiii'x of the American Revolution 453 
 
 ship only, from the best intelligence we can 
 obtain.''' 
 
 For one reason or another these three 
 vessels accomplished very little. For a long 
 time the "Washington," Captain Edward 
 Ingraham, could not obtain a crew. The 
 "Pennsylvania Farmer," Captain Joshtia 
 Hampstead, was idle during the summer of 
 1776, for lack of shot. James Davis, one 
 of the Commissioners for fitting out this ves- 
 sel, made serious accusations against his fel- 
 low Commissioners and the officers and crew 
 of the vessel. As Davis had suffered real or 
 supposed injuries at their hands, his words 
 no doubt must be heavily discounted. In 
 October, 1776, he wrote that the "Pennsyl- 
 vania Farmer" lay in Xewbern "with 110 
 men on board at the Expencc of near Forty 
 Pounds per day. upwards of six months; in 
 the most inglorious, inactive, and dissolute 
 state that perhaps was ever suffered in any 
 Countr)'." The crew of the vessel consisted 
 of "men of all nations and conditions, Eng- 
 lish, Irish, Scotch, Indians, Men of Wars 
 Men, and the most abandoned sett of wretches 
 ever collected together. Two of the officers 
 broke open the Gun Room, and with a num- 
 ber of the men went off with the Boat, with 
 Intent to join Lord Dumiiore's fleet, and 
 actuallv reached Currituck Countv- Thev 
 
 1. North Carolina Colonial Records, X, 
 831-32, 84S-49, 875-77; North Carolina State 
 Records, XI, 356. 
 
454 A'flT'y of the Auicrican Revolution 
 
 were apprehended, and are still at large on 
 board. They have wasted near 100 jjounds 
 of ])owder in wantonly firinji; at and bring- 
 ing to all Boats, Canoes, and Vessels of every 
 sort, even Passengers in the Ferry Boat 
 have been insulted. Capt. Thos. Shine of 
 the Militia, with his Company on board com- 
 ing up to the General Muster, was fired on 
 and a ball passed within a few inches of his 
 Arm."^ These are but few of the derelictions 
 contained in Davis's remarkable list. His 
 overstatement of his case causes one to sus- 
 pect that he was not entirely free from 
 malice. 
 
 By December, 1777, the "Washington" 
 was ordered to be sold; and commissioners 
 had been appointed to load the other two 
 vessels and send them on voyages to foreign 
 ports. In April, 1778, the legislature de- 
 cided to sell the "Pennsylvania Farmer." 
 On ]\Iay 30 this vessel at a public sale in 
 Edenton "was cried out by John Blackburn 
 on Mr. Joseph Hewes. after which j\Ir. Hewes 
 denied having bid the sum which she was 
 cried out at."- 
 
 No other subject of naval interest en- 
 gaged the attention of North Carolina so 
 much as the defence of Ocracok(> Inlet. It 
 is recalled that the waters of Pamlico and 
 
 1. Xorth Carolina Colonial Records, X, 
 834-36. 
 
 2. Xorth Carolina State Records, XII, 173, 
 244, (J23, 7'J6. 
 
Xai'X of the .Inicrican Rcroliitiuii 455 
 
 Albeinarlo Sounds arc separated from the 
 Atlantic' by a long sandbar, which is only at 
 a few points broken by inlets. These con- 
 nect tlie waters of the Atlantic with the 
 waters of the Sound. The most imjjortant 
 inlet at the time of the Revolution was that 
 of Ocracoke. The protecting and the keep- 
 ing open of this entrance was a matter of im- 
 portance not only to North Carolina, but to 
 Virginia and the CV)ntinental Congress, as 
 well. ]\Iost of the foreign trade of Newbern 
 and Edenton, the two main ports of the 
 state, passed through this inlet. In a simi- 
 lar way, the trade of Southern Virginia, out- 
 ward or inward bound, found it convenient 
 to use this channel. In the first years of the 
 Revolution, especially in 1778, not a few 
 goods coming from foreign marts, and des- 
 tined for the Continental Army, rather than 
 risk capture off the entrance to the Chesa- 
 peake or the Delaware Bay, entered Ocra- 
 coke, passed on through Pamlico and Albe- 
 marle Sounds into Chowan River, and 
 thence by the branches of this river to the 
 town of South Quay, in southern Virginia, 
 near the confluence of the Xottaway and 
 Blackwater rivers. From South Quay the 
 goods were carried by wagons to Suffolk on 
 the Xansemond, and thence by boat up the 
 Nansemond into the James. This route 
 constituted the southern division of the so- 
 called "Inland Navigation." It was along 
 this road that North Carolina salt pork and 
 
45^' A'oc'v of the American Revolution 
 
 beef, and shoos made 1)}^ North CaroUna 
 Quakers, passtxl northward on their way to 
 the "Grand Army." In 1778 and 1779 
 South Quay and Suffolk were important en- 
 trepots for Continental goods. 
 
 Since the keeping open of communication 
 through Ocracoke Inlet was of importance 
 to both North Carolina and Virginia, the 
 two states concerted a joint naval arma- 
 ment for this purpose. On May 9, 1776, 
 the North Carolina Provincial Congress ap- 
 pointed Allen and Thomas Jones to attend 
 the Provincial Congress of Virginia, "for 
 the purpose of recommending to them the 
 expediency of fitting out two Armed Vessels 
 at the expense of that Colony, to act in con- 
 junction with the armed vessels already 
 fitted out by this Colony for the protection 
 of the trade at Ocracoke."^ As her part of 
 the joint undertaking, Mrginia agreed to 
 construct at South Quay two galleys, to be 
 emjiloyed in the defence of the Inlet. 
 
 Virginia carried out her promise, and built 
 at the "South Quav ship yard" two ships, 
 the "Caswell" and "Washington."^ North 
 Carolina ordered her brigantines to defend 
 Ocracoke; and she voted £2,000 towards 
 the equipping of Virginia's ships, and ap- 
 pointed commissioners to invest this money 
 in anchors, guns, rigging, and canvas.^ 
 
 Force, American Archives, 4th, V, 1357. 
 These vessels were at first called galleys. 
 North Carolina Colonial Records, X, 981. 
 
Xaz'y of the American Revolution 457 
 
 Finally, as we shall see, she niaintaiiied at 
 her expense one of the ^'ir<i■inia ships on the 
 station at Ocracoke for a considerable 
 period. She did not, however, meet Vir- 
 ginia's expectations, which state several 
 times expressed the belief that North Caro- 
 lina had not done her share in keeping up 
 th.e joint establishment.^ 
 
 Until 1778 the trade which ])ass('d through 
 Ocracoke was rather free from annoyance. 
 It was in January of that year that Joshua 
 Martin, the late Royal Governor of North 
 Carolina, wrote from New York to Lord 
 George Germaine in London: "That the 
 contemptible port of Ocracock has become 
 a great channel of supplj- to the rebels, while 
 the more considerable ports have been 
 watched by the King's ships. They have 
 received through it considerable importa- 
 tions."^ On January 1, 1778, there arrived 
 at Xewbern a sloop from Martinique, a 
 schooner from St. Eustatius, a schooner 
 with salt from Bermuda, a French schooner 
 from Hisjjaniola, and two schooners from 
 the Northern states; a French scow was at 
 the same time reported at Ocracoke.^ A 
 a letter from Edenton, dated June 9, informs 
 us that several foreign v(>ssels were at the 
 Lilet, and that a sloop had recently arrived 
 
 1. North Carolina State Records, XIV, 19, 
 12G. 
 
 2. Ibid., XIII, iii-iv. 
 
 3. Ibid., 354. 
 
458 Xaz'x of the American Rcvohiiioii 
 
 at E Jen ton from France, which had on 
 board for the Continental Congress thir- 
 teen thousand pairs of shoes, a large (jiian- 
 tity of clothing, and a "marble Monument 
 for Genl. ^Montgomery.'" 
 
 In the spring of 1778 the North Carolina 
 legislature voted to purchase from Virginia 
 the ship "Caswell," stating that it had not 
 been able to keep its agreement with \'ir- 
 ginia in providing a joint defence of Ocra- 
 coke. The legislature fixed the pay of the 
 officers and seamen on board the "Caswell."^ 
 In ^lay this shi]), under the command of 
 Captain Willis Wilson, with one liundred 
 and seventy men on board, lay off Ocracoke 
 bar. Captain Wilson reported to Governor 
 Caswell on May 20 that the place was not in- 
 fested with British cruisers, and that a French 
 ship and brig lay outside the Inlet, waiting 
 to come in. In June, however, Wilson 
 wrote that "the enemy (one ship, two sloops, 
 and a brig) take a peep at us every now and 
 then, but are not disposed to ventm-e in."^ 
 A sloop was now purchased at Beaufort, to 
 act as a tender for the "Caswell," and Rich- 
 
 1. North Carolina State Records, XIV, 
 
 2. Ibid., XII. .-jT-I-T."), 742, 740; XIII, 138- 
 39, 171-72. In June, 1779, Governor Jefferson 
 of Virginia wrote to Governor Caswell offering 
 to sell both the "Caswell" and "Washington." 
 Virginia had found the trade through Ocra- 
 coke inconvenient. — North Carolina State 
 Records, XIV, ]2(), 13G. 
 
 3. Ibid., XIII. 132, 171. 
 
Xai'x of the Aiiicricaii Rcvolniion 459 
 
 in\\ KUis was appointed agent at Xewbern 
 to purchase provisions and naval supplies.^ 
 
 In December, 1778, the "Caswell" was 
 still afloat, but by June, 1779, she had suidc 
 at her station at Ocracoke.^ AVith the loss 
 of this vessel North Carolina's naval enter- 
 prises came to an end. Her attention was 
 now engrossed by threatening invasions of 
 the enemy from South Carolina. 
 
 North Carolina maintained admiralty 
 courts at several ports on the coast. There 
 were such courts at Beaufort, Bath, Roa- 
 noke and Currituck. As early as Ajn-il 25, 
 1776, a special court of admiralty was ap- 
 pointed to try a prize case.^ A few of the 
 privateers of this state rendered valuable 
 services. The brig "Bellona," 16, Captain 
 Pendleton, fitted out at Newbern, cruised 
 very successfully. 
 
 Georgia's naval armament Avas small and 
 luiimportant. Her Provincial Congress, 
 however, commissioned one of the first 
 armed vessels of the Revolution. In June, 
 1775, it gave Captains Oliver Bo wen and 
 Joseph Habersham command of a 10-gun 
 schooner, and directed them to assist Caj)- 
 tains Joyner and Barnwell of South Caro- 
 lina in capturing a certain British ship, laden 
 with powder, and expected to arrive at Sa- 
 
 1. North Carolina State Records, XIII, 
 138-39, 174-75. 
 
 2. Ibid., XIV, 136. 
 
 3. Force, American Archives, 4th, V, 1339. 
 
460 A'az'x of the .'liiicrican Revolution 
 
 vannah. On July 10 the joint forces of the 
 two states captured the ship and obtained 
 thirteen thousand pounds of the highly 
 prized article. Georgia sent five thousand 
 of her share of nine thousand pounds to the 
 Continental Congress at Philadel()hia.^ 
 
 On July 0, 1776, the Continental Congress 
 resolvetl to build four galleys under the cUrec- 
 tion of the Georgia Provincial Congress.^ In 
 August the Committee of Safety was build- 
 ing some row-galleys, and also fitting out an 
 armed vessel for which purpose £2,000 
 were voted. On August 28 the Committee 
 nf Safety ordered Captain Bowen to go to 
 Hispaniola to purchase armed vessels to the 
 amount of £3,000, materials for fitting out 
 vessels, and various warlike stores. In Oc- 
 tober it ordered Captain Pray to go to Cape 
 i^^rancois on a similar errand. Pray was 
 authorized to mount on his vessel carrying 
 his purchases to Georgia as many guns as it 
 would conveniently bear.^ Whether these 
 two men actually carried out their com- 
 missions is not known. 
 
 In the spring of 1777 Georgia had 
 three galleys in service, and later she had a 
 fourth. These were named the "Washing- 
 
 1. Jones, History of Georgia, II, 181. 
 
 2. Journals of Continental Congress, July 
 5, 1776. 
 
 3. Collections of Georgia Historical So- 
 ciety, V, part I ; Proceedings of Georgia Coun- 
 cil of Safety, 9G, 101-02, 113. 
 
Xaz'v of the .liiicricaii Rcz'oliitioii 461 
 
 ton/' ''Lee," "Bulloch," and "Congress." 
 This little fleet was placed under the com- 
 mand of Connnodore Oliver Bowen, and it 
 was emijloyed on the Georgia seacoast chiefly 
 in conjunction with the army. Under or- 
 ders of President Gwinnett three of the gal- 
 leys commanded by Commodore Bowen as- 
 Bisted the army in its unsuccessful expedi- 
 tion against East Florida in A]:)ril and May, 
 1777.^ In April, 177S. off Frederica, Geor- 
 gia, the "Washington," Captain Hardy 
 "Lee," Captain Braddock, and "Bulloch,'' 
 Captain Hatcher, with three hundred trooi)s 
 on board, captured His Majesty's brigan- 
 tine "Hinchinbrooke," 12, the sloop "Re- 
 becca," and a brig.^ 
 
 In the campaign around Savannah early 
 in 1779 all four galleys were lost. In Janu- 
 ary the "Washington" and "Bulloch" were 
 stranded near Ossabaw Island on the Geor- 
 gia coast, and were burned by their crews, 
 to prevent their capture. In March, 1779, 
 the "Congress," Captain Campbell, and the 
 "Lee," Captain Milligan, engaged near Ya- 
 masee Bluff the British galleys "Comet" and 
 "Hornet." The Americans, after losing 
 three killed, among whom was Captain 
 Campbell, and six wounded, were forced to 
 abandon their galleys. Out of 104 men on 
 
 1. Jones, History of Georgia, II, 269. 
 
 2. .McCall, History of Georgia. II, 137;38; 
 Moultrie, Memoirs of American Revolution 
 II, 375. 
 
462 A'a-c-y of the A})ierican Revolution 
 
 board tlic American galleys the British cap- 
 tured but ten.^ The occupation of South- 
 ern Georgia by the enemy from this time im- 
 til the end of the Revolution stopped fur- 
 ther naval endeavors on the part of the Pa- 
 triot party of the state. 
 
 Georgia had a prize court in operation as 
 early as November, 1776. Her constitution 
 of February, 1777, provided for the hearing 
 of prize cases by special county courts, much 
 as in Connecticut. - 
 
 1. McCall, History of Georgia, II, 179, 224- 
 25. 
 
 2. Jameson, Essays in Constitutional His- 
 tory of United States, 10. 
 
CHAPTER XVII 
 
 THE MINOR NAVIES OE THE NORTHERN 
 STATES 
 
 Rhode Island was the first eolon}' to un- 
 dertake a defenee by means of armed vessels. 
 Her initial legislation preceded that of the 
 Continental Congress by almost four months. 
 During 1775 her coasts and trade were an- 
 noyed by the vessels of the enemy. In the 
 early summer the conduct of Captain'James 
 Wallace, the commander of His Majesty's 
 frigate "Rose," was especially vexatious 
 and insulting. On June 13 Nicholas Cooke, 
 Deputy-Governor of Rhode Island, in ac- 
 cordance with a resolution of the General 
 Assembly, wrote to Wallace demanding the 
 immediate restoration of certain captured 
 vessels, and especially of two packets be- 
 longing to citizens of Providence. The acts 
 of Wallace were obviously in the minds of 
 the members of the General Assembly, 
 when, on Jtmc 15, it ordered the Committee 
 of Safety to charter and fit out two suitable 
 vessels for the defence of the trade of Rhode 
 Island. 
 
464 Naz'y of the Aiiicriccm Rcvohition 
 
 The General Assembly also appointed a 
 committee of three to appraise and hire the 
 two vessels. It ordered the larger vessel to 
 be c(juipi)ed with eighty men and ten 4- 
 pounders; the smaller vessel was to be 
 manned with not more than thirty men. It 
 appointed Abraham Whipple commander 
 of the larger vessel with the rank and ])ower 
 of commodore over both vessels, and named 
 his lieutenants, master, and quarter-master. 
 Officers were also chosen for the smaller ves- 
 sel. The establishment of the little fleet 
 was assimilated to that of the land forces of 
 the state. Its cruises were to be determined 
 by the Lieutenant-General, I^rigadier-Gen- 
 eral, and the Committee of Safety.^ 
 
 Two sloops, the "Katy" and "Washing- 
 ton," were at once chartered. Commodore 
 Whipple tells us that on the same day he re- 
 ceived his commission, June 15, he captured 
 a tender of the frigate "Rose."^ This was 
 the first authorized capture of a naval ves- 
 sel of the enemy. During the summer of 
 1775 the "Katy" and "Washington" cruised 
 chiefly in Xarragansett Bay for the defence 
 of Rhode Island. In August the "Wash- 
 ington" was sent outside of the Bay to warn 
 incoming vessels laden with powder and 
 warlike stores of their danger from British 
 craft. It was at this time that Washington 
 
 1. Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, 
 June, 1775. 
 
 2. Staples, Annals of Providence, 265. 
 
Xaz'x of the American Rez'olution 465 
 
 proposed that one of tho sloops should be 
 sent to the Bermudas for powder, which 
 military necessity was much needed by his 
 army.^ Commodore Wiiipple, in the "Katy," 
 was dispatche<l on this errand in Se])tember. 
 Arriving at the Bcnunudas, Whipjile foimd 
 that he had come too late as the ])owd(>r had 
 already been sent to Philadelphia. 
 
 It was while the "Katy" was on this er- 
 rand that Governor Cooke, on October 10, 
 received orders from the Continental Con- 
 gress to send his little fleet to the northward 
 to intercept two British trans))orts. The 
 "Washington" was unfit for so large an un- 
 dertaking. The "Katy," having arrived 
 from the Bermudas, was ordered on No- 
 vember 12, 1775, to cruise between Nan- 
 tucket Shoals and Halifax. Later her desti- 
 nation was changed, and she was directed 
 to carry to Philadelphia the seamen which 
 Commodore Esek Hopkins had enlisted for 
 the Continental service.^ On the arrival of 
 the "Katy" in Philadelphia she was taken 
 into the Continental service under the name 
 of the "Providence." About the same time 
 the "Washington" was in all prolxability 
 returned to her owner, as she had })ecome 
 more or less unseaworthy. 
 
 Meantime the General Assemblv had or- 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 4lh, III, 69 
 
 2. Ibid., 36-37, 461, 653; Collections ot 
 Rhode Island Historical Society, VI, 134-35; 
 see Chapter I, page 00. 
 
466 Nai'x of the .Uncrican Revolution 
 
 dcred the construction of two galleys, to cany 
 sixty men, to have fifteen oars on a side, 
 and to mount one IS-pounder in the bow.' 
 The work was placed under the direction of 
 a superintendent. In January, 1776, the 
 General Assembly appointed John Grimes 
 commodore of the galleys at a salary of £9 
 a month. The galleys were named the 
 "Washington" and "Spitfire." They ren- 
 dered a variety of services in the Bay, 
 cruising in defence of trade, acting as trans- 
 ports, and covering landing parties sent 
 after forage and supplies.^ In July, 1776, 
 they were ordered to proceed to New York 
 and to assist in the defence of the Hudson.^ 
 It is probable that this detail was not car- 
 ried out. By the summer of 1778 they had 
 been captured or destroyed by the enemy. 
 
 From June, 1775, until December, 1776, 
 naval administration in Rhode Island dur- 
 ing the recess of the General Assembly, was 
 vested in the Conmiittee of Safety, or Re- 
 cess Committee, as it was sometimes called. 
 This Committee, as constituted by the ses- 
 sion of the General Assembly beginning on 
 October 31, 1775, consisted of the Governor 
 
 1. Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, 
 August, 1775. 
 
 2. Providence Gazette, April 20, April 27, 
 1776; Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, No- 
 vember, December, 1776; Arnold, History of 
 Rhode Island, II, .397. 
 
 .3. Rhode Island Colonial Records, VII, 
 5S2. 
 
A'(7cT of the American Rcz'oltttion 467 
 
 and eighteen members, together with such 
 members of the General Assembly as hap- 
 pened to be present at the meetings of the 
 Committee. Any seven members consti- 
 tuted a quorum. The composition of the 
 Committee varied slightly at different times. 
 On IVcember 13, 1776, a Council of War was 
 ai^pointed, with whom naval administra- 
 tion was now vested. The Council of War, 
 which included the Governor and Lieuten- 
 ant-Governor, consisted of nine members, 
 any five of whom formed a quorum. In 
 IMay, 1778. a Council of War comprising 
 twenty-one members, and representative 
 of the whole state was chosen. The Coun- 
 cil of War was virtually the Committee of 
 Safety under a change of name.^ 
 
 In January. 1776, the General Assembly 
 ap))ointed a committee of three to draw U]) 
 a bill establishing a prize court. On March 
 18 a bill became a law which established a 
 court of justice for the trying of prize cases. 
 It was to be presided over by a judge, ap- 
 pointed annually. The same act estab- 
 lished state privateering. I'rivateersmen 
 wore to enter into bond for £2,000 to ob- 
 serve the provisions of the act and the in- 
 structions of the Governor. They were to 
 be commissioned by the Governor. In 
 May, 1776, this act was brought into con- 
 formitv with the resolutions of Congress on 
 
 1. Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, De- 
 cember. 1776. May. 177.S. 
 
4(^)8 Xaz'v of the .liiwricaii Rcvohition 
 
 the same .subject. Captors were given one- 
 half of all armed vessels and one-third of all 
 other prizes.^ A list containing the names 
 of 193 privateers from Rhode Island has 
 been comi)ile(l.- 
 
 In June, 1777, the General Assembly \\n- 
 dertook to add two armed vessels to the 
 naval force of the state, but for some reason 
 its order was not carried out.^ The same 
 resolution directed the Council of War to 
 procure three merchantmen to be used in 
 importing supplies. The ship "Aurora" 
 and sloop "Diamond" were two of the vessels 
 purchased for commercial purjioses. 
 
 For a time Rhode Island relied in jiart for 
 her naval defence upon the two Continental 
 frigates, "Providence" and "Warren," which 
 were built at Providence in 1770, and offi- 
 cered and manned largely with Rhode Isl- 
 and men. The General Assembly and the 
 Council of War furthered the work of the 
 local naval committee which had charge of 
 the construction of the frigates. These two 
 ships left Providence (^v\y in 1778. During 
 1778 and 1779 the state continued to deix'tid 
 upon Continental assistance. 
 
 It is recalled that during the summer of 
 1778 Washington concerted with the French 
 
 1. Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, 
 March, May, 177G. 
 
 2. W. 'P. Sheffield, Rhode Island Priva- 
 teers and Privateersnien. 
 
 3. Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, 
 June, 1777. 
 
?\a:'y of the .Inicrican Revolution 469 
 
 flet'l a cami)aign to (lriv(> the British from 
 Newport. General SulHvan commanded the 
 land forces of the Americans. On June 25, 
 177S, Congress directed the Nav}' Board at 
 Boston to build three galleys, or procure 
 three suitable vessels, for the defence of the 
 Providence, Warren, and Taunton rivers in 
 Rhode Island, if upon advising with the 
 Rhode Island Council of War and General 
 Sullivan, the Navy Board should find such 
 measure expedient. At a conference of 
 the Navy Board, the Council of War, and 
 Sullivan it was decided to procure one large 
 ship. Such a vessel was obtained by Sulli- 
 van, but he was compelled soon to retiu'u 
 it to its owners.^ With the consent and 
 recommendation of the Rhode Island 
 authorities, Sullivan, in November, pro- 
 cured the "Pigot" galley, and in the 
 spring of 1779 the sloop "Argo."" First the 
 "Pigot," and later the "Argo," was placed 
 under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel 
 Silas Talbot, of the Continental army. 
 
 Already Talbot had been twice recom- 
 mended by Congress for promotion on ac- 
 count of gallant conduct in naval exploits. 
 The Rhode Island General Assembly had 
 
 1. Publications of Rhode Island Historical 
 Society, VIII, papers of William Vernon and 
 Navy "Board, 249, 2oO, 
 
 2. Journals of Rhode Island Council of 
 War, July 17, August 24, November 11, 17S1; 
 Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, Febru- 
 ary, 1779. 
 
4/0 A'c/ZT of the .hiicricaii Rcz'ohitioii 
 
 recognized his bravery in capturing the 
 "Pigot" galley off the coast of Rhode Island 
 in October, 1778, by voting him a "genteel 
 silver-hilted sword." As commander of the 
 "Pigot" and later of the "Argo," Talbot 
 was under the orders of Sullivan, and of 
 Gates, Sullivan's successor. During the 
 summer of 1779 Talbot in the "Argo," as- 
 sisted at times by privateers and the state 
 vessels of Massachusetts, captured fifteen 
 small prizes.^ As a reward for the conspic- 
 uous ability which he showed in this work. 
 Congress made him a captain in the Conti- 
 nental navy. Early in 1780 the "Pigot" 
 and "Argo" closed their services under Con- 
 tinental and state auspices. 
 
 Rhode Island's last naval enterprise was 
 made in 1781. In May of that year the 
 General Assembly appointed a committee 
 to "charter a suitable fast sailing Vessel, in 
 order to be fitted out as a Cruiser to clear 
 the Coast of the piratical Boats that infest 
 the same." The committee was voted 
 S5,000, and was ordered to man the vessel, 
 appoint its officers, and send it to sea. It 
 was directed to ]:)rocure a small vessel of 
 thirty to fifty tons burden, mounting four 
 3-pounders or 4-pounders. It at once ob- 
 tained the sloop "Rover," which it placed 
 
 1. Providence Gazette, August 14, Sep- 
 tember 25, 1779; Connecticut Gazette, June 
 24, 1779; Pennsvlvania Packet, September 
 9, 1779. 
 
Xaz'y of the American Revolution 471 
 
 under the command of Captain Richard 01- 
 ney. The "Rover" served the state but a 
 short time, and accompHshed Httle.^ 
 
 New York was led to purchase her first 
 armed vessel in order to prevent persons in- 
 imical to the liberties of the American Colo- 
 nies from supplying the ^linisterial army and 
 nav}' with provisions. It was for this pur- 
 pose that her Provincial Congress on De- 
 cember 20, 1775, appointed a committee of 
 two to buy, arm, and fit out a projier vessel 
 at a cost not to exceed £600. The com- 
 mittee purchased the sloop ''General Schuy- 
 ler," and by March, 1776, had the vessel 
 ready for service. James Smith, who in 
 the summer of 1775 had served as "Commo- 
 dore on the Lakes," that is. Lakes Cham- 
 plain and George, was appointed commander 
 of the "General Schuyler." In March the 
 Provincial Congress ordered the sloop "Bish- 
 op Landaff" to be fitted out.^ 
 
 On ^larch 11, 1776, the Provincial Con- 
 gress appointed five of its members, all 
 from New York, a ]\Iarine Committee. It 
 empowered this Committee "to take such 
 measures, and give such directions, and em- 
 ploy such persons for the protection or ad- 
 vantage of trade as they may think proper, 
 useful, or necessar\'." The Marine Com- 
 
 1. Acts and Resolves of Rhode Island, 
 Maj'- and October, 1781. 
 
 2. Journals of New York Provincial Con- 
 gress, December 20, 1775, March 9, 1776. 
 
47- Xcn'y of the .hiicrican Revolution 
 
 mittce was a permanent navy board vested 
 with the management and direction of the 
 naval affairs of the state. Three of its 
 members formea a quorum. Thomas Ran- 
 dall was its chairman. It was authorized to 
 keep secret such matters as it saw fit. It 
 reported to the Provincial Congress, when 
 the Congress was in session, and at other 
 times to the Committee of Safety. It was 
 directed to apply to the Provincial Congress 
 when in need of advice.* In March and 
 April it purchased the sloop "Montgomery," 
 and the schooner "General Putnam," and 
 sold the "Bishop Landaff."- 
 
 On April 17 the New York Committee of 
 Safety issued commissions to Captain Wil- 
 liam Rodgers of the "Montgomery," Cap- 
 tain James Smith of the "General Schuy- 
 ler," and Captain Thomas Cregier of the 
 "General Putnam." Rather singularly, 
 these captains executed bonds in favor of 
 John Hancock, President of the Continental 
 Congress, and were given the commissions 
 of Continental privateers. The naval es- 
 tablishment of New York was a mixed one. 
 Her fleet was governed by the Continental 
 naval rules and regulations. The enlisting 
 contract of the "Montgomer}^" reads at 
 points as if the vessel belonged to the Con- 
 
 1. Journals of New York Provincial Con- 
 gress, March 11, 177(1. 
 
 2. Journals of New York Committee of 
 Safety, April 25, 177(3. 
 
Naz-y of the .\u\crican Rci'olniion 473 
 
 tinental Congress: "The said William Rog- 
 ers, for and in behalf of himself and the said 
 Thirteen Colonies of North America, doth 
 iun'eby covenant and agree to and with said 
 officers, seamen, and marines" to advance 
 a month's wages. In sharing prizes, in 
 granting bounties to wounded soldiers, and 
 in rewarding exceptional merit, the contract 
 followed the naval regulations of the Conti- 
 nental Congress.^ On the other hand, the 
 three vess(>ls were owned, fitted out, offi- 
 cered, and manned by New York, which 
 state directed their cruises, and paid their 
 officers and seamen. This mixed (>stab- 
 lishment may in part be explained by the 
 fact that at first New York's intention was 
 to have Congress take her vessels into the 
 Continental service.^ 
 
 On the evacuation of Boston by the Brit- 
 ish on March 17, 1776, Washington at once 
 proceeded to New York, whither, it is recol- 
 lected, the scene of war soon shifted. In 
 April Washington asked for the loan of the 
 Ne\A- York vessels to assist in the defence 
 of New York city. After some disagree- 
 ment as to the terms upon which he 
 should receive them, the "General Put- 
 nam" and the "General Schuvler" were 
 
 1. Journals of New York Committee of 
 Safetv, April 19, 177G; Fernow, New York 
 in Revolution, 530-33. 
 
 2. Journals of New York Provincial Con- 
 gress, January 22, 177G. 
 
474 -^<?''V of the -hncrican Ri'Z'ohition 
 
 turned over to him.^ Hereafter the state 
 seems not to have had the direction of the 
 "General Schuyler." In October, 1776, a 
 mutiny having occurred on board the "Gen- 
 eral Putnam," the New York Committee of 
 Safety ordered this vessel to be sold.^ 
 
 New York's fleet captured some eight or 
 ten prizes. It cruised chiefly in the waters 
 surrounding Long Island. The "Montgom- 
 ery" had best success. On April 19, 1776, the 
 Marine Committee reported to the Committee 
 of Safety a draft of instructions for Captain 
 Rodgers. He was ordered to cruise between 
 Sandy Hook and Cape May, or from Sandy 
 Hook to the east end of Long Island, and 
 he was cautioned to always keep "some in- 
 let under your lee, so that you may secure 
 a retreat from a superior force. "^ Prizes 
 were to be sent to some place of safety in 
 the United Colonies. The "Montgomery" 
 criiised in this general region until June, 
 1777; in July she was sold for £3,550. She 
 captun^l several merchantmen, which were 
 lib(4ed in the admiralty courts of Rhode Isl- 
 and, Connecticut, and Mar3'land. In the 
 condemning and selling of these prizes, 
 New York's interests were attended to by 
 agents appointed for the purpose. The 
 
 1. Journals of New York Committee of 
 Safety, April 24, May 10, 1776. 
 
 2. Ibid., September 21, September 24, 
 October 7, 1776. 
 
 3. Ibid., April 19, 177G. 
 
A'(7c'v of the American Revolution 475 
 
 "Montgomery's'' most valuable prize was the 
 schooner "Hannah," libeled in Baltimore, 
 which, with her cargo of clothing, cloths, 
 and provisions, sold for £11,281. Another 
 prize, the "Minerva," with a cargo of salt, 
 was tried by the court at the same time with 
 the "Hannah," and was freed; whereupon, 
 Francis Lewis, a delegate of New York t(^ 
 the Continental Congress, which was then 
 in session in Baltimore, appealed the case of 
 the "^Minerva" to Congress.^ 
 
 In August, 1776, the Secret Committee, 
 which was assisting in the defence of the 
 Hudson, was fitting out two small armed 
 sloops, the "Camden" and "Hudson."- As 
 late as January, 1777, the Connnittee of 
 Safety was planning for a naval armament; 
 orders were then given for cutting the tim- 
 bers for a 74-gun ship.^ The permanent oc- 
 cupation of New York city by the British 
 stopped New York's naval enterprises on 
 state account. She continued, however, to 
 grant a few privateering commissions, until 
 the end of the war. In passing, one should 
 mention that in 1776 New York contributed 
 officers, seamen, and naval su})i)lies to Ar- 
 nold's campaign on lakes Champlain and 
 
 1. Journals of Xcw York Committee of 
 Safety, February 13, 1777; Journals of New 
 York Provincial Congress, April 1, 1777. 
 
 2. Journals of New York Provincial Con- 
 gress, August 16, 1776. 
 
 .3. Journals of New York Committee of 
 Safety, January 15, 1777. 
 
4/6 A^az'x of the Aiiicricaji Revolution 
 
 George, By the terms of New York's Con- 
 stitution of 1777 the Governor was "com- 
 mander-in-chief of all the militia and ad- 
 miral of the navj^ of this state." The Con- 
 stitution im]5lied that there was to be a 
 Court of Admiralty, although it did not 
 make d(>finite provision for such court. ^ 
 
 New Hampshire's only naval undertaking 
 was her participation, at the suggestion of 
 Massachusetts, in the Penobscot expedition 
 of July, 1779. She contributed to the ill- 
 starred fleet the "Hampden," 22, Captain 
 Titus Salter, which ve^r'sel was captured bv 
 the British.- On July 3, 1776, New 
 Hampshire ])assed an act "to encourage the 
 fixing out of Armed Vessels to defend the 
 seacoast of America, and to cruise on the en- 
 emies of the United Colonies, as also for 
 erecting a court to try and condemn all 
 Ships and other Vessels." This act was mod- 
 eled on similar acts of Massachusetts. It 
 established state ])rivateering. A "Court 
 Maritime," consisting of one judge, was 
 erected at Portsmouth to try cases of cap- 
 ture. Salvage was prescribed in accordance 
 
 1. New York Constitution of 1777. See 
 Carson, Supreme Court of United States, p. 45, 
 for further references to the admiralty legisla- 
 tion of New York. 
 
 2. New Hampshire Archives, VIII, 106, 
 18G, 19.5. In March, 1770, the New Hamp- 
 shire House of Representatives appointed a 
 committee of three to look out for an armed 
 vessel to guard the coast. It is believed that 
 no vessel was procured. 
 
Navy of the Aiiicrican Rcz'oliitioii ^.jj 
 
 with the proportions fixed by the Coiiti- 
 lu'iital Congress, lii cases of prizes cap- 
 tured by a Continental vessel, appeals lay 
 from the Court Maritime to the Continental 
 Congress.^ 
 
 In July, 177G, a Committee of Newark, 
 New Jersey, requested the New Jersey Pro- 
 vincial Congress to build four "gondolas," 
 or row-galleys, to be mounted with can- 
 non, and to ply between the mouths of the 
 Passaic and Hackensack rivers and the 
 town of Perth Amboy. The Provincial 
 Congress referred the proposition to a com- 
 mittee of four. It finally ended the busi- 
 ness bf referring the report of this commit- 
 tee to the Continental Congress." 
 
 Until October 5, 1776, when New Jersey 
 passed an act establishing an admiralty 
 court, her Provincial Congress decided prize 
 cases. So early as February 15, 1776, a 
 committee of the Provincial Congress, which 
 had been appointed to draft an ordinance 
 for erecting a Court of Admiralty, reported 
 that it had consulted William Jivingston, 
 one of the New Jersey delegates to the Con- 
 tinental Congress, on the subject, and had 
 proposed to him, wdiether it would not be of 
 manifest advantage to the Colonies if "Con- 
 
 1. Force, American Archives, 5th, I, 
 90-9G. 
 
 2. Minutes of Provincial Congress and 
 Council of Safetv of New Jersey, 1775-1776, 
 510. 520. 525, 528. 
 
47^ A'ot'\' of ihc American Revolution 
 
 gross should, by one general ordinance, in- 
 stitute the powers and mode of erecting a 
 Court of Admiralty to be adopted by all the 
 Colonies." Livingston agreed to take the 
 first opportunity for proposing the matter 
 to Congress.^ Nothing came of the recom- 
 mendation. 
 
 1. Minutes of Provincial Congress and 
 Council of Safety of New Jersey, 1775-1776 
 370-71, 39G, 479. 
 
APPENDICES 
 
APPENDIX A 
 
 A BIBLIOGRAPHY 
 
 THE CONTINENTAL NAVY 
 
 MANUSCRIPI' SOURCES 
 
 Adams, John. Letters for 1775 and 1776, de- 
 posited for the present by Charles Francis 
 Adams with the Massachusetts Historical 
 Society, Boston. 
 
 A few letters are valuable for the early 
 history of the Continental Navy. 
 Continental Congress. Manuscript Journals. 
 Supplements and corrects the ])rinted 
 journals. 
 Continental Congress. Records and Papers, 
 formerly found in the Bureau of Rolls and 
 Library, Department of State, Washington; 
 but now in most part in the Library of Con- 
 gress, Division of Manuscripts. There are 
 many volumes o^ these documents. Most of 
 the material relating to the navy is found in 
 the following voluines: 
 No. 28, 1 vol., Reports of committees of 
 
 Congress on naval affairs, 177C)-178r). 
 No. .37, 1 vol., Reports of Marine Commit- 
 tee and Board of Admiralty, 1776-1780. 
 
482 !h'blli)i:;raph\ 
 
 Xo. 50, 1 vol., Letters of Oliver Pollock, 
 
 Commercial Agent at New Orleans, to 
 
 President and to committees of Congress, 
 
 1776-1782. 
 
 No. 58, 1 vol., Letters and Papers of John 
 
 Hancock. 
 No. 78, 24 vols., Letters to President of Con- 
 gress. 
 No. 90, 1 vol.. Letters of the commercial 
 agents at Martinique to President of 
 Congress. 
 No. 137^ 3 vols.. Letters and Reports of 
 
 Robert Morris, Agent of Marine. 
 No. 138, 3 vols., Reports of the Board of 
 
 Treasury, 1784-1789. 
 Nos. 82-9G, 132, 168, and 193. 
 
 The Records and Papers of the Conti- 
 nental Congress are especiallv valuable 
 for the years from 1780 to 1783. They 
 contain many important letters of John 
 Paul Jones. The letters of Pollock give a 
 full account of his services at New Orleans. 
 Deane, Silas. Papers in the library of the 
 Connecticut Historical Society, Hartford. 
 A few of these papers relate to the navy. 
 Force Transcripts. These are copies of many 
 of the Records and Papers of the Continent- 
 al Congress, made by Peter Force, and now 
 in the possession of the Library of Congress, 
 Division of Manviscripts. 
 
 The copying is accurately done. The 
 pagination often differs from that of the 
 originals. 
 Hopkins, Esek. Letters and papers, in the li- 
 brary of the Rhode Island Historical Society, 
 Providence. 
 
 Quite valuable for 1775, 1776, and 1777. 
 The best of them have been printed in 
 Edward Field's Esek Hopkins. 
 Jones, John Paul. Manuscripts, in the Divi- 
 
Bibliography 483 
 
 sion of ^Manuscripts, Librai\y of Congress. 
 Have been excellently catalogued by C. H. 
 Lincoln in Calendar of John Paul Jones 
 Manuscripts. 
 
 An important original source for the naval 
 history of the Revolution. A number of 
 the most important manuscripts, how- 
 ever, have been published, notably in 
 Sands's Life and Correspondence of John 
 Paul Jones. 
 ^Larine Committee Letter Book. Letters of 
 the Marine Committee and the Board of Ad- 
 miralty, in the Division of Manuscripts, Li- 
 brary of Congress. 
 
 Quite the most important manuscript 
 source for the history of the Continental 
 navy from 1776 to 1780. Contains 217 
 pages, folio, and 505 letters. They are 
 copies of the originals. Of these letters, 
 371 were written by the Marine Committee 
 between August 22, 1770, and November 
 20, 1779; and 134 by the Board of Ad- 
 miralty between December 10, 1779, and 
 September 19, 1780. Eighty-six letters 
 are addressed to the Navy Board at Bos- 
 ton. Hitherto the Marine Committee Let- 
 ter Book has been little used. 
 Tucker, Samuel. Papers, in the Harvard Li- 
 brary, Cambridge. Valuable for the career 
 of Samuel Tucker, a captain in the Continent- 
 al navy. The best of the papers have been 
 published by J. H. Sheppard in his Life of 
 Samuel Tucker, 1868. (See entry under 
 Sheppard.) 
 
 Miscellaneous Manuscripts, Division of Manu- 
 scripts, Library of Congress 
 
 Of noteworthy importance is a list of 
 commissioned oflficers in the Continental 
 navy, far more complete than any yet 
 published. 
 
484 Biblioi^vaphy 
 
 PRINTED SOURCES 
 
 Adams, John. Works, 10 vols. Boston, 
 1856. 
 
 Almost the only source for the debates in 
 Congress on naval affairs in the fall of 
 1775. His Notes on Debates are more 
 reliable than his Autobiography. 
 Appleton. Cyclopedia of American Biog- 
 raphy. 7 vols. New York, 1898-1900. 
 Contains a little information of interest 
 to students of naval history. 
 Annual Register for 1775-1783. London. 
 
 Of slight value for naval history. 
 Bancroft, George. History of the United 
 States. 6 vols New York, 1884-85. 
 A few references to naval history. 
 Barney, Mary. Memoirs of Commodore Josh- 
 ua Barney. Boston, 1832. 
 Not satisfactory. 
 Beatson, Robert. Naval and Military Mem- 
 oirs of Great Britain, 1727-1783. London, 
 1804. 
 
 Contains accounts of some of the import- 
 ant naval engagements of the Revolu- 
 tion. 
 Bigelbw, John. Works of Benjamin Frank- 
 hn. 10 vols. New York, 1887-88. 
 
 Contains valuable original material for 
 Franklin's naval services in Paris. 
 Bolton, C. K. Private Soldier under Wash- 
 ington, New York, 1902. 
 A few references to the navJ^ 
 Boston Gazette for 1775-1783. Boston. 
 
 Of great value for a history of the move- 
 ments of the Continental vessels. In its 
 advertisements of libeled prizes, one of 
 the very best sources for the work of the 
 Massachusetts privateers. 
 British Marine Encyclopedia, in Hogg's Naval 
 Magazine for 1801. London. 
 
Biblu\i^rapliy 485 
 
 Excellent for definitions of naval terms 
 itsed in the British navy. 
 
 Buell, A. C. Paul Jones, Founder of the 
 
 American Navy. 2 vols. New York, 1900. 
 Very interesting; attractive style. Con- 
 tains many inaccuracies. Chapter II, 
 Volume I, entitled. Founding of the Ameri- 
 can Navy, is in no small part fiction. 
 
 Canadian Archives, report on, for 1895. Ot- 
 tawa. 
 
 Under the subject Prince Edward Island, 
 will be found references to Broughton and 
 Sclman's exf)edition in 1775. 
 
 Carson, H. L. Supreme Court of the United 
 States. Philadelphia, 1902. 
 
 Contains a brief account of the prize 
 courts of the Revolution. 
 
 Caulkins, Frances M. History of New Lond- 
 on, Connecticut. New London, 1852. 
 
 A few valuable references to the Continen- 
 tal navy. 
 
 Clark, Thomas. Naval History of the United 
 States. Philadelphia, 1814. 
 
 The earliest history of the United States 
 navy. Has considerable merit. Gives 
 sources of his information. His inter- 
 views with naval officers constitute origi- 
 nal material. 
 
 Clowes, W. L. Roval Navy. 7 vols. Bos- 
 ton and London, 1 897-1903. 
 
 Chapter XXXI, Volume III, and Chapter I, 
 Volume IV, are important sources for the 
 engagements of Continental vessels with 
 vessels of the Royal Navy. Scientific 
 treatment. Some sources have been used 
 which are not accessible in America. The 
 most important contribution to the his- 
 tory of the Continental navy since Coop- 
 er's naval history, written in 1839. 
 
 Connecticut Colonial Records for 1775-1776; 
 Connecticut State Records for 1776-1780. 
 Hartford, 1890, 1894-95. 
 
48^) Biblio^i^raf^hy 
 
 Contain references to the Continental 
 vessels built in Connecticut. 
 
 Connecticut Gazette for 1775-1783. New 
 London. 
 
 Contains important bits of information 
 relating to the movements of the Conti- 
 nental vessels. 
 
 Connecticut Historical Society Collections, 
 vol. VIII. Hartford, 1901. 
 
 Contains rolls of the Connecticut compa- 
 nies who served in the navy on Lake 
 Champlain. 
 
 Continental Congress, Journals of, for 1775- 
 1788. 13 vols. Philadelphia, 1777-88. 
 The most valuable and extensive source 
 for the history of naval legislation and ad- 
 ministration during the Revolution. The 
 edition of W. C. Ford, now being pub- 
 lished by the Library of Congress, super- 
 sedes previo^is editions. 
 
 Continental Congress, Secret Tournals, for 
 1775-1788. 4 vols. _ Boston, "1821. 
 
 Contributes some information on the work 
 of naval agents abroad. 
 
 Continental Journal and Weeklv Advertiser 
 for 1776-1783. Boston. 
 
 Supplements the information found in the 
 Boston Gazette. 
 
 Cooper, James Feniinore. History of the Navy 
 of the United States of America. London, 
 183<). 
 
 Several editions of this work have been 
 issued. The first part treats of the Con- 
 tinental navy. This varies little in the dif- 
 ferent editions. Clear and interesting 
 style. The most satisfactory account of 
 the engagements of the Continental navy. 
 Treats of its fights with merchantmen and 
 privateers, as well as with the vessels of 
 the Royal Navy. More complete than 
 Clowes, but not so scientific. 
 
Jiib!i(\<:;ra['hy 487 
 
 Deane Papers. Collections of the New York 
 Historical Society. 5 vols. New York, 
 18Sl)-90. ■ _ - 
 
 Valuable for the naval services of Silas 
 Deane in France. 
 Emmons, Lieutenant G. F. Navy of the 
 United States. AVashington, 185;1 
 
 Names of the Continental vessels and 
 their prizes arranged in tables. Treat- 
 ment statistical. Valuable, but far from 
 complete. Privateers of the Revolution 
 similarly treated. 
 Field, Edward. Esek Hopkins. Providence, 
 1898. 
 
 Valuable. Prints many important Hop- 
 kins papers. 
 Field, Edward. State of Rhode Island and 
 Providence Plantations. 3 vols. Boston 
 and Syracuse. 
 
 Contains some additional information re- 
 lating to the early life of Esek Hopkins. 
 Force, Peter. American Archives. 'J vols. 
 Folio. Washington, 1837-o;j. 
 
 A source of very great value for naval his- 
 tory during 1775 and 1776. Prints the 
 chief public records for these years, to- 
 gether T^ith important letters and mis- 
 cellaneous papers. 
 Ford, W. C. Writings of George Washington. 
 14 vols. New Y'ork and London, 1889-93. 
 One of the chief sources for the history of 
 Washington's fleets. 
 Ford, W. C. Letters of William Lee. 3 vols. 
 Brooklyn, 1891. 
 
 Valuable for the work of the commercial 
 agents in P" ranee. 
 Goldsborough's Naval Chronicle. Washing- 
 ton, 1824. 
 Griffin, M. 1. J. Commodore John Barrv. 
 Philadelphia, 1903. 
 
 Especially valuable for the numerous doc- 
 uments which are printed. 
 
488 Biblioi^raf^hy 
 
 Hale, Edward Everett and Edward Everett, jr. 
 Franklin in France. 2 vols. Boston, 1887. 
 Prints many documents. Chapter XI, 
 American Prisoners, Chapter XVI, Priva- 
 teers form Dunkirk, and Chapter XVII, 
 Captain Landais, Volume I, are of special 
 interest to students of naval history.. 
 Hamerslv, L. R. Xaval Encvclopedia. Phila- 
 delphia, 1881. 
 Suggestive. 
 Hamilton, J. C. Works of Alexander Hamil- 
 ton. 7 vols. New York, 1850-51. 
 
 Contains Hamilton's views on single- 
 headed executives. 
 Hatch, L. C. Administration of the Ameri- 
 can Revolutionary Army, Harvard Histori- 
 cal Studies, X. New York and London, 
 1904. 
 
 Suggestive for the Continental navy. 
 Independent Chronicle and Universal Adver- 
 tiser for 1775-1783, Boston. 
 
 Supplements the Boston Gazette. 
 Ingraham, E. D. Papers relating to Silas 
 Deane. Philadelphia, 1855-57. 
 
 Relate to his controversy with Congress. 
 Jameson, J. F. Essays in the Constitutional 
 Historv of the United Stated. Baltimore, 
 188(). 
 
 Chapter I gives a good account of the Con- 
 tinental prize courts. Chapter II treats of 
 the administrative organs of the Conti- 
 nental Congress. Scientific. 
 Johnston's Correspondence and Public Papers 
 of John Jay. 4 vols. New York, 1890-93. 
 Volume I contains a valuable letter of 
 Jay's relating to naval administration. 
 Jones, C. H. Gustavus Convngham. Phila- 
 delphia, 1903. 
 
 A brief, but good account. 
 King's Regulations and Admiralty Instruc- 
 tions for 1772. London. 
 
Bibliography 489 
 
 Gives the rules and regulations of the 
 Royal Navy at the opening of the Revolu- 
 tion. 
 Lincoln, C. H. Calendar, John Pattl Jones 
 Manuscripts Washington, 1903. 
 
 Excellent catalogue and digest of the 
 Jones manuscripts in the Library of Con- 
 gress. Dr. Lincoln's purpose is to enlarge 
 his calendar so as to include the additional 
 Jones material which is found in the Rec- 
 ords and Papers of the Continental Con- 
 gress. 
 Lossing, B. J. Field-Book of the American 
 Revolution. 2 vols. New York, 1851-52. 
 Slight naval information. 
 Maclay, E. S. History of the United States 
 Navy. 2 vols. New York, 1894. 
 
 Narrative of the Continental navy some- 
 what popular. 
 Massachusetts Historical Society Collections. 
 Boston, 180G- . 
 
 Brief references to the Continental navy. 
 New England Historical and Genealogical Reg- 
 ister for 1865. Boston. 
 
 Contains a list of prisoners confined at 
 Mill prison, Plymouth, during the Revo- 
 lution. 
 New Hampshire Gazette for 1775-1783. Ports- 
 mouth. 
 
 Contains information concerning the Con- 
 tinental vessels which were built in New 
 Hampshire, or which arrived at Ports- 
 mouth. 
 New London County Historical Society, Rec- 
 ords and Papers. Volume L New London, 
 1890-94. 
 
 Gives a most excellent account of the 
 fight between the Continental frigate 
 "Trumbull" and the Liverpool privateer 
 "Watt." 
 Outlook, January 3, 1903. Tragedy of the 
 Lost Commission by James Barnes. 
 
4<jO Bihlioi;;raf^lix 
 
 A brief, but excellent, account of tlie ex- 
 ploits of Captain Gustavus Conyngham. 
 Pennsylvania Archives, 1st Ser. 12 vols. 
 Philadelphia, 1S52-.56. 
 
 Of special value for the movements of the 
 Continental vessels in the Delaware river 
 and bay. 
 Pennsylvania Packet for 1775-1783. Phila- 
 delphia. 
 
 Valuable for the movements of the Conti- 
 nental vessels and the Pennsylvania 
 privateers. The prizes which were sent 
 into Philadelphia are advertised in its col- 
 umns. 
 Providence Gazette for 177o-17S3. Provi- 
 dence. 
 
 V^aluaTjle for Continental vessels in 1775 
 and 1770. Contains names of prizes. 
 Rhode Island Historical Society Publications, 
 VIII. Providence, 1900. Papers of William 
 Vernon and the Navy Board. 
 
 A valuable source of information for the 
 work of the Navy Board at Boston. A 
 number of important letters and docu- 
 ments are printed. 
 Root, M. P. Chapter Sketches of Connecti- 
 cut Daughters of the American Revolution. 
 New Haven, 1001. 
 
 Contains the best account of the life of 
 Nathaniel Shaw, jr., naval agent at New 
 London. 
 Royal Navy, List of. New York, 1782. 
 Sands, R. Life and Correspondence of Jolm 
 Paul Jones. New York, 1830. 
 Valuable reprints. 
 Scribner's Magazine for 1898. New York. 
 John Paul Jones in the American Revolution, 
 by Captain A. T. Mahan. 
 
 Contains a technical account of the fight 
 between the "Bon Homme Richard" and 
 the "Serapis. " 
 
f^iblioi^raphy 41)1 
 
 Sheppard, J. II. Commodore Samuel Tucker. 
 Boston, 1868. 
 
 A good account of Tucker's life. Re- 
 prints the best of the Tucker papers 
 found in the Harvard Library. 
 Sherburne, J. H. Life of John Paul Jones. 
 New York, 1825, 1851. 
 A fair account. 
 Sparks, Jared. American Biography, 2nd Ser. 
 Vol. IX. Gamniell's Life of Samuel Ward. 
 Bcjston, 184(). 
 
 Contains a bit of important information 
 with reference to thefoundingof thenavy. 
 Sparks, Jared. Gouverneur Morris. 3 vols. 
 Boston, 1832. 
 
 Volume I contains Morris's description of 
 an ideal secretary of the navy. 
 Spears, J. R. History of Our Navv. 5 vols. 
 New York, 1897-99. 
 
 The account of the Continental navy is 
 somewhat popular. 
 Staples, W. R. Annals of Providence. Prov- 
 idence, 1843. 
 
 Of some value for 1775 and 1776. 
 Stevens's Facsimiles. 24 portfolios. London, 
 1889-95. 
 
 Valuable for the diploinatic relations be- 
 tween England and France for 1776 and 
 1777, and for the movements of American 
 vessels in European waters during these 
 years. 
 Sumner, W. G. Financier and I'inances of the 
 American Revolution. 2 vols. New York, 
 1891. 
 
 Gives a few facts about Morris's career as 
 Agent of Marine. 
 Town, Ithiel. Some Details of the American 
 Revolution. New York, 1835. 
 Of slight value for naval history. 
 
 Waite, H. E. Origin of the American Navv. 
 Boston, 1890. 
 
492 Biblioi^rapliy 
 
 Contains letters written l)y John Adams, 
 Elbridge Gerry, and John Langton in 
 lSi;i These relate chielly to the services 
 of Washington's fleet at Boston. 
 Wells, W. V. Life and Public Services of 
 Samuel Adams. 3 vols. Boston, 1865. 
 Adds to our knowledge of Samuel Adams 
 as member of the Marine Committee. 
 Wharton, Francis. Revolutionary Diplomatic 
 Correspondence, 1775-1783. 6 vols. Wash- 
 ington, 1889. 
 
 Of primary importance, for the history of 
 the nav'al services of American represent- 
 atives in foreign countries. 
 Williams, Gomer. Liverpool Privateers. Liv- 
 erpool, 1897. 
 
 Valuable for the sea fights of the Liver- 
 pool privateers. 
 Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical His- 
 tory of the United vStates. 8 vols. Boston 
 and New York, 1884-89 . 
 
 Volume VI contains a history of the Revo- 
 lutionary navy by E. E. Hale. 
 Brief and suggestive. 
 
THE STATE NAVIES 
 
 THE NAVY OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 
 Amorv's James Sullivan. '2 vols. Boston, 
 185";). 
 
 Throws some light upon Massachusetts's 
 prize courts. 
 Austin's Elbridge Gerry. 2 vols. Boston, 
 1828-29. 
 
 Contains inforination in respect to prize 
 courifs. 
 Boston Gazette for 1775-1783. Boston. 
 
 Of the highest value for the cruises, en- 
 gagements, and prizes of the Massachus- 
 etts navy. 
 Clowes. W. L. Royal Navy. 7 vols. Bos- 
 ton and London, 1897-1903. 
 
 Volume IV contains an account of the na- 
 val battle at the mouth of the Penobscot. 
 Continental Journal and Weeklv Advertiser 
 for 1775-1783. Boston. 
 
 Supplements the Boston Gazette. 
 Goodell, Acts and Resolves of Massachusetts. 
 5 vols. 1809-86. 
 
 Volume V contains the legislation of Mas- 
 sachusetts with reference to prize courts. 
 The notes to the laws are a valuable guide 
 to the sources of the events which led to 
 the passage of the laws. 
 Maclay, E. S. History of American Privateer- 
 ing. New York, 1899. 
 
 Of value for the Revolutionary jjrivatc ers 
 of Massachusetts. 
 
494 BihUn\:^rapliy 
 
 Massachusetts Historical Society Ccjllections. 
 C7 vols. Boston, 1792-1894. 
 
 Contains references to the Penobscot ex- 
 pedition. 
 
 Massachusetts Historical Society Proceedings. 
 30 vols. Boston, 1859-94. 
 
 Contains information upon the Penobscot 
 expedition. 
 
 Massachusetts, Journals of the House of Rep- 
 resentatives for 1775-1783. 
 
 Contemporaneoiis print. Incomplete. 
 The journals found in the state library 
 may be supplemented by those found in 
 the library of the Boston Athenaeum. 
 
 Massachusetts, Records of the Council for 
 1775-177G. 
 
 Are printed in part in Force's American 
 Archives. 
 
 Massachusetts, Journals of the Third Provin- 
 cial Convention, 1775. ^ 
 
 Are printed in Force's American Arch- 
 ives. The chief sources for the early civil 
 history of the Massachusetts navy are 
 the Journals of the Third Provincial Con- 
 vention, Journals of the House, Records 
 of the Council, and the Resolves of the 
 General Court. 
 
 Massachusetts, Records of the General Court 
 for 1775-1783. MSS. 
 
 Supplements the Journals and the Re- 
 solves. 
 
 Massachusetts Resolves, for 1775-1783. 
 
 Contemporaneous print. A most valu- 
 able source. Most of the naval legisla- 
 tion of Massachusetts was passed in the 
 form of Resolves, and not Laws. 
 
 Massachusetts Revolutionary Archives, MSS. 
 A very extensive and valuable source. 
 Many volumes contain material relating 
 to the navy. Volumes XXXIX, XL, and 
 XLIV have the greatest value. They con- 
 tain the rolls of naval vessels, letters of of- 
 
Bihlioi^ral'lix 4f)5 
 
 ficcrs, and miscellaneous papers. Vol- 
 ume CXLV has many documents relating 
 to the Penobscot expedition. The Arch- 
 ives are rich in material relating to pri- 
 vateers. The Board of War Letters, 
 Board of War Minutes, and Board of War 
 Orders contain much naval material. An 
 Index compiled by Jusiin Winsor affords 
 a valuable key to the Archives. 
 
 Pickering and Upham's Timothy Pickering. 
 4 vols. Boston, 1867, 1S74. 
 Of value for the work of the Massachu- 
 setts prize courts. 
 
 Virginia Gazette for 1779. Williamsburg. 
 Prints a valuable letter about Massachu- 
 setts privateers. 
 
 Weymouth Historical Society Publications. 
 2'vols. Boston, 1881-85. 
 
 Volume I gives the best account of the 
 Penobscot expedition, and prints the 
 original Journal of General Solomon Lovell 
 kept on the expedition. 
 
 Winsor, Justin. Narrative and Critical His- 
 tory of the United States. 8 vols. Boston 
 and New York, 1884-89. 
 
 Article on the Revolutionary navy by 
 E. E. Hale, in Volume VI, contains infor- 
 mation on the Massachusetts navy. Val- 
 uable bibliography. 
 
 Works of John Adams. 10 vols. Boston, 
 1856. 
 
 Gives John Adams's opinion of the Massa- 
 chusetts statute establishing privateer- 
 ing. 
 
 THE NAVY OF CONNECTICUT 
 
 Caulkins, Frances M. History of Norwich. 
 Norwich, 1845. 
 
 Contains information relative to the naval 
 part which Norwich and Norwicli men 
 played in the Revolution. 
 
4</» Biblioi^raphy 
 
 Connecticut Revolutionary Archives. MSS. 
 Contains much miscellaneous informa- 
 tion relating to the Connecticut navy. 
 Volumes VI 1 1 and I X contain valuable ma- 
 terial concerning the prizes captured by 
 Connecticut vessels. 
 Connecticut Colonial Records for 1775-1776. 
 Hartford, 1S90. 
 
 Valuable for the beginnings of the Con- 
 necticut navy. 
 ~ Connecticut Gazette for 1775-1779. Xe\v Lon- 
 don. 
 
 The best newspaper for naval news in the 
 state. Captured prizes are advertised 
 in its columns. 
 Connecticut Historical Society Collections. 
 8 vols. Hartford, 1860-1001" 
 
 Volume II contains a description of 
 Bushnell's submarine boat. 
 Connecticut in the Revolution. Hartford, 
 1889. 
 
 Of slight naval value. 
 Connecticut Journal for 1775-1779. Xew 
 Haven. 
 
 Supplements the Connecticut Gazette in a 
 few particulars, but contains miich less 
 news. 
 Connecticut State Records, 177G-1779. 2 
 vols. Hartford, 1894-95. 
 
 Of great value for the years covered. 
 Force, Peter. American Archives. 9 vols. 
 Folio. Washington, 1837-53. 
 
 Contains miscellaneous information relat- 
 ing to the Connecticut navy. 
 Ford, W. C. Writings of George Washington. 
 14 vols. Xew York and London, 1889-93. 
 Volume X contains Washington's account 
 of Bushnell's submarine boat. 
 Hartford Courant for 177.5-1779. Hartford. 
 For naval news, the newspaper in the state 
 ne.xt in importance to the Connecticut 
 Gazette. 
 
Biblioi^ral^Iiy 4()7 
 
 New London County Historical vSociety. Rec- 
 ords and Papers. Volume I. New Lon- 
 don, 1890-94. 
 
 Valuable. Contains a fair account of the 
 Connecticut navy, and a list of Connecti- 
 cut privateers. 
 Wharton, Francis. Revolutionary Diplomat- 
 ic Correspondence. vols. Washington, 
 1889. 
 
 Volume II has a reference to the voyage 
 of the "Spy" to France in 1778. 
 
 THE NAVY OF PENNSYLVANIA 
 
 Almon's Remembrancer for 1778. London. 
 Valuable for an account of the British raid 
 to the north of Philadelphia in May, 1778. 
 Bioren, Laws of Pennsylvania. 4 vols. Phil- 
 adelphia, 1810. 
 
 Contains statutes relating to the estab- 
 lishment of prize courts. 
 Barnev, Mary. Memoirs of Commodore Bar- 
 ney." Boston, 1832. 
 
 Of value for a historv of the "Hvder 
 Ally." 
 Jameson, J. F. Essays in the Constitutional 
 Historv of the United States. Baltimore, 
 188G. 
 
 Chapter I, Predecessor of the Supreme 
 
 Court, gives an excellent account of the 
 
 capture of the sloop "Active" by the brig 
 
 "Convention." 
 
 Pennsylvania Archives. 1st and 2nd Ser. .31 
 
 vols. Philadelphia and Harrisburg, 18o2- 
 
 90. 
 
 The most important source after the Co- 
 lonial records. Volume I of the second 
 series contains the minutes of the Penn- 
 sylvania Navy Board, a brief historical 
 account of the navy, and a list of Pennsyl- 
 vania privateers. 
 
40i^ I^ihlioi^rapliy 
 
 Pennsylvania Colonial Records. Ki vols. 
 Philadelphia, 1852-53. 
 
 A source of great value for the history of 
 the Pennsvlvania navy. 
 Pennsylvania Journal and Weekly Advertiser 
 for 1775-1783. Philadelphia. 
 
 Supplements the Pennsylvania Packet. 
 Pennsylvania Packet for 1775-1783. Phila- 
 delphia. 
 
 Valuable for the prizes captured by Penn- 
 svlvania naval vessels and by privateers. 
 Not printed while the British occupied 
 Philadelphia. 
 Scharf and Westcott. History of Pennsyl- 
 vania. 3 vols. Philadelphia, 1884. 
 Contains bits of naval information. 
 Wallace, J. W. Colonel WiUiam Bradford. 
 Philadelphia, 1884. 
 
 Valuable for the naval campaigns around 
 Philadelphia. 
 
 THE NAVY OF VIRGINIA 
 
 Almon's Remembrancer for 1770 and 1781. 
 London. 
 
 Contains original material for the raids into 
 Virginia of Matthews and Collier, and of 
 Arnold and Phillips. 
 Calendar of Virginia State Papers. 10 vols. 
 Richmond, 1875-92. 
 
 Volumes I-III throw light upon the vears 
 1780-1783. Volume VIII, pages 75^240, 
 prints the Journals of the Committee of 
 Safety of Virginia, February 7 to July 5, 
 177G." _ ■ 
 
 Force, Peter. American Archives. 9 vols 
 Folio. Washington, 1837-53. 
 Prints important state records. 
 Ford, W. C. Writings of Jefferson. 10 vols. 
 New York and London, 1892-99. 
 
 Of value for Jefferson's naval services 
 while governor of Virginia. 
 
Biblit\i:^rapli\' 499 
 
 Hening's Statutes of Virginia. 13 vols. Phil- 
 adelphia and New York, 1823. 
 
 A most important source for naval legis- 
 lation and administration in Virginia. 
 Lull, E. P. History of the United States Navy 
 yard at Gosport, Virginia. Washington, 
 1S74. 
 
 Gives the early history of the navy yard 
 at Norfolk. 
 Maryland Archives, 21 vols. Baltimore, 
 1883-1901. 
 
 Contains information about Commodore 
 Boucher of the Virginia navy. 
 North Carolina Records. 18 vols. Raleigh, 
 1 880- 1900. 
 
 Contains information upon the raid of 
 Matthews and Collier. 
 Rowland, K. M. George Mason. 2 vols. New 
 York, 1892. 
 
 Volume I is valuable for Virginia's "Po- 
 tomac river fleet." 
 Southern Literary Messenger for 1857. Rich- 
 mond. 
 
 Contains a series of valuable articles en- 
 titled the "Virginia Navy of the Revolu- 
 tion." A good account of the Virginia 
 navy. Somewhat extravagant in tone. 
 Popular rather than scientific. 
 Virginia Archives, Richmond. Letter Book 
 of Governor Thomas Jefferson; Letter Book 
 of Governor Benjamin Harrison. MSS. 
 Contain bits of naval information. 
 Virginia Archives, Richmond. Journals of 
 the Virginia Navy Board. MSS. 
 
 A valuable source for both the civil and 
 military history of the navy. 
 Virginia Archives, Richmond. Virginia State 
 Navy Papers. 2 vols. MSS. 
 
 An important original source. Contains 
 much information relative to the differ- 
 ent vessels of the navy. 
 
500 J->ihli(>:^raphy 
 
 Virginia Gazette for 177.J-1 771*. A\'illiams- 
 burg. 
 
 Not complete files. Those m the Library 
 of the Virginia Historical Society may be 
 supplemented by those in the Virginia 
 State Library. Of some value for the 
 cruises of the Virginia fleet. 
 
 Virginia Historical Register. (J vols. Rich- 
 mond, 1848-5.3. 
 
 Contains some important bits of naval in- 
 formation. 
 
 THE NAVY OF SOUTH CAROLINA 
 
 Almon's Remembrancer for 1780. London. 
 Valuable for the naval defence of Charles- 
 ton, 1779-1780. 
 Clowes, W. L. Royal Navy. 7 vols. Bos- 
 ton and London, 1897-190":^. 
 
 Gives good accounts of the cruise of the 
 "Randolph" in 1778, and the capture of 
 the "South Carolina" in 1782. 
 Connecticut Gazette for 1782, New London. 
 Reports the capture of the Bahamas by 
 the Spiiniards and Commodore Gillon. 
 Cooper's Statutes of South Carolina. 10 vols. 
 Columbia, 183G-41. 
 
 Valuable for naval legislation. 
 Deane Papers. Collections of the New York 
 Historical Societv. 5 vols. New York, 
 188G-90. 
 
 Serviceable for Gillon 's movements in 
 Europe. 
 Drayton, W. H. Memoirs of the American 
 Revolution. 2 vols. Charleston, 1821. 
 Throws light on the naval history of 1775. 
 Force, Peter. American Archives. 9 vols. 
 Folio. Washington, 1837-53. 
 
 Prints important South Carolina official 
 records, notably the earlj' journals of the 
 South Carolina Navv Board. The manu- 
 
/)/'/'//( )_i^ ;•(//' //_v 501 
 
 script jinirnals of the South C\'irohna Navy 
 Board are in the New York State Librar}^ 
 at Albany. 
 Gazette of State of South Carolina for 1776- 
 177U. Charleston. 
 
 Files for part of the period at Charleston. 
 Valuable for the cruises of the naval ves- 
 sels. 
 Gibbes, R. W. Documentary History of the 
 American Revolution. 3 vols. New York, 
 1853-57. 
 
 Contains some naval information. 
 McCrady, Edward, History of vSouth CaroHna 
 in the Revolution. 2 \ols. New York and 
 London, 1901-02. 
 
 Of vakie for 1775 and for a history of the 
 "wSouth Carolina." 
 Moultrie, William. Memoirs of the American 
 Revolution. 2 vols. New York, 1802. 
 Of little value for naval history. 
 Poore's Constitutions. Washington, 1877. 
 Contains the constitution of South Caro- 
 lina of 177(5. 
 Pennsylvania Packet for 1782. Philadelphia. 
 Contains valuable material for the move- 
 ments of the "South Carolina" during 
 1 782. 
 Ramsay, David. Revolution of South Caro- 
 lina, Trenton, 1785. 
 
 Of slight value for naval history. 
 South Carolina and American General Gazette 
 for 177()-177',). Charleston. 
 
 Files for part of the period at Charleston. 
 Valuable for the cruises of the naval ves- 
 sels. 
 
 South Carolina Archives, Columbia. Journals 
 of General Assembly for 177(5. MSS. 
 
 Of value for the civil liistory of the navy. 
 
 South Carolina Archives, Columbia. Journals 
 of the House of Representatives for 1779- 
 1780. MSS. 
 
502 nihlion^raf'liy 
 
 Throws light upon the naval history for 
 1779-1780. 
 South Carolina Archives, Columbia. Journals 
 of the House of Representatives for 1783. 
 MSS. 
 
 Valuable for the naval services of Com.mo- 
 dore Gillon. 
 South Carolina Archives, Columbia. Miscel- 
 laneous Records A. MSS. 
 
 Contains some important naval records. 
 South Carolina Historical Society Collections. 
 3 vols. Charleston, 1857-59. 
 
 Reprints a part of the J ournals of the South 
 Carolina Committee of Safety. 
 South Carolina Historical and Genealogical 
 Magazine. 2 vols. Charleston, 1900-01. 
 Prints two important letters of Commo- 
 dore Gillon. 
 Wharton, Francis. Revolutionary Diplomatic 
 Correspondence. 6 vols. Washington, 1889. 
 Contains a note upon Commodore Gillon. 
 
 THE MINOR NAVIES OF THE SOUTHERN 
 STATES 
 
 Force, Peter. American Archives. 9 vols. 
 Folio. Washington, 1837-53. 
 
 Prints official records. Of considerable 
 value for the navies of Maryland, North 
 Carolina, and Georgia. 
 Georgia Historical Society Collections. 5 vols. 
 Savannah, 1840-1902." 
 
 Prints a part of the proceedings of the 
 Georgia Council of Safety. Contains a 
 few naval items of importance. 
 Jones, C. C, jr. History of Georgia. 2 vols. 
 Boston, 1883. 
 
 Contains a few references to the work of 
 the Georgia galleys. 
 Maryland Archives. '21 vols. Baltimore, 
 1883-1901. 
 
Contains much information concerning the 
 Maryhmd navy. This may be found by 
 consulting the index for the names of the 
 vessels. 
 Marvland Statutes. Kiltv, 2 vols. Annapo- 
 Hs, 1799-1800. 
 
 Kiltv is best. Hanson supplements Kilty. 
 McCall, Hugh. History of Georgia. 2 vols. 
 Savannah, ISll-lG. 
 
 Volume II gives some information in re- 
 spect to the Georgia galleys. 
 North Carolina Records. 18 vols. Raleigh, 
 1880-1900. 
 
 The most valuable source for tlie history 
 of the North Carolina navy. 
 Ridgely, David. Annals of Annapolis. Balti- 
 more, 1841. 
 
 Narrates an important event or two in the 
 history of the Maryland navy. 
 Scharf, J. T. History of Maryland. 'A vols. 
 Baltimore, 1879. 
 
 Volume II contains naval information of 
 considerable value. 
 Southern Literary Messenger for 1857. Rich- 
 mond. 
 
 Contains an excellent account of the Bat- 
 tle of the Barges. 
 
 THE MINOR NAVIES OF THE NORTHERN 
 
 STATES 
 
 Arnold, Samuel G. History of Rhode Island, 
 2 vols. New York, 1859. 
 
 Volume II contains a few items of naval 
 information. 
 
 Carson, H. L. Supreme Court of the United 
 States. Philadelphia, 1902. 
 
 Contains references to the admiralty legis- 
 lation of New York. 
 
 Connecticut Gazette for 1779. New London. 
 Gives a good account of the achievements 
 of Captain Talbot. 
 
5<>4 A' /A/;V* ;';-(//'/; V 
 
 I'Y'rnow's X'ew York in the Rev<ilution. Al- 
 bany, 1887. 
 
 Contains the rolls of several New York 
 vessels. 
 Force, Peter. American Archives. 9 vols. 
 Folio. Washington, 1837-53. 
 
 Prints important records for Rhode Is- 
 land, New Hampshire, and New York. 
 New Hampshire Archives. MSS. Concord. 
 
 References to the "Hampden." 
 New Jersej\ Minutes of the Provincial Con- 
 gress and Council of Safety, 1775-1776. 
 Trenton, 1879. 
 
 Of some value for the prize legislation in 
 New Jersey. 
 New York, Journals of New York Provincial 
 Convention, etc. 2 vols. Albany, 1842. 
 Valuable for the history of the New York 
 navy. 
 Providence Gazette for 1775-1779. Provi- 
 dence. 
 
 Valuable for the movements and prizes 
 of Rhode Island vessels. 
 Pennsylvania Packet for 1779. Philadelphia. 
 Contains original material for the cruises 
 of Captain Talbot. 
 Poore's Constitutions. Washington, 1877. 
 Contains the constitution of New York for 
 1777. 
 Rhode Island, Acts and Resolves for 1775- 
 1783. 
 
 Contemporaneous prints. A valuable 
 source for the history of the Rhode Island 
 navy. 
 Rhode Island Colonial Records. 10 vols. 
 Providence, 1856-05. 
 
 Supplements the information contained in 
 the Acts and Resolves. 
 Rhode Island Historical Collections. 8 vols. 
 Providence, 1827-92. 
 
 Contains letters which are valuable for the 
 naval historv of 1775. 
 
Bib.ioi:;raf'h\' 505 
 
 Rliode Island Historical Sociotv Puljlications 
 VIII. Providence, 1900. 
 
 Important for the naval historv of Rhode 
 Island for 1778. 
 Rhode Island. Journals of the Council of 
 War. MSS. Providence. 
 
 Of some value for the years 1779-1781. 
 Staples, W. R. Annals of Providence. Prov- 
 idence, 1843. 
 
 Contains a brief account of the Rhode 
 Island navy. 
 SJiefheld, W. P.' Rhode Island Privateers and 
 Privateersmen. Newport, 1883. 
 A fairly good account. 
 
APPENDIX B 
 
 A LIST OF COMMISSIONED OFFICERS WHO 
 SERVED IN THE NAVY AND MARINE 
 CORPS OF THE UNITED STATES DUR- 
 ING THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION' 
 
 NAVY 
 
 COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 
 
 1. Esek Hopkins. 
 
 
 
 CAPTAINS 
 
 1. 
 
 2. 
 3. 
 4. 
 5. 
 
 Joseph Nicholson. 
 John Manly. 
 "Hector McNeil. 
 Dudley Saltonstall. 
 Nicholas Biddle. 
 
 1. This list is compiled from two lists of naval officers 
 which are now found in the Division of Manuscripts of 
 the Librarv of Congress. One of these was prepared by 
 the Naval JDepartmcnt in 1781, the other by the Auditor's 
 Office of the Treasury Department in 1794. A complete 
 roster of the naval officers of the Revolution does not 
 exist. The list now printed is almost complete. It may 
 contain a few inaccuracies. The names are arranijed 
 alphabetically, with the exception of those of the first 
 twenty-four naval captains, which are arranged according 
 to rank. 
 
List of Ofliccrs 507 
 
 ' ti. Thomas Thompson. 
 
 7. John Barry. 
 
 / 8. Thomas Read. 
 
 9. Thomas Grennel. 
 
 10. Charles Alexander, 
 
 i^ 11. Lambert Wickes. 
 
 - 12. Abraham Whipple. 
 
 -^ 13. John B. Hopkins. 
 
 14. John Hodge. 
 
 15. William Hallock. 
 ,16. Hoystcd Hacker. 
 I 17. Isaiah Robinson. 
 ' 18. John Paul Jones. 
 
 19. James Josiah. 
 
 20. Elisha Hinman. 
 , 21. Joseph Olney. 
 
 22. James Robinson. 
 
 ► 23. John Young. 
 
 24. Elisha Warner. 
 
 25. John Ayres. 
 
 26. Peter Brewster. 
 
 27. William Burke. 
 1/ 28. Samuel Chew. 
 
 u 29. Gustavus Conyngham. 
 
 30. Benjamin Dunn. 
 
 31. John Green. 
 
 32. Seth Harding. - 
 
 33. John Hazard. 
 
 34. Henry Johnson. 
 1^35. Peter Landais. 
 
 36. John Nicholson. 
 
 • 37. Samuel Nicholson. 
 
 '--SS. WilHam Pickles. 
 
 39. John P. Rathburn. 
 
 40. Thomas Simpson. 
 
 41. John Skimmer. 
 
 42. William Stone 
 
 43. Silas Talbot. 
 
 44. Samuel Tucker 
 
 45. Daniel Waters. 
 
5oS List of Ofhccrs 
 
 LIEUTENANTS 
 
 1. Robert A damson. 
 
 2. Joseph AcUims. 
 
 3. Thomas Albertson. 
 
 4. Bhmcy Allison. 
 
 5. John Angus. 
 
 6. James Armitagc. 
 
 7. Rhodes Arnold. 
 
 8. Josiah Avulibert. 
 
 9. John Baldwin. 
 
 10. William Barnes. 
 
 11. Joshua Barney. 
 
 12. Benjamin Barron. 
 
 13. "William Barron. 
 
 14. Benjamin Bates. 
 
 15. George Batson. 
 IG. Daniel Bears. 
 
 17. John Bellenger. 
 
 18. Elijah Bowen. 
 
 19. Christopher Bradley. 
 
 20. Jacob Brooks. 
 
 21. John Brown. 
 
 22. Philip Brown. 
 
 23. Isaac Buck. 
 24., Charles Bulkley. 
 25.1 Edward Burke. 
 
 26. ' Ezekiel Burroughs. 
 
 27. Samuel Cardal. 
 
 28. George Champlin. 
 
 29. John Channing. 
 
 30. Seth Clarke. 
 
 31. David Cullam. 
 
 32. Richard Dale. 
 
 33. James Degge. 
 
 34. William Dennis. 
 
 35. Peter Deville. 
 
 36. Silas Devol. 
 
 37. Arthur Dillawav. 
 
 38. Joseph Doblc. 
 
 39. Marie Sevel Doric. 
 
List of OtTu'crs 509 
 
 40. William Dunlap. 
 
 41. William Dupar. 
 
 42. John Fanning. 
 
 43. Joshua Fanning. 
 
 44. Wilford Fisher. 
 
 45. Patrick Fletcher. 
 
 46. Robert French. 
 
 47. William Gamble. 
 
 48. Nicholas E. Gardner. 
 
 49. Joseph Greenway. 
 
 50. Stephen Gregory. 
 
 51. William Grinnell. 
 
 52. James Grinwell. 
 
 53. Simon Gross. 
 
 54. Elijah Hall. 
 
 55. William Ham. 
 
 56. Benjamin Handy. 
 
 57. James Handy. 
 
 58. Robert Harris. 
 
 59. Abraham Hawkins. 
 
 60. John Hennesey. 
 
 61. Stephen Hill. 
 
 62. Christopher Hopkins. 
 
 63. Esek Hopkins, jr. 
 
 64. William Hopkins. 
 
 65. George House. 
 
 66. Robert Hume. 
 
 67. Afiuilla Johns. 
 
 68. John Kemp. 
 
 69. John Kerr. 
 
 70. Michael Knies. 
 
 71. Benjamin Knight. 
 
 72. W^illiam Leeds. 
 
 73. Edward Leger. 
 
 74. John Lewis. 
 
 75. Muscoe Livingston. 
 
 76. George Lovie. 
 
 77. Cutting Lunt. 
 
 78. Henry Lunt. 
 
 79. John McDougal. 
 SO. John Mclvers. 
 
) List of Officers 
 
 SI. Jonathan Maltbic. 
 
 82. John Margisson. 
 
 83. Robert Martin. 
 
 84. Richard Marvin. 
 
 85. Luke Mathewnian. 
 
 86. Wilham MolHson. 
 
 87. John Moran. 
 
 88. William Moran. 
 
 89. William Morrison. 
 
 90. Alexander Murray. 
 
 91. Isaac Olney. 
 
 92. Beniamin Page. 
 
 93. David Phipps. 
 
 94. James Pine. 
 
 95. Jonathan Pitcher. 
 
 96. Robert Pomeroy. 
 
 97. David Porter. 
 
 98. William Potts. 
 
 99. Jonathan Pritchard. 
 
 100. Beniamin Reed. 
 
 101. Peter Richards. 
 
 102. John Rodez. 
 
 103. James Robertson. 
 
 104. John Robinson. 
 
 105. Peter Rosseau. 
 
 106. Robert Saunders. 
 
 107. John Scott. 
 
 108. Robert Scott. 
 
 109. John Scranton. 
 
 110. Nicholas Scull. 
 
 111. Benjamin Seabury. 
 
 112. James Sellers. 
 
 113. Josiah Shackford. 
 
 114. Peter Shores. 
 
 115. John Slevmaker. 
 
 116. Daniel Starr. 
 
 117. James Stephens. 
 
 118. John Stevens. 
 
 119. Adam W. Tha.xter. 
 
 120. Mathew Tibbs. 
 
 121. Daniel Vaughan. 
 
List of Ofliccrs 51 i 
 
 122. Thomas Vaughan. 
 
 123. Jfoseph Vesey. 
 
 124. Thomas Weaver. 
 
 125. David Welch. 
 
 126. Hezekiah Welch. 
 
 127. John Wheelwright. 
 
 128. Jacob White. 
 
 129. Jacob White (?). 
 
 130. Richard Wickes. 
 
 131. James Wilson. 
 
 132. Robert Wilson. 
 
 133. Hoplev Yeaton, 
 
 134. Samuel York. 
 
MARINE CORPS 
 
 MAJOR 
 
 1. Samuel Xichols. 
 
 CAFIAIXS 
 
 1. Edward Arrowsmith. 
 
 2. Seth Baxter. 
 
 3. Abraham Boyce. 
 
 4. Isaac Craig. 
 
 5. Benjamin Dean. 
 G. James Disney. 
 
 7. John ElUott. 
 
 8. Robert ElUott. 
 
 9. Joseph Hardy. 
 
 10. John Hazard. 
 
 11. William Holton. 
 
 12. William Jones. 
 
 13. Dennis Leary. 
 
 14. William Mathewman, 
 
 15. William Morris. 
 
 16. Robert Mullen. 
 
 17. William Nicholson. 
 
 18. George Jerry Osborn. 
 
 19. Richard Palines. 
 
 20. Matthew Parke. 
 
 21. Miles Pennington. 
 
 22. Andrew Porter. 
 23. Rice. 
 
 24. Gilbert Saltonstall. 
 
 25. Samuel Shaw. 
 
 26. Joseph Shoemaker 
 
List of Ot'l'iccrs 513 
 
 -','. Spence. 
 
 '2S. John Stewart. 
 
 29. John Trevitt. 
 
 30. Elihu Trowbridge. 
 
 31. John Welch. 
 
 LIEUTENANTS 
 
 1. William Barney. 
 
 2. William Barney (.''). 
 
 3. Henry Becker. 
 
 4. Peter" Bedford. 
 
 5. David Bill. 
 G. Gurdon Bill. 
 
 7. Abraham Boyce. 
 
 8. Pere^'rine Brown, 
 y. Benjamin Catlin. 
 
 10. Seth Chapin. 
 
 11. John Chilton. 
 
 12. James Clark. 
 
 13. James Cokely. 
 
 14. James Connolly. 
 
 15. William Cooper. 
 
 16. David Cullam. 
 
 17. Robert Cummings. 
 IS. Henrv Davton. 
 I'J. Robert Davis. 
 
 20. Panatier De la Falconier. 
 
 21. Lewis De la Valette. 
 
 22. John Dimsdell. 
 
 23. vStephen Earl. 
 
 24. Thomas Biting. 
 
 25. Thomas Elwood. 
 
 26. ZeVjadiah Farnham. 
 
 27. William Fielding. 
 
 28. Thomas Fitzgerald. 
 
 29. John Fitzjiatrick. 
 
 30. Samuel Gamage. 
 
 31. William Gilmore. 
 
 32. Peter Green. 
 
 33. Jf-'hn Guignace. 
 
 34. Roger Haddock. 
 
514 I-ist of Ofllccrs 
 
 8,"). James Hamilton 
 
 36. Jonas Hamilton. 
 
 37. William Hamilton. 
 
 38. John Harris. 
 
 39. John Harris ( '). 
 
 40. Richard Harrison. 
 
 41. Samuel Hempsted. 
 
 42. Daniel Henderson. 
 
 43. Samuel Holt. 
 
 44. ^ Benjamin Huddle. 
 
 45. William Huddle. 
 
 46. Robert Hunter. 
 
 47. William Jennison. 
 4S. Kelly.. 
 
 49. Hugh Kirkjnitrick. 
 
 50. Daniel Lonj^strcet. 
 
 51. David Love. 
 
 52. Eugene McCarthy. 
 
 53. James McClure. 
 
 54. Richard McClure. 
 
 55. Charles McHarron. 
 
 56. Robert McNeal. 
 
 57. Peter Manifold. 
 
 58. Stephen Meade. 
 
 59. Jonathan Mix. 
 
 60. Hugh Montgomery. 
 
 61. Abel Morgan. 
 
 62. William Morris. 
 
 63. Alexander Neilson. 
 
 64. Avery Parker. 
 
 65. Samuel Powars. 
 
 66. Thomas Pownal. 
 
 67. Samuel Prichard. 
 
 68. Thomas Plunkett. 
 
 69. William Radford. 
 
 70. Franklin Reed. 
 
 71. Jerry Reed. 
 
 72. Nathaniel Richards. 
 
 73. Alpheus Rice. 
 
 74. Jabez Smith. 
 
 75. Walter Spooner. 
 
List of Othccrs 515 
 
 7(). Ethnund Stack. 
 
 77. Daniel Starr. '•- 
 
 78. J. M. Strobach. 
 
 79. Benjamin Thompson. 
 
 80. George Trumbull. 
 
 81. Thomas Turner. 
 
 82. Nathaniel Twing. 
 
 83. Abraham Vandyke. 
 
 84. Zebulon Varnam. 
 85. Wadsworth. 
 
 86. Samuel Wallingsworth. 
 
 87. James Warren. 
 
 88. James Warren (')• 
 
 89. William Waterman. 
 
 90. Jacob White. 
 
 91. James H. Wilson. 
 
 92. Jonathan Woodworth. 
 
APPENDIX C 
 
 A LIST OF ARMED VESSELS IN THE SERV- 
 ICE OF THE UNITED STATES DURING 
 THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION^ 
 
 PRINCIPAL FLEET OF THE CONTINEN- 
 TAL CONGRESS 
 
 
 No. of 
 
 Period of 
 
 Rig. 
 
 Name. 
 
 guns. 
 
 Service. 
 
 1 ship 
 
 Alfred 
 
 24 
 
 1775-1778 
 
 2 ship 
 
 Columbus 
 
 20 
 
 1775-1778 
 
 3 brig 
 
 Andrew Doria 
 
 14 
 
 1775-1777 
 
 4 brig 
 
 Cabot 
 
 14 
 
 1775-1777 
 
 5 sloop 
 
 Providence 
 
 14 
 
 1775-1779 
 
 6 sloop 
 
 Hornet 
 
 10 
 
 1775-1777 
 
 7 schooner 
 
 Wasp 
 
 8 
 
 1775-1777 
 
 8 schooner 
 
 Fly 
 
 8 
 
 1775-1777 
 
 9 brig 
 
 Lexington 
 
 16 
 
 1776-1777 
 
 10 brig 
 
 Reprisal 
 
 IG 
 
 1776-1777 
 
 11 brig 
 
 Hampden 
 
 14 
 
 1776-1777 
 
 12 sloop 
 
 Independence 
 
 10 
 
 1776-1778 
 
 13 sloop 
 
 Sachem 
 
 10 
 
 1776-1777 
 
 14 sloop 
 
 Mosquito 
 
 4 
 
 1776-1777 
 
 15 frigate 
 
 Raleigh 
 
 32 
 
 1777-1778 
 
 10 frigate 
 
 Hancock 
 
 32 
 
 1777 
 
 17 frigate 
 
 Warren 
 
 32 
 
 1777-1779 
 
 1. The term "Period of Service" is used in a somewhat 
 general sense. The dates are close approximations. 
 Anions' the vessels used by the Naval Department as 
 packets, merchantmen, or scout-ships are the following: 
 "Despatch," "Georgia Packet," "Phoenix," "Mercury," 
 "Baltimore," "Enterprise," and "Fame." 
 
Lis 
 
 >■ of .hiiird 1 
 
 'csscls 
 
 
 S^7 
 
 IS frigate 
 
 W'asliinglon 
 
 ;>2 
 
 III- 
 
 -177S 
 
 19 friji;ate 
 
 Randolph 
 
 32 ] 
 
 777- 
 
 -1778 
 
 20 frigate 
 
 Providence 
 
 28 ] 
 
 777- 
 
 -1780 
 
 21 frigate 
 
 Trumbull 
 
 28 ] 
 
 777- 
 
 -1781 
 
 22 frigate 
 
 Congress 
 
 28 ] 
 
 L777 
 
 
 23 frigate 
 
 Virginia 
 
 28 ] 
 
 777- 
 
 -1778 
 
 24 frigate 
 
 Effingham 
 
 28 
 
 777- 
 
 -1778 
 
 25 frigate 
 
 Boston 
 
 24 
 
 777- 
 
 -1780 
 
 2G frigate 
 
 Montgomery 
 
 24 
 
 777 
 
 
 27 frigate 
 
 Delaware 
 
 24 
 
 111 
 
 
 28 ship 
 
 Ranger 
 
 18 
 
 111- 
 
 -1780 
 
 29 brigantine 
 
 Resistance 
 
 10 
 
 111- 
 
 -1778 
 
 30 sloop 
 
 Surprise 
 
 
 nii 
 
 
 31 frigate 
 
 Alliance 
 
 32 ] 
 
 1778- 
 
 -1785 
 
 32 ship 
 
 General Gates 
 
 18 ] 
 
 1778- 
 
 -1779 
 
 33 brigantine 
 
 Retaliation 
 
 
 1778 
 
 
 34 galley 
 
 Pigot 
 
 "8 
 
 1778 
 
 
 35 frigate 
 
 Confederacy 
 
 32 
 
 1779- 
 
 -1781 
 
 36 sloop 
 
 Argo 
 
 12 
 
 1779 
 
 
 37 brig 
 
 Diligent 
 
 12 
 
 L779 
 
 
 38 ship 
 
 Saratoga 
 
 18 
 
 780- 
 
 -1781 
 
 39 ship of th( 
 
 3 line America 
 
 74 
 
 782 
 
 
 40 ship 
 
 W:ishington 
 
 20 
 
 1782- 
 
 -1784 
 
 41 ship 
 
 Due de Lauzun 
 
 20 
 
 L782- 
 
 -1783 
 
 42 frigate 
 
 Bourbon 
 
 3G 
 
 1783 
 
 
 FLEET FITTED OUT IN FRANCE 
 
 1 ship 
 
 Bon Ilomme 
 
 
 
 
 
 Richard 
 
 42 
 
 1779 
 
 
 2 ship 
 
 Indian 
 
 40 
 
 1777 
 
 
 3 frigate 
 
 Deane or Hagu 
 
 232 
 
 1777- 
 
 -1783 
 
 4 frigate 
 
 Queen ofFrancc 
 
 28 
 
 1777- 
 
 ■1780 
 
 5 ship 
 
 Pallas 
 
 30 
 
 1779 
 
 
 f) ship 
 
 Ariel 
 
 20 
 
 1 780- 
 
 -1781 
 
 7 cutter 
 
 Cerf 
 
 18 
 
 1779 
 
 
 8 cutter 
 
 Revenge 
 
 14 
 
 1777- 
 
 -1779 
 
 9 brig 
 
 Vengeance 
 
 12 
 
 1779 
 
 
 10 cutter 
 
 Dolphin 
 
 10 
 
 1777 
 
 
 11 lugger 
 
 Surprise 
 
 10 
 
 1777 
 
 
5i8 Lis 
 
 7 of Armed V 
 
 'csscl 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 poixock's fleet 
 
 
 
 1 ship 
 
 Morris 
 
 24 
 
 1778- 
 
 ■1779 
 
 2 sloop 
 
 West Florida 
 
 
 1779- 
 
 •1780 
 
 3 schooner 
 
 
 leei 
 
 1779 
 
 
 Washington's f 
 
 
 1 schooner 
 
 Hannah 
 
 
 1775 
 
 
 2 schooner 
 
 Lynch 
 
 
 1775- 
 
 ■1776 
 
 3 schooner 
 
 Franklin 
 
 
 1775- 
 
 ■1776 
 
 4 schooner 
 
 Lee 
 
 "i 
 
 1775- 
 
 ■1776 
 
 5 schooner 
 
 Harrison 
 
 
 1775- 
 
 ■1776 
 
 6 schooner 
 
 Warren 
 
 
 1775- 
 
 -1776 
 
 7 brigantine Washington 
 
 10 
 
 1775- 
 
 -1776 
 
 8 schooner 
 
 Hancock 
 
 
 177G 
 
 
 9 sloop 
 
 Gen'l Schuyler 
 
 
 1776 
 
 
 10 sloop 
 
 Gen'l Mifflin 
 
 
 1776 
 
 
 11 galley 
 
 Lady Washingt( 
 
 an 
 
 1776- 
 
 ■1777 
 
 
 Arnold's fleet^ 
 
 
 
 1 sloop 
 
 Enterprise 
 
 12 
 
 1776 
 
 
 2 schooner 
 
 Royal Savage 
 
 12 
 
 1776 
 
 
 3 schooner 
 
 Revenge 
 
 8 
 
 1776 
 
 
 4 schooner 
 
 Liberty 
 
 8 
 
 1776 
 
 
 5 gondola 
 
 New Haven 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 6 gondola 
 
 Providence 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 7 gondola 
 
 Boston 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 8 gondola 
 
 Spitfire 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 9 gondola 
 
 Philadelphia 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 10 gondola 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 1 1 gondola 
 
 Jersey 
 New York 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 12 gondola 
 
 3 
 
 1776 
 
 
 13 galley 
 
 Lee 
 
 
 
 1776 
 
 
 14 galley 
 
 Trumbull 
 
 8 
 
 1776 
 
 
 15 galley 
 
 Congress 
 
 8 
 
 1776 
 
 
 IG gallev 
 
 Washington 
 
 8 
 
 1776 
 
 
 17 galley 
 
 Gates 
 
 8 
 
 1776 
 
 
 1. Several of Arnold's vessels were employed on the 
 Lakes in 1775. 
 
INDEX 
 
 Abaco, Island of, oS. 
 
 Abercronibie, Lieutenant-Colonel, 414. 
 
 "Accomac," the, 40(i, 411. 
 
 Account.s, Naval, settling of, 70, 190, 22"), 227- 
 228, 246-247. 303-:i04, 440. 
 
 "Active," the, 3o5 and note, 349, 352. 
 
 Adams, John, earlv naval services, 32, 3G-41, 
 46, 48, 51, 82-83, 86, 97, 98 and note, 135; 
 in France, 161, 254-255, 257, 276, 292; and 
 Massachusetts naval affairs, 321, 324. 
 
 Adams, Samuel, naval services, 83, 8(), 89 and 
 note; administrative views, 186, 211, 215, 
 225; and Penobscot expedition, 349. 
 
 "Admiral Duff," the, 345. 
 
 "Admiral Keppel," the, 369. 
 
 Admiralt}' Courts, of Continental Congress, 
 48-49, 67-68, 203, 233, 478; of Massachus- 
 etts, 68, 148, 322-323, 327-328: of Connecti- 
 cut, 365, 474; of Pennsylvania, 148, 391- 
 392; in France, 266-267, 282-283; of Vir- 
 ginia, 403-405; of South Carolina, 423-424; 
 of Marvland, 444. 474; of North Carolina, 
 459; of 'Georgia, 462; of Rhode Island, 467- 
 468, 474; of New York, 476; of New Hamp- 
 shire, 476-477; of New Jersey, 477-478. 
 
 "Adventure," the brig, 397, 406. 
 
 "Adventure," the schooner, 397. 
 
 Africa, 173, 176, 279-280. 
 
 Agent of Marine, ap7)ointment of, 218-226; 
 ofhce of, 226-228; legislation under, 228- 
 235; movement of fleet under, 235-240; 
 recommendations of, 240-244; last work of, 
 244-250; 257, 302, 394. 
 
520 Index 
 
 "Albany," the, 350. 
 
 Alexander, Charles, 123. 
 
 "Alfred," the, 52, 55, 57, 59, 97, 133, 158, 175, 
 
 281. 
 "Alliance," the, 122, 204, 206, 220, 231, 235, 
 
 236-238, 248-250, 295-300, 302. 
 "Amelia," the, 442. 
 "America," the, 111, 122, 145, 204, 219-220, 
 
 235, 247. 
 "American Congress," the, 398. 
 "American Turtle," the, 364. 
 Amsterdam, 264, 311, 436-437. 
 "Andrew Doria," the, 52, 57, 59. 
 Annapolis, 442, 446. 
 "Annapolis," the, 442. 
 Antigua, 306-307, 344. 
 Appeals in prize cases, 49, 68, 327, 365-366, 
 
 391, 404-405, 475, 477. 
 Appointments, in Continental navv, 52-55, 105- 
 
 107, 108-109, 119, 124-125, 160, 257-260, 
 
 309. 
 "Ariadne," the, 408. 
 "Ariel," the, 300. 
 "Argo," the, 469-470. 
 Arnold, Benedict, 73-78, 414, 415, 446. 
 "Arnold," the, 376, 379, 385. 
 Arnold and Phillips, raid of, 408, 413-415, 
 
 446. 
 Arnold's fleet, 71-78, 475. 
 Articles of Confederation, 197, 200-202, 417, 
 
 434-435. 
 "Atalanta," the, 206. 
 "Augusta," the, 385. 
 "Aurora," the, 468. 
 Aylett, WilHam, 405. 
 Azores, the, 368. 
 
 Bagaduce, Maine, 348-351. 
 Bahamas, the, 58, 328, 438. 
 "Bailie," the, 236. 
 
 Baltimore, 51, 56, 57, 93, 99, 102, 168, 249, 
 33K 442, 443, 475. 
 
Index 521 
 
 "Baltimore," the, 442. 
 
 Baltimore Committee of Observation, 'J3, 442. 
 
 Barbadoes, the, 176, 431. 
 
 Barcla)', Thomas, 302-303. 
 
 Barney, Joshua, 248-240, 394. 
 
 Barnwell, John, 418, 4.")9. 
 
 Barron, James, 31)7, 402, 407, 416. 
 
 Barron, Richard, 397, 407. 
 
 Barrv, John, 109 note, 206, 236-238, 802. 
 
 Bartlett, Josiah, 86. 
 
 "Batchelor," the, 169. 
 
 Battle of the Barges, 449-451. 
 
 Beaufort, S. C, 423, 428. 
 
 "Beaufort," the, 428. 
 
 Belfast, 293. 
 
 "Bellona," the, 459. 
 
 Bergen, 304. 
 
 " Berkenbosch," the, 273. 
 
 Bermudas, the, 150, 167, 171, 173, 180, 206, 
 236, 328, 342, 457, 465. 
 
 " Betsey," the, 419. 
 
 Beverly, Mass., 63. 
 
 Bilbao", 256, 331. 
 
 Biddle, Nicholas, 54, 57, 120, 123, 430. 
 
 Biddle, Owen, 373. 
 
 Bingham, WilHam, 266, 305-306. 
 
 "Bishop Landaflf," the, 471-472. 
 
 Blackburn, John, 454. 
 
 "Black Duck," the, 389. 
 
 "Black Prince," the privateer, 260-261. 
 
 "Black Prince," the ship, 52. 
 
 "Black Princess," the, 260-261. 
 
 Blake, Edward, 420, 425. 
 
 Bland, Theodoric, 222, 223. 
 
 Blcwer, Joseph, 382. 
 
 "Blonde," the, 350. 
 
 Board of Admiralty, appointment, 181-188; 
 duties, 188-189;' pay, 189-190; selection, 
 190-194; legislative work, 194-203; move- 
 ment of fleet under, 203-208; discontinu- 
 ance, 208-209, 219-222, 227-229. 
 
522 Index 
 
 Board of Treasury, Continental, 184, 18S, 205, 
 
 247, 249, 250/ 
 Board of War, Continental, 184, 187. 
 Board of War, Massachusetts, 329-332, 335- 
 
 337, 343, 345, 348, 351. 
 "Bolton," the, 59. 
 "Bon Homme Richard," the, 1G3, 258, 295- 
 
 298. 
 Bordeaux, 25G, 27G, 292, 436. 
 Bordentown, 97, 99, 102, 387. 
 Boston, 63, 93, 94, 113, 114, 139, 140, 148, 
 
 154, 168, 172, 203, 206, 247, 248, 328, 352, 
 
 353, 361. 
 "Boston," the, 91, 158, 204, 207, 292, 344, 
 
 390, 433, 434. 
 Boston Bay, 150. 
 Boucher, John Henry, 402, 444. 
 Boulogne, 262. 
 Bounties, 46, 128, 146, 198, 403, 410, 411, 432 
 
 443. 
 "Bourbon," the, 92, 122, 204, 235, 240. 
 Bowen, Oliver, 459, 460, 461. 
 Boys, Captain, 395. 
 
 Braddock, Captain, of Georgia navv, 461. 
 Bradford, John, 69, 94, 95. 
 Bradford, William, 382, 387. 
 Brest, 256. 
 
 "Bricole," the, 433, 434. 
 "Britannia," the, 357. 
 British fleet on Lake Champlain, 76. 
 Brooke, Walter, 402. 
 Broughton, Nicholson, 33, 61-63, 66. 
 Brown, John, 227, 231. 
 Brvan, George, 190. 
 "Bulloch," the, 461. 
 Burdon, George, 293. 
 Burgovne, General, 77, 384. 
 Bushnell, David, 363-364. 
 Buzzard's Bay, 339. 
 
 "Cabot," the, 52, 57, 58, 59, 158, 175. 
 -.Tadiz, 261. 
 
huiiW 523 
 
 Caiirigal, General, 4oS. 
 
 Calchvell, Thomas, 378. 
 
 Calvert, Captain, 308. 
 
 Canada, 72, 151, 173. 
 
 "Camden," the, 475. 
 
 "Camilla," the, 350. 
 
 Campbell, Captain, 4(il. 
 
 Campbell, Lord William, 419-420. 
 
 Cape Cod, 279. 
 
 Cape Fear, 156, 165, 452. 
 
 Cape Francois, 207, 237, 305, 331, 460. 
 
 Captures, Continental, legislation concerning, 
 
 49-50, 126-127, 200-201, 232-2.34. See 
 
 Prizes. 
 Carleton, Sir Guy, 76, 77. 
 Carmichael, William, 260. 
 Castine, Maine, 348. 
 Caswell, Governor, 458. 
 "Caswell," the, 406, 456, 458, 459. 
 Catherine II. of Russia, 274. 
 Champlain, Lake, 72-78, 475. 
 Champlin, George, 165. 
 "Chance," the, 169. 
 Charleston, S. C, 154, 156, 166, 167, 369, 419- 
 
 423, 425, 427, 432-434. 
 Chase, Samuel, 51, 82, 86. 
 Chatham, Conn., 92, 204. 
 "Chatham," the, 390. 
 Chaumont, Rav de, 296. 
 "Cherokee," the, 419, 420. 
 "Chester," the, 442, 444. 
 Chew, Samuel, 165. 
 
 Chickahominy shipyard, 400, 401, 413, 414. 
 Clinton, General Henrv, 408, 445. 
 Clouston, John, 332, 343. 
 Cochran. Robert, 421-422, 427. 
 Coit, William, 359, 368 note. 
 Collier, Sir Getjrge, 350. 
 "Columbus," the, 52, 57, 59, 133, 175. 
 "Comet," the galley, 461. 
 "Comet," the schooner, 421. 
 
524 hides 
 
 "Commerce," the, 41'.). 
 
 Commerce, American, 241. 
 
 Commercial agents of Congress, 105, 253, 256- 
 
 257, 305-311. 
 Commercial Committee of Congress, 160, 162, 
 
 257, 307. 
 Commissary-General of Issues, 204. 
 Commissary-General of Prisoners, 96, 116, 209, 
 
 222. 
 
 Commissary-General of Purchases, 116. 
 
 Commissioners at Paris, 105, 116, 254; work 
 of, 255-294. 
 
 Commissions for Continental Navy, 50, 109, 
 188, 197, 199-200, 258; for privateers, 127, 
 200, 200-261, 321; for Massachusetts navy, 
 201; for Pennsylvania navy, 374. 
 
 Committee of Foreign Affairs, 160, 162, 255, 
 277-280. 
 
 Committee of Secret Correspondence, 102, 255, 
 
 258, 260, 276, 283, 305. 
 "Confederacy," the, 112, 122, 204, 207-208, 
 
 306, 390. 
 "Confederate," the, 208. 
 "Congress," the frigate, 92. 
 "Congress," the galley, 461. 
 Connecticut Council, 354, 355, 366. 
 Connecticut Council of Safety, 75, 95, 354-363, 
 
 369, 371. 
 Connecticut Gazette, 359, 362. 
 Connecticut General Assembly, 354, 355, 358, 
 
 360, 361, 363-307, 371-372. 
 Connecticut, Governor of, 75, 92, 95, 354-304, 
 
 369. 371. 
 Connecticut House of Representatives, 354, 
 
 366. 
 Connecticut Journal, 362. 
 Connecticut Navy, 315; beginning of, 355-360; 
 
 administration of, 360-3()3; regulations of, 
 
 361, 366-367; vessels, 355-360, 367-370; 
 end of, 369-370. 
 
 Connecticut, warfare of armed boats, 370-372. 
 
Index 525 
 
 " (.'oiKiiKTcir," llic, 44L'. 444. 
 
 Consular bureau, 139-140. 
 
 Continental agents, 95, 103, 105, 257, 305, 307. 
 
 Continental Congress, movement for a navy in, 
 34-38, 81-84; legislation respecting navy, 
 37-38, 41-51, 84-85, 105-107, 109, 119-133, 
 145-140, 154, 190-203, 228-235, 245-250, 
 259, 261-263; legislation respecting Naval 
 Department, 37-38, 86-88, 93-94, 96-98, 
 101-103, 109, 113, 187-193, 195-196, 208- 
 209, 216-224, 301-304; prepares a fleet on 
 Lakes, 71-73; and prize courts, 48-50, 
 67-69, 203, 327, 365, 391, 404, 467, 477- 
 478; action respecting Esek Hopkins, 133- 
 138; action respecting consuls, 140; ignor- 
 ance of navy, 182-183; establishes admin- 
 istrative boards, 184, 212; factions of, 186; 
 210-216; refuses to increase navy, 240-244; 
 ends navv, 245; relations with Oliver Pol- 
 lock, 307-311; 315, 322, 333, 357, 385, 392, 
 402, 405, 409, 412, 417, 418, 421, 437, 438, 
 443, 447, 460, 465, 469, 472, 473, 475. 
 
 Continental Navy, movements for a, 32-42, 
 80-85; executive organs of, 38-41, 60, 86- 
 90, 93-103, 187-196, 216-218, 223-228, 252- 
 257,302-307; rules of, 43-4S; legislation re- 
 specting, 42-51, 85-86, 121-133, 196-201, 
 228-230, 232-234; vessels of, 51-52, 90-93, 
 110-112, 114, 121-123, 156-158, 203-205, 
 219-220, 235, 247-249, 261-266, 281, 300, 
 315, 344, 349, 388, 394, 433, 434, 465, 469- 
 470; officers of, 51-55, 105-110, 117, 123- 
 126, 128-129, 133-139, 158-160, 165, 258- 
 260; expeditions of, 55-60, 168-169, 171- 
 173, 205-208, 236-239, 283-284, 286-300, 
 302, 308-311; uniform of, 117-118; condi- 
 tions of, 141-160; general movements of, 
 161-180, 276-280; recommendations for 
 increase of, 239-243; end of, 244-251; 
 breaches of neutralitv bv, 273-274, 284- 
 292; 375, 427, 444, 447. 
 
5-'(i Index 
 
 Contraband. 200, 2:V2. 
 
 "Conventiun," ihc, '611, 3S<), 388, o8'J. 
 
 Conyngham, Gustavus, 173, 179, 258, 260, 
 268, 273, 287, 290. 
 
 Cook, Captain James, 258, 275 note. 
 
 Cook, George, 444, 449. 
 
 Cooke, Nicholas, 463, 465. 
 
 "Cormorant," the, 244, 415-416. 
 
 CornwalHs, surrender of, 239, 240. 
 
 Coromandel Coast, 170, 279. 
 
 Coruna, 256. 438. 
 
 Cottineau, Captain, 297. 
 
 Coulthard, Captain, 206. 
 
 "Countess of Scarborough," the, 164, 296-297. 
 
 Courts-martial and courts of inquiry, in Conti- 
 nental navv, 44-45, 109, 131-139, 198-199. 
 228-232, '298-299, 300; in Connecticut 
 navv, 366; in Pennsylvania navv. 375, 
 386-387. 
 
 Court of appeals for trial of prize cases, 203. 
 
 Crane, Stephen, 84. 
 
 "Crane," the, 360, 369. 
 
 Crawford, John, 231. 
 
 Cregier, Thomas, 472. 
 
 Cropper, John, 450. 
 
 Cross. Stephen, 336. 
 
 Gushing, Nathan, 323. 
 
 Gushing, Thomas, 328 
 
 Dale. Richard, 258. 
 
 Dalton, John, 398. 
 
 Danish government, 304. 
 
 Dartmouth, Mass., 325, 339. 
 
 Davidson, Samuel, 378-379. 
 
 Davis, Caleb, 337, 338. 
 
 Davis, James, 453-454. 
 
 Dawson, George, 238. 
 
 Deane, Silas. 37. 38. 51-52, 54, 82, 86, 148, 
 
 154; in France, 254. 258-260, 206, 276-278, 
 
 282 292 
 "Deane," the, 171, 203, 220, 231, 232, 235, 
 
 230, 262, 263, 306, 344, 352, 390. 
 
I ndi.v 
 
 b^/ 
 
 "Defence," the barge, 448. 
 "Defence," the schooner, 420, 421. 
 "Defence," the ship, of the Connecticut navy, 
 
 35'.), 308, 309, 370. 
 "Defence," the ship, of the Maryland nayy, 
 
 441, 442, 449. 
 "Defence," the sloop, 339. 
 Delaware, 315. 
 "Delaware," the frigate, 93. 
 "Delaware," the schooner, 377, 385. 
 Deshon, John, 98, 99, 113, 190, 355, 357. 
 D'Estaing, Count, 110, 139, 107. 
 Deyil's Island, 449. 
 Dewey, Admiral, 179. 
 "Diamond," the, 408. 
 "Dickin.son," the, 380, 387. 
 "Dihgence," the, 400, 411. 
 "Diligent," the brig, 349. 
 "Diligent," the schooner, 320. 
 "Dolphin," the cutter, 202, 281, 287, 289. 
 "Dolphin," the schooner, 442, 444. 
 Douglass, William, 72. 
 Doyer, England, 202. 
 "Dragon," the, 400, 411. 
 "Drake," the, 104, 2i)3. 
 Drayton, William Henrj', 421. 
 Duane, James, 223. 
 
 "Due de Lauzun," the, 235, 237, 248, 303. 
 Dunkirk, 250, 200, 287, 290, 437. 
 Dunmore, Lord, 50, 396, 453. 
 "Duras," the, 295. 
 Dutch government, 273. 
 Dyer, Eliphalet, 82. 
 
 "E.\GLE," the British ship, 304. 
 
 "Eagle," the, of the South Carolina navv, 430. 
 
 Eastern Coast, the, 320, 338, 339, 343, 344, 
 
 353. 
 East Haddam, Conn., 360. 
 Edenton, N. C, 93, 452, 455, 4.58. 
 "Effingham," the frigate, 92, 388. 
 "Effingham," the galley, 380. 
 
5-^S Index 
 
 EUery, William, 00, 182, 1 1)1- 104, IDO, 208. 
 Elliot, Samuel, 301, 362 and note. 
 Ellis, Richard, 458-45<J. 
 Ellsworth, OHver, 222, 355. 
 "Enterprise," the ship, 76. 
 "Enterprise," the sloop, 72. 
 Executive Departments of Congress, 107. 
 Executive system, defects of, 210-214. 
 
 Factions, in Congress, 186, 210-210. 
 
 "Fair American," the, 430. 
 
 "Falcon," the, 339. 
 
 Falconer, Nathaniel, 101. 
 
 "Fame," the, 300-307. 
 
 "Fearnaught," the, 448. 
 
 Ferrol, 291. 
 
 Fisk, John, 328, 332, 343. 
 
 Flags, 55, 120, 275-270, 327, 377. 
 
 Florida, 107, 173, 175, 461. 
 
 Floyd, WiUiam, 191. 
 
 "Fly," the, of Continental navy, 56, 57, 158. 
 
 "Fly," the, of Virginia navy, 410. 
 
 "P'lVing Fish," the, 451. 
 
 Forfces, James, 191, 192. 
 
 Ford, Samuel, 386. 
 
 Foreign Office of Congress, 100, 255. 
 
 Fort Mercer, 385. 
 
 Fort Mifflin, 385. 
 
 Forton prison, 207, 270. 
 
 "Fowey," the, 390. 
 
 "Fox," the, 163. 
 
 Franklin, Benjamin, 83, 378; in France, 254- 
 
 250, 201, 202, 205-274, 282-284, 295, 296. 
 
 298-303. 
 "Franklin," the galley, 54, 390. 
 "Franklin," the schooner, 63, 64. 
 "Freedom," the, 325, 332, 343, 352. 
 French fleet, 139, 100-107, 205, 207, 242, 247- 
 
 248, 203, 270, 294, 344, 371, 389, 413. 
 French government, 203, 265, 273, 282-289, 
 
 294, 295, 298. 
 
I lid ex ~,2() 
 
 Gadsden, Christopher, 38, 39, 82, 83, 80. 
 
 "Gallatea," the, 350. 
 
 Galvez, governor of Louisiana, 307-.']ll. 
 
 Gates, General Horatio, 74, 470. 
 
 "General Gates," the, 122, 105, 173, 300. 
 
 "General Greene," the, 390-391. 
 
 "General Mifflin," the, 70. 
 
 "General Monk," the, 393, 394. 
 
 "General Moultrie," the, 430, 431, 433, 434. 
 
 "General Putnam," the, 70, 472, 473, 474. 
 
 "General Schuyler," the, 70, 472, 473, 474. 
 
 Genoa, State of, 200. 
 
 Georgetown, S. C, 422, 420, 434. 
 
 Georgia Committee of Safety, 400. 
 
 Georgia Navy, 315, 459-402. 
 
 Georgia Provincial Congress, 459, 400. 
 
 Gerard, Fre-nch minister to United States, 119, 
 
 140, 101, 100. 
 Germaine, Lord George, 457. 
 Gerry, Elbridge, 321, 323. 
 Ghent, 430. 
 Gibraltar, 208. 
 Gillon, Alexander, 435-440. 
 Glasgow, 270, 278. 
 "Glasgow," the, 59, 133, 180. 
 "Gloucester," the, 205. 
 Glover, John, 02, 03. 
 Goldsborough, Robert, 447. 
 "Good Intent," the, 274. 
 Gosport navy-yard, 93, 400, 408. 
 Goodrich, a Tory privateersman, 165. 
 (irannis, John, 130. 
 Grasoji, Thomas, 443. 
 Great Bridge, Va., 390. 
 Green, John, 258, 203. 
 "Greyhound," the, 350. 
 Grimes, John, 400. 
 Griswold, WilHam, 350. 
 Groton, Conn., 371. 
 Guadalovipe, 331. 
 Guerard, Benjamin, 434, 
 
530 Iiidcx 
 
 " Guilford," the, 3G7, 370. 
 Gwinnett, Button, 461. 
 
 Habersham, Joseph, 459. 
 
 "Hague," the, 230, 248. 
 
 HaUfax, 15G, 1G7, 4G5. 
 
 Hall, Captain, 430. 
 
 Hall, Giles, 355, 357. 
 
 Hallet, Allen, 345. 
 
 Hamilton, Alexander, 211, 213, 217-218. 
 
 "Hampden," the brig, 175. 
 
 "Hampden," the ship, 349, 47G. 
 
 Hampstead, Joshua, 452, 453. 
 
 Hampton, Va., 39G, 402, 412. 
 
 Hancock, John, 8G, 89, 353, 472. 
 
 "Hancock," the frigate, 91, 158, 239, 344. 
 
 "Hancock," the galley, 390. 
 
 "Hancock," the schooner, G3. 
 
 Handy, Joseph, 450. 
 
 Handy, Levin, 450. 
 
 "Hannah," the, a merchantman, 475. 
 
 "Hannah," the, of Washintgon's fleet, 33, Gl, 
 
 G2. 
 Haraden, Jonathan, 343. 
 Harding, Seth, 207, 359. 
 Hardy, Captain, 461. 
 Harris, Captain, 407. 
 Harrison, Benjamin, 413. 
 Harrison, William Hanson, 447. 
 "Harrison," the, of Virginia navy, 416. 
 "Harrison," the, of Washington's fleet, 63, 65. 
 Harrison and Van Bibber, 443. 
 Hartford, Conn., 355. 
 Hartford Courant, 362. 
 Hartley, David, 269. 
 Hatcher, Captain, 461. 
 Havana, 237, 305, 309, 311, 435, 438. 
 "Hawk," the, 59. 
 Havden, Uriah, 359. 
 "Hazard," the, 33-5, 342, 349, 352. 
 Hazelwood, John, 376, 380, 384, 385, 386, 388. 
 Heath, General, 116. 
 
Index 531 
 
 Henry, Patrick, 211. 
 
 " Ileiirv," ihe, 411. 
 
 Hewes," Joseph, 38, 41, SG, 90, 454. 
 
 "Hibernia," the, 168, 1G9. 
 
 Hill, Whitmill, 193. 
 
 " Hinchinbrooke," the, 461. 
 
 Hispaniola, 175, 305, 457, 460. 
 
 Hodge, WilHam, 262, 291. 
 
 Holker, John, 140, 205. 
 
 "Holker," the, 391. 
 
 HoUingsworth, Jesse, 442. 
 
 "Honor," the, 368. 
 
 Hopkins, Daniel, 208. 
 
 Hopkins, Esek, 53-60, 91, 105, 110, 125, 133- 
 
 139, 185, 419. 
 Hopkins, J. B., 53, 54, 168. 
 Hopkins, Stephen, 38, 39-40, 53, 81, 82, 86, 
 
 90, 91, 92, 119. 
 Hopkinson, Francis, 96-97. 
 "Hornet," the brig, 428. 
 "Hornet," the galley, 461. 
 "Hornet," the sloop, 55, 56, 57. 
 Hosmer, Titus, 203. 
 Houston, John, 86. 
 Howe, General William, 77, 384. 
 Howe, Lord Richard, 120. 
 Howe, Tyringham, 59. 
 "Hudson," the, 475. 
 Huntington, Benjamin, 356, 359. 
 Huntington, Daniel, 193. 
 "Hussar," the, 353. 
 "Hyder Ally," the, 394, 395. 
 
 Impressment of seamen, 146. 
 "Independence," the brigantine, 325, 352. 
 "Independence," the galley, 442. 
 "Independence," the sloop, 281. 
 "Indian." the, 264, 304, 436. 
 "Industry," the, 389. 
 Ingraham, Edward, 453. 
 loor, Joseph, 431. 
 Ipswich, Mass., 322, 328. 
 
"Iris," the, 238. 
 Isle of Pines, 431. 
 
 "J.\CKALL," the, 236. 
 
 Jamaica, 156, 175, 345. 
 
 "Jane," the, 407. 
 
 "Jason," the, 169, 171. 
 
 Jay, John, 185. 186, 211, 219, 261. 
 
 Jefferson, Thomas, 303, 405, 409, 413. 
 
 "Jefferson," the, 407, 411, 414. 
 
 "Jemmy and Sallie," the, 430. 
 
 Jenifer, Daniel of St. Thomas, 193, 221. 
 
 Jersey, island of, 440. 
 
 "John," the, 169. 
 
 "John," the, 430. 
 
 "Johnson," the, 442. 
 
 Jones, John Pavil, 54, 55, 106, 125, 164, 173- 
 176, 179, 183, 207; in Europe, 258, 270- 
 271, 273, 292-300, 303, 304, 449. 
 
 Josiah, James, 120, 123. 
 
 Joyner, John, 418, 435, 439, 459 
 
 "Judith," the, 429. 
 
 "Katy," the, 55, 464, 465. 
 
 Kidd, Captain, commander of a British ves- 
 sel, 450. 
 Kingston, Mass., 325. 
 "King Tammany," the, 452. 
 Knox, Henry, 53. 
 
 "Lady Washington," the, 71. 
 Lafayette, 161, 295, 446. 
 Lake Champlain, battle of, 77. 
 Landais, Peter, 199, 258. 259. 294-300. 
 Langdon, John, 37, 38. 91, 95. 106. 
 Langdon, Timothy, 323. 
 Laurens, Henry, 89, 311 
 Laurens, John, 437. 
 " L'Aventure," 433. 
 Lawrence, John, 387. 
 Lebanon, Conn., 355. 
 Ledyard, WiUiam. 371. 
 
huhw 333 
 
 Leo. Arthur, ISO, 211, ■2r>4, 2X0, 2S2, ;5U0. 
 Leo. K. il., 38, S3, 80, 89, U3, 180, 211, 215, 
 
 2.")0. 
 Lee, William, 180, 211, 250. 
 "Lee," the galley, 401. 
 "Lee," the schooner, 03, 05. 
 Leghorn, 277. 
 Lempriere, Clement, 419. 
 
 Lewis, Francis, 80, 90. 191-194, 190, 208, 475. 
 "Lexington," the, 281, 287, 289, 291. 
 "Liberty," the armed boat, 397, 415, 410, 417. 
 "Liberty," the brig, 397, 407. 
 Lilly, Thomas, 397. 
 Little, George, 353. 
 Liverpool, 200, 278. 
 "Liverpool," the, 384. 
 Livingston, Musco, 119. 
 Livingston, William, 119, 477-478. 
 Logie, Commander, 230. 
 Long Island, 70, 308, 370, 474. 
 L'Orient, 237, 250, 280, 299, 300. 302. 
 Louis XVI., 202, 294, 430. 
 Lovell, Solomon, 350. 
 "LovaHst," the, 415, 410. 
 Loyalists, 338, 348, 370, 448. 
 Luxembourg, Chevalier, 430, 439-440. 
 Luzerne, French minister to United States, 248. 
 "Lvdia," the, 389. 
 "Lynch," the, 03, 04. 
 Lyon, Samuel, 380. 
 
 McClehany, William, 231. 
 
 McDougall, Alexander, 213, 217-218, 224. 
 
 McKean, Thomas, 222. 
 
 Macpherson, John, 119. 
 
 McQueen, John. 435. 
 
 Machias. Maine. 320. 339. 
 
 "Machias LiVjertv," the, 320. 
 
 Madeira, 237. 
 
 Madison, James, 192. 
 
 " Magnilique," the, 247. 
 
 Mahan, A. T., 78, 143. 
 
534 I'^dcx 
 
 Manchac, 309. 
 
 Manly, John, 64, 65, 123, 163, 236. 
 
 Marbk-head, Mass., 62, 63, 149. 
 
 " Margaretta," the, 339. 
 
 "Maria," the, 169. 
 
 Marine Committee, appointment of, 80-87; 
 ofhces of, 87; chairmen, 88-90; agents of, 
 90-103, 105-115; work of, 105-140; condi- 
 tions of the naval service under, 141-160; 
 general movements of its fleet, 161-180; 
 defects of, 181-186; superseded, 187; 69, 
 70, 247, 279, 349. 
 
 Marines, Continental, 43 and note, 51, 58, 117- 
 118, 123, 129, 131, 136, 158-159, 197, 207, 
 229-230; of Massachusetts, 326; of Con- 
 necticut, 357, 358; of Pennsylvania, 376, 
 377, 392; of Virginia, 397, 398, 410, 411; 
 of South Carolina, 420, 422, 427, 430, 440; 
 of Maryland, 441, 445, 447; of North Caro- 
 lina, 452. 
 
 "Mars," the, 201, 273, 338, 343, 344. 
 
 Martha's Vineyard, 339. 
 
 Martin, Joshua, 457. 
 
 Martinique, 204, 266, 305, 331, 353, 407, 443, 
 457. 
 
 Maryland commissioners for defense of Chesa- 
 peake bay, 447. 
 
 Maryland Committee of Safety, 441, 442. 
 
 Maryland, Governor of, 443. 
 
 Maryland Governor and Council, 441, 445, 
 446, 447, 448. 
 
 Maryland Legislature, 445, 447, 448, 451. 
 
 Maryland Navy, 122, 315, 402, 415, 441-451. 
 
 Maryland Provincial Convention, 441, 442, 
 443, 444. 
 
 Mason, George, 398. 
 
 "Massachusetts," the, 325, 332, 343. 
 
 Massachusetts Agent of the Commonwealth, 
 337, 338. 
 
 Massachusetts admiralty courts, 68, 69, 322- 
 323, 327. 
 
/»'/'M- 535 
 
 Massachusetts Board of War, 329-332, 335, 
 33G, 337, 343, 345, 348, 351. 
 
 Massachusetts Commissary-General, 338, 353. 
 
 Massachusetts Committee of Foreign Affairs, 
 343. 
 
 Massachusetts Committee of Safety, 319. 
 
 Massachusetts Constitution, 337. 
 
 Massachusetts Council, 37, 319, 320, 322, 323, 
 324, 341, 347, 351, 422. 
 
 Massachu-setts General Court, 319, 321, 323- 
 32(i, 329, 332-336, 338, 339, 341. 
 
 Massachusetts, Governor of, 337, 338, 353. 
 
 Massachusetts House of Representatives, 319, 
 321, 324, 347, 351. 
 
 Massachusetts Navy, 151, 201, 275, 315-353, 
 470; beginnings of, 318-328; documents re- 
 specting, 328-329, 332-333; 334-337, 345- 
 347; administration of, 329-332, 337-338; 
 regulations respecting, 325-327, 333-335; 
 vessels of, 325, 331, 335-339, 341-344, 352- 
 353; expeditions of, 332-333, 341-353; end 
 of, 353. 
 
 Massachusetts Provincial Congress, 318, 319. 
 
 Massachusetts trading vessels, 330-331. 
 
 Matthews and ColHer, raid of, 408. 
 
 Mauritius, 179, 279. 
 
 Maxwell, James, 401, 409, 413. 
 
 " Medea," the, 352. 
 
 "Mercurv," the, 311. 
 
 "Merlin,"" the, 385. 
 
 Middletown, Conn., 355, 359. 
 
 Miftlin, Samuel, 380. 
 
 MitlUn, Thomas, 192. 
 
 "MifHin," the, 367. 
 
 "Milford," the cartel-ship, 270. 
 
 "Milford," the frigate, 344. 
 
 Milligan, Captain, 461. 
 
 Mill prison. 267, 268, 270. 
 
 "Minerva," the merchantman. 475. 
 
 "Minerva," the, of the Connecticut navv, 356, 
 357, 358. 
 
53^ ^»<^^^-'' 
 
 Mississippi, the, 175, 307-311, 430. 
 Mobile, expedition against, 166, 311. 
 "Molly," the, 122. 
 "Montague," the, 120, 16.5. 
 Montgomery, General, 458. 
 Montgomery, James, 300. 
 "Montgomery," the frigate, 92. 
 "Montgomery," the ship, 71, 472-475. 
 "Montgomery," the sloop, 376, 379, 380, 385, 
 
 386. 
 Moore, Lieutenant, 339. 
 Moravian mission, 274. 
 Morgan, Captain, 430 
 Morris, Gouverneur, 211, 214. 
 Morris, Robert, 86, 90, 173-176, 182 and note, 
 
 211; agent of marine, 218-251, 256, 257, 
 
 302, 394; and the Pennsylvania navv, 376, 
 
 378, 394. 
 Morris, Thomas, 256. 
 "Morris," the, 308-309. 
 "Mosquito," the, 407. 
 Moylan, Stephen, 62, 63. 
 Mud Island, 384. 
 
 'Nancy," the, 65, 236. 
 
 Nantes, 256, 262, 266, 284, 286, 331, 369. 
 
 Nantucket, 279, 328, 342, 465. 
 
 Nassau, New Providence, 58, 173, 419. 
 'Nautilus," the, 350. 
 
 Naval administration in the states, in general, 
 315-318. 
 
 Naval Agents, of Washington, 62-63, 69-70; 
 of Congress, 90-96, 103. 105-107, 110, 116, 
 117, 150, 189, 195, 196, 221, 227, 247, 256- 
 257, 263-264, 266, 303-311; of Massachus- 
 etts, 327, 329; of Connecticut, 361-363; of 
 Virginia, 401; of South Carolina, 426; of 
 Maryland, 442-443; of North Carohna, 458- 
 459. 
 
 Naval Committee, appointment of, 35-39; 
 quarters of, 39; description of, 39-40; act- 
 ive life of, 40-41; legislative work, 42-51; 
 
Index 537 
 
 prepares a fleet, 51-oG; appoints officers, 
 52-oo; orders of, 56; sumniary of work, GO; 
 its successor, 87; settling of its accounts, 
 240-247. 
 
 Naval Office at Paris, origin of, 252-253; duties 
 and work, 253-254, 257-304; personnel of, 
 254-255; headquarters of, 255; agents of, 
 256-257; movements of the fleet under, 
 286-300. 
 
 Naval operations, 161-180. 
 
 Naval stations, Continental, 154-155; British, 
 155-156. 
 
 Navy Board at Boston, origin of, 97-103; du- 
 ties of , 105-116, 164-165: abolition of, 221, 
 223, 227; 145, 168, 171, 176, 178, 182, 181), 
 191, 195, 196, 197, 247, 349, 469. 
 
 Navv Board at Philadelphia, origin of, 96-97, 
 99-103; duties of, 105-1 16; aboHtion of , 221, 
 223, 227; 145, 189, 195, 196, 197, 247. 
 
 Navy of the American Revolution. See Con- 
 tinental Navy, Massachusetts Navy, Con- 
 necticut Navy, etc. 
 
 Nesbit, J. M., 95. 
 
 Neutral rights, 200, 253, 266, 271-274, 281- 
 292. 
 
 New Bedford, Mass., 339. 
 
 Newbern, N. C, 93, 452, 453, 455, 457. 459. 
 
 Newburyport, Mass., 62, 91, 320, 328, 336. 
 
 Newfoundland, 164, 167, 169; Grand Banks of, 
 166, 170, 236; fisheries of, 180, 276, 291- 
 292. 
 
 New Hampshire Navv, 315, 349, 476-477. 
 
 New Haven, Conn., 73, 355, 360, 362. 
 
 New Jer.sey, 315, 477-478. 
 
 New Jersey Provincial Congress, 477. 
 
 New London, Conn., 92, 93, 95, 116, 165, 196, 
 236, 355, 357, 359, 362, 363, 371. 
 
 New Orleans, 160, 307-309. 
 
 New Providence Expedition, 55-60, 133. 
 
 New York, city of, 52, 69, 70, 75, 93, 154, 155, 
 206, 207, 239, 247, 364, 368, 471, 473. 
 
5.^S Index 
 
 Newport, R. I., 99, 194, 371. 
 
 New York Committee of Safety, 70, 472, 474, 
 
 475. 
 New York Convention, 96. 
 New York, Governor of, 476. 
 New York Marine Committee, 471, 472. 
 New York Navy, 70-71, 315, 471-476. 
 New York Provincial Congress, 71, 72, 471, 
 
 472. 
 New York Secret Committee, 475. 
 Nichols, Samuel, 58, 123. 
 Nicholson, James, 123, 124, 125 note, 206, 
 
 238-239, 441, 444, 446, 449. 
 Nicholson, Samuel, 236, 258, 262, 263. 
 Niles, Robert, 357, 370. 
 Niles, Samuel, 356, 357. 
 Nixon, John, 52, 95, 96, 97, 376, 378. 
 "Noble," the, 407. 
 "North," the, 350. 
 
 North Carolina Council of Safety, 451, 452. 
 North Carolina Naval Commissioners, 451-454. 
 North Carolina Navy, 315, 451-459. 
 North Carolina Provincial Congress, 452, 456. 
 North Yarmouth, Maine, 322. 
 Norwich, Conn., 92, 355, 356, 359, 360, 372. 
 "Notre Dame," the, 428-431, 433, 434, 435. 
 
 O'Brian, Jeremiah, 320. 
 
 Ocracoke Inlet, 155, 400, 406, 452, 454-459. 
 
 OtVicers, in Continental navy, 45-46, 50, 109, 
 123; in Massachusetts navy, 333; in Con- 
 necticut navy, 357; in Pennsylvania navy, 
 374; in Virginia navy, 397, 401; in North 
 Carolina navy, 452; in Rhode Island navy, 
 464. 
 
 "Oliver Cromwell," the, of the Connecticut 
 navy, 359, 368-370. 
 
 "Oliver Cromwell," the, of the Virginia navy, 
 415. 
 
 Olnev, Joseph, 168. 
 
 Olncy, Richard. 471. 
 
 "Orpheus," the, 208. 
 
Index 530 
 
 Osbonics, Vii., engagement at, 414. 
 Ossabaw Island, 461. 
 "Otter," the, WoO, 449. 
 "O.xford," the, 205. 
 
 Paca, William, 203, 447. 
 
 Paine, R. T., S2. 
 
 Palfrev, WiUiam, 302. 
 
 "Pallas," the, 290. 
 
 Palmer, Joseph, 324. 
 
 Parsons, Alston and Company, 305. 
 
 "Patriot," the armed boat, 397. 
 
 "Patriot," the schooner, 410. 
 
 Pay, in Continental navv, 40, 50-51, 128, 145- 
 "140, 198; in Massachusetts navy, 325-320, 
 333; in Conncct-icut navy, 357, 301, 300- 
 367; in Pennsylvania navy, 380-381; in 
 Virginia navy, 397, 403, 411, 410; in South 
 Carolina navy, 422, 432; in Maryland navy, 
 441, 443, 445; in North CaroHna navv, 452. 
 
 "Peggy," the. 423. 
 
 Pendleton, Captain, 459. 
 
 Pennell, Joseph, 227, 240, 247, 250. 
 
 Pennsylvania commissioners for defense of the 
 Delaware, 393-395. 
 
 Pennsylvania Ccjmmittec of vSafety, 373-381, 391. 
 
 Pennsylvania Council of Safety, 378-381. 
 
 I'ennsylvania Conventi<jn, 378. 
 
 Pennsylvania General Assembly, 389, 391-394. 
 
 Pennsylvania Navy, 123. 315, 373-395; begin- 
 nings of, 373-.380; rules and regulations, 
 375; commodores, 378-379; pay, 3S0-381 ; 
 navy b(^ard, 381-383; in 1777 "and 1778. 
 383-3S9; in 1779. .390-391; prize courts. 
 391-392; in 1782. 393-39."). 
 
 Pennsylvania Navv Board. 377. 381-383, 385, 
 387-389. 
 
 Pennsylvania Provincial Conference of Com- 
 mittees, 379. 
 
 Pennsylvania Supreme Executive Council, 378, 
 382, 383. 387-392. 394. 395. 
 
540 Index 
 
 "Pennsylvania Farmer," the, 452-454. 
 
 Penobscot Expedition, 337, 347-352, 47G. 
 
 Pensacola, 175, 308, 311. 
 
 Pensions, 46, 129-131, 3G6, 381, 392, 410, 447. 
 
 Philadelphia, 39, 73, 92, 93, 94, 99, 102, 115, 
 140, 154, IGG, 171, 190, 235, 238, 247, 311, 
 300, 373, 383, 384, 385, 389, 393, 413, 437- 
 440, 4G5. 
 
 "Phoenix," the, 408. 
 
 Pickering, Timothv, 323. 
 
 Pickles, WiUiam, 309-311. 
 
 Piercv, Thomas, 297. 
 
 "Pigit," the, 469, 470. 
 
 Pincknev, Colonel, 423. 
 
 "Plater," the, 442. 
 
 Plymouth, Mass., 63, 64, 98, 322. 
 
 "Polacre," the, 433. 
 
 Pollock, OHver, 160, 307-310. 
 
 "Pollv," the, 430, 431. 
 
 Pontchartrain, Lake, 309, 310. 
 
 Porto Rico, 237. 
 
 Portsmouth, N. H., 64, 91, 93 106, 111, 116, 
 122, 169, 196, 204, 476. 
 
 Portsmouth, Va., 400. 
 
 Portuguese government, 273. 
 
 Poughkeepsie, N. Y., 92, 96, 166. 
 
 Pray, Captain, 460. 
 
 President of the Continental Congress, 89, 118, 
 188, 257, 301. 
 
 Prince Edward Island, 66. 
 
 "Prince Frederick," the, 169. 
 
 "Prince of Wales," the, 430. 
 
 Prisons, naval, 150-151, 267. 
 
 Prisoners, naval, 151, 188, 209, 222, 227, 245. 
 261, 267-272, 281, 341. 
 
 Privateers and Privateering, Continental, 49- 
 50. 112, 119, 127-128, 136, 146-148, 201, 
 306, 308; in Europe, 260-261, 281 ; English, 
 151, 164, 165, 345-347, 411, 429, 445, 446, 
 449-451; Massachusetts, 148-149. 320-323, 
 327, 339-341, 344-347, 349; Connecticut, 
 
Index 541 
 
 145, atU-.'U)."); Pennsylvania, 148, ;5S2, ;5'.>0, 
 392-393; Virginia, 148, 405; South Caro- 
 Una, 427, 428,- 429; Maryland, 148, 443, 
 444; North CaroHna, 4.59; Rhode Island, 
 
 146, 148, 407-468; New York, 475; New 
 Hampshire, 476. 
 
 Prize Agents, Continental, 93-95, 103, 110, 
 195-196, 226-227, 247, 303-304; of Massa- 
 chusetts navv, 327; of Connecticut navy, 
 303; of New York navy, 474. 
 
 Prizes of Continental navv, 59, 163-164, 165, 
 168-169, 172-173, 177-178, 206, 236, 237, 
 267, 273, 281-288, 293, 296-297, 308, 31 1 ; of 
 Washington's fleet, 62, 64-71; of Massa- 
 chusetts navv, 332-333, 335, 343-347, 
 353; of Connecticut navy, 357, 361, 368- 
 369; of Pennsylvania navy, 385, 391, 394; 
 of Virginia navy, 407 ; of South Carolina 
 navy, 418-419, 429-430, 431, 438-439; of 
 Maryland navy, 449; of Georgia navy, 401 ; 
 of Rhode Island navy, 464; of New York 
 navy, 474. 
 
 Prizes, sharing of, in Continental navv, 43, 
 46, 49-50, 51, 127, 129-130, 232-234; in 
 Washington's fleet, 62; in Massachusetts 
 navy, 320, 333; in Connecticut niivy, 301, 
 300; in Pennsylvania navy, 381; in South 
 Carolina navy, 427-428, 436, 439-440; in 
 Maryland navy, 443, 448; in Rhode Island 
 navy, 468; in New York navv, 473. 
 
 Pritchard, Paul, 427. 
 
 Promotions in the Continental navy, 123-125. 
 
 "Prosper," the, 421. 
 
 "Protector," the barge, 450. 
 
 " Protector," the ship, of the Massachusetts 
 navy, 201, 336, 344, 345, 353. 
 
 " Protector," the ship, of the Virginia navy, 406. 
 
 Providence. R. I., 91, 93, 95, 98, 113, 135, 
 136, 148, 360, 468. 
 
 "Providence," the frigate, 91, 172, 204, 207, 
 292, 433, 408. 
 
542 Iiulcx 
 
 "Providence," the sloop, 55, 57, 59, 173, 175, 
 
 349, 465. 
 Prussian government, 177,' 
 "Putnam," the, 377, 385. 
 
 "Queen of France," the, 169, 171, 172, 204, 
 
 207, 263, 433. 
 Quincy, Joseph, 32. 
 
 " Raisonnable," the, 350. 
 
 "Raleigh," the brig, 408. 
 
 "Raleigh," the frigate, 91, 281. 
 
 Randall, Thomas, 472. 
 
 Randolph, Pevton, 82, 119. 
 
 "Randolph," the, 92, 430. 
 
 "Ranger," the galley, 387. 
 
 "Ranger," the ship, 106, 168, 169, 171, 172, 
 
 292-293, 433, 434. 
 Rank, naval, 123-120, 197, 257-258, 422. 
 Rathburn, John P., 172. 
 
 Rations in Continental navy, 128-129; in Massa- 
 chusetts navy, 333; in Marj-land navy, 
 447. 
 "Rattlesnake," the, 426. 
 Read, George, 86. 
 Read, James, 101, 196, 226, 250. 
 Read, Thomas, 123, 374, 376, 378. 
 "Rebecca," the, a merchantman, 308. 
 "Rebecca," the sloop, 461. 
 Recaptures, 50, 232, 322-323. 
 Red Bank, 373, 384. 
 Reed, Joseph, 391. 
 "Renown," the, 414. 
 "Reprisal," the, a privateer, 308. 
 "Reprisal," the sloop, 262, 269, 281, 283, 284, 
 
 286, 287, 291. 
 "Republic," the, 325, 331. 
 
 'Resistance," the, 165. 
 "Resolution," the, 442. 
 
 'Revenge," the brig, 345. 
 
 •Revenge," the cutter, 262, 281, 290, 291. 
 Revere, Paul, 350. 
 
huhw 543 
 
 Rhode Island Committee of Safety, 463, 464, 
 466, 467. 
 
 Rhode Island Council of War, l;58-lo'.), 467, 
 468, 469. 
 
 Rhode Island General Assembly, 80, 463-470. 
 
 Rhode Island, Governor of, 465-467. 
 
 Rhode Island Inferior Court of Comijion Pleas, 
 138. 
 
 Rhode Island instructions to the Continental 
 Congress, 33, 80-85. 
 
 Rhode Island Navy, 80, 315, 463-471. 
 
 "Richmond," the, 416. 
 
 Richmond, Va., 401, 414, 447. 
 
 "Rising Empire," the, 325, 338. 
 
 Roach, John, 106, 107. 
 
 Robertson, William, 435. 
 
 Rodgers, William, 472, 473. 
 
 "Roebuck," the, 208, 352, 384. 
 
 Rogers, Josias, 394. 
 
 "Rose," the, 80, 463, 464. 
 
 Ross, Elizabeth, 377. 
 
 Ross, John, 256. 
 
 "Rover," the, 470, 471. 
 
 "Royal Charlotte, "the, 430. 
 
 Rules and Regulations, of Continental navy, 
 43-48, 109, 110, 202-203, 231; of British 
 navy, 47-48, 202; of Massachusetts navy, 
 333-335; of Connecticut navy, 361, 366; 
 of Pennsylvania navy, 374, 375, 391 ; of 
 South Carolina navy, 422; of Maryland 
 navy, 447; of New York navy, 472. 
 
 Rush, Benjamin, 374. 
 
 Russian navv, 304. 
 
 Rutledge. Edward, 36. 
 
 Rutledge, John, 82, 119, 424, 429, 430. 
 
 St. Algl-stine, Fla., 156, 419, 429, 430 
 
 St. Christopher, island of, 175. 
 
 St. Eustatius, island of, 237, 305, 306, 331, 
 
 457. 
 St. Mary's Isle, 293. 
 St. Thomas, island of, 335. 
 
544 
 
 huic.v 
 
 Salem, Mass., 62, 149, 31iU, o28. 
 
 Salisbury, Mass., 91, 325. 
 
 "Sally," the, 389. 
 
 Salter, Titus, 47G. 
 
 Saltonstall, Dudley, 54, 57. 133, 350, 352. 
 
 Saltonstall, Gilbert, 206. 
 
 Saltonstall, Gurdon, 154. 
 
 Salvage, 50, 201, 232, 323. 
 
 Samson, Simeon, 343. 
 
 Sandv Hook, 370, 390, 474. 
 
 "Saratoga," the, 122, 204, 208. 
 
 Sartine, French minister of marine, 274.. 278, 
 
 296. 
 Sava£?e, P. H., 330. 
 Savannah, 15G, 167, 418, 459. 
 Savbrook, Conn., 74, 359. 
 Schuyler, General, 71-74, 116, 213. 
 "Schuyler," the, 367. 
 Schweighauser, a commercial agent in France, 
 
 256. 
 Seal of the Naval Department, 199, 209, 222. 
 Seamen in Continental navy, difficulties of en- 
 
 Hstment, 144-147; numbers, 158-159. 
 Searle, James, 101. 
 Sears, Isaac, 358. 
 
 Secretary of Congress, 140, 209, 222. 
 Secretary of Foreign Affairs, 214, 255. 
 Secretary of Marine. 208-209, 214-218, 221, 
 
 224. 229. 
 Secretary of War. 216. 
 Secret Committee of Congress, 162. 
 vSelkirk, Earl of, 293. 
 Selman, John, 63, 66. 
 "Scrapis," the, 163, 164. 296. 297. 
 Seymour. Stephen, 426. 
 Seymour. Thomas. 380. 
 "Shark," the, 360, 369. 
 Sha^v, Jr., Nathaniel. 95, 355. 362-3*8. 
 Sheridan, Patrick. 231. 
 Sherman, Roger, 221, 355. 
 "Sibvlle," the, 237. 
 
Index 545 
 
 Simpson, Thomas, lt')S, 172. 
 
 Skimmer, John, 120, IGo. 
 
 Smith, James, 72, 471, 472. 
 
 Smith, Meriwether, 220, 221. 
 
 Smith, William, 101. 
 
 "Somerset," the, 448. 
 
 "South Carolina," the, 430-440. 
 
 South Carolina Council of Safety, 418-421. 
 
 South Carolina, Governor of, 432, 434. 
 
 South Carolina House of Representatives, 432, 
 434. 
 
 South Carolina Legislature, 423-428. 
 
 South Carolina Navy, 173, 275, 315, 418-440; 
 beginnings of, 418-424; operations of, 418- 
 421, 428-434, 437-440; navy board, 424- 
 428; ordinances of 1777 and 1778, 427- 
 428; privateers, 428-429; Gillon and the 
 "South Carolina," 435-440. 
 
 South CaroHna Navy Board, 424-428. 
 
 South CaroUna, President of, 423-425, 427, 
 429, 430. 
 
 South CaroHna Privy Council, 423, 425, 430. 
 
 South Carolina Provincial Congress, 420-422. 
 
 South Quay, Va., 400, 40G, 455, 450. 
 
 Spanish-American War, 179. 
 
 Spanish fleet, 106, 173, 242. 
 
 Spanish government, 219, 273, 282, 308. 
 
 "Speedwell," the, 389. 
 
 "Spitfire," the, 4G6. 
 
 "Spy," the, 35G, 357, 3G8, 370. 
 
 State Navies, 152-153, IGO; in general, 315- 
 318; in particular, 318-478. See Massa- 
 chusetts navy, Connecticut navy, etc. 
 
 Stonington, Conn., 357. 
 
 Stormont, Lord, 2G9-270, 284-289. 
 
 Stranger, Captain, 345. 
 
 Submarine invention, 3G3-364. 
 
 Subsistence money, 128, 198. 
 
 Suflfolk, Va., 455-45G. 
 
 Sullivan, Captain, 430. 
 
 Sullivan, General, 4G9, 470. 
 
54^) Index 
 
 Sullivan, James, 321, 323. 
 
 Superintendant of Finance, 21C, 219, 224, 
 
 227. 
 "Surprise," the, 262, 281, 287 
 Swanzey, Mass., 325. 
 Swedish Court, 273. 
 "Sylph," the, 309. 
 
 Talbot, Silas, 469-470. 
 "Tamar," the, 419-420. 
 "Tartar," the, of the Massachusetts navy, 339, 
 
 353. 
 "Tartar," the, of the Virginia navv, 400. 
 Taylor, Richard, 397, 407. 
 "Tempest," the, 406-407, 411, 414 
 Ternay, Chevalier de, 207. 
 "Terrible," the, 448. 
 
 Texel, the, Holland, 204, 271, 297-298, 437. 
 "Thetis," the, 407, 411. 
 Thompson, Thoiruis, 133. 
 Tilghman, Walter, 447. 
 Tillinghast, Daniel, 95. 
 Tories, 338, 348, 370, 448 
 Travis, Edward, 397. 
 "Trepassey," the, 206. 
 "Trimmer," the, 393. 
 "Truite," the, 433, 434. 
 Truml)ull, Jonathan, 92, 95, 354, 355. 
 "Trumbull," the, 92, 113, 204, 206, 220, 235, 
 
 238-239. 
 Tucker, Samuel, 292. 
 Tufts, Simon, 420-421. 
 Turner, George, 227. 
 Turpin, Joseph, 421. 
 "Tyrannicide," the. 325, 328, 342, 343, 345, 
 
 349, 352. 
 
 Uniforms, of Continental navy, 117-118; of 
 Massachusetts navy, 327; of Pennsyl- 
 vania marines, 377; of Maryland marines, 
 441. 
 
Index 547 
 
 Vakxl-m. J. M., 223. 
 
 \'ergcnnes, rronch minister, 2t)l, 284, 285, 
 289, 2itl. 
 
 Vernon, William, 98-99, 113, 1S2. 
 
 " Victory." the, 87. 
 
 "Virginia," the frigate, 93, 124. 
 
 ■"Virginia," the ship, of the Royal navy, 350. 
 
 "Virginia," the ship, of the Virginia navy, 407. 
 
 Virginia Board of Trade, 409. 
 
 \'irginia Board of War, 409. 
 
 Virginia commissioners for defence of Chesa- 
 peake bay, 415-416. 
 
 Virginia Commissioner of Navy, 409, 415. 
 
 \'irginia Ctmimittee of Safetv, 390-398. 
 
 Virginia General Assemblv, 401-404, 408-411, 
 41.5. 
 
 Virginia Governor and Council, 399, 401, 403, 
 411. 
 
 Virginia Naval Commissioner, 409. 
 
 Virginia naval magazines, 401. 
 
 Virginia Navy, 152, 315, 39G-417, 429, 44(J-447, 
 449, 450, 45G-4-58; beginnings of, 396-403; 
 navv board, 398-403; admiralty courts, 
 403-405; vessels, 397-398, 405-408, 414- 
 417; raids, 408, 413-415; later legislation, 
 408-413, 415-416; end of navv, 416-417. 
 
 Virginia Navy Board, 398-403, 405, 408, 409, 
 424. 
 
 Virginia navy-yards, 400, 408, 414. 
 
 Virginia Provincial Convention, 396, 398, 403. 
 
 Wallace, James, 463. 
 
 Ward, Artemas, 69, 351. 
 
 Ward, Samvicl, 81, 83. 
 
 tVaring, Thomas, 190-191. 
 
 Waftier, vScth, 74. 
 
 Warren, James, 51, 98, 112, 330. 
 
 "Warren," the frigate, 92, 119, 136, 168, 171, 
 
 349, 468. ^ 
 
 "Warren," the schooner, 63. 
 Warwick, Va., 401, 414. 
 
548 Judex 
 
 Washington, George, 33, 37, 42, 48, 73, IKi, 
 
 154, KiC, 1G7, 204, 211, 3G2, 388, 422, 446, 
 
 4G8, 473; fleets of, 61-71 ; on failure of navy, 
 
 184-186; on committees of Congress, 213. 
 "Washington," the, of the Continental navy 
 
 (frigate), 92, 388. 
 "Washington," the, of the Continental navy 
 
 (ship), 235, 248-249, 393-396. 
 "Washington," the, of the Georgia navy, 460- 
 
 461. 
 "Washington," the, of the North Carolina 
 
 navy, 452-454. 
 "Washington," the, of the Rhode Island 
 
 navy (galley), 466. 
 "Washington," the, of the Rhode Island 
 
 navy (sloop), 464, 465. 
 "Washington," the, of the Virginia navv, 406, 
 
 456. 
 "Washington," the, of Washington's fleet, 63, 
 
 65. 
 "Wasp," the, 00, 57, 158. 
 Waterford, Conn., 370. 
 Waterbury, David, 77, 358. 
 "Watt," the, 206-207. 
 Weaver, Lieutenant, 58. 
 Webb, William, 377. 
 "West Florida," the, 310-311. 
 West Indies, the, 80, 151, 101, 165, 167, 169, 
 
 173, 175, 179, 207, 236, 237, 242, 283, 305- 
 
 307, 335, 342, 358, 368-369, 406, 424, 429, 
 
 430, 449, 452. 
 Wethersfield, Conn., 355, 356. 
 "Weymouth," the, 368. 
 Whalev, Commodore, 450. 
 Whaling fleets, 151, 170, 268, 278-279. 
 Wharton, John, 96, 97, 101, 196, 374, 387. 
 Whipple, Abraham, 54-55, 57, 80, 133, 172. 
 
 433, 464-465. 
 Whipple, William, 89, 90, 105-106, 190, 211. 
 White, Robert, 373. 
 "Whiting," the, 360, 369. 
 
Jiuic.v 541; 
 
 Whiting, Thomas, 200. 
 
 Wickes, Lambert, 173, 179, 202, 20U, 287-291. 
 
 Williams, Jonathan, 250. 
 
 Williams, J. P., 3-lo. 
 
 WilHamsburg, Va., 93, 398. 
 
 Willing, Captain, 308. 
 
 Wilson, WilHs, 458. 
 
 Wilmington, N. C, 93, 434. 
 
 Winder, WiHiam, 101, 190. 
 
 "Winthrop," the, 339, 353. 
 
 "Wolodimer," the, 304. 
 
 Woodford, Thomas, 193. 
 
 Wynkoop, Jacobus, 72, 74. 
 
 Wythe, George, 203. 
 
 "Yarmouth," the, 431. 
 "York," the, 410. 
 Yorktown, siege of, 415, 446 
 Young, John, 208. 
 
 ZuBLY, John J., 82. 
 
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