A Nation in 
 Bondage 
 
 and 
 
 Stupendous Issues 
 
 Published by 
 
 LATIN-AMERICAN NEWS ASSOCIATION 
 
 1400 Broadway, New York City 
 
 •« 
 
^V ^ I 
 
 THE CATHEDRAL OF MEXICO CITY, 
 
 Pwilt by the Indians, During the Vireinal Period. Gardens Recently Rebuilt 
 
 by the Constitutionalista Government, 
 
To the Mexican the Mexican problem is not one of diplomatic 
 adjudication. He says there are certain things that can- 
 not to be arbitrated, and one of them is the right of one man 
 to keep another man in slavery by means of contracts in 
 which the slave had no hand in the making. 
 
 To the Mexican — that is to almost all of the Mexicans who 
 are not in conspiracy with American and Europeans— the 
 trouble is that by some hook or crook everything worth owning 
 in Mexico is owned by foreigners. 
 
 The Mexicans own nothing. They get nothing. They work 
 all the year round, and at the end of that time they are no 
 better off than they were at the beginning. 
 
 Often they are worse off, for they are in debt at the company 
 store. Millions and millions of wealth go annually from the 
 country as a result of their, labors but none of it stays at home. 
 The men who get the wealth have for the most part never set 
 foot in Mexico. Many of them have never invested more than 
 a few thousand dollars and that has gone in bribes or corruption 
 to hig-h officials. 
 
 For such an insignificant investment the foreigner got con- 
 trol of the country. He owned everything worth owning — the 
 railroads, mines, oil wells, gold and silver mines, plantations, etc. 
 He even owned the government itself up to 1910, which was 
 thrown in for good measure. With the government he obtained 
 control of taxation which he used to exempt the things he 
 owned from taxation. That was the trick Lord Cowdray played 
 in the oil business. Mexico lost all local taxes on 5,000,000 
 acres of oil land and all her export duties as well. 
 
 THE SLAVERY OF THE PEONS 
 
 When the peon went to the store to spend the little that he 
 was given for his labor he spent it at the company store owned 
 by a Frenchman or a German. When he wanted a loan for the 
 planting or the harvesting of his crops he only secured it at 
 usurious interest. Along with these economic conditions that 
 are not so complex but that even an ignorant Mexican can 
 understand them, the foreigner gave him an oppressive, cruel 
 and murderous government. He gave him Diaz ; he gave him 
 Huerta; he would like to rail them back again, for Mexico was 
 so "peaceful," "contented" «. nd "happy" then. 
 
^# 
 
 i 
 
 That is what the foreigner wants in Mj^xico to-day. He does 
 not disguise it. He honestly believes that it was good for Mexico 
 to be owned by outside capital and the people to be kept in 
 ignorance and poverty for their own good. 
 
 The fact is that Mexico was just like France prior to the 
 French Revolution, only the seigneurs of Mexico did not have 
 the virtue of being Mexican. They lived abroad instead of at 
 Mexico City. They gambled the rents wrung from their Mexican 
 serfs, not only on the gaming table but on the stock exchange 
 as well. They maintained their power by force of arms and no 
 blithering sentimentality was permitted to get in the way of 
 standing trouble makers up against the wall or of shooting up a 
 whole village when the peons tried to assert their ancestral 
 right to the common lands which had come to them for genera- 
 tions, but which Diaz gave away to his financial favorites who 
 need cheap labor for their mines and who could secure it only 
 by depriving the peasants of their own land so that they would 
 have to accept the wages offered them or starve. 
 
 The Mexicans want to get back their land which has been 
 taken from them' by bribery or machine guns. And they are 
 doing it. They want to get l^ack their oil wells, gold and silvei 
 mines and the tremendously rich copper deposits of the North, 
 and they are doing it. 
 
 The Mexicans want to work for themselves rather than for 
 an impersonal foreign corporation^. They want to be home 
 owners rather than tenants. They want to own a little piece of 
 land to cultivate and pass on to their children. They want 
 economic independence and all that economic independence 
 implies. 
 
 And they are doing this by ending the concessions and grants 
 which they as well as all the world knows were for the most 
 part obtained by graft. They are taxing the great plantations, 
 the mines and the oil wells. They are requiring the two and a 
 half billions of foreign-owned property to contribute to the sup- 
 port of the state. They are taking back the common lands. 
 They are giving the people homes. They are ending franchises, 
 grants and privileges, and they are doing it without that diplo- 
 ^.. : matic finesse that financial imperialism, backed by their diplo- 
 y'' matic corps and navy, they are accustomed to. 
 
 DIAZ AND HIS "DEVELOPMENT" PROGRAM 
 
 Mexico has been the happy hunting ground of the adventurer 
 since the days of Spanish conquest. Egypt, Morocco, Tunis, 
 South Africa do not compare with it as a treasure box. Govern- 
 ment has always meant merely an organized system of robbery 
 
and exploitation. It ga-^e the people nothing-, it took everything 
 the people had. It taxed thefn . in the most ruthless ways ; it 
 spent the taxes for private purposes and profit. The courts 
 were merely another instrument for enforcing serfdom along 
 with the army. Each government in turn played in with the 
 church, the big plantation owners and the foreign adventurers 
 and all of them together constituted a "system" for working the 
 peons in their mines, upon their estates, at starvation wages, and 
 when they were unruly the government was always at the com- 
 mand of the big interests to enforce order with a hireling army 
 with machine guns. 
 
 Diaz reduced the process to a scientific system. He termed 
 it "developing the country." The development meant slavery 
 to the people and the giving away of everything of value in the 
 country. There were friends, relatives and favorites to be seen. 
 They had to be seen or nothing came through. In the end the 
 Mexicans were dispossessed of one of the richest spots on the 
 earth's surface, and Americans, English, French and German 
 concession hunters possessed grants and privileges conservative- 
 ly estimiated to be worth many billions of dollars. 
 
 The concession seekers flocked to Mexico with the coming 
 of Diaz to power in 1876. He owed them everything for they 
 made him master of Mexico. They enjoyed 34 years of almost 
 uninterrupted freedom until the flight of Diaz to Paris in 1910. 
 
 U. S. THE BULWARK OF CONCESSIONAIRES 
 
 During all these years the United States was unhappily the 
 bulwark of the exploiting interests. The Mexican people feared 
 American intervention more than anything else and this fear 
 kept them from revolution. And the colossal grants and sub- 
 sidies for rail^oads, mines, oil, gold, silver, copper and land, 
 judiciously distributed, identified the United States State De- 
 partment, the Senate, the press and the people of the United 
 States with Diaz, no matter what his outrages might be. 
 
 Neither the financiers of Europe nor the foreign offices of the 
 European powers can teach the American concession seeker 
 much in the game of high finance, the use of money for bribery 
 and corruption or the turning of government from public to 
 private ends. The years which followed the Civil War taught 
 railroad builders, franchise seekers, land grabbers and bankers 
 all of the tricks of that trade. And they carried into Mexico all 
 that they had learned in the building of the Pacific railway, in 
 the corruption of our cities and states, in the distribution of 
 privileges among members of Congress and officials in high 
 places. 
 
The United States during the years that followed the Civil 
 War was a training school for the exploitation of Mexico which 
 like ripe fruit waited only to be picked with the accession of 
 Diaz to power in the year of our Centennial. The trans-Pacific 
 land grabs were first duplicated. Diaz was under obligation to 
 the American financier for placing him in power. He paid his 
 first debts by concessions for the building of two railroad lines 
 from the Texas border to Mexico City. Land was given for the 
 right of way together with a subsidy of $14,000 per mile oi. 
 level country and $35,000 a mile in rough country. This was 
 enough in itself to construct the road, especially as forced labor 
 was supplied the contractors at fifty cents a day. Growing out 
 of these concessions Americans now hold securities in the rail- 
 roads of nearly $700,000,000. 
 
 $150,000,000 PLUNDER 
 
 Just as the financiers from the United States exploited the 
 Mexican railroads so Great Britain enjoyed a monopoly of ex- 
 ploitation of the country's credit. All of the devices learned 
 in Egypt were repeated. There was nothing that the French 
 had devised in Morocco and Tunis that was not duplicated. 
 The national debt was inflated by the recognition of Spanish 
 claims for reimbursement for expenditures made in the Spanish 
 campaign against the insurgents in the War of Independence 
 and other claims for confiscated estates of the holy orders. 
 French claims were made for some trifling damages to French 
 citizens and property. In a short time the indebtedness of the 
 country was increased from $20,000,000 to $191,000,000, of which 
 approximately $150,000,000 represented speculation and the plun- 
 der of speculators and private interests which succeeded in hav- 
 ing their claims recognized. 
 
 The concession seekers were insatiable. The cfil is owned by 
 American and British syndicates. In 1900 the country produced 
 no oil at all. Now it stands next to the United States and Rus- 
 sia. The Waters-Pierce Company is the largest American oil 
 producing company in Mexico. Their control is contested by 
 the English firm of Pearson, now Lord Cowdray. Pearson had 
 built a railroad in Mexico and secured the friendship of Diaz. 
 He obtained concessions for oil and pipe lines and railroads. 
 The British Admiralty saw in Mexico a source of oil for fuel 
 — a source not likely to fail in war time. Pearson was elevated 
 to Lord Cowdray in 1910, just when oil was beginning to come 
 into use as fuel for war ships. The British and American oil 
 interests have ever been hostile, and in a price-cutting war 
 Cowdray gained the upper hand just as Diaz fell from power. 
 Statistics show that his companies control 58 per cent, of the 
 oil output of Mexico. American interests supplanted Cowdray 
 
 6 
 
 ^ 
 
in official circles under the Madero government, but when 
 Huerta came into power the tables were again turned and Cow- 
 dray was again recognized. According to his own statements 
 he gave Huerta support and even subscribed to three per cent, 
 of the loan floated by him. 
 
 TITANS OF OIL INDUSTRY GRAPPLE 
 
 Back of the revolutions that have harassed Mexico for the 
 past six years is the sinister hand of the American and British 
 oil interest which have a complete monopoly of the oil m that 
 country. How colossal the stake involved is and -how cheap 
 a control of the government would be at any price is seen m 
 the fact that the oil in the Tampico district alone amounts to 
 ^000 000 acres while the total oil land operated m the United 
 States amounts to but 8,300,000 acres. The capacity of a single 
 refinery of Lord Cowdray is 3,000,000 barrels a year. 
 
 The mineral resources are almost completely under foreign 
 ownership. Americans dominate large areas. The capital em- 
 ployed in the industry is about , $647,000,000, of which_ about 
 $500 000,000 is American. The Northern states of Mexico are 
 crowded with American miners. The Guggenheims now operate 
 a dozen mines and have a number of great smelters. There are 
 a dozen other great copper interests, of which Phelps Dodge and 
 the Green Cananea are the largest. The capital of the copper 
 mines alone runs into the hundreds of millions. American capital 
 controls electric light and power; it controls the street railway 
 lines of the cities. It has opened up gold and silver mines. 
 The Mexican rubber industry is largely American. Ex-Senator 
 Aldrich was greatly interested in the Continental Rubber Com- 
 pany which largely controls this industry. Great stretches of 
 timber land are also owned, while plantations of hundreds of 
 thousands of acres have been acquired in the Northern states by 
 American owners. The American Consul, Marion Letcher,_ of 
 Chihuahua, who has had long experience in Mexico as_ a mmin§^ 
 engineer, places' the American investments in Mexico m 1912 at 
 $1,057,770,000 as against a total ownership of property by all of 
 the Mexicans of but $793,187,000. 
 
 CAPITAL OF MEXICO IS N. Y., N. Y. 
 
 The capital of Mexico is not Mexico City, it is New York. 
 
 What would the people of America think if all of the wealth 
 in America were owned by Germans and practically all of our 
 100,000,000 people were day laborers under German foremen 
 
i 
 with no hope of anything better for their children? Germany 
 would be no more popular in America that the United States is 
 in Mexico. ■ ' , . I; li -IsJlS 
 
 The French have large interests in- Mexico. According to 
 the New York "Nation," French interests amount to more than 
 a billion dollars, although this is far in excess of the estimates 
 of Consul Letcher who places them at but $143,446,000. How- 
 ever, the latter estimate does not include all forms of wealth. 
 The French are large owners of government bonds, banks, rail- 
 road securities, as well as mills and factories. The banks are 
 largely in French hands, as are the department stores of the 
 cities. Mexicans own more wealth than foreigners in very few 
 and insignificant industries such as breweries and retail stores. 
 The total of foreign investments in Mexico is placed by Consul 
 Letcher at two and a half billion dollars, or three times the 
 amount of wealth owned by the Mexicans of the entire country. 
 
 Here are the. invisible forces that want intervention. They 
 work like sappers underground. They are influential with the 
 press. They have representatives of the press on the ground 
 who distort news and make the public opinion of the United 
 States. They have convinced a large part of the American peo- 
 ple that the only way to secure peace in Mexico is to send the 
 army and the navy to invade the country. They are so influen- 
 tial with the diplomatic service of the several powers that they 
 may be said to almost control it and as this is the only official 
 source of information they mislead their respective governments. 
 During the recent war scare when intervention seemed immi- 
 nent, the Mexican news at Washington was so poisoned that it 
 was impossible to even secure a hearing for Carranza. 
 
 WILL AMERICA COUNTENANCE SLA VERY^ AGAI N ? 
 
 There are billions at stake. They have been largely obtained 
 by fraud and corruption. The titles are tainted with bribery. 
 Securities are almost all watered out of all semblance to the 
 actual investment. The properties earn enormous dividends. 
 Intervention would enrich a handful of Americans by hundreds 
 of millions of dollars, possibly. For intervention means that 
 the status quo of Diaz would be confirmed. His grants would 
 be validated. The country would again be made subject to the 
 concessionaires and speculators. America, not Mexico, would 
 own Mexico. It would become a feudatory nation kept in sub- 
 jection by the American army which would become a private 
 police force for the banking and speculating interests of Wall 
 Street. 
 
 8 
 
"Firmness" and a "strong foreign policy," the protection of 
 American property and American people is merely the persiflage 
 of diplomacy. It is part of the jargon of high finance. It means 
 that American boys will be taken from the "home" and 'sent to 
 the wilds of Mexico for years to subjugate the country ; to police 
 bandits, to hunt down revolutionists like our own Washington, 
 Jefferson, Hancock, Adams who offered their lives for the right 
 of our people to pursue life, liberty and happiness in their 
 own way. 
 
STUPENDOUS ISSUES 
 
 THE EVIDENCE 
 
 CHAPTER I 
 
 Roman Catholic Prelates in the United States are fighting the 
 Administration, aided by the Republican Organization. 
 
 At Boston, Massachusetts, on November 15th,, 1914, Cardinal 
 O'Connell in an address to the Federation of Roman Catholic 
 Societies said : 
 
 "The Administration in this country has at last done some- 
 thing to insure the safety of our nuns and priests in Mexico from 
 the brutal rapacity and barbarism of those savages who for 
 more than a year past have conclusively proved their absolute 
 unfitness to govern. But the good work is far from finished. 
 
 "And when the truth is known then all the world will realize 
 that for the sake of our public honor as a nation WE MUST 
 PUT AN END TO THE MASONIC CONSPIRACY which 
 has for two years deluged Mexico with blood, drained the ma- 
 terial resources of that country and spread atheism and anarchy 
 over a land once happy and industrious."* 
 
 Later, in 1915, when seven of the Pan-American Govern- 
 ments, including our own Government, were about to recognize 
 the Carranza Government, the following cablegram was pub- 
 lished throughout the United States : 
 
 "Rome, October 9, 1915. — Pope Benedict received in private 
 audience yesterday the Most Rev. Francisco Orozoy Jiminez, 
 Archbishop of Guadalajara, Mexico, together with Monsignor 
 Francis C. Kelley of Chicago, President of the Catholic Exten- 
 sion Society in the United States. The visitors presented an im- 
 portant plan in connection with THE CHURCH IN MEXICO. 
 
 "The Pope showed a thorough knowledge of the situation as 
 regards the Mexican clergy, and praised the generosity of Amer- 
 ican catholics (the American Hierarchy) in the help they are 
 giving their co-religionists (fellow priests) in Mexico." 
 
 A few months later the following statement by Cardinal 
 Gibbons was published throughout the land : 
 
 "They will never cease fighting in Mexico under Carranza. 
 I have no confidence in the man. The situation is a crime against 
 civilization. We have tried in every way to get help to those 
 
 * For the history of the conflict between Liberal Societies and the Roman 
 CathoHc Hierarchy, consult Political Romanism, by Publicity Bureau for the 
 Exposure of Political Romanism, C. Bradway, Manager. 400 pages. 75 cents 
 in paper covers, $1.00 in cloth. Masonic Hall, New York. N, Y. 
 
 10 
 
suffering from th« warring factions in Mexico, and even now 
 have $220,000 in hand to help them, but we cannot get it to 
 them." (N. Y. Times, January 9, 1916). 
 
 On March 4th, 1916, the New York Times published excerpts 
 from a Mexican pamphlet in which the Roman Catholic prelates 
 in this country were charged with helping to finance a counter 
 revolHtion in Mexico, to be conducted under General Diaz. The 
 day following the publication of these charges an answer was 
 made by Cardinal Farley, of New York City. His letter was 
 published^in full in the New York Times. He said: 
 
 "I frankly admit that I am opposed to this (Carranza) Gov- 
 ernment which has established itself by appealing to the worst 
 elements in the country, and securing its power and ascendency 
 in the early stages of its growth by disregarding every principle 
 of justice and morality. And I apn confident that the day is not 
 far distant when the great mass of the Mexican people will be 
 released from the tyrannical yoke imposed upon them!" 
 
 The counter revolution in Mexico under General Diaz was 
 started as the pamphlet had predicted, but thus far it has failed. 
 The issue is now up to you, Mr. Voter. What are you going to do ? 
 
 Nearly a year ago several of the Roman Catholic papers 
 referred this Mexican question to the voters. For example, in 
 New Orleans the official organ of the Roman Catholic diocese, 
 The Morning Star, said : 
 
 "Mr. Wilson's recognition of Carranza, the avowed enemy 
 of the Catholic Church, is an insult to the Catholics in this coun- 
 try. It is a direct challenge to them, and we hope that not only 
 Catholics but every true lover of freedom WILL GIVE HIM 
 SUCH AN OPEN ANSWER AT THE POLLS as will prove 
 to him that no President of the United States can so flagrantly 
 ignore the lawful and respectful request of 16,000,000 fellow 
 citizens WITHOUT PAYING THE PENALTY." (Current 
 Opinion, Jan. 1916, p. 45.) 
 
 The facts are that the Roman Catholic prelates in our United 
 States are opposed to President Wilson's re-election, and there- 
 fore are co-operating with the Republican Organization and 
 with Big Business and inherently they are opposed to the Pro- 
 gressive Movement. Thus, the issue is squarely drawn. 
 
 CHAPTER n 
 The Reactionary Republican Campaign in Indiana. 
 
 In the New York World of October 16th, the following tele- 
 graphic letter by Louis Seibold, from Indianapolis, Indiana, says : 
 
 11 
 
"The Republican plan of campaign has been predicated on 
 the theory that with the assistance of the voters of Teutonic 
 origin and those of the Catholic faith and sympathies, and with 
 the union of the regular and Progressive factions of their party, 
 they are sure of victory in spite of the heavy handicaps imposed 
 by Mr. Hughes and Colonel Roosevelt. 
 
 "It is assumed by the Republican leaders, who are openly 
 courting the hyphenate AND CATHOLIC VOTERS, that the 
 influence to which voters of those classes ordinarily respond will 
 lead them to rebuke the Democratic President for his refusal to 
 surrender to the dictation of either. 
 
 Catholics and Mexico. 
 
 "The only interest displayed by voters in the relations of the 
 Administration with Mexico has obviously been inspired by a 
 propaganda inaugurated by professional Roman Catholic agi- 
 tators. It is the view of unprejudiced observers that the leaders 
 and spokesmen of the Catholic Church in Indiana are opposing 
 the President because of his refusal to comply with their demands 
 that he compel- obedience by the Carranza regime to the ambi- 
 tions of the church leaders, even if such insistence requires a 
 resort to force and intervention. 
 
 This movement, which is assuming widespread proportions 
 throughout the country, particularly in the West, is being ex- 
 tensively exploited by the Republican managers in Indiana. 
 
 An observer is informed that 'the church is opposed to 
 Mr, Wilson' ; that 'every priest in the country is secretly coun- 
 selling his parishioners to vote for Mr. Hughes,' and 'that Car- 
 dinals Gibbons, Farley and O'Connell are fully aware of the 
 undertaking and are in sympathy with it.' . . . 
 
 "... No word has come from any of the dignitaries of the 
 church to instance their disapproval of the uses to which the 
 professional agitators, who assume to speak for it, are making 
 of its influences. 
 
 Indiana is being flooded with literature intended to influence 
 the minds of Catholic voters. A thick volume distributed by 
 'The Catholic Church Extension Society of the United States 
 of America' contains some outrageous attacks on the President, 
 questioning both his personal and official motives in dealing with 
 the Mexican problem. 
 
 "It is entitled 'The Book of Red and Yellow,' and the author- 
 ship of it is credited to Francis Clement Kelley. "It is published 
 in Chicago and several Catholic clergymen are given as sponsors 
 for it. The brochure has this sub-title : 'Being a Story of Blood 
 and a Yellow Streak.' 
 
 12 
 
"There is little question that this publication and others of a 
 similar nature and purpose have exercised considerable influence 
 over the minds of a great many voters. 
 
 "Henry Lane Wilson, former Ambassador to Mexico, is chief 
 promoter of the CathoHc propaganda against President Wilson. 
 He has established himself here to direct it. Under his instruc- 
 tion literature, moving pictures and cart-tail oratory are being 
 provided by the Republican campaign managers. 
 
 "The ex-Ambassador is confident that the majority of the 
 Catholic clergy are antagonistic to the President. He told one 
 of his callers to-day that TWENTY-THREE OUT OF THE 
 THIRTY CATHOLIC CLERGYMEN OF INDIANA WERE 
 USING THEIR INFLUENCE AGAINST THE PRESIDENT 
 AND IN THE INTEREST OF MR. HUGHES." 
 
 CHAPTER III 
 
 Roman Catholic Prelates in the United States are fighting 
 
 against freedom for the Philippine people, aided by 
 
 Big Business and the Republican Organization. 
 
 An outline of Philippine history is set forth in our opening 
 statement. The undisputed evidence shows that the Roman 
 Catholic prelates in the United States are fighting against free- 
 dom for the Philippine people, aided by Big Business and the 
 Republican Organization. The Republican platform is as follows : 
 
 RENEWAL OF CONQUEST IN THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 "We renew our allegiance to the Philippine policy inaugurated 
 by McKinley, approved by (a Republican) Congress, and con- 
 sistently carried out by Roosevelt and Taft." 
 
 Here is a flat-footed declaration for the policy of Conquest 
 and the holding of Subjects, the exact opposite of RepubHcanism 
 and Democracy. The existing Democratic National Government 
 has promised independence to the people of the Philippines, and 
 more and more of their citizens are being placed in charge of 
 their own government. On July 7, 1916, the Associated Press 
 stated that "some of the biggest shifts in the personnel of the 
 Government of the Philippines in recent years are now occur- 
 ring. (N. Y. Evening Post, Aug. 5, 1916.) 
 
 The difference between aiding the people of the Philippine 
 Islands to become free — self-governing as rapidly as they are 
 able, under a promise of thus aiding them, and the opposite 
 policy of conquest — the taking possession of a people as politi- 
 
 13 
 
cal slaves and continuing to hold them as such, is of transcen- 
 dental importance. Only the reactionists or the misinformed 
 have insisted that the promise of freedom be v/ithheld. AND 
 THE REACTIONISTS IN THIS COUNTRY ARE THE 
 ONES WHO, THROUGH THE ILLEGITIMATE USE OF 
 MONEY AND THE AID OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC 
 HIERARCHY, HAVE FOR TWENTY YEARS OR MORE 
 DOMINATED THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CON- 
 VENTION AND THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL GOV- 
 ERNMENTS. ONE OF THE RESULTS WAS THE 
 BUILDING UP OF THE VAST PRIVATE MONOPOLIES 
 IN THIS COUNTRY, THE TRUSTS, THEREBY ROB- 
 BING OUR OWN PEOPLE. But in 1910 these few lost con- 
 trol of the National House, and two years later, 1912, lost control 
 of the Senate and the White House. That year the People made 
 a clean sweep. Some of the changes in legislation that have 
 since come about are described in this pamphlet. 
 
 This year is the first Presidential election since the Reaction- 
 ists were turned out of power and the subject matter of this 
 year's Republican National Platform completely demonstrated 
 the fact that these few dominated the Convention which put it 
 forth. One portion of this evidence is the declaration for the 
 establishment of conquest in the Philippines ; another portion of 
 the evidence is the statement "We favor (towards Latin Amer- 
 ica) a continuance of Republican policies" — policies decidedly 
 different from th^ New Pan Americanism; and a third section 
 of the evidence is the declaration for the conquest of Mexico. 
 We now present a fourth reactionary plank in the Republican 
 platform. 
 
 14 
 
Does Mexico Interest You? 
 
 Then you should read the following pamphlets: 
 
 What the Catholic Church Has Done for Mexico, by Doctor. 
 
 Paganel ( $010 
 
 The Agrarian Law of Yucatan j 
 
 The Labor Law of Yucatan 
 
 International Labor Forum n 
 
 Intervene in Mexico, Not to Make, but to End War, urges (^ q -^^ 
 
 Mr. Hearst, with reply by Holland j 
 
 The President's Mexican Policy, by F. K. Lane 
 
 The Religious Question in Mexico ) 
 
 A Reconstructive Policy in Mexico r 0.10 
 
 Manifest Destiny ) 
 
 What of Mexico ) 
 
 Speech of General Alvarado > 0.10 
 
 Many Mexican Problems / 
 
 Charges Against the Diaz Administration ..| 
 
 Carranza V 0.10 
 
 Stupenduous Issues • • • ' 
 
 Minister of the Catholic Cult ) 
 
 Star of Hope for Mexico > 0.10 
 
 Land Question in Mexico ; 
 
 Open Letter to the Editor of the Chicago Tribune, Chicago, 111. j 
 
 How We Robbed Mexico in 1848, by Robert H. Howe > 0.10 
 
 What the Mexican Conference Really Means ; 
 
 The Economic Future of Mexico 
 
 We also mail any of these pamphlets upon receipt of 5c each. 
 
 Address all communications to 
 
 LATIN-AMERICAN NEWS ASSOCIATION 
 1400 Broadway, New York City 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRE 
 
 015 991 225 
 
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