LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 00005078374 ,*^.- ■■. .. ■•;.^".. .V--V ■y .•: » <> •c -°' .'?''^ ,^- V '*.«o-' ^^^ ♦ .0^ 0°''* O .>■'•,•« «• ■ » *• » ». o » • V » ' V ^y <"»■ ^oV ■o„ -iy^^/ „,^"% '.^^■°' .^^■*°-.. •:^^.* ^'"■'--- '■ o « ' ^'2- bV" v.^ /. *' A* <** 'o. »* G^ 'o 'V ^oV^ & .'jA"**" A- '■^ £■ ' .t* ■<*. ^^"•^ DESULTORY REMARKS ON TUE QUEvSTION OF EXTE^•DING SIAVEKY INTO MISSOURI: AS ENUNCIATED DURING THE FIRST SESSION OF THE SIXTEENTH CON- GRESS, BY THE REPRESENTATIVE FROM CHESTER COUNTY, STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA. -quacqne i/pse miserrima vidij JJt quorum jjars mm\m?i fui. ESTtRACTED PROM THE AMERICAN REPUBLICAN NEWSPAPER OF 181G-20. WEST CHESTER, PA: LEWIS MARSHALL, PRINTER. 185G. 1/ i:- ^ t a t ^ Of PREFATOKY. Thb pendino; stnig.sTc with the Slave Poicer of the Soiitli. in it.s nnhaUoweJ ^ «»Tort9 to pollute our Free Ten-ifor;/ with Human IVjndage— a Territory whicll '^^ was once believed to be protected from that awful curse, under the deceptiv* A '' Compromise" of 1820 — very naturally awakens the recollection of the un- -^ happy controversy, known to the past generation as the " Missouri Question." ^ At that time, Chester Coixtt— as far as appeared— was united, and proudly r unanimous, in resisting the aggressions of the Slave Power. No man, of any ^ Sect or Party, within her limits, ventured then to betray a symptom of truck- r }ing to that insatiate and inexorable Power. The same was almost literally ^ true of our good old Commonwealth. But non; there is too much reason to apprehend, that a portion of our people has become sadly dogeuerat*% and sck- vile, on that momentous question. It cannot fail, however, to be highly grarU fying to every friend of Freedom, and Fair Play, to witness the manly stantV taken by the present Represcniatice o( our veuenihle Bailiwic-k, in this secontl und more desperate assault upon Human Rights anintemporaries, to reproduce the sentinionts and opinions of a by-gone age, as uttered by a former member tVam this District, during thtf Agitation of the Missouri Quesfion. — the same are Iiere collected and ]>re8euteiL merely with the addition of a few occasional nofes. "Whatever may be th« present estimate of the notions then honestly held — though hastily and crudely expressed, — the author is free to say, that in reviewing the», after a lapse oi thirty-six years, he finds no doctrine but what he now conscientiously holds — ro sentiments to disavow — no opinions to retract, — nothing, in short, to re. grct, save his own inadequate powers, and the unpropitious result of the me- cnorable contest then waged for Philanthropy and Free Institutions. If tho»« views of a former Representative, shall still be found in accordance with the sentiments of the People among whom he has passed his three score years and ton, lie will tind consolation in the hope that bis youthful dream of a pure Re- public, and the equal Rights of Man, has not altogether become Ru "obsclets idea." West Chester, Penn.. Hm-h 2n. 135G. SLAVERY IN MISSOURI. At a meeting of the citizens of Chester County, (a) held agrcir- ablv to public notice, at the Court House, in the Borough of West diciter, on Saturday, the 27th of November, 1819, Edward Dak- LiixirroN, Esq., Chairman, and Isaac D. Barnard, Secretary, the fo-ll' wing Resolutions were adopted, viz : — AVhereas, it is at all times the right of the citizens peaceably tr assc iii^ble and express their opinions on public affairs, and it becomt-? their duty so to do when matters of great interest to the count ry and to the present and future generations agitate the Councils of the Nation : — such wo consider the question of admitting ncvr State}* into the Union, without providing against the introduction of Sla- Tet*>' therein ; — therefore J'esolved, as the opinion of this meeting, that it would be unwise, impolitic, and unjust, for Congress to admit the proposed State of Mis>-:ouri, or any other new State, into the Union, unless such Stat« sJia'.l suflBciently provide by their Constitution and frame of govern- ment against the introduction of Slavery into the same. llesolved, that a circular Letter, expressive of the sense of thii> (n) One of the arts by which the .?lave Power, at the present day, mar.a^e* Nor; hern Politiciaiip, is to make them believe the extension of Slavery is a stri'ily Party question — a question in which the " Democracy" (save the uiarkl^ i« vkallv interested; and the game is— whenever the " peculiar institution" TM-nu-es it^ — to sound the alarm, as thus: — "Bewareof FcdcralUts and laiiaHi!-.'" **%ir^hlo the Parly .'" This silly slang influences thousands of Northern didts. ■wh« cannot— or will not— see that whenever the question arises, the ^iitJi ea<-.M for oo Party ties. They may differ about other things ; but on the on* ncnliar to^»io, they permit neither opponents, nor neutrals, among then.- Eifrt/ Party, there — no matter what its character, creed, or pretensions — (even. ala^: to the JiL'UiUwy)—incariably goes in solid phalanx for Slavery! But At,«- ii, 1819— no man ventured to charge tl'O proceedings at U'est C/icsia;-'cr tht llcsdutions of tlw State Authorities — with being Party movements. It would hn\o been rare uetrs to the people of Chester County, in those day.s, to have .in. nounccd Edward DA-aLtxcTON, and Major Barnai!i>, as eith r F dcralish; f>r Paii-itica. The original Democracy had not, thai, fallen into the keeping and gui.lanco o( old Federal jA'a'.Ura : but were ever ready to vindicate lluuuu, h't(;hfs, and resist sinibtcr Project*, without regard to idle Party watchwords, frsijj) tainted sources. neeting, be signed by the Chairman and Secretary, and addressed TO each Senator and Representative from Pennsylvania, in the Con- «^"ess of the United States. A Committee, consisting of the following gentlemen, viz. : Ww. IL JDiUingham, Dr. Charles Lukens, and George MaHsey, being appointed to prepare the Circular, agreeably to the last above Res- olution, the meeting adjourned for a short time. Being again assembled, a Letter was reported, and approved of. It was then Resolved, that the different Counties of this State be requested to hold similar meetings with the present, in order to obtain a distinct and general expression of the public sentiment. Remlved, that a Committee, consisting of five persons, be ap- pointed to correspond with other Committees ; to forward the Let- ters agreed upon to our members in Congress, and to hold such »ther Correspondence on the subject as they may think will pro- mote the objects of the meeting. The following gentlemen were appointed the said Committee of Correspondence, viz. : Jesse Kersey, John Duer, Charles Moivry, Wm. Jackson, Jr., Isaiah Kirk. And it was further Resolved, that these proceedings be published. (Signed,) Edwaud Darlington, Chairman. I. D. Barnard, Secretary. [Sec American Republican, December 7, 1810.] The "free soil" sentiments of CiiEsTEK County, as thus express- ed, were promptly sustained by the xmanimous voice of the State. Authorities, in the following Proceedings, — worthy of Pcnnayham^ in her best days. Resolutions relative to preventing the introduction of Slavery into neiv States. The Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth «f Pennsylvania, whilst they cherish the right of the individual States to express their opinions upon all public measures proposed In the Congress of the Union, are aware that its usefulness must in a great degree depend upon the discretion with which it is exercised. They believe that the right ought not to be resorted to upon trivial subjects or unimportant occasions, but they are also persuaded that there are moments when the neglect to exercise it would be a dcro- lictioii of public duty. Such an occaMon us in their judgment dcn-^ands the frank expres- sion of the sentiments of Pennsylvania, is now presented. A mea- sure was ardently supported in the last Congress of the United States, and will probably be as earnestly urged durmg the existing gessiou of that body, which has a palpable tendency to impair the political relations of the several States; which is calculated to mar tlic social happiness of the present, and future generations; which, if adopted, would impede the march of Humanity and Freedom tJjrough the world, and would affix and perpetuate an odious stain upon the present race : a measure, in brief, Avhich proposes to spread the crimes and cruelties of Slavery, from the banks of the Missis- sippi to the shores of the Pacific. When measures of this character are seriously advocated in the llepublican Congress of America in the Kineteenth Century, the several States are invoked by the duty which they owe to the Deity, by the veneration which they entertain for the memory of the Founders of the Republic, and by a tender regard for Posterity, to protest aga'nst its adoption, to refuse to covenant with crime, anvl to limit the range of an evil that already hangs in awful boding over 80 large a portion of the Union. Nor can such a Protest be entered by any State with greater pro- priety than by Pennsylvania. This Commonwealth has as sacredly respected the rights of other States, as it has been careful of its own. It has been the invariable aim of the people of Pennsylvania to extend to the Universe, by their example, the unadulterated blessings of civil and religious Freedom. It is their pride, that they Jiave been at all times the practical advocates of those improvement? and charities amongst men, which are so well calculated to enable them to answer the purposes of their Creator ; and, above all, they may boast that they were foremost in removing the pollution of Sin* very from amongst them, i If, indeed, the measure against which Pennsylvania considers it her duty to raise her voice, was calculated to abridge any of the rights guaranteed to the several States ; if« odious as Slavery is, it was proposed to hasten its extinction by means injurious to the States upon which it was unhappily entailed, — Pennsylvania would be among the first to insist upon a sacred ob- fiervance of the Constitutional compact. Put it cannot be pretend* cd that the rights of any of the States are at all affected by refus- ing to extend the mischiefs of Human Pondage over the boundless regions of the West, — a Territory which formed no part of the Confederation at the adoption of the Constitution ; -which has bee)i but lately purchased from an European Power by the people of the Union at large ; ■which may or may not be admitted as a State into the Union at the discretion of Congress, which must establish a Re- publican form of Government, and no other ; and whose climatie aflfords none of the pretexts urged for resorting to the labor of the natives of the torrid zone. Such a Territory has no right, inherent or acquired, such as those States possessed which established the existing Constitution. When that Constitution was framed, in Sep- tember, seventeen hundred and eighty-seven, the concession that three-fifths of the Slaves in the States then existing should be rep- resented in Congress, could not have been intended to embrace re- gions at that time held by a foreign power. On the contrary, so anxious were the Congress of that day to confine Human Bondage within its ancient home, that, on the thirteenth of July, seventeen hundred and eighty-seven, that body unanimously declared that Slavery or involuntary servitude should not exist in the extensive Territories bounded by the Ohio, the Mississippi, Canada, and the Lakes. And in the ninth section of the first article of the Consti- tution itself, the power of Congress to prohibit the migration of ser- vile persons after the year eighteen hundred and eight, is expresaly recognized; nor is there to be found in the Statute book a single in- stance of the admission of a Territory to the rank of a State, in wliich Congress have not adhered to the right vested in them by the Constitution, to stipulate with the Territory upon the conditions of such admission. The Senate and House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, therefore, cannot but deprecate any departure from the humane and onlightened policy, pursued not only by the illustrious Congress of 1787, but by their successors, without exception. They are per- suaded that, to open the fertile regions of the West to a servile race, would tend to increase their numbers beyond all past example, would open a new and steady market for the lawless venders of human flesli, and would render all schemes for obliterating this most foul blot upon the American character, useless and unavailing. Under these convictions, and in the full persuasion that upon thif topic there is but one opinion in Pennsylvania — Resolved, by the Senate and Home of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, That the Senators ani Represen- tatives of this State in the Congress of the United States, be and 8 they are hereby requested, to vote against the admission of any Territory as a State into the Union, unless "the further introduction of Slavery or involuntary servituo service until the age of twenty-five years." Resolved, That the Governor be and he is hereby requested, to cause a copy of the foregoing preamble and resolutions to be trans- mitted to each of the Senators and Representatives of this State ia the Congress of the United States. JOSEPH LAWRENCE, Speaker of the House of Bepresentatives. ISAAC WEAVER, Speaker of the Senate. Approved, the twenty-second day of December, one thousand eight hundred and nineteen. WILLIAM FINDLAY. [From the American Kcpubiican, December 28, ISIO.J Mr. Mowry: — I have seen some editorial remarks in the National Intelligencer of the 20th inst., in reply to an essay, from a Rhod« Island paper, on the subject of Slavtryy which in my opinion d«- serrc a few comments. The editors unite with the writer pf that essay, in expressing their abhorrence of the slave trade; and yet are willing that our free government should sanction the extension of that traffic into new regions, where the soil has never yet beea sullied by the footstep of a slave! By slave trade — it is true — thos« editors mean the transportation of persons from their native coun- try to another countrv, and scllinf!; them for slaves; but I consider — and I think every disinterested man will also consider — the propa- sjation of Slavery in new territories, whore it never existed before, ?is a trade equally abhorrent, — and equally unworthy of a peopk professing the principles of liberty. Is it more criminal to kidnap the inhabitants of Africa,, and sell them to those who will buy them. than it is to orrjanize new territories in such a way as will inevitably entail Slavery upon unburn miUions of the human race? What have the unborn descendants of Africa done, which makes it less criminal to predetermine their bondage, than it is to consign those already born to Slavery? ( Will not tlie extension of Slavery into the boundless regions of the West, tend to multiply that descrip- tion of persons more rapidly among us, than all the slave ships that . overtraded to our shores? Most indubitably it \\i\]\ And therefoi'« I consider the proposition as the most stupendous attempt to promote a real, atid interminable slave trade, that Tvas ever yet devised by the cupidity of man. The multiplication of the human species is' notoriously accelerated by distributing them over a large surface of fertile territory. It has done more to increase the population of the United States, than could have been effected b}' all the fleets of Europe.A The addition to our numbers made by immigrants, is but as a drop in a bucket compared to the increase by procreation, which is promoted by the distribution of our people, and the consequent facilities in obtaining subsistence; and the same principles apply equally to a black, as to a -white population. Is not the proposition then — I repeat — the most gigantic plan for driving on a real slav« trade that ever was conceived? ) The obvious sneer at the Rhode Islanders, which the editors of tne Intelligencer have indulged in, oil account of those people having been formerly concerned as car- riers of slaves, is very little to the purpose. The fact only shows, that whenever there is ?, market for an iniipitous traffic — no matter how abhorrent to the virtuous part of the cumniunity — there will always be persons whose avarice will prompt them to take advantag* of it. Yet, with this humiliating; fact before their eves, the editors are anxious to open a boundless market, offering irresistible tempta- tions to such traders, within the bosom of our own country ! They wish to open a field — and consequently to create a demand — for that pestiferous population, which will at once double the value of every negro in the United States, and cause every breeding femal« iJave to be considered as a prolific source of wealth to her owner. If this would not be to encourage a slave trade, and to establish it beyond all control, I confess I know nothing of the matter. There is another topic touched upon, in the editorial remarks in the Intelligencer, which I cannot agree to let pass unnoticed. They have artfully endeavored to couple the opposition to the extension of slavery with the noted Hartford Convention, of detestable mem- ory. This attempt to blend the machinations of Treason with a manly opposition to the groivth of slavery, is an imputation against lUc Republicans of the Middle and Northern States, as ungenerous 10 as it is unfounded in truth or justice. Sir, I detest the Hartford Convention, and all ■s>ho were aiding or abetting therein, or approv- ing thereof, as much as I do the diffusion of human slavery ^ and the vocation of slave traders, — and for pretty much the same reasons. I detest them all, because I consider them inimical to Republican Freedom ; — hostile in their nature to equal rights, and destructive of human happiness. Arc l^ennf-ylvania, New Jersey, and Keir York, to be taunted and told of the Hartford Convention, because thej arc opposed to the gro^vth and expansion of slavery ? Let ^hose States vrhich have done their duty to the Union letter than these, step forth and sho'O' the grounds for the imputation. Let us see whether ^^ faithful Pennsylvania' has not been as efficient a sup- porter of the Union, against the treasonable machinations of the Hartford Convention, and its co-adjutors, as any other State which the editors of the National Intelligencer may please to name. I hope, sir, we shall see no more such attempts to attach odium to the stand which the Republicans of the Middle and Northern States have felt it their duty to take, against the extension of the direst Curse which hangs over our Nation. \ We love and cherish our Union, — ^we love our Republican fellow citizens, East, West, North, and South, — we love our country, and its Free Institutions, better than we love our lives ; — and it is because of this love, that we raise our voices against the further extension of that deadliest foe to our country's happiness — human slavery./ A Pennsylvania Democrat. December 27, 1819. [From the American Republican, Jan. 11, 1820.] Mr. Moavry: — Li tlie Democratic Press oi the 22d ult., there is a communicatin signed ''T. C." (a) on the subject of Human Sla^ t>t?r^,— -which in its doctrines and logic, is every way worthy of thf days of James the lirst, or his immaculate son Charles — who, in their time, were the anointed^ "legitimate, ^j/rt' divine masters, and owners of the populace of Great Britian. How Mr. Binns could, in this groat Commonwealth, and at tiiis time of day, suffer such an Article to pass through his press to the public, without some Editorial protest, or accompanying antidote to the poison, is for him to ex- [ii] X.i doubt the initial? of Thomi^ Coopf.—vi quondam Judge, in PeniT» •jlvania ; aad then a Professor in South Carolina. 11 plain, and not me. All that I have to notice, is tlic infamous arti- cle itself; and I shall do it in my own blunt, free-spoken, American manner, — although I am moII aware that the writer of that essay if< a learned native of '' His Majesty's" dominions, and was regularly educated, and brought up, in the full enjoyment of the blessmgs of "legitimacy." " T. C," if I mistake not his signature^ came to Pennsylvania under the character of an English Whig, and friend to the Rights of Man ; but time has shown, that like most other disci- ples of English Whigism, his principles are of a very convenient, accommodating quality. Having lately received an appointment in a Slave-holding State, he undertakes to ingratiate himself with his new patrons, by coming out boldly as the champion of Slavery. No American ever yet dared to vindicate' Human Slavery in the abstract, — or to justify the bondage of his fellow men upon any other plea than that of necessity. But " T. C." outstrips the most ardent of our indigenous enemies of restriction, and completely out-Herods Herod in his dogmas on the Slavery of his species. The planter? of the South, being the sons and descendants of those patriots who declared that " all men were created equal, — that they were endow- ed with certain inalienable rights — among which were life, liherty^ and the pursuit of happiness," &c. I say, these gentlemen never dreamt of justifying Slavery, — except on the above-mentioned plea; and I suspect they will think that Mr. " T. C.'s" essay — if it prove any thing — proves rather too much for this Repubbcan climate- " T. C." has most audaciously undertaken to prove, in this land of liberty, that human slavery is " defensible by the law of nature' — ^^by the latv of God" — and '* by the municipal laws of the great majority of civilized nations, ancient and modern," — as if the de- testable codes of tyranny, in the old world, were therefore to be binding on us! He also attempts to prove that " negroes have no right to object to negro Slavery" — that " Congress has not the right to prohibit Slavery "in our Territories," — and that " under present circumstances, it is not expedient to prohibit it !" Here is, indeed, ft precious string of propositions, to be proved in the face of a youthful Nation of Freemen, who have just had an ornamented eopy of their Declaration of Independence published, as a rencAved evidence of tlieir zeal for the doctrine that " all men are created free and equal !" If the laws of nature, and nature's God, and the laws of civilized nations, all concur in justifying and authorizing 12 xhivery^ I should like to know by -what riyht the patriots of severity- six resisted the " civilized" enactments of his Majosty George the Third, " by the grace of God" King of these Colonies ? "What right have the "radical" Slaves at Manchester, <^'c., in England, who talk about "reform" — \;\iSii right, I say, have they to "object" to their Slavery? " T. C." says, ^^ negroes have no right to object to Slavery," because " throughout Africa they make Slaves of each other ; and where the Slaves cannot be sold as Slaves, they are kept as Slaves. It has been so from time immemorial, and is so now. I refer to the travellers in Africa on this point, particularly to Park." Now if this be sound logic, I say in my turn, that Englishmen hav« no right to object to oppression. Throughout Great Britain thej oppress, and tyrannize over, each other ; and where their wretched vassals cannot be controlled as such, they are either hung or trans- ported as convicts. It has been so from time immemorial, and is s« now. It is the undisputed and indisputable condition of the British nation. I refer to all the histories of England on this point, — and particularly to Walsh's Appeal. In short, sir, I am utterly dis- gusted and nauseated with the 2?rinciples displayed in this detesta- ble essay : — to call them arguments, would be to insult the under- standings of American Republicans, and to calumniate the departed ipirits of our fathers. If such are the real doctrines and senti- ments of all those English Whigs, who come here to illuminate us benighted Yankees with their " legitimate" logic, I pray God that we may speedily have such a revision of the Tariff as will eflectually prohibit their further importation, — and that the exclusive privilege of manufacturing Whigs, for home-use, may bo secured to our own country ! But I do not believe that such are the prevailing senti- ments of those Avho seek an asylum amongst us. I firmly beliov# that the doctrines of " T. C." are as prolligate a libel upon the great majority of those lovers of Liberty who seek our shores, as thej are upon the principles of the American Government, and the dic- tates of justice and common sense. A Pennsylvaniax. January/ 3, 1820. 1 .■> From the American Republican, January 18, 1820. I observe that a writer in your paper of tho 28th ult., has ani- madverted, with some warmth, on the coupling of the Hartford Convention people with those who are opposed to the further exten- «on of slavery. I consider his remarks altogether just, in point of principle ; and I can help him to a fact, which may serve to fortify his positions. There is but one member of the Hartford Conventioa BOW in Congress, (and that, in my opinion, i.s one too many,) viz». : H. G. Otis, of the Senate. By the Senate Journal of last session, pages 321-2, it may be seen that Mr. Otis was opposed to all s-ort. e-f restriction upon Slavery in Missouri, — and that he recorded bin fiame with those of all the Senators from the Slaveholding States en that question ! So much for the Hartford Convention spectre, which, has been conjured up to deter Republicans from opposing ihv extension of Slavery ! Januari/ 12, 1820. From the American Republican, January 25, 1820. Washingto:;^ City, January 19, 1820. The attention of all persons here, for the last few days, has been ahnost; exclusively directed toward the Senate Chamber, — on ac- count of the discussion which is there going on, relative to the restriction of Slavery in Missouri. The iepresentatives desevt their seats by scores, to listen to the debates in the Senate; and there will probably be no business of general importance transacted ia the House, until the Senate shall have disposed of that question. The interest which it excites is almost inconceivable by persons at a distance. The galleries are literally crowded, and tho lob])r thronged with privileged characters, — who, by the rules of the lienate, are admitted within the chamber. Among the^e, the Vice President has, with great gallantry, reckoned the ladies; in con^rt-- ^UGnce of which, the audience is of the mo.st flattering descripfioti to those who are fond of displaying their eloquence in the presencv of the fair. Owe reason for this general attendance has been tl)v e«f)ectation of hearing a great speech from ilr. Pinkneyin favor t»f Slavery ; (a) but he has not yet taken the floor. The anxiety of tli* Eiaveholders to hear what Mr. Pinkney will say, is extraordinary ; and it was amusing enough to witness their impatience and vexatiow (a) Mr. P. had been an able champion of Freedom in his younger and better u 'luring the long, forcible, and ingenious speeches of Me.--»rs. Roberta 4nd Morril, against the further extension of that heinous evil. They were waiting to hear the congenial notes of a fluent advocate or their doctrine ; and, lest they miglit be absent when he rose, had to listen, in the meantime, to tlie manly tones of those who vindicate the true principles of Republican Freedom. To judge from th^ apparent impression, these tones must have been about as grateful ro their cars, as the whetting of a mill-saw. It was, indeed, a pretty severe tax upon the anticipated pleasure ; and Mr. Randolph observed to those around him, that it was something like taking a dose of physic for the sake of getting some swest-meats afterwards,' A gentleman wlio stood near, remarked, that "from the wry face^ they made, it did seem to be a rather unpalatable dose; but he hoped, now they had got it down, it might operate, and have a salu- tary effect! It is a melancholy and mortifying spectacle, to seethe (Jongress of this youthful Republic in grave debate, whether they vrill authorize Human Slavery throughout the numerous Common- wealths which are hereafter to be attached to the Confederacy. The virtuous bosoms of our distant posterity — when the evils of Slavery Khali have become more awfully menacing — will throb with shame and anguish, when they turn to the pages of our history, and read, that in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and twen- ty, and within half a century from the Declaration of Independence, fho Republican Congress of the United States were engaged in an trdent discussion on the propriety of permitting the Slavery of rheir species to be extended over all the fair domains of their infant. j«ettlements, — and that it was a long time extremely doubtful, whether they would not sanction the erection of numeruu-! sover- eignties, in which man should be authorized to hold his fellow m^n as property, (a) This they will have to read — oven if restriction Jthould be imposed. But if, unfortunately, the evil should be suf- fered to ramify and diffuse itself, like a malignant cancer, through- otit the body politic, our descendants must not only turn over the pages of our history with l)ittt'r regret, — but they will, too proba- bly, find the annals of their own times bedewed with tears of ago- (a) That dotibt has since been solved, with a witness. The Gordian koofc was not cut with less hesitancy l>_v " Macedonia's niadaian," than has been displayed liy the reckless Slave Forrr, on that awful question ; and the haplesg poaterily of that power, most likely, will one day have cause both to blush fop thoir anccBtors, and tremble for themselves. 15 aizing avoc, and traced in the most frightful characters of blood. No reflecting man can cast his eyes through the vista of future agca and calculate the consequences of a servile population — diffused throughout the Republic, and accumulated to desperate millions- — without the most awful apprehensions. No man, who loves his ofl- *pring, but must fervently pray to Heaven, that ere that day ar- rives, his posterity may all become extinct. Washington City, January 26, 1820. The Senate have been engaged in the debate on the Missouri question for a week or more, — and probably will be for a week to (5ome. Mr. Finhney has made his long expected speech, to an au- dience crowded almost to suffocation. It was able, ingenious, and forcibly delivered — as his manner is; but I have no doubt he could (lave made a much better one, in every respect, if it had suited to tftke the otlier side of the question. The House of Representatives yesterday commenced the discussion of the same subject, and in all probability it will occupy their attention until the latter end of February. What other consequences may grow out of the debate, I know not; but I am strongly inclined to the opinion, that convic- tion, or a change of sentiment, will not be among the number of its ♦'ffects upon the audience. Washington City, February 2d, 1820. Yesterday the question was taken, in the Senate, on Mr. Roberts' motion to restrict Slavery in Missouri; and was decided in the negative, by a majority {yeas 16, nays 27) which the friends of human rights could not have anticipated, at this early period of our Republic. Mr. Otis, of Massachusetts, as you will perceive by the jreaa and nays, has from some cause changed his ground, since last year; but the other four New England States were divided, and then* votes Heutralized.(a) Both the Senators from Illinois, also voted against restriction — contrary to the known wishes of their (a) It is a remarkable and significant fact, — that on this vital subject of «te- very — its extension aad protection, — the North is continually divided, and its in- fluence neutralieed, — while in every instance whore the question is presented, the South is an unit. No Represontntive of the Slave Poicer, — let his private •pinion bo what it may, — ever dares tu s:iy a word in opposition to that power. The North has many cliques and parties, and fritters away its strength until it becomes an easy prey to its wily adversary ; but the South, with all its preten- ©ons to political principles, knowi no party bat ita despotic master, the SloM Pi>wer. 16 conatituentg. Thus, you see, the virtuous prmciples of 1787, "whu-h were then exerted, icith effect, to stay the spreading of that foul blot upon our national escutcheon, have suffered a lamentable de- jweciation in the short space of thirty three years. I used to hear, and read, as the sentiments of ^/rtrcZ/oZdirs, that Slavery was a curs*? which they were anxious to remove, and control, by every possible means, — that it was an evil brought on them contrary to their wishes — an outrage upon the rights of humanity, which they abhorred, and deplored, and were solicitous to remedy as fast as possible, in conformity with the spirit of our Declaration of Independence. I may also add, that I used to believe these generous and plausibly professions; and entertained a confidence that every opportunity would be embraced, with alacrity, to put them in practice. I can now sa}', however, that I am something older, and something wiser. than I then was: but mv asre and my wisdom aremaking sad inroads upon the good opinion which I once fondly cherished of those who held this specious language. I have lived to discover that the pre- tended aversion to slavery is all a sham; that the Slaveholders, ger.- orally, have not the least intention, or desire, to relinqui^sh the lux- urious gratifications which grow out of a despotic power over their sable fellow creatures. If it be a curse — as they Avere wont to term it, — it is one to Avliicli they cling with the fondest tenacity. I haw lived to hear slavery — not only praised as a comfortable condition. bat — vindico.tod by quotations from the Holy Scriptures I And fur- ther to show that our Republic is in a hopeful way, I have heard our Declaration of Independence burlesqued, and ridiculed, as hold- ing absurd doctrine, in the Congress of these United States! Indotd 1 begin to think, myself, if the House of Representatives should give such a vote as the Senate, that the proceedings of 1770 icUl j>ro«cnt a rather ridiculous and absurd phraseology. A regard f<»j' cotisistcncy, and common sense, Avill require that a revision should bo had of that fanciful Document, which we are in the habit of reading on the 4th of July. \ The fact is, slavery has so many charm?; for those who are eductaed ifi all the indulgencies which it afford*--. that it is perfeetly idle for thcni to talk about the evils of involun- tary servitude. It i.s a sort of evil which they are very willing («• endure, tuj yet: and the probability is, that as wealth, and luxury, and avarice increase, the fondness for owning Slaves will incroasv lY ill even :i n;vcater ratio. (:i) It ia consistent with tlic cliaractor of liuinan nature that it sliouhl (h) soJ And -we may reasonably calcu- hite upon the arrival of the day, when the obsolete chimeras of our Revolutionary Patriots will be ranked with the whims of astrologers and soothsayers. These observations are predicated upon the suy- position that Slavery shall be permitted to extend over the Terri- tories- of the United States. But there is some reason to hope that the Representatives of the People will yet arrest the progress of this dark tide of pollution, and prevent it from rolling its noxious waves over the fair domains of the Republic. It is impossible, hoAvever, to say what influence the example of the Senate may have upon members of the House ; — especially when it is nearly equally divided. i Washi:jgton City, February 9, 1820. The attention of the House of Representatives is so exclusively devoted to the question of restricting Slavery, that there has been no variety in the proceedings since my last. Nothing else is done, or can be done, until this subject is disposed of. ***:♦=* There are certainly a considerable number who yet intend to speak. The first two days were spent in skirmishing ; and then the regular onset was made by. Mr. Taylor's motion [to restrict Slavery]. Those who have already spoken are Messrs. Taylor, Clagett, Dowse, Cook and Hemphill, in favor of restriction ; and Messrs. Holmes, A. Smyth, Reid, Randolph, Hardin, McLane, and Clay against it. Mr. Sergeant takes the floor to-day in support of the restriction, — and I presume will make an able speech. ' Although INIr. Hemphill had been so many years out of the practice of public speaking — and his health latterly very delicate — he gave a most ingenious and satis- factory exposition of the Constitution, and its bearing on this sub- ject. The friends of restriction were much gratified with it ; and his manner was so mild, that his opponents could take no ofi'ence at *'' (a) A distinguished Slave-holder took occasion, in debate, to remark on the evils of the "peculiar institution," by saying that "it was no doubt a bad thing for the slave — but a very good thing for the master ."' This is one of tho wretched hallucinations of the system; something like tho infatuation of tho opium-eater, — fascinating fur a time, but enervating, debasing, and destructive in the end. Independently of tho cruel injustice to the slave, tho most hateful feature of the enormity is its deteriorating action upon the master, — forcing him and his posterity — and all whites located within its pestilent iulluence — into a conditiun of lazy, labor despising, vrorthleRs ineficiency. 18 liis ."-peccli. Indeed, tlie .-peaking on l>oih sides Las been very i\\>]<^ and ingenious ; and, tl.us far, ([uitc temperate. Mr. Holmes -was somewhat sarcastic, and illiberal in his insinuations ; but he got his change, .'n full, from Mr. Cook, a young member from Illinois. Yesterday Mr. Clay made a speech of near four hours, in his best manner. It was a fine display of eloquence, — although his argu- ments only suited half his audience. There is considerable talk of Compromise, out of doors ; but how it will result no one can yet form any opinion. There will probably, in the first place, be a fair trial of strength ; and then, no doubt, much generalship will be used, to reconcile the jarring interests of the contending parties, so as to prevent either side from seeming to yield the point. It will be well for the nation, if this question can be put to rest, Avithout tarnishing its reputation as a liberty-loving and Republican people. Be that as it may, I have no doubt Pennsylvania will sustain her usual consistency of character. She will always be found among the faithful. Washington City, February 10, 1820. The great Missouri question, on which our national councils arc embarked, is still afloat in the ocean of uncertainty, — and no one can yet see when or where it is to land. It is buffeted to and fro, by the tempest of debate, — sometimes close-hauled on the restrictive tack, hugging the fresh breezes of argument, and stemming the currents of error, — and sometimes bearing away large before the boisterous S(|ualls of declamation — or drifting into danger, on the gulf streams of prejudice and infatuation. If an observation is not soon had, to ascertain the latitude and longitude, I think the crew will be at a loss to know where they are; though I apprehend they may safely venture to insert in the log-book, that they are not exactly in the Pacific ocean! But to disembark from this allegory: There is nothing doing in either House, but debating on this painful and degrading question. I call it degrading, because I think it un- "worthy of the character of this Nation, to sustain a question of es- tablishing Slavery in the new llepublics which are to be added to this Confederacy. The friends of Mankind and of Free Govern- ment, in all parts of the Ayorld, had expected better things of this people. On "W'edncsday and Thursday last, Mr. Sergeant made one of the ni>rit splendidly argumentative speeches in favor of re-itriction- 11) wliioh I ever heard, lie out-dkl himself; and iistonisUed evt-n the most sanguine of his friends. * * * * * * * If Slavery must over-\vhelm the boundless Territories of this last asylum of op- pressed Humanity, — the friends of Freedom can at least console themselves with the reflection, that they have fairly entered their solemn and unanswerable protest against it. They have washeil their hands of the dreadful enormity ; and they have only to await witli patience, and with approving consciences, the ulterior dispen- sations of a just and over-ruling Providence. Those who have spoken since Mr. Sergeant, are Messrs. Barbour, Anderson, Pindall, Pinckney, Rankin, and Cuthbcrt, against re- striction; and Messrs. Gross, N. Y., Cushman, Wood, and Hen- dricks in favor of it. Mr. Johnson, of Virginia, is entitled to the floor to-day ; and many more are waiting for an opportunity to ex- I)ress their sentiments. The subject will at least be as fully discuss- ed as any that ever was before Congress; and it is to be fervently hoped that it may ultimately be disposed of in a manner that may not tarnish the high reputation of our young and beloved llepublic. DEBATE ON THE MISSOURI BILL. On the 16th of February, 1820, the member from CuESTER County, Penna., addressed the Chair as follows : — Mr. Chairman : — I wish to submit a few remarks on this ques- tion; and I trust the Committee will be disposed to extend their in- dulgence toward me for a few moments, when they recollect that I aTii not in the habit of tresspassing on their patience in this way. I am very sensible that I shall not be able to do justice even to my own views of the subject; fori am utterly unpracticcd in the busi- ness of public speaking ; yet, believing that this is a question of vi- tal importance — not Only to the character of this nation, but like- Avise to its safety, prosperity, and happiness, — and believing also that some erroneous impressions exist, in relation to many of those who advocate the amendment before you, — I feel constrained to attempt a few observations. I shall not presume to undertake an exposition of ambiguous Con- stitutional points, after the very able and learned discussions which we have had from frcntlemen who have preceded me. Such an at- tempt would, in my opinion, be as unnecessary now, as it certainly would be presumptuous in me at any time. I shall therefore content myself, at this stage of the debate, with ofl"ering some of those views 1^0 ■\vhicli present tucinsclvcs to a common unJuistiunIing. Auci here, sir, as an American — proud and jealous of our national character — I trust I may be permitted to say, that it is a source of no little mortification to me to see the Congress of these United States, in the 44th year of our Independence, seriously sustaining the question, whether it he rightfnl and expedient, without an uncontrollable ne- cessitt/y to sanction Human Slavery in the new Republics which are to be added to this Confederacy ? I had once fondly hoped that such a spectacle ^vould never have been exhibited by us, to gratify the malignant despots, and their execrable parasites, ^Yho outrage the rights of mankind in the old -world, and -who sicken at the idea of their conservation here. I had hoped, that we should have perse- vered in erecting new Republics upon the true and genuine princi, pies of our Government, — excluding Human Slavery with the ut- most care and solicitude, •wherever it should be in our power to do so. The generous and predominant sentiments of the American people — as far as I have had an opportunity to be acquainted with those sen- timents — seemed to me to warrant such a hope, and I cannot yet, relincjuish the idea. We have been told, indeed — and I feel it my duty, as a Reprc- scntative of Republican Pennsylvania, to notice the remark, — we have been told, Mr. Chairman, that however laudable may be the mo- tives of many who arc in favor of restricting Slavery, yet there are 2)oUtical jugglers behind the scenes, who are making use of the proposition and its advocates, as the forlorn hope, and the last des- })eratc effort of an expiring Party. Sir, where I am best known, it would be needless to say that I have nothing to do with their views, their efforts or their hopes, — that I have never had any concern or con- nection with that "expiring Party." From my earliest youth, up- wards, I have been a Democratic Kepublican; and I leave it to those who have once belonged to the aforesaid expiring Party — if there be any such here — (a) to develop the schemes of their jugglers. I have never been in their secrets: but I cannot holp observing, that 1 see gentlemen who arc avowed members of that unfortunate Party, zealously engaged in the ranks of our opponents, in endeavors to defeat this amendment. 1 dn not believe it is a question of Party views, with any man who loves his Country, or feels an interest in its reputation and permanent welfare. But, Sir, I have always been (a) Mr. Holmes, of Maine, made the allusion to the "expiring Party," — and he once belonged to that Party ! •J I tau'^htto bolloVo thiit it whs no part of Iti'publicanism to autli(»vi/.(', or even to connive at Slaver)/, in the fonuation of j^overnniont.-^, where it could possibly be prevented. 1 will here frankly confess, too, that it is cause of pain and regret to be opposed to gentlemen for whom I have the highest regard, and with whom it has generally been the pride and the happiness of myself and my colleagues to co-operate. But on this occasion, I must pursue a course — however opposite to that of my Southern friends — which a solemn sense of duty renders imperative: and I ask gentlemen to exercise their accustomed liberality toward us. If they think it strange that we who have generally acted with them, are opposed to them on this subject, we can only say, that we think it equally strange, and we do most sincerely regret, to find them in opposition to as. What is it, Mr. Chairman, which this amendment proposes, — and which seems to excite such an unconmion degree of sympathy for Missouri ? What is the mighty bugbear that so alarms gentlemen 't Is it proposed to bind her hand and foot, and deliver her over to the dominion of Despotism? Sir, a man of plain comprehension might well be astonished if he were to learn, for the first time, after hearing the arguments and forcible appeals of gentlemen, that the simple proposition before you, is to enable Missouri to become an in- dependent Republican State, and to S'iCure her from the dreadful curse of Slavery ! We propose to do that for her which we have already done for the States north-west of the Ohio, — and for which the citizens of those States will be forever grateful. Mr. Chairman, the existence of Slavery seems to be universally considered a great moral and political evil in the community. Hon- orable gentlemen who have an intimate knowledge of its nature antl tendencies, have emphatically termed it a curse and a scourge to Society. The ancient and respectable Commonwealth of Virfjinia perceived, at an early day, the evils which it would entail upon her, — and she protested against the further increase of it. But the Government of Great Britain — regardless of the welfare of her Col- onies — permitted the temporary interest of a few to endanger the prosperity, the happiness, and the safety, of the countless genera- tions who were to succeed them. We know that this tremendous evil was fastened upon our country by the mercenary, heartless policy of an arbitrary commercial Government — not only without our agency and consent, but — against our earnest protestations. But I beg to ask, Sir. — what is it tt'c arc about to doV I wish every • ).) iiu'inber vi' tin.- Coinmittco wuuhl seriuu>ly coiisidcr this Question: — What As- it Wk are about to do 1- Sir, unless this timeiidment pre- vail, — We, the Republican Congress of the United States, are about to permit tiie temporary interest of a few individuals {^or feiv they are, compared ■with the numbers Avho are hereafter to exist there) to entail this same transcendent Curse upon the unborn myriads of our Posterity, who will, in future times, inhabit the fertile regions of the West ! Yes, Sir: as we noiv vieio the conduct of Great Britain in impos- ing or authorizing Slavery in some of our ancient Commonwealths, so will the future citizens of those Western Republics regard this Congress, — unless Ave interpose to stay the progress of the desola- ting evil. If wc suffer this pernicious population to ramify and difi'use itself throughout the new States to be formed in our Territo- ries, their citizens will one day direct their agonized views -to the proceedings of this body, and deplore the policy which sanctioned their dreadful destiny. Thev will find themselves doomed to evils, by our connivance and authority, which it will be vain and hopeless to attempt to remove. Will any gentleman of Virginia, or Maryland, ?'-dy that it would not liave been a happy circumstance for their own States, if the early settlors had been prevented from introducing Slaves among them? And \\\\\ it not be ci[u:il1y l)oncficial to exclude them from the Western Commonwealths 'i Can there be a doubt about this 't No, Sir — there cannot. Then now is the time to interfere; and it is Now, oK NEVKK. But it is objected, tlmt wc are presuming to judge for the people of Missouri. Sir, I consider that wc are interested in this (question, as well as the people of Missouri. "We are judging {or our selves, -ah well as for them; and we are enal)led, by melancholy, dear-bought experience, to judge correctly. Cientlemen have acknowledged, that they would advise an exclusion of Slavery, — because they know it is an inveterate and incurable evil. /Rut, although we know the future citizens of Missouri would be grateful for the restriction, it is not from an officious disposition to meddle with concerns which are foreign to us, that we urge it. No, Sir. If the Missourians were to be a separate people, it would I)e nothing tons, how many Slaves they had, or wliat regulations they atlopted. Although we might Avish them to enjoy Republican Freedom, it Avould be none of our business Avhat they Avere, or how they Avere governed. » 2:1 lint, Mr. Ch;iinii;iii, llicy arc to form ordcr Ruffians" — reeking with the conta- gion nf human misery and inhuman vices, — n tit subject for a moral quarantine ground, ^.Ta political La/.arclto. liT necessary existence of Slaveri/, is not the religion which we profess, in Pennsylvania. It has been said, Mr. Chairman, in opposition to this amendment, that all the citizens of the United States have a riiiht in the Terri- tory west of the Mississippi, — inasmuch as it was purchased with their money ; that therefore Congress cannot prevent citizens from removing thither with their Slaves and other property. But it is admitted that the people of Missouri may, themselves, exclude Sla- very. Now, if it be a right which belongs to a citizen of the United States, as such, to remove there with every description of property, how comes it that his slaves may be thus excluded ? Can sixty thousand people, by forming a State Government in one of your Territories, abridge the rights of citizens of the United States 'i W hen the public lands are thrown into the market, can these Mis- sourians exclude all purchasers Avho Avish to come there with their Slaves? It Avould seem that they can : and this, to my mind, con- clusively shows that the right to carry Slaves into the ncAV States is not a right of an United States citizen, as such. But again : it is generally conceded, that Congress may prohibit Slavery in a Terri- tory ; and yet, if holding and carrying Slaves were one of the rights of a citizen, as aforesaid, such prohibition would seem to be a more direct infringement of that right, — because the Territory is the common property of the people of the United States. My inference therefore is, that the right to carry Slaves into a new State or Terri- tory, is not a federal right. I consider the right — if it may be so called — of hoklmg mankind as Slaves, to be a local one, derived from those State Institutions where Slavery is already permitted. Mr. Chairman, I cannot but view this ardent desire to introduce Slavery into Missouri, as somewhat analogous to the mania for Banking, which lately prevailed to such an unfortunate degree, in some of the States. A number of speculators were so infatuated w^ith the prospect of gain by banking, that no argument could pre- vail with them to pause, or to calculate the dangers of the scheme. They persisted in the delusion until they had well nigh ruined the country, — and entailed upon it a vitiated currency, which can only be eradicated by a long period of suffering and privation. So will it be — but with consequences a thousand fold more aggravated — if Slavery be permitted in Missouri. The people of that State, or their posterity, will find, when it is too late, that by yielding to the seductions of a fallacious temporary interest, there will bo entailed 2S upon tlieni a perpetual curse, — an evil witLout a remedj ; and, what is more to the purpose of the present argument, an evil which -will not merely affect themselves, but the Avhole Union. It will impair the strength and existing relations of the Union : and, therefore, Pennsylvania is deeply interested in preventing such an evil. Sir, Pennsylvania has a deep interest in the perpetuity of this Union. Her locality — her territory, stretching from the Delaware to the Ohio, and partaking partly of the character of an Atlantic, and partly of that of a Western State ; her habits and her attachments, all afford a strong pledge of her devotion to the Union ; and she cannot fail to be sensildy alive to every measure calculated to affect the bonds of our Confederacy. She regards the unnecessary exten- sion of Slavery in the new States, as a measure of that description, as a most pernicious and dangerous measure. It is, in her estima- tion, subversive of the true principles of the Constitution, — incom- patible with the high character of our Government, and repugnant to every dictate of sound policy. Nor can these views be inter- preted to the disparagement of Pennsylvania. Are they not consis- tent with the eternal and immutable laws of Truth and Justice ? Do they not accord with the established character of Pennsylvania ? What is her character? Gentlemen have taken occasion to eulogize their respective States, Avith great justice and eloquence; and lean see no reason why I may not attempt, in my humble style, to tell the simple, honest truth of mine. Is she aspiring, or ambitious ? Does she assume more than becomes her, as a member of this Union ? The honorable Speaker has told you — and told you truly — that she is " unassuming." Is she not mild, and just, and humane, in her pol- icy? Consult her Institutions. Is she not Republican? Yes, Sir! She presents to you, in her sons, a plialanx of Republicans, whose firmness and inilexible devotion to the true princij)les of Liberty, may ehallengc comparison with those of any of her sisters. Is she hostile to her sistei-s of the South? J/osiilc, Sir! On the contrary, she entertains the warmest affection for them. She rejoices in their prosperity, and sympathizes with their adversity. When calamities overtake tlicm, she feels, and she acts, as becomes her, — as becomes a true and virtuous member of this political family. If proof were demanded, I need only refer you to her proceedings at this moment, in relation to a recent and dreadful calamity in the South, (the fire at Savannah). Sir, they are worthy of lirr: and I take pleasure in adding, that in the district from A\hich I liavc the honor to come, 2y every township in the respectable County wliero I reside, has a com- mittee now employed in procuring relief for the sufferers. Mr- Chairman, I mention not these things vauutingly. I ^YOuld disdain to do SO. It would be offensive to the generous spirits engaged in the laudable work. I notice them solely to show that Pennsylvania is anything but hostile, — that she possesses and cherishes the kind- est feelings toward the South. Is she hostile to Southern politics ? Let the unostentatious annals of her political career furnish the an- swer. No, Sir. It has been her pride to act in concert with the Republicans of the Southern States. Her sons have marched with them, shoulder to shoulder, in the various strucrgles for political rights, and national honor ; and Avhen some of her temporarily mis- guided sisters have been vexed at her undeviating course, they have peevishly exclaimed — -'Pennsylvania is partial to Virginia: She is devoted to the interests of the South I" Sir, those idle reproach- es moved her not. She regarded them as the ebullitions of vexation and disappointment. Her object was the establishment of those great political principles, in the administration of our Government, which has made it the envy and admiration of the world. In every national contest for principles, or for safety, her aid has been im- ceasing, — her support invariable; and amid all the difficulties which the Government has found, from foreign foes, or Avayward domestic factions, she has been uniforndy known as "faithful Pennsylvania." Away, then, with every insinuation that Pennsylvania may, or can be cajoled, or influenced on this question, by the spirit which erst displayed itself at Eartfonl,—oY any other unhallowed spirit. Sir, any imputation of the sort— from any (juarter whatever— is as groundless as it is illiberal, and she repels it with scorn. She acts from the noblest motives that can animate the human breast,— and from a clear and thorough conviction that the adoption of the pro- position before you is essential to the welfare, the honor, and the safety of thie Republic. The unanimous voice of her Legislative Councils, on this subject, attests her deep sense of its importance; and I trust her Rcpresoutatives here will respond with fidelity to her wishes. Washington City , i chruary 28, 1820. The contest on the 3Iissouri question has at length assumed a somewhat different shape: Or rather, the debate in Committee of the whole, on the motion to restrict Slavery, has been superseded by the return of the Bill from the Senate, for the admission of Maine, with the Missouri Bill tacked to it, — and a sort of Compromise an- nexed, relati\e to Slavery in the remaining Territories. The Sena- tors, in their wisdom have discovered that tlu^ir Constitutional Scru- ples do not extend JVorth of the parallel of 06 degrees and 30 min- utes I P/ovided always, iha.t Shivery be permitted in Missouri! ! This Bill was returned to the House on Friday last ; and, according to the Rules, it took precedence of the order of the day, on Satur- day morning. It was immediately moved, by Mr. Taylor, that the House disagrte to the amendments of the Senate. A motion which superseded this, was made to commit the Bill and amendments to a Committee of the whole House ; which was negativ«d by a large majority. A member [Simkins, of S. Carolina) then rose, and ear- nestly deprecated the taking of the question, to disagree, immedi- ately, — as he declared he had not had time to examine the subject sufficiently I He therefore moved to postpone it until Tuesday ; and the House could not decorously refuse a request of that sort — when a member had courage enough to make it ; although it was so notoriously familiar to the rest of the body. Such maneuvres always enable a minority to procure delay, in a deliberative assem- bly. Considerable warmth was manifested, by several members, relative to the conduct of the Senate, in coupling the two subjects of Maine and 3Iissouri : so much so, that the Speaker had to inter- fere, in order to preserve that comity of style, which is due from one branch toward the other, when alluded to in debate. The fact is, a majority of the House had thoughts, on the occasion, which it would not have been exactly m ordfr to have expressed! Yesterday, the question came up again, — when Mr. Randolph got the floor, and oc- cupied the chief part of the day in a curious, desultory speech, full of anecdote and humor, and altogether characteristic of that singu- lar genius, (a) After he had concluded, there was a strong indica- tion of impatience for the question; but old Mr. Jihea, of Tennes- see, rose, and said, gentlemen need'nt caJl out ^'question," — for he was determined to make a speech. There then began to be a very rapid and general vacation of seats. It was growing late ; and — (a) Mr R. made himself very merry over the Senate's idea of limiting the sin of Slavenj to the latitude of 30 degrees 30 minutes. lie said a conscien- tious man would bo much embarrasstd, in locating himself near the prescribed boundary; for, if he was a Slaveholder, he could not ascertain whether he was a Sinner, or not, without the aid of a Hadley's Quadrant, and a clear ekyl as Goldsmith said of Burke — while Mr. Rhea thought of convin- cing^ the House thouglit of dining. After one or two unsuccessful motions to adjourn, it was finally carried, before the old gentleinQh got through with his discourse. The debate will be resumed to-day. Post-script. Wednesday Evening, Feb. 23. The question was this afternoon taken, in the House of Repre- sentatives, on the motion to disagree to the amendments of the Sen- ate, to the Maine Bill, — and carried by a majority of 21 votes. The responsibility of this extraordinary measure will now be very fairly and completely thrown upon that body : and it remains to be seen whether they can — in the face of this nation — adhere to the course which they have thought proper to take. Additional 1\ S. February 25. At the conclusion of the forty first Speech on the Missouri Bill, the question was this day taken, in Committee of the Whole, on Mr. Taylor's amendment, to restrict Slavery in the new State ; and it was oarred by a majority of 19 votes. What the majority may be, when it comes before the House, is uncertain, — probably not quite so great. Washington City, 3Iarch 1, 1820. It is hoped that the "long agony" (of debate, at least) respecting the Missouri question, in tiie House ©f Representatives, is almost over. On Monday, the House sat from 11 o'clock in the morning until nearly 10 o'clock at night, — engaged the whole time in the most ardent discussion: and yesterday morning, the contest was renewed with fresh vigor, and continued until after 8 o'clock in the evenino-. — when the Bill, containing the restriction on Slavery, was ordered to be engroesed for a third reading by a majority of nine votes. W^hether the battle is to be fought over again to-day, on the passage of the Bill, is uncertain : but one might hope that Spring would be permitted to open upon the labors of the House with a more at^reeable aspect. The debate on the Missouri Bill commenced on Tuesday, the 25th of January ; it has occupied the entire atten- tion of the House ever since ; and to-day, the first of March, the question will be put — Shall the Bill pass ? If this does not prove that Congress is a deliberative body, it will certainly prove that sufiicient time is taken for deliberation. The Hall has a very fine appearance when lighted up, at night. It appears like a splendid Theatre. * * * The galle- :^2 lies were crowdcil with auditors; and it wu.s a most interesting spec- tacle, to see a small majority of the Representatives of a great na- tion, at a late hour in the night, contending -with a powerful and vehement opposition, and steadily persevering in support of the national character — tlie riglits of the human race — and the pros- perity and happiness of unborn millions. Should it be the unfor- tunate lot of the Missourians, and the other citizens who are to in- habit the regions of the West, to be afflicted with the curse of *S'/a- very, — they Avill at least have the consolation to know that a most determined stand was taken, by a large portion of Congress, to avert the evil. Should even a Compromise take place, — or any other measure be adopted, which may finally defeat the noble views of the steadfast friends of restriction, — history will still have to re- cord tlie fact — to the honor of human nature — that there were many who adhered with an unshaken, and unshaheaUe fidelity, to their magnanimous purpose, — in tlic face of the most tempestuous me- naces, and in opposition to the most eloquent and impassioned de- clamation. The vaulted dome re-echoed with threats of blood and carnage — disunion and civil war — and all the terrifying figures which heated imaginations could conjure up. But the firm and the faithful calmly pursued their course, — resolved upon discharging the -solemn duties committed \.o tliem, and leaving the event to Ilim who controls the elements, and overrules the fury of even the proudest among the lords of ci-eation. These threats of disunion — so ab- horrent to every patriotic mind, and so at variance with the parting injunctions of the Father of our country — have become disgrace- fully common, in latter times : but it is to be hoped that the good sense of the nation will frown the preachers of such detestable her- esy into merited contempt. It is the glory of the Middle States — among which Pennsylvania stands pre-eminent — to have eschewed this desperate folly; and to have controlled, and moderated, the madness of the extremities. During tlio times of embargo, an enhanced by abandoning our glorious old Conf«d- oracy : whereupon they concluded to abido by the "sober secotid thought." So, on the otker hand, every intelligent person is now aware, that the noisy vaporing of the Slave Power, down South, is all a /S/mw,— intended merely to scare the servile remnants of obsolete Parties, and squabbling factions, in tho* North. The Slave Power is an Unit, and tolerates no dissenting factions in its own dominions: but it encourages feuds and divisions, elsewhere, the better to manage them. Yet while that cunning Oligarch;/ thus threatens, it knows full well— none can know it better,— that the "peculiar Institution" would not be safe for one hour, under the influences resulting from a dissolution of the Union. Catch that wily Power voluntarily encountering the perils of disimi- on ! Why should it— so long as it can wield at pleasure the physical energies of the Free States? which it does— has done— and will bo apt to do, until Brain ceases to govern Muaclc, or common sense shall become epidemic in the Masses. (b) The Committee of Managers, on the part of the Ilouse, were ^Messrs. Holmes, of -Elaine, Taylor, of N. Y., Lowndes, of S. Carolina, Far/cer, of Mass. and Einsey, of New Jersey. This Committee was not exactly a fair one,— although four of them were from Free States. Holmes was rather pro-slavery, and moreover directly inter- ested in getting Maine admitted ; Kinscy was a Dough-facc,~&n^ went over, when the time came. Lotcndcs, of course, went with the Senate : and Taylor and Parker were left in the minority. The Managers for the Senate were Messrs. Thomas, of Illinois, [the mover of ■Uc Comj^romisc], Finkney of Md., and Barbour, of Va. Six, of fh^ cir/ht, were niliiiit Maine into ihc I. niuii. TJien taiiic the trviim niuinciit. Tlic most ])atliotic a))peiil3 Avorc made to niombcrs ; the liorrors of disunion were depicted on one hand, — andtlie blessings of harmony portrayed on the other. Some wavering friends of restriction dis- appeared from the house, and three or four went over to the other side ; and when the question was taken, there was a majority of three for acceding to the amendments of Senate ! I am proud, how- ever, to Bay, that notwithstanding the threats, and the appeals to the fears and the feelings, — honest Pennsylvania — ^'faithful Penn- sylvania' stood firm as a rock, (a) Two of her members had been under tho control of the Slave Power ! It is a curious, and significant circum- stance, in this struggle between the two branches of Congress, that when the House refused to concur with the Compromise am cndment of the Senate, that body proceeded, as usual, to insist ; but the wily .Slareholders, on this occa- sion, thought to steal a march on the Free States, by insisting on thai portion e»/y, which admitted Missouri without r estriction, — and thus quietly aiming to evade the restriction of Slavery in the other Territories, North of thirty-six degrees, thirty minutes '. Accordingly, on # motion of a Viryinia Senator, it was "Resolved, That the Senate insist on their amendment, containing pro- visions for the admission of Missouri into the Union.'' But Senator Rohais, of Pennsylvania, was too wide awake for that dodge to succeed, — and prumptly followed up the Virginia resolution, with tho following : "Rcsohxd, That tho Senate insist on their other amendment, prohiMiing the further introduction of SI avery into the Territories of the I'nitcd States." A decent regard for appearances, required the adoption of tho second mcm- 1)cr of the Compromise, — when the first portion had Just been carried : and so tho Senate insisted on the whole amendment, — and the House succumbed. The famous Compromise was thus J'orccd on the Xorth, by tho Slave intorst, — aided by a few dough-faced adherents ; to be wantonly violated — nnder the plea of "Squatter Sovereignly'' — when it suited the base purposes of intriguing Pol- iticians. (a) Of the 23 Representatives of Pennsylvania, of that day, the following named ill resisted the extension of Slavery into Missouri — and at! Fnc Territory — on any pretext, or Compromise, whatsoever, viz : l>odcn, Gross, ^laclay, Patterson, l)arlington, Hemphill, Marcliand, Pliilson, ]>enison, Hibsliman. K. .Aluoro, Rogers, Edwards, llicster. .S. Moore, Sergeant, Forrest, Hostetter, Murray, Tarr, Wallace. Of the above, 17 were old-fashioned Democrats ; and 1 (whose names are in italics) were called Federalists. J\}rtics had not, thai, Ijcen ao drilled, in tho old "Keystone State," as to make fealty to the Slave Poncr n tost of Vcmocracy. In trulli, Slavery, at that time, was scarcely regarded— even at the South — aa being ':sscnliaUy a "Democratic luslitution." :ir> v>|)j)c).si'iau(i — triumphed by a email majority ; and, most likely, has indelibly fixed the dark destiny of the future dwellers in Missouri. That insane rote has already caused about a hundred thousand worthless Slaves to exclude twice that num- ■.) I l.er of sturdy frpemen frnm the State : ami yet its evil consequences are only beginning to be developed. 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