TUSAYAN KATCINAS JEStSE WALTER FEWKES EXTRACT FROM THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT OF THE BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY WASHINGTON GOVERN IE NT PRINTING OFFICE 189 7 TUSAYAN KATCINAS / JESSE WALTER FEWKES EXTRACT FROM THE FIFTEENTH ANNUAL RErORT OF THE BUREAU <>F ETHNOLOGY WASHINGTON GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 1897 S 52274 CONTENTS Page 251 Introduction Tabular v iiw of the sequence of Tusayan celebrations 255 Names of months and corresponding ceremonials 256 Means of determining the time for ceremonials 258 Classification of ceremonials 260 Discussion of previous descriptions of Katcinas 264 Classification of Kacliinas 26o Elaborate Katcinas 268 Soyaluna 268 Katcma s return "'*' Powaniu "' Paliiliikouti 291 Niuiaukateiua 292 Abbreviated Katcinas 292 ( lharacteristi Siocalako . . . Pawikkatciiia. Comparative study of Katcina dances in Cibola and Tusayan 247 292 296 299 Wi a katcina 303 304 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Plate CIV. A, Shield with star symbol; /.'. Soyalufia shield with star and unknown Bymbol; < '. Symbolic sun shield 262 CV. The Natacka ceremony at Walpi 267 * CVI. Hahaiwtiqti, Natacka, and Soyokmana 272 - CVII. DollofCalakomana 278 ' CVIII. Katcina mask with squash-blossom appendage and rain-cloud symbolism 286 ('IX. lioll ofCfilakomana ( mistakenly given on the plate asCiilakotaka). 294 CX. Head-dress of Alosoka 301 CXI. APowamnmask 306 Figure 39. Tablet of the Palahfkomana mask 262 40. TheAuakatcina 294 41. Maskette of Afiakateinainana 295 42. Position of celebrants in the court of Sitcomovi in Sioca'lako 298 43. Mask of Pawikkatcina (front view) 299 44. Mask of Pawikkatcina (side view) 300 45. Mask of Pawikkatcinamana 301 46. Stall' of Pawikkatcina 301 47. Helmets, car of corn, and spruce bough arranged for reception ceremony 302 48. Symbolism of the helmet of lliimiskatcma (tablet removed) 307 249 THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONIALS CALLED KATCINAS' By Jesse Walter Fewkes INTRODUCTION In their use of the word Katcina 2 the Hopi or Moki apply the term to supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by statuettes in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthogra- phy "Cachena" is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of the upper Rio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan Indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural being of surbordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship plays a not inconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Katcina. When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so com- plex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations extending through many years. The plan which I have followed in my work, as will be seeii in previous publications, has been to gather and record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis for generalization. My former publications on this subject have therefore been simply records of observations. 3 For various reasons it has seemed well to anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with ten- tative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these observ- ances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessi- tating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted. 'These studios were made while the author was connected with the Hemenway Expedition from 1890 to 1894, .mil the memoir, which was prepared in 1894, includes the results of the observations of the late A. M. Stephen as well as of those of the author. •Tin' letters used in spelling Indian words in this article have the following sounds: a, as in far; e as in what; ai, as i In pine; e, as a in fate ; i, as in pique; 1, as in pin; u, as in rule ; u, as in but ; ii, as in the French tu ; p. b, v, similar in sound ; t and d, like the sane- in tare and dare, almost indis- tinguishable; ti , as eh iii chink : e, as sh in shall; h. as n in syncope; s, sibilant; r, obscure railing sound; 1, in. n, k, h. y. /. as in English. 3 These observations are confined to three villages on the East mesa, which has 1 u the field more thoroughly cultivated hy the members of the Hemenway Expedition. 251 252 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ktii. a.nx. 15 At the present stage of my researches it would be too early to write such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan villagers,but it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations, this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system, to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study. When I began my work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what appeared to be a hopeless confusion seemed well nigh impossible, but as one cere- mony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to details, and that there was a logical connection running throughout all the religious observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations of which were practically little influenced by white races with whom the people had been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were studied more sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them which, whatever their origin may have been, placed them in marked con- trast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other Pueblos are embraced, the affinities of which carry us into different geographic regions of the American continent. But while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of Athapascan or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and had in turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With strong affinities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with those of Mexico and Central America. The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination of its characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this is satis- factorily known, and not until then, can we advance with confidence to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and offer theories regarding its affinities with otlier ceremonial areas of the American race. It is doubtless true that we. are not progressing beyond what can be claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong to the same ceremonial type. I am sure that in prehistoric and historic times delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among the Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have migrated back to the Rio Grande again to make permanent homes in that section. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this Pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing about a consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell of their common character. It is too early in research to inject into sci- ence the idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, and fewkes] EXPLANATION OF TERMS 253 we outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or group of villages the implication involved in the expression, "Father of the Pueblos." Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its germ may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo peo- ple is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral out- side of a very Hunted area. In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayau ritual is divided. J have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not found sufficient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about them is too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of these ceremonies in other pueblos has been published; of theoretical expla- nations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the south west will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts "of the rituals of all these peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled. In the use, throughout this article, of the words "gods," "deities,'' and "worship" we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which do not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic ideas resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumber- some term "supernatural beings"' is more expressive, and the word "spirit" is perhaps more convenient, except from the tact that it like- wise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive mind. Worship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the de- scription of the Indian's methods of approaching his supernal beings. It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence of that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these terms from their convenience will still continue in common use. The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina 2 ritual is moie prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, as would naturally be the ease, but even there it is believed to be. less sti iking than in the second group or those m which the performers are without masks. There exists in Hopi mythology many stories of the old times which form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the sym- bolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have 1 found the sequence of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth. In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to be l "Souls " in the broadesl conception "f tbe believers in Tylor b animistic theory. 3 The distinction between elaborate and abbreviated Kateinas will be spoken of later. 254 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. ann. 15 comparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples. Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited. While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction of the celebrations recouuted in legends of times when real super- natural beings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythic stories, I fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element. The characteristic symbolism is prescribed and strictly conforms to the legends. Explanations of why each Katcina is marked this or that way can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carry- ing out of the sequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any story of creation or migration, did not appear in any abbreviated' Katcina which was studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is present, but only in the crudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, how- ever, we find au advance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt to represent a story or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soyalufia follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun with hostile deities or powers, in which both are personified. I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan concep- tions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of expla- nations which it naturally precedes. Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it has grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came first, myth or ritual ? is outside the scope of this article. Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of cele- brations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explana- tion of this condition Mould be, and probably is, necessity. There is 'It would be interesting to know what relationship exists between abbreviated and elaborate Katcinas. Are the former, tor instance, remnants of more complicated presentations in which the secret elements have been dropped in the courso of time? Were they formerly more complicated, or are they in lower stages of evolution, gathering episodes which if left alone would finally make them more complex ? I incline to the belief that the abbreviated Katcinas are remnants, and their reduc- tion due to practical reasons. In a general way the word Katcina may be translated " soul "or "deified ancestor," and in this respect affords most valuable data to the upholders of the animistic theory. But there are other elements in Tusayan mythology which are not animistic. As Mogk has well shown in Teutonic mythology, nature elements and the great gods are original, so among the Hopi the nature elements are not identified with remote ancestors, nor is thereevidenee that their worship was derivative. As Saussaye remarks, "Animism is always and everywhere mixed up with religion; it is never and nowhere the whole of religion." fewkes] SEQUENCE OF CEREMONIALS. 2.V> not time euough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the corn must be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn is high and the crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the agriculturist is at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally he takes part in the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early summer religious observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious, his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting time with elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is coming and harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him, magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of August until 31 arch of the following year. It has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntarily changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time of the year. TABULAR VIEW OF THE SEQUENCE OF TUSAYAN CELEBRA- TIONS 1 The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid in the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials pre- sented to us for classification : Katcina's return. Powauui. Paliilukonti. B The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary somewhat from year to year. 'Niman (Katcina's departure). Snake or Flute (alternating). Lalakofiti. Mamzrauti. Wiiwiiteimti ' (sometimes Naacnaiya). ^ Soya 1 una. 1 l'\ tlregorian months, which of course the Hopi do not recognize by these names or limits. Their own "moons" have been given elsewhere. •The months to which the first division roughly corresponds are January to July. The second division includes, roughly speaking, August and December (inclusive). More accurately defined* the solar year is about equally divided into two parts bj the Niman, which is probably the exact dividing celebration of the ceremonial vmr 'There is a slight r sound in the first two syllables of Wiiwiiteimti. 256 TUSAYAN KATCIXAS [El II. ANN. 15 Masked or Katcina Ceremonials December Janu- ary February March April—June July Soy; ilana. Pa. Powamu. Paliiliikonti. Variable ab- breviated Katcinas. Niman. Unmasked or Nine Ihii/.s' Ceremonials August September October November Snake or Flute. Lalakoflti. Mamzrauti. Wiiw ii 1 1- 1 in t i o r Naacnaiya. The Katcina chief, Intiwa, erects his altar every year in the MoBkiva, but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the dance of the Niman by their appropriate presentation, thus: The men of the Wikwaliobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nacab- kiva in 1892; those of the Alkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the men of the Tcivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the sum- mer. It thus will appear that the special supernatural personage represented varies from year to year within certain limits, and the variations mean nothing more than that the members of the different kivas participate in rotation. NAMES OF MONTHS AND CORRESPONDING CEREMONIALS The Tusayau names of the months are as follows: Months Ceremonials 1. Powamii'iyawu ' 2. (j'ciimii'iyawfi 3. Kwiyaomii'iyawu. 4. Ilakitonmii'iyawu. 5. Kelemii'iyawu. Powamu. Paliiliikonti. 'The word niii'iy:i\vn means "moon," by which it would seem that our satellite determines the smaller divisions of l be year. FEWKEs] CEREMONIAL CALENDAR 257 Months Ceremonials G. Kyamii'iyawu Niman. (Snake, Flute.) Lalakonti. Mamzraiiti. Wiiwiitcimti. Soyalufia. Katcina's return. 7. Painii'iyawu . 8. Powa'mii'iyawu 9. Iliiukmii'iyawu. 10. U'ciiniii'iyawii 1 1. Kelenm'iyawu 12. Kyamii'iyawu 13. Pamii'i yawn The second part of the October (tj'cti) is said to be called Tii'hoe. If this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to the ceremonial year. In the Pamii'iyawu, the Snake ceremony, and the Katcina's return, the same Niiitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, etc) occurs. It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names as those of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions "named' 1 and "nameless," elsewhere used on good authority. The questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered. The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his house (Tawaki) at the summer solstitial rising is a most important question, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were 13, as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, It. The comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be glad to accept the report that there were 13, iu which case there would be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many ways. Although, however, there is good evidence that 13 is recognized by some priests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially as it is derived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come to respect. I have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of those who hold that the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their calendar. If the second part of the tl'eii moon be called Tii'hoe, we would have 14 moons, which would give between 2 Powa, or 2 Pa, Kele, Kya, and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The Katcina's return (I'kine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then occurs in the Pa moon; they end in Kya at the Niman (last, farewell). The group of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at the Pa moon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kya, or Soyalufia. 15 ETH 17 258 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 In endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in tlie two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this interesting hint, dropped by one of the priests: "When we of the upper world," he said, "are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people of the under world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or Flute, and vice versa." The ceremonials in the two worlds are syn- chronous. "That is the reason," said my informant, "that we make the Snake or Flute pahos during the winter season, although the dance is not celebrated until the corresponding mouth of the following summer." 1 MEANS OF DETERMINING THE TIME FOR CEREMONIALS Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled in the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on the horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for religious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one at tatyiika, 8 which is called the sun house (tawaki) par excellence, another at kwiniwi, which also is called tawaki, or sun house. The points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial events are as follows : 1. Tawaki (kiitca, opening). The horizon point properly called savwuwee marks the cardinal point tatyuka or place of sunrise at the winter solstice. The winter ceremony Soyaluna is determined not by sunrise, but by sunset, although, as a general thing, the time of summer ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise. 2. Masuainiizru (masi, drab or gray; namiizrii, wooded ridge). Tins point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Piip'ce. 3. Paviih'tcomo (paviifi', young corn; tcomo, mound). A point on the old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams canyon. 4. Honwitcomo (derivation obscure; hoiiwi, erect). 5. Niivaktcomo (niivak, snow; tcomo, mound). When the sun reaches here on its northern journey the Houani or Badger people plant corn ; the other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds. 0. Pulhomotaka (piilii, round, hump; hoino, obscure; taka, man; possibly many hump back men). When the sun reaches here the Patki 'From their many stories of the under world I am led to believe that the Hopi consider it a counter- part of the earth's surface, ami a region inhabited by sentient beings. In this under world the seasons alternate with those in the upper world, and when it is summer in the above it is winter in the world below, and vice versa. Moreover, ceremonies are said to he performed there as here, and frequeut references are made to their character. It is believed that these ceremonies somewhat resemble each other and are complemental. In their cultus of the dead the under world is also regarded as the abode of the "breath-body " of the deceased, who enter it through a sipapu, often spoken of as a lake. I have not detected that they differentiate this world into two regions, the abode of the blessed and that of the damned. "The Tawaki of tatyuka is the sun house. There is no sun house at hopoko nor at tevyuna. The names of the tour horizon cardinal points are, kwiniwi, northwest; tevyii'na, southwest; tatyuka, southeast, and hopokyiika (syncopated hupoko), northeast. fewkes] TIME OF CEREMONIALS 259 or Water people plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake- Antelope fraternities assemble for the Snake dance. 7. Kwitcala. 1 When the sun rises at this point on his northward journey general planting begins, which continues until the summer solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey the Nimankatcina is celebrated. 8. Taiovi ( ?). *J. Owatcoki (owa, rock; tcoki, mound house). 10. Wii'nacakabi (wii'na, pole; caka, ladder). 11. Wakacva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keanis canyon. 12. Pavaukyaki, swallow house. l'-i. Tiiyiika, summer solstice. We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon 2 worship is usual among primitive men. Whether that of the sun or of our sat- ellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss, but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essen- tial element of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can safely say, however, that the germ of their astronomy sprang from observations of the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at the same points on the horizon. The connection between these facts and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history, and have led to orientation, which plays such an important part in all their rituals. Thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association of time when the earth yielded them their crops with its approach, and the time when the earth was barren with its recession. These epochs were noticed, however, not by the position of the sun at mid day, but at risings and settings, or the horizon points. The two great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is believed, connected with •Note the similarity in sound In tin 1 Nahuatl month, Quecbolli, in which the Atamalqualiztli was celebrated. St-*' "A Central American ceremony which suggests the Snake dance of the Tusayan villagers,' 1 American Anthropologist, Washington, vol. vi, No. 3. Quecholli, however, according to both Sahagun and Serna, was in November, The Snake dance at Walpi is thus celebrated about six months from Atamalqualiztli, or not far from the time when the people of the under world celebrate their Snake- Antelope solemnities. In this connection attention may be called to the fact that the Snake-Antelope priests in Walpi have a simple gatheringin the winter Pa moon (January), when their sacerdotal kindred of the under world are supposed by them to be performing their unabbre- viated snake rites. This is at most only about a month from the time Atamalqualiztli was celebrated . Teotlico, the Nahuatl return of the war god, occurred in November; Soyiiluha, the warriors' return, ml December. Then an- important coin para t ive data bearing on the likeness of Hopi and Nahuatl cere nies bidden in the resemblance between Kweteala and Quecholli (Kwetcoli). '-MhyiFiwiih, the goddess of germs, is preeminently the divinity of the under world, and has some remarkable similarities to the Nahuatl Mictlantecutli or his female companion Mietlancihuatl. The name is very similar to that for moon. This was the ruler of the world of shades visited by Tiyo. the snake hero. (See the legend of the Snake Youth iu Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV, Boston, 1894.) 260 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 solstitial amplitudes, and the equinoctial, horizontal points, uncon- nected with iurportant times to agriculturists, were not considered as of much worth. There is every evidence, however, that the time of day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun, although the con- nection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordi nated to observations on the horizon. CLASSIFICATION OF CEREMONIALS In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observ- ances, as determined by observations made dining the last three years, I recognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or less arbitrary. These groups are called — I. The Katcinas. II. The Nine days' ceremonials. The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins with the Katcinas' return, 1 and ends with their departure (Ximan). It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding of the Katcinas. There are significant likenesses between different members of the series of nine days' ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several pairs, of which the following may be mentioned: I. Snake or Flute. 2 II. Lalakofiti and Mamzrauti. III. Powamfl and Palulukonti. IV. Wiiwiitcimti and Naacnaiya. The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in both members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another kinship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as much as in the subordinate parts. Thus, Lalakofiti and Paliiliikonti, Wiiwiitcimti and Mamzrauti are brother and sister ceremonials, accord- ing to their conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain events in the ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between certain societies, but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of relationships. The term " Nine days' ceremonies" refers to the active 11 ceremonial days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance and the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremo- nial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and from 'The Soyalufia has been called the Kactina's pel urn, which Dame is not inaccurate. It is, strictly speaking, a warriors' celebration, ami marks tin- return of the leader of the Katcinas, as in Teotleco. The Katcinas appear in force in tin- 1'a celebration. -I have elsewhere pointed out the similarity between the dramatizations of the Snake- Antelope and the Flute societies, bur the members of the former scout the idea that they are related. Evidently the similarity in their ceremonials, which can not be denied, are not akin to tto- relationships u hich they recognize between brother and sister societies Strictly speaking, eight active, since the first day is not regarded as a ceremonial day. See Jour- nal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol t v, p. 13, 1894. FEWRJse] NINE DAYS' CEREMONIALS 261 this date to tlie final public exhibition there are sixteen days, ;i multi- ple of the omnipresent number four. Some of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremonials, counting the assembly and the final purification. The inception of the ceremony is called tcotcofi yiifiya, smoking' assembly, in "which the chiefs (mon'mowitu) meet together in the even- ing at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows: Tcutciib (Snake- Antelope fraternity) Snake chief's mother's house. Mamzrau Salako's. Lalakon Kotcniimsi's. Soyaluna Vensi's. Wiiwiitcim Tciwiiqti's. Lenya (Flute) Talasvensi's. Niman Kwumaletci's. On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (tcaakmonwi) at early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin, and to the six direction deities (nananivo mon'mowitu) that the priests are about to assemble, to pray for rain. Eight days after the announce- ment the chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called yiifiya, assem- blage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. The first ceremonial day is Ciictala, after which follow the remaining days as already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting the days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, Niman, Lalakofiti, and Mamzrauti are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine days of active ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When Naacuaiya is not celebrated, Wiiwiitcimti, Powamu, Soyaluna, and Palulukonti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials. The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days' cere- monials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and nights; no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas; no Tcukuwympkiyas. 1 Altars and sand mosaics generally present. Indi- vidual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Tipoui 5 generally brought out in the public dance. Many pahos, :i ordinarily of different length (Snake, Flute, Lalakofiti, Mamzrauti), to deposit in shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, gen- erally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days. 'Clowns, called likewise " mudheads" and "gluttons." The tiponi is supposed to be the mother or the palladium, the sacred badge of office of the society. It is one of the winii or sacred objects in the keeping of a chief, and is the iusignium of his official standing. The character of t h is object varies with different societies, and, in a simple form, is an ear of corn surrounded by sticks and bright colored feathers In mud by a buckskin string. For the con- tents of the more elaborate tonus see my description of the Liilakouti tiponi (called bundles of pahos). : I'ahos or prayer-sticks are prayer-hearers of different forms conceived to be male and female when double. Their common form is figured in my memoir on the Snake Ceremonials a( Walpi Jour. Am. Eth. and Arch., vol. IV, p. 27. Prescribed forms vary with different deities. 262 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANTi. 15 The following are the important nine days' ceremonies: 1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the Lelenti or Flute observance. 2. The LalakoSti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many nights, and is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at Walpi in 1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have already been published. 1 It has some likenesses with the Mam zrauti, which follows it in sequence. There are four priestesses, the chief of whom is Kotcuiiuisi. Three tiponis were laid on the altar in In;. 39 — Tablet of tin- ['aLihiUnniuna mask. Hie celebration of L891, although it is customary for each society to have hut one tiponi, which, with the other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of the chief priest. 3. The Mamzrauti. This ceremonial has likewise been described. 2 In some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their heads personifying maids called Palahikomanas. In 18!ll these per- sonages were represented by pictures ;i of the same on slabs carried in the hands of gills. In this way the variations of their celebrations in different years may be explained; sometimes women arc dressed to impersonate the Palahikomanas, at others only pictures of the same are carried. 1 The American Anthropologist, Washington, April, 1892. ■Hi id. .July, 1H9-.'. 3 Erroneously identified as Calako in my description and plates of the presentation of the Mam zrauti in 1891. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL CIV. DRAWN BY MARY M MITCHELL A. HOEN & CO., LlTH. fewkes] THE WUWUTClMTI CEREMONY 2<>3 4. The Wiiwiitcimti. The Naacnaiya, of which tliis is an abbrevi- ated observance, lias been described. 1 One of the most prominent events is the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a measure distinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the New Fire ceremonies. In essentials the Naaenaiya and the Wiiwiitcimti are the same, but the former appears to be of less constant appearance and more compli- cated. In it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Talatumsi is brought into the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are made at her shrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire Anawita,- personifying Masauwuh, is hidden behind a blanket held by two assistants. The second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into two smaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills out the sequence of religious ceremonials between the Soyaluha and the Niuiankatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is given the name of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity repre- sented, and women and children avoid looking at Katcinas when unmasked. The main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet or head, and varies in different presentations, but the remaining para- phernalia is constant, whatever personage is represented. 3 The mask (ku'Itii, head) is often addressed as ikwatci, " my friend or double." Prescriptively it must be put on and taken oft' with the left hand. 4 It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the head and resting on the shoulders. These masks or helmets are repainted at each pre- sentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be repre- sented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs or saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside the embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets now used give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are made of the skin of the bison. One can seldom purchase these helmets, as their manufacture is difficult, and instead of being discarded after use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations. 1 The four societies who celebrate the Wiiwiitcimti are the Aalwympkiya, Wiiwiitcimwympkiya, Tataiikyamu. ami Kwakwantu. 1 Chief of the Kwakwantu, a powerful warrior society. Among various attributes Masauwuh is Hi.. Fire God. ' III.- body, save for a kilt, is uncovered. This kilt is white or green in color, with embroidered rain cloud symbols. This is tied by a sash, with dependent fox-skin behind. Rattles made of a turtle Bbelland sheep or antelope hoofs are tied to one leg back of the knee, and moccasins are ordinarily worn. Sprnce twigs are inserted in the girdle, ami the Katcina carries a rattle in one hand. This rattle is a gourd Bhell u itii stones within and witli a short wooden handle. 4 The left hand is always used to receive meal offerings and nakwakwocis, and is spoken of as kyakyauina. desirable. The right hand is called tiinucmahtu. food hand. 214 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 There is a similar uniformity year by year in the time, of the celebra- tion of the extended or elaborate Katcinas called Niman, Powatnu, Paliililkonti, Soyalufia, and the Pa or Katcina's return. Their sequence is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katcinas or masked dances this uniformity is not adhered to. A certain number of these are cele- brated each spring and summer, but the particular abbreviated Katciua 1 which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may not be reproduced. While Katcinas or masked dances do not generally occur during the, interval of the nine days' ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I have notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take place in this epoch. On September 20, 1S93, a Katcina called Aiiakatcina 2 was per- formed in Hano after the Niman had been celebrated in Walpi. Theoretically it would not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these person- ages to their distant home, an event which does not occur at Hano. It would be strange if later observations should show that Katcinas are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of these personages. DISCUSSION OF PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF KATCINAS Our exact knowledge of the character of the Hopi Katcinas dates back to Schoolcraft's valuable compilation. While the existence of these dances was known previously to that time, and several refer- ences to similar dances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from the writings of Spanish visitors, our information of the Katciua cele- brations in Tusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is hardly of value in comparative studies. In the year named Dr P. S. G. Ten Broeck visited Tusayan and published a description of what was probably a Katcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so imperfect that we can not definitely say what Katcina was personated, his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge of the character of these dances among the Ilopi Indians. It will be noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly from those of the present day. Ten Broeck noted that the male dancers, Katcinas, wore on their heads "large pasteboard towers" 'The word Katcina, as already stated, is applied to a ceremonial dance and to a personator in the same. The symbolism of each is best expressed by the carved wooden statuettes or dolls, tihus, many examples of which I have described in my article on " Dolls of the Tusayan Indians" in Inter- nationales Archiv fur Ethnographic, 1894. Profitable sources of information in regard to the sym- bolic characteristics of the Katcinas are ceramic objects, photographs, clay tiles, clay images, pictures on altars, etc. All pictorial or glyptic representations of the Baine Katcina are in the main identical, with slight variations in detail, due to technique. 2 For a description of the Anakatcina see Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. ll. No. 1. fewkes] PREVIOUS DESCRIPTIONS OF CEREMONIALS 265 (naktci .' i, and "'visors' made of small willows, with the bark peeled off and dyed a deep brown." He recognized that the female dancers (Katcinamanas) were men dressed as women and that they wore yel- low "visors" and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time. He described the musical ( ?) accompaniment of the dance with the scapula of an animal rubbed over a "ground piece of wood." He like- wise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancers with sacred meal, and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who accompanied the dance. The latter may have been personifications of the Little Fire Gods. The Hopi clowns, Tcukuwympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten Broeck, who described their comical actions. From his description of the byplay of their "assistants," I find very little change has taken place since his time. In the Katcina which he observed food was dis tributed during the dance, as I have elsewhere described is the case today. Although much might be added to Ten Broeck's description, his observations were the most important which had been made known up to his time, and continued for forty years the most valuable record of this group- of dances among the Tusayan Indians. CLASSIFICATION OF KATCINAS Before considering the various ceremonials in which the Katcinas appear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these super- natural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony of some of the best-informed men of the tribe. The various legends which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here, but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which they appear. These deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to the greater gods. 1 They have been called intercessors between man 1 J ha vi- also seen \ isors of this kinrl, and an old priest of my acquaintance on secular occaaiona hi times wore a huge eye shade or visor made of basketware. The helmet of the Humiskatcina hears a willow framework winch forms a kinil of visor, and if, as I suspect from the "large paste- board [skin over framework or wooden board] tower," it was a tablet or nakci, the personification mentioned bj Ten Broeck may have been a Humiskatcina. In May, 1891, I observed a Humia, but there isno reason from the theory of the time of abbreviated Katcinas to limit it to May. It might have been performed in April equally well. The Katcinamanas were not observed by me to wear such visors as Ten BroecK observed. 2 During that line- our Knowledge of the Snake dance had been enlarged by Stephen. Bourke. and others. ■The Katcinas BOmetimi a gpeltat aehinas, are believed to be the same as the ZuDi Kokos and pos- sibly the Nahual I teotls. The derivation is obscure ; poBsibly it is from katci, Bpread out, horizontal, the surface of the earth, naa, father, abbreviated na, surface of land, father. The Tusayan Indians say that their Katcinas are the same aa the Zuhi Koko, pronouncing the word as here spelled, t'u sh- in g insists, however, that the proper name of the organization is Ka'Ka. I find .Mrs Stevenson, in her valuable article on t he Religions Life of a Zufii Child, haa used the spelling Kok to, which introduces the o sound whit b the Tusayan people distinctly use in speaking of the Katcinas of their nearest Pueblo neighbors. This variation in spelling of one of the more common words by conscientious 266 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [' hi. u*n IS and the highest supernatural beings. There are misty legends that ] < » 1 1 <^- ago the Kateinas, like men, came from the under world and brought with them various charms or nahii with which the Hopi are familiar. By some it is said that a Bonani (Badger) chief came up from the Atkyaa, or under world, in the center of a square whose four sides were formed of lines of Kateinas, and that he'bore in his left hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back. The Kateinas recognized him as their chief, ami became Katcina Honani, Badger Kateinas. The legend inns that in ancient times I lahaiwiiqti ' emerged from the under world followed by four sons, who were Kateinas, each bear- ing in his arms a pet called paliiliikohuh, plumed serpent. Following these four came other Kateinas with pets (pokomatii), of whom the following are mentioned : One bearing pakwa, frog (water-eagle). One bearing patsro, water-bird. < hie bearing pawikya, duck. One bearing pavakiyuta, water on the hacks hearers, aquatic animals. One bearing yiin'ocona, turtle. One bearing zrana, bullfrog. One bearing pavatiya, young water bearer (tadpole). The others with kwahii (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper's hawk, swallow, and night hawk. The Sumaikoli pets for the six directions are: Sowhnwu, deer Kwimw i. PaB'wu, mountain sheep Tevyiifia. Tcti'bio, antelope Tatyuka. Tcaizrisa. elk H6poka. Sow i, hare Omyuka. Tabo, cottontail rabbit Atkyantuka. The first four Kateinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to the Navaho Etsuthcle. 2 The word pokomatii is difficult to translate, but ''pets" seems a good rendering. Its usage is similar to that of cer lain Navaho words. A Navaho woman speaks of a favorite child as eili"; a man calls his pet horse cili", and the shaman designates his fetich-emblem of a nature deity 1 > 1 1 i " ; a Hopi calls his dog poko. The pet of Tuflwup is depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my account of the reredos of the farewell Katcina at Walpi. 3 observers sIiowb one of the difficulties which besets the path of those who attempt etymologic disseo- I i. that 1 .iin mil greatly surprised t" find idiomatic differences between the Hopi dialect oftheEast mesa and thai of Oraibi. How much may result after years of separation no oue can tell, but Hie Linguist must i"' prepared to find these differences very considerable. i'1'liiM person is >*.i i.l to have been the mother of the Katoinas, She also was the mother of the monsters, the slaughter of whom by the cultus hero, Pu'ukofihoya, ami bis twin brother is a run stant theme in Tusayan folklore. ■ Stevenson, Navaho Sand Paintings, in Eighth Annual Report "t tin' Bureau of Ethnology. 'Journal oi American Ethnology and Archreolgy, vol. n, Is'o. 1. fewkes] COMPLETE AND ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 2(17 In the Hopi conception of the All Katcina there seems to be an idea that they dwell in four terrestrial places or world-quarters. 1 This may be looked on as an application of a general idea of world-quarter deities so common among them. Northwest, kwiniwi Kicyuba. Southwest, tevyiifia Niivatikyaubi, San Francisco mountains. Southeast, tatyuka Wenima. Northeast, hopoko Niivatikyaubi, San Mateo mountains. If there is any one feature which distinguishes a Katcina it is the use. by some or all of the participants, of a mask or ceremonial helmet. The Katcinas are divided into two groups, the complete and the abbre- viated; the former is constant year by year, the latter varying. Altars are present in the complete, absent in abbreviated presentations. A cloud-charm altar or invocation to the six world-quarter deities is sometimes made. Public announcements are not prescribed. The Tcukiiwympkiya or clowns are generally present. Abbreviated Katci- nas consist mainly of public dances in which Katcinas, Katcinamanas, and clowns take part. The pahos or prayer offerings are few in num- ber. Ceremony ends with a feast; generally no altars. Tiponi 2 is not brought out in public. It is possible that the fox skin so universally worn by the animistic personifications called Katcinas hanging from the belt behind, is a survival comparable with the skin of the animal in which formerly, as in Nahuatl ceremonials, the whole body was clothed. In the case of Natacka, for instance, a skin is still worn over the shoulders. Conservatism in dress is tenaciously adhered to in religious paraphernalia among all peoples. Roughly speaking we may say that the Katcina celebrations are characterized by the presence of the Tcukuwympkiyas (Tatciikti, Tciic- kiitfi, Paikyamu or clowns), which do not appear in the unmasked or nine days' ceremonials. The epoch in which they remain among the Hopi is therefore approximately that from the winter to the summer 'The Hopi report that the Zuiii believe that the dead are changed into Katcinas and go to a Sipapn, which they descend and tell the ''chiefs" to send the rain. The Hopi believe that the dead become divinized (Katcinas in a loose meaning) and intercede for rain. (See discussion of Mrs Stevenson's statement thatthedead send rain.) It seems to me that students of primitive myth and ritual have hardly begun to realize the important part which orientation plays in early religions. As research progresses it will he found to be of primary importance. The idea of world-quarter deities sprang from astronomical conceptions and was derived from a primitive sun worship in which tin? lesser tit i 1 ies naturally came to be associated with the four horizon points of solstitial sunrise and sunset. I have elsewhere pointed out that the tiponi is called the mother, and this usage seems to hold among the other Pueblos. As a badge of chieftaincy it is carried by the chiefs on certain occasions ol initiation and public exhibitions, as can be seen by consulting my memoir of the Snake Ceremo- nials atWalpi. Cimo, the old Flute chief (obit 1893), once made the following remark about Ins tiponi: "This is my mother; the outer wrapping is her garment; the string of shells is her neck- hue ; the feathers typify the birds, and within it are all the desirable seeds. When I go to sleep she watches over me, ami when 1 die one of the feathers will be placed upon my heart, anil I hope the tiponi will take care of ." From these words we learn how much the tiponi is venerated, anditis not remarkable, considering the benefits which are thought to come from it, that it is designated "the mother." 268 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [bth. ann.15 solstices; that in which they are absent, fr the summer to the winter solstices. 1 I classifythe Katcina celebrations into two large groups, which may be called the elaborate and the abbreviated, and have considered them in the following pages. ELABORATE KATCINAS Under the head of elaborate Katcinas- may lie included: Soyaluha. Katcina's return. 3 I'owamii. l'aliiliikonl i. Nimankacina. Si ■ -i vi uS a The celebration in t ho December moon has not as yet been described, 4 but a large body of material relating thereto is in my hands. In order to give a generalidea of its character a brief outline of a characteristic portion of it is inserted in this place. Soyaluua is distinctly a warriors' observance, and has been called the Return Katcina. In one sense il may lie so designated, but more strictly it is the return of the War god, regarded as a leader of the gods, and in that recalls the Nahuatl Teotleco, as elsewhere pointed out. The singing of the night songs <>l' the warriors is one of the most effective archaic episodes of the ceremo nial of the winter solstice. In the following account a description of a few events in the celebra- tion of ism is introduced : On the 22d of December of that year most of the men of the villages prepared cotton strings, to the eud of which they tied feathers and pifion needles. These were given away during the day to different persons, some receiving from one to I wo dozen, which they tied in their hair. When a maker of these feathered strings presented one to a friend, he said, as translated. "Tomorrow all the Katcinas to yon grant your wishes," holding his bundle vertically and moving it with a hori 1 1 mention this fact since, following Bandolier's studios among the Rio Grande Pueblos, we have something different. The Koshare, which appear to correspond with a group of the Tcukiiwympkiya, the Paiakyamu, are regarded by him as the summer and autumn men, while the Cuirana arc the Bpringmen. During the late summer ami autumn the Tonkiiwympkiya take no part inthecere nials at tin- East mesa of Tusayan. No Tcukuwympkiyaa appearin tin- Snake, Flute, LalakoQti, M.HM. t :iui i, Wuwiitcimti, or in certain minor festivals. They appear to be almost universal accom- paniments of the katcina observances. •The elaboration is of course along different lines of growth, ami its oharacterist ics are treated in tin- several already published articles devoted to these subjects. In none of the abbreviated Kate mas desoribed was there an altar or complicated kiva performance, hot on i he other hand, in the elaborate- Katcinas such secret observances always existed. Siocalako, described in this article, affords an interesting abbreviated ceremonial with kiva rites. -'l'h is might bi tier hi- called a composite, abbreviated Kate ina. 'The late Mr Stephen made extended studies of this presentation in 18H2, hut his fatal illness pre vented his being m the kiva the following winter. It is necessary that a continued study of this dramatization he made before a complete account of the oeremonial calendar can la- attempted. The followingmen are distinctly called chiefs: Mofi'mowitfi of Soyalufia, Kwatcakwa, Sakwistiwa Anawita, Nasimoki, K».ia, Sikyaustiwa, andSupela. fbwkes] THE SOYALUNA CEREMONY 269 zontal motion. At nightfall each man procured a willow wand from ,'i to 4 feet long and looped upon it all the strings which he had received. Hi- then carried his stick to the Monkiva and placed it in the rafters, thus imparting to the ceiling the appearance of abower of feathers and pifion needles. All the kivas were meeting places of the participants, but the Tataukyamu met at the Monkiva, where the principal festivities took place. Their chief wore a head-dress decorated with symbols of rain- clouds (plate CVIIl), and (-allied a shield upon which was depicted the sun (plate ciV). 'flu- chief of a second society carried a shield upon which was drawn a star (plate CIV), and a third chief bore a shield with an antelope drawn upon it. The head-dress of the chief of the Aawympkiva was adorned with glistening triplex horns, and on his shield was represented an unknown Katciua (plate civ). The fifth society was Kwakwantii, or warrior, whose chief carried in his hand an effigy of the great snake (Paliilukouuh) which was carved from tin- w ly stalk of the agave (kwan), from which the society was named, lie came from the Tcivato kiva and on his shield was depicted a Kwakwantii in lull costume. The sixth society was the Tatciik'ti or "knobbed heads;'' their shield-hearer wore a headdress like a coro- net, while on his shield was drawn a black iigure with lozenge-shape eyes. The shield of the chief of the seventh society was adorned with a picture of the Tawamofiwi or sun chief. Alter the societies had entered the kiva an invocation to the car- dinal points was chanted, and the shield-bearers, in turn, standing over the sipapu, stamped on it. At a signal the society arranged itself into two irregular groups, one on the north, the other on the south side of the main floor. All then vehemently burst forth into a song, the shield bearer making eccentric (lashes among his associates, lirst to one side and then to the other. While the song lasted the shield-bearer continued these short, swift rushes, and the assembled groups crouched down and met his dashes by rising and driving him back to the sipapu. Be madly oscillated from right to left, that is, from the north to the south side of the room, and swung his shield in rhythm, while those near him beat their feet in time. The shield was dashed from face to face, and the groups made many motions as if to seize it, but no one did more than to touch it with outstretched hands. The movements on both sides were highly suggestive of attack and defense. At 8 p. m. about one dozen men were collected in the .Monkiva, among whom was Lesma playing a flageolet. The hatchway was guarded by a tyler, and for a natci there was placed there a wicker Skullcap ornamented with a pair of imitation mountain sheep horns (plate CX). Two hours later the room was densely packed with naked men, their bodies undecorated, wearing small eagle plumes attached to the crown of the head. Two women were present. Anawita, chief _'(() TUSAYAN KATCINAS [f.th.ann.15 of the Kwakwantu, sat alone on the southern side of the main floor which was clear in the middle, and twelve chiefs, among them Cimo, Supela, and Teulxina. sat opposite him. Ten novices from the other kivas entered gorgeously arrayed in white kilts, brilliant crowns of feathers, white body decorations, bear- ing an imitation squash blossom, with spruce sprigs in their left hands and corn in their right hands. As the chiefs took their places Lesma sprinkled the floor of the room near the ladder with moist valley sand, about an inch deep. The novices stepped from the ladder upon this sand and passed up in front of the chiefs, then squatted before them facing the south, their kilts having been lifted so that they sat mi the cold floor. Anawita then crossed over to the south side of the room and seated himself at the east end of the line of chiefs. At the west wall of the kiva a strange altar had been erected. Lesma had piled against the ledge of this part of the kiva a stack of corn, two or more ears of which had been contributed by the maternal head of each family in the pueblo. At either side and in front of the stack of corn shrubbery had been placed. In the space between the top of the corn pile and the roof wands were placed, and to these wands had been fastened many artificial flowers, i or 5 inches in diameter, set close together but in no regular lines. There were over 200 of these flowers of different colors, dark-red and white predominating. Nearly in the center of this artilicial shrubbery there was a large gourd shell with the convex side turned toward the audience and having an aper- ture about 8 inches in diameter in its center. Through this opening had been thrust the head of an effigy 1 of Paluliikonuh, the pluined- head snake, painted black, with a tongue-like appendage protruding from the mouth. "When all the assembled priests were seated a moment of solemn stillness ensued, after which Supela arose, cast a handful of meal toward the effigy of the snake, and said a short prayer in a rever- ent tone. 2 Then the head of the snake, which was manipulated by an uuseen person behind the altar, was observed to rise slowly to the cen- ter of the aperture, and a mellow sounding roar like a blast through a conch appeared to come from the mouth, while the whole head was made to quiver and wave. The sound was of short duration, repeated four times, and then the head reposed again on the lower rim of the ground shell. Presently was heard a sound as of a scapula drawn across a notched stick six times. All the old chiefs in succession cast meal to the effigy and prayed, and in response to each the great snake emitted sounds identical with those mentioned above. The spectators then left the kiva, and a frenzied dance of strange character occurred. The societies from other kivas came in, and the chief of each declaimed in a half-chanting voice which rose to a shriek at the close of a stanza. 'See figures of this effigy in my account of the Paliiliikofiti, Journal of American Folk-lore, Oct.- Dec, 1893. 2 Here evidently we have a prayer to the ik-ity symbolized by the etli^v and not an invocation to the effigy itself. fewkes] THE SOYALUNA CEREMONY 271 i First, he drew back to the fireplace, and then with a shuffling gait approached the symbolic opening in the floor called the sipapu. Anawita then shouted at the top of his voice, and the shuffler sprang in the air and vaulted over the sipapu. Then everybody in the room shouted loudly and a song in conceit followed. A moment later the visiting societies dashed down the ladder, each bearing a splendid shield ornamented witli the figure of the sun and a rim of radiating eagle feathers. Each society had its distinctive sun shield, which on entering was handed to the chief. As he received it he stamped on the sipapu and a tierce song was sung. Meanwhile two members of the society stood apart from their fellows against the southern wall facing each other, each holding a squash flower emblem in a bouquet of spruce twigs and an ear of corn in his left hand. Suddenly the fifteen or twenty members of the society drew back from their chief, who then sprang upon the sipapu plank, and quickly turning faced them as all burst forth in au ecstatic shouting, with wild flinging of their arms as they approached the shield-bearers. They naturally formed two clusters, and as the shield-bearer dashed his shield in their faces they surged back, to leap again toward him. This seeming assault, wild though it appeared, was maintained in time with the song. The two chieftains joined their men, all in ecstatic frenzy, and one of them, shaking his shield, sprang from right to left, drawing back his assistants in rhythm with the beating of the feet of all on the floor. After a few moments of most exhaustive movements some of the weaker staggered up the ladder, and shortly after one of the chiefs fell fainting to the floor, overcome by exhaustion and the intense heat of the room. One splendid athlete danced with vigor tor fully five minutes, and then swept toward the ladder where the assist ant was standing in readiness to receive his shield. Another stride and he reached the foot of the ladder and suddenly became as rigid as a corpse. The men who belonged to the Monkiva took no part in this exhaustive dance but stood in readiness to carry those who fainted up the ladder to the cool air outside. It has been suggested that this assault of the men on the bearer of the sun-shield dramatizes the attack of hostile powers on the sun, and that the object is to offset malign influences or to draw back the sun from a disappearance suggested by its southern declination. 1 In this possible interpretation it is well to consider that immediately preced- ing it the archaic offerings and prayers to the great snake were made, as described, in the presence of spectators. The idea of hostility of the great snake to the sun is an aboriginal American conception. In the Maya Codex Cortesianus (33l>) the plumed snake is represented 2 •The dance with the Ban-shield remotely resembles certain so-called "sun dances,'' which have been described among the nomads, in which physical exhaustion and suffering are common features. Tins (lame, ]t must be boruo in mind, took place when the sun was at the winter smstirt*. and the dramatization of attack ami defuse may have some meaning in connection with this fact. 2 On the authority of Cyrus Thomas. "Are the Maya hieroglyphs phonetic V American Anthropolo- gist. Washington, July, 1893, p 26G. His reasoning that the scribe of the codes intended to repre- sent this astrouomical event is plausible but not conclusive. 272 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [kih.ann.15 as swallowing the sun as in an eclipse. II Soyaluna is a propitiatory ceremony to prevent the destruction or disappearance of the sun in winter in in offset the attacks of hostile malevolent deities upon him, we can see a possible explanation of the attacks and defenses of the sun as here dramatized. 1 The evil influences -of the great snake are met bj tin' prayers to Ids effigy; the attacks of other less powerful deities are dramatized in the manner indicated. The following contains a few suggestions in regard to the charac- ter of the dramatization in the December celebration. In the prayers to the 1'lu 1 Snake his hostility was quieted, and the chiefs did what they could to propitiate that powerful deity, who was the great cause of their apprehension that the beneficent sun (T&wa) would be over- come. Then followed the dramatization of the conflict of opposing powers, possibly representing other deities hostile to our beneficent father, the sun. Although the struggle involved, so far as the partici- pants were concerned, their highest powers of endurance and bodily suffering, the sun shield or symbol of Tawa had the good fortune to resist the many assaults made upon it. The introduction of dramatization as an explanation of the warrior celebration is theoretic, therefore not insisted upon, and is at least plausible until a better interpretation is suggested. It has in its sup- port the evidence drawn from a. comparative study of ceremonials. In the light of this theory the return and departure of the Katcina bos a new significance, and may be regarded as a modified sun myth. At the winter solst ice the sun and his attendant deities have reached their most distant point, and turned to come back to the pueblos. In the mid- summer the solar deity approached them; he was near them, and in appreciation of this fact, which means blessings, the poor Hopima.de his offering;' danced the Snake dance, asking the snake to bring the rain, believing he was no longer hostile or at enmity with the sun. But the withdrawal of the gods (Farewell Katcinas) could not be delayed by these rites, and the sun each day drew farther from them. The Katcinas (gods) departed; the bright, beneficent summer gave place to cold, dreary winter; life was replaced by death. In this most critical epoch the warriors, the most potent human powers of the pueblo, performed their ceremony to bring back the beneficent god and his train. TheNahuatl priest called a similar ceremony " Teotleco," the god comes — '-The dead god is reborn," says Duran. The gods (Katcinas) come, say the Hopi (Soyaluna, all assemblage; derived from co, all; yufiya, assemblage). The Nahuatl priest sprinkled meal on the floor of the teocalli, and when he saw in the meal the footprint ■There are members of the American race living where the sun diaappearsat the winter solstice or Bueonmhs f>. evil powers. Save the Puehlos inherited this rite from people who once lived farto the north ? -Tlir fact tliui tin' Snake danoe follows the tflman may !"• explained as follows: Tin- sun begins to be affected by the Plumed Snake at the Farewell dance, and the growing Influence of this divinity is recognized, hence ins children (reptiles) are gathered from the fields and intrusted with tin- prayers of in. ii to eras.- liis malign influence. HAHAlWUQTI, NATACKA. AND SOYOKMANA FEWKES] THE RETURN KATCINA CEREMONY 273 of tbe War god, the leader of the divinities, he announced the fact. The Hopi priest still continues to sprinkle sand on the kiva floor during the ceremony. KATCINA S RETURN The first celebration of the Katcinas in the spring, several months after their departure, 1 took place in that division of the year called the Parniiyawu,and is known as Mohti Katcinumyiinya, or "First Katcina assembly." I have called it the Return Katcma. It follows directly after the winter paho making of the Snake-Antelope or Flute societies, which varies in character according to whether the Snake or the Flute society gives the presentation that year. In 1803 it followed the Snake paho making, and in 1894 that of the Flute. It may be called a com- posite, abbreviated assembly of Katcinas. During the day Katcina masks were renovated in the kivas of the mesa, and there were visitations at all the kivas by the personators in the coming celebration. Women and children crowded the spectators' quarters of these rooms, and the performances lasted from 10 oclock in the evening until 2 oclock of the following morning. Previously to the exhibition in the kivas, men personating different Katcinas visited the following points to make homoya or meal offerings and to say appropriate prayers: Kiva Moii Wikwaliobi. Nacab Al Tcivato Puvuiitcomo . . Kwinyaptcomo. Mi'niete Pendite Kateina Kiitca anak 2 Coyohhn momoyaniu, Tcatca kwaina Popkotu Miicaizru Hiiiki. Hehi a. Avatchoya mana . . . Tacab Huniis. Points from which prayers are made S. W. Walpi. ...do ...do N". E. Walpi . . ...do N.E.Sitcomovi. N. E. Hano.... Prayers directed, or meal thrown tmeard — Mivatikyaubi. do. * do. Kicyuba. do. do. On the 24th of this month (Pa), as after the Snake ceremonials, 3 the Niiitiwa, or struggles of the maids with the men for bowls, etc, took place, except that in this instance it was a struggle with a Katcina and not, as in the Snake observance, between girls and young men. 1 At the Niman in the preceding July. 'With TatcB kii (Mud-heads). 3 Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. iv. 15 ETII IS 274 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [kth. ann. ir> From the foregoing table we learn that in the Return Katcina for lsiil the following 1 were personified: 1. Kutca (white) ana. <>. Eii'iki. 2. Coyohini. 7. Ilehea. .'{. Tcakwaina. 8. A.vatchoya. I. Pdpkotu. it. Tacab. 5. Mucaizru. 10. Ilumis. The accompanying clowns were the Tatcii'kti or knob-head priests. 11, is an interest in ^ tact that in the celebration of the departure of the Kalciuus the clowns took no part, but these priests were important additions to the Siocalako. The celebration of the Return Katcina, which occurs in the winter Pa moon, is accompanied by elaborate rites performed by either the Snake- Antelope or the Flute fraternity, the society observing it being that which will give its celebration in the slimmer Pa moon of the same year. A description of these rites naturally falls in an account of the group of unmasked dances. They extend over several days and appear to be wholly distinct from the celebration of the Return katciiia. While these are being performed in the ''upper world," the complemental flute or Snake observances arc supposed to be taking place in the "under world," where the summer I'a moon then reigns. Precisely the same relationship is thought to exist between the two as that between the seasons of the north and south temperate zones. row vmi This ceremony is one of the most elaborate in which the Katemas appear, and for want of a better name may lie designated a renovation 9 or purification observance. In the year 1893 it took place near the close of January and continued for nine days, and in a previous 3 arti- cle I have mentioned and figured the most striking personages, the monsters or Natackas, who appear in its presentation (plates were as follows:' January 20 — Early this morning llohyi went to all the kivas and formally announced that the ceremony was soon to begin. There was no public announcement, as no Katciiia celebration is made known in i Numbers 1, 2, 7, 9 and 10 of this list have been described as abbreviated Katoinas. The sym holism of :t ami s i* bIiowij in my figures of dolls; of the remainder my information is as yet very limited. 'Comparable with the Bfahuatl Oohpanitzli. The points of similarity between the two are the prod ma nro of the Earth goddess ami i ho oeremonia] renovation of tin' saored gathering places. 'American Anthropologist, Washington, January, 1694 •The aooompanying observations on the Powi i were mail.' by the late A M Stephen in hia wnik For the Eemenwas Expedition. fewkes] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 275 this way, and the Ivatcinas must not be spoken of in public, tntiwa and Pauwatiwa began making pahos in the Mofikiva without prelimi nary ceremony at about 9 a. in., and fifteen other priests removed the masks and redecorated them, after having scraped off the old paint remaining from other ceremonials. All the masks were finished about 7 p. in., after which Suhoitiwa and the other elders brought fox-skins and other paraphernalia into the kiva, where Kwatcakwa, Kdpeli, Tcabi, Kakapti, and four or five other men began to decorate their bodies with pigment, using a pale-red iron oxide (eiita) on their legs, knees, and waists. They daubed the whole upper leg above the knee with a white pigment, and drew- two lines across the shins, the fore and upper arms, and on each side of the chest and abdomen. The entrance into the katcinaki, or paraphernalia closet, was open while this took place. The masks were all ornamented with large clusters of feathers. They were tied to the head with a loose loop across the top which slipped over the crown where the plumage rested, and there were strings at the sides of the mask by which they were attached. The body was ornamented with ribbons, red flannel, and other articles of white man's make, which are innovations. Kwatcakwa, who later personated a Tcukuwympkiya, drew a broad band of white clay across his shins, thighs, arms, and body. A great wisp of cornhusks was tied in his hair, which was all brought forward and coiled over the forehead. The others donned their kilts, necklaces, turquoise eardrops, and moccasins. Each one wore a fox-skin hanging tail downward at the loins, and on the left leg below the knee a string of bells, while the majority had garters of blue yarn. Their hair, which was first bound in long cues, wrapped high with strings, was later loosened, hanging in a tine fluffy mass. Sakwistiwa, who was the puciiciitoi or drummer, wore pantaloons held up by a belt of silver disks, and a grotesque mask. All left the kiva immediately after their disguises were completed and assembled in the Mofikiva court. Tntiwa hurriedly but thoroughly swept the floor of the chamber, during which time a number of women and children came down the ladder, filling the spectators' part of the room. The assembled group of Katcinas prayed and then went out, but about fifteen minutes later returned to the kiva entrance and shook their rattles at the hatchway. " Yunya ai," ''come, assemble," said the old men, and the women invited them to come down, which they did. Kwatcakwa, who personated the Niivnkkatcina, entered, followed by ten others. They assembled in a semicircle, each with a Tattle in the right hand and a spruce bough in the left, tntiwa sprinkled with meal all who came, after which they performed a dance, in which, however, their leader did not join. Before they finished a band of ten men. disguised as Paiutes, carrying bows and arrows, rabbits, and small game which they wished to trade, 276 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. amk.15 came to the hatchway. They had ;i drummer with ;i Paiute drum, made of a bundle of skins wrapped in an oblong package, on which he beat with a stick held in both hands. The persons performed a dance, which they accompanied with a song. They likewise talked, cracked jokes, and presented the rabbits to the assembled women. After them there came others from the Nacabkiva, each with a crook in the left hand and a rattle in theright. These wore grotesque masks, one representing an old woman with a long crooked staff in her hand. Their bodies were whitened and they wore saddle-mat kilts around their loins and tortoise rattles on the right leg. They sang a very spirited song, shaking their rattles as they advanced. These were six in num- ber and were called the I'owaniukatcinas. Directly after them there came a, band of Tatcii'kti, who sang and danced on the roof of the kiva. The old men within repeatedly invited them to enter the room, and a dialogue of some length ensued Their leader carried a large basket tray in which were four cones made of wood and each mud-head had in his hand a wooden rod and an eagle leather. The leader placed the cones in the middle of the floor in a pile, one above the other, near the fireplace. The others danced around the pile, roaring a song with much dramatic action, and heaped up ears of corn in the tray. They then brought a young married woman from those assembled to the middle of the floor, where she knelt and tried without success to lift the cones as high as the stall' which the leader held beside them. Four or live other women tried in turn, and all failed. The mud- heads then divided the cones into two piles and one of the women lifted them the required height. All the Tatcii'kti 1 then fell down on the floor and kicked their heels in the air, while certain of them stood on their heads for a minute or two. The woman who was successful iu lifting the cones received the contents of the tray. The Tatciik'ti then left the room and the Katcinas returned and unmasked, indicating that this part of the ceremony was over. January 21 — During last night there were ceremonials which were not seen in the Monkiva, in which it was said the Ahii'lkatcina made parallel marks in meal on the four sides of t he kiva and upon the ceiling and floor as in the Mamzrauti and other ceremonials. A basin with sprouting beans, which had been planted at the full of the Pamiiiya or Pa moon (January 2) and which were about a foot high, was brought from one of I he houses opposite the Teivatokiva. The beans, which were growing in a. basin, were plucked from the sand, tied into a sepa- rate bundle, and given to Ahii'lkatcina. A large squirrel-skin was tilled with meal and given to him, and he was handed also a wooden staff (rndn- kohu). The large discoidal mask characteristic of this personage had a pouch like attachment of buckskin which was pulled over the head, 'Those ni.ii were from the Alkiva. They wore the knob-bead helmets and their bodies were staini <1 red. Each carried a rattle in the right and an eagle leather in the left hand, and had a poucb of skin or other material slim;; over the right shoulder. This hold corn, beans, and other seeds, which tin _\ gave t" the unnirii and elders. rawKESl THE POWAMU CEREMONY 277 upon which was a large cluster of feathers. A white kilt was worn as u cape ami the skin of a gray fox hung from the girdle at hi.s loins,. At daylight Ahu'lktacina and fntiwa returned, passing the gap (Wala) and halting at the pah6ki (shrine 1 ) to deposit certain nakwa- kwocis and palios. Just as the sun rose the two visited a kiva in llano. Stooping down in trout of it, Ahii'l drew a vertical mark with meal on the inside of the front of the hatchway, on the side of the entrance opposite the ladder, lie turned to the sun and made six silent inclinations, after which, standing erect, he bent his head hack ward and began a low rumbling growl, and as he bent his head for- ward, raised his voice to a higb falsetto. The sound he emitted was one long expiration, and continued as long as he had breath. This act he repeated four times and, turning toward the hatchway, made four silent inclinations, emitting the same four characteristic expiratory calls. The first two of these calls began with a low growl, the other two were in the same high falsetto from beginning to end. The kiva chief and two or three other principal members, each car- rying a handful of meal, then advanced, bearing short nakwakwoci hotoinni, which they placed in his left hand while they muttered low, reverent prayers. They received in return a few steins of the corn and bean plants which Ahii'l carried. Ahii'l and fntiwa next proceeded to the house of Tetapobi, 2 who is the only representative of the Hear clan in llano. Here at the. right- hand side of the door Ahii'l pressed his hand full of meal against the wall at about the height of his chest and moved his hand upward/' He then, as at the kiva, turned around and faced the sun, holding his staff vertically at arm's length with one end on the ground, and made six silent inclinations and four calls. Turning then to the doorway he made tour inclinations and four calls. He then went to the house of Nampiyo's mother, where the same ceremony was performed, and so on to the houses of each man or woman of the pueblo who owns a tiponi or other principal wind (fetich i. lie repeated the same ceremony in houses in Sitcomovi and in YValpi, where fntiwa left him. Ahii'l entered this pueblo by the north street and passed through the passageway to the Mdnkiva. He proceeded to the houses of Kwumawumsi, Nasyunwewe, Samiwiki, and to all the. kivas and the houses of all the leading chiefs. After visiting all tin; kivas and appropriate houses mentioned above, Ahii'l went to Kowawainovi (the ledge under Talatryuku) and depos- 1 With the coiled stone, which resembles thecast of some largo fossil shell. I venture to suggest thai tin- reason we find pel rified wood in some shrines can be explained in tin- foil owing manner In times long past trees were believed by the Hopi to have souIb and these breath bodies were powerful agents in obtaining blessings or answering prayers. The fossilized logs new pat iu shrines date hark tothi timesof which I speak, consequently th<\ ate efficacious in the prayers of the present people. 'fins i, but the expression the Mdnkiva, divested himself of his ceremonial disguises, and went home. At - p. in. the Niiv&k (snow • Katcinas came from the N"acabki, led bj Soy6ko. They were nine in number and were accompanied by a drummer. All wore brighl plumage on their heads and their masks were painted greeu and white, l>m thai of the drummer was pink. They were adorned with many necklaces, and wore white kilts and gray fox- skins. Yellow stripes were painted on the shoulders, the forearm, on each breasl and the abdomen, and the bodies of all were stained red. After singing and dancing for about live minutes, nine clowns (Ta- tcii'kti) came from the Alkiva and danced madly around the court, at tirst independently, luit anally keeping step with the Katcinas. They joined in line one behind the other, each grasping the uplifted leg of the man in front of him, and then tumbled pell-mell over one another, shouting and laughing as they did so.' At 2.20 a personification of Tcavaiyo, arrayed in a conical black mask with globular eyes and great teeth, entered the kiva. He carried a bow and armus in his left hand and a saw in his right. His forearms and legs were painted black with white spots. This monster dispersed the clowns, during which many Zufii words were uttered. At 2.50 the Katcinas again returned and repeated their former dance in the same way as described. The antics of theTatcii kti continued, and the Katcinas appeared again at 4.20 p. m. ; then later at 5, when they all departed, not to return. When tin' Kateinas retired to Wik- yatiwa's house at 1 oclock the clowns went down into the Alkiva and returned in their characteristic procession, the drummer in front, the other eight in two lines of four persons. Each carried on his back a large bundle composed o\' a tine blanket, cotton cloth, yarn, and all kinds of textile articles of value. One also had the four cones which they had used the uight before and a traj of shelled com of all colors, mixed w ith \ arious kinds of seeds. They laid t he tray in the center of the court and spread a blanket beside it, on which they placed all their bundles. One of their number then piled the cones, one on top of another, and while he was doing this the drummer rapidly beat his drum, while the othersshook their rattles and sung vigorously. When the cones had been set up one of the men sought out a girl and brought her to them and told her if she would take hold of the lowest cone with both hands, raise the pile, and set it back in place without letting any ot' the cones tall she should have all the wealth piled on the blanket. But the least jar tumbled the cones down, and each one of the half dozen or more uirls to whom they made the same oiler failed in turn. Then thej invited the youths to try. and several essayed, but none were able to perform i he teat. s,i the prize, doubtless designedly, was left in the original owner's hands. They then brought a blanket full of hoyiani 1 The performances with the downs were not unlike others in whioh thoj app< :*■ BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL CVII A MQfH fc CO I PTW DOLL OF CALAKO MANA. fewkes) THE POWAMXJ CEREMONY 27!> and placed the cones in two piles, but even then none of the tfirls suc- ceeded in carrying it. No one was allowed a second trial. Finally one youth, Macakwaptiwa, carried them around safely and won the prize. He was closely followed around the pillar by the Tatcu'kti shak- ing their rattles, singing and crying, "Don't fall, don't fall," and when belaid them safely down in their original place all the Tatcu'kti fell down as if dead, tntiwa then ran and obtained ashes from a cooking pit and placed them on a private part of their bodies. Then all the clowns got up and danced around with their usual pranks. A tray full of coin and other seeds which was set beside the cones was obtained by the Tatcu'kti from Xakwaiyumsi, the chief priestess of the Katcina clan. At the close of the ceremony Intiwa distributed these seeds in small handluls to all the women spectators, to be planted the coming season. It was not learned that these seeds were conse- crated by the priestess, but they were part of those planted in the kivas on the night of the 21st. ■ In unary 22 — The younger men brought sand from a mound 1 and threw it down in a pile at the east of the kiva, and each man, as he tame into the room with his basin, box, or other receptacle, filled it with this sand. He then thickly sprinkled the surface of the sand with seeds of every kind. Some had several vessels which they thus planted, and the old wife of Soyoko gave her grandson a bag of large white beans to plant for her. 2 The basins were well watered, a hot fire was kept in the kiva. and the hatch or entrance was entirely covered with a straw mat to retain the heat in the chamber, making it a verita- ble hothouse. January 21 — No ceremonies occurred today, but constant tires were maintained in the kivas, from tin; heat of which the beans soon sprouted. 1 1 was understood that children must not be told that beans were grow- ing in the kivas nor be allowed to look into the room. January 25 — The Tatcii'kti went out from the Alkiva this morning for wood, making their way northward, past Wala and along the mesa to the cedar grove. They returned at evening, but left the wood they had gathered at the gap. 3 There was no singing nor dancing in the kivas during the night. January 20 — During the morning the Tatcii'kti went to Wala to bring in the wood they had collected yesterday. Before their depar- ture they covered their bodies with pinkish clay, put on an old kilt (kwaca j.' blue leggings, and masks with knobs. Each carried an eagle- tail feather in the left and a small gourd in the right hand. They 1 lli.' mound from which ii was obtained is close i<» the base of the foothills eastward from Walpi. anr thereabouts were somewhat famil- iar with them, and while it was evident they held the monsters in con- siderable awe they tried to assume a bold front when receiving the Seeds and snares. A I 8.30 a man personifying Tiiinaekatcina ran through Walpi from the Monkiva toward Wala. emitting 1 ts as he went. A full half hour after, about 9 oelock, a group of masked but uneostuineil men wrapped in blankets went to the kiva hatches and uttered most fero- cious groans for four or five minutes. This was done in an informal manner, but was said to be prescribed ceremonially. January 30 — Between 7 and 8 oelock Wikokuitkatcina emerged from the Alkiva, passed around Walpi to the east end of the pueblo, and then down through the north lane, past fntiwa's house, under the pas- sageways back to the Alkiva. Ilis body was painted white and he wore a blanket tied with a girdle (wukokwena), a fox-skin dangling at his loins. Nothing was elicited in relation to this event. Between 8 and 9 oelock uneostuined groups of Tatcii'kti went to the entrances of the kivas and laid themselves prone upon the hatch, their heads projecting over its edges. Several of them uttered their charac- teristic growls and pretended to snarl at and worry one another, pos- sibly imitating ferocious animals or monsters. One of them carried ou a dialogue with some one in the kiva. At 9 oelock Tiimac and two Tunwupkatcina (masked but uneos- tuined) made the tour of the pueblos, emitting peculiar hoots. Between 9 and in oelock Owana zrozrokatcina and Wupamokatcina appeared separately, each making a solitary tour of the village. They were not masked, but so wrapped in blankets that their masks were not visible. At 10 oelock the Hano clowns and Natacka group came to Walpi and performed the same ceremony 7 as the Walpi group, which has been described. There was informal singing in all the kivas. January 31 — During this day the masks of Hililikatcina and Soyok- uiana were painted. After dark a masked man (Katcina not known) rushed through the pueblo, and shortly after Tiimac and her two sons (Tunwupkatcina), unmasked, ran through the pueblo hootiug. About 9 oelock delegates from Sitcomovi, with a drum and rattles, made the rounds of Walpi and carried on a dialogue with the kiva chief. At 10 oelock 18 Tcakwainakatcinas came to the Monkiva from llano. They were naked, save a breeehcloth, but their bodies and limbs were ornamented with white zigzag markings. They 7 wore fillets of a dozen or more yucca bands around the head, and necklaces in pro- lusion on their necks. They passed in succession into the kivas, danc- ing a lew minutes in each, and returned home shortly before midnight. 1 Hahaiwiiqti did not enter any of the houses, but merely went up the ladder two or throe runga and st. ioil there just high enough to bring her helmet on :t level with the first terrace. She then gave hi i -In ill hoot, and when the women bad brought out t heir children spoke to them in high falsetto. kewkes] THE POWAMU CEREMONY 283 February J — Several till us (dolls) were carved in the kivas, to be distributed to the children as in the Fimankatcina. Tumac and her sons went anmnd the pueblo about half past 7 oclock, as on former evenings. In the Tcivatokiva 14 men and a boy about 10 years of aye, with Pauwatiwa as chief, whitened their faces, bound a fillet around their foreheads, and made curious crescentic marks on their cheeks. They afterward danced and sang. Sitcomovi priests, beginning at the Mon- kiva, made formal visits to each kiva in Walpi. There were 12 of these men and they were decorated like those of the Tcivatokiva. They sang Siohumiskatcina songs, but wore no masks. They later visited the Sitcomovi kivas. The Tcivatokiva people then put on their kilts, tied on their turtle shell rattles, took their juniper staffs and gourd rattles, and, led by Pauwatiwa, went to the Alkiva, and later to all the other kivas, where they danced and sang Pawik (duck) Katcina songs. Pau- watiwa sprinkled meal on the Katcinas from Sitcomovi before they began, and the chiefs of the other kivas did the same to those who visited them before they opened their dance. February 2 — This afternoon 8 girls, assisted by the men, washed the walls of the Monkiva with a thin mud made of valley sand. The fol- lowing girls took part in this work: Kaiydnsi, Huniisi, Humita, Lenho (a woman), Leunaisi, Tuvewaisi, Hokwati, and Honka. The girls also made mud designs, lightning symbols, and handprints on the rafters of the room. Tunwupkatcina' (personified by Takala) arrayed himself as follows: He donned trousers made of cotton cloth and wrapped himself in a blanket, under which he concealed all his paraphernalia. He received two bunches of yucca with about twelve or fifteen leaves in each bunch, and concealing them under his blanket hastened off to the northeastern end of the village. There he arrayed himself, and atop. m. he returned, running back and hooting as he came, until he halted at the court, where he kept trotting up and down, marking time. He wore a mud-head helmet with a black band across the eyes, and parrakeet feathers on the top of the head. Turkey-tail feathers were arranged radiating hori- zontally from the crown to the back of the head. He wore also a cotton shirt and a kilt girded with a white belt (wukokwena). He had yellow clay on his leys and a tortoise-shell rattle below each knee. His r casins were painted black. A whip or bunch of yucca with the butts in front was held in each hand. The children who were flogged were brought to Tufiwup in the fol- lowing way : The mother, sometimes accompanied by the father, led the child to the court, and if it were a boy the godfather took him in charge. lie gave the lad an ear of corn, his tedtcnunwa, and a handful of prayer meal, and led the frightened child close up to Tufiwup. The godfather 'A figure of Tufiwupkachina with bin pet (pokema) appears on the reredos of the altar of the Efimankab ma (See Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. it, No. 1.) The sprier which lie is depicted as i».inu- in the hand was supposed to represent a eoi nstalk, but from the new observations of tie- personification of Tunwup there is no doubt that a yucca whip was intended. 284 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [bth.ann.15 prompted the l>i>y. who cast bis handful of meal on <>r toward Tuiiwup. The godfather also cast meal on the same personage and then divested the boy of all Ins clothing and presented the lad with his back toward Tufiwup, who all this time had maintained his trotting motion but with- out advancing. Tuiiwup then plied one of his yucca wands vigorously, giving the boy five or six forcible lashes on the back. After this was over the godfather withdrew the screaming boy and tied a nakwakwoci to his scalplock. The mother was standing by and hurriedly covered her son, frightened with his punishment, and led him home, but the mother was careful to see that he carried his tcotcnunwa in his hand. If the child were a girl, her godmother led her up to Tufiwup, but her little gown was not taken oil'; only the mantle was removed for the flogging. Notwithstanding this, however, the blows were delivered with enough force to cause considerable pain, but her crying probably resulted as much from fright as from physical suffering. The god- mother led the little girl back to her home, after having cast meal on Tufiwup, and was very careful that the child carried her tcotcnunwa. There were five children of age varying from about eight to ten years who were thus flagellated. After each boy was flogged the god- father cast meal toward Tufiwup and then held out his own bared arms and legs successively, which Tuiiwup lashed four or live times with all his might; but no women were submitted to this flagellation. Several men who had some ailment also went up to Tufiwup, and cast- ing meal upon him received lashes on their bare arms and legs. The man who personified Tufiwup exercised considerable discretion in performing his duty. In the case of a little girl who showed more than ordinary fear, he simply whirled his yucca whip over her head with- out touching her. and then motioned her away; but on the arms and legs of the adults he laid his whip without restraint. When all had been flagellated, Pauwatiwa came up from his kiva and gave Tufiwup a handful of meal and a nakwakwoci. who then trotted oil. going outside the pueblo, possibly to preserve the illusion among the children that he was a real Katcina who had visited the pueblo from afar. For four successive mornings the flagellated child was taken to a point on the mesa called Talatiyuka and there deposited a nakwakwoci in a shrine and east meal toward the sun. During this time the child was not permitted to eat salt, nor flesh, but on the fourth day a little before sunset this abstineuce ceased, and the child might henceforth look upon Katcinas and sacred objects in the kivas without harm. The primary significance of the flogging seems to be that until children have acquired sufficient intelligence or are eight or ten years of age, they are made to believe that the Katcinas, appearing at each dance, are superhuman visitors, and they are never permitted to see an unmasked Katcina. When they have matured enough or have suffi- cient understanding, they are instructed that the real 1 Katcinas have ■As I have already pointed out. the youth who dons the mask of a Katciua is believed to !>.. tor the time transformed into a deity (aoul). rawmts] the powami: ceremony 285 loiiK since ceased their visits to mankind and are merely impersonated by men; but they acquire that knowledge at the expense of a sound flogging, such as I have just described. At 10 oclock six Tcii'tckutii (clowns), accompanied by Piptnkn, who was dressed as an old woman and wore an old mask, passed about the pueblo from om- kiva to another. These six persons entered the Mdfi kiva. and Piptnkn, alter some urging, followed them. One of the Tcii'tekiith was sent out, and the other five in succession took a pinch of ashes in the left hand from the fireplace, and poising it as if taking aim at something through the hatch struck off the ashes with the right hand. A few minutes later four Wnwfyomokatcinas wearing characteristic masks appeared at the kiva hatch with turkey feathers radiating ver- tically around tin- upper part. They carried monkohus' and an undressed >kin pouch. Their leader, Silanktiwa, was without costume, and Calako, Kwatcakwa, and seven other unmasked persons followed. Their faces and bodies were whitened, the hair hanging loose, and limbs bare. They wore plumes of gaudy feathers on their heads, were arrayed in white kilts, and held crooks in their hands. A personage called Bototo 2 preceded them, anil llahaiwiiqti, continually talking, fol- lowed. The procession was closed by a warrior (Kalektaka), 3 who car- ried a bundle of arrows in one hand and a bow and arrows in theother, and frequently hooted. The uncostumed chorus, composed of about twelve persons, accompanied by a drummer, followed in a cluster. When the leading Wuwiyomo came to tin; M on kiva he threw down the hatchway a ball of moist meal, which struck the middle of the floor. Alter this announcement he was clamorously invited by those within I he chamber to enter, which he did, followed by the others. Each Wuwiyomo bore a bundle of deer scapula-, which he clanked as a rattle, and all were sprinkled with meal by Intiwa as they entered the kiva. They afterward riled to the western side of the room where the plants were growing; they sang for about tive minutes, all standing. When Eototo entered the chamber he made on the floor with meal four symbols of the rain cloud, one in advance of the other, and each of the Calakos squatted on one of these symbols. The chorus, remain ing outside, continued their song for a few minutes, while the Wuwi- yomos were singing. Those who had last entered the kiva then. passed out in the same order, and as they did so were sprinkled witli meal, and each of the four Wuwiyomos was banded a nakwa- kwoci. They then visited theother Walpi kivas, where no observations ■MoS, chief; knlm. wood — a chieftain's badge. sjSototo I Aiwoioto "i baa been described in my account of the daybreak ceremonials of the Fare well Katcina (.Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, voL II No. 1*. Hahaiwiiciti i, a s been figured and described iu my article on Certain Personages who Appear in a Tusavan Ceremony ( Amer- ican Anthropologist, .Ian nary, 1 -'u *A society comparable with the Pi iesl hood of the Bow" at Ziifii. This society is a priesthood apparently with much less power than thai of the neighboring Cibolan pueblo, bul its chief Pan- watiwa is powerful, ami El may be Maid, en passant, a most genial and highly valuable frieud to have in ethnologic work at Walpi. 286 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth ann.15 were made, but the same ceremonials were probably repeated. After this they went off to perform the same ceremonies in the kivas of other villages on the mesa. At 11 oclock a group of 12 men and a boy from Hano, costumed but accompanied by an nncostnmed tiddler, 1 visited all the kivas in sueces- sion. Their bodies were painted white and they had plumes in their hair, but were unmasked. Each wore a fox skin depending from the loins, was barefoot, and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand and a sprig of spruce in the left hand. Their visits were expected, but they personated no especial katcina and after their departure the men in the MoBkiva rehearsed a song. February :-!— No ceremonial took place throughout the day. The walls of the kivas were renovated by the girls with a wash of mud, and every kiva on the mesa was replastered in this way during the festival. February 1— This day the manufacture of tihus (dolls) went on in all the kivas, and there was a continuation of the replastering and decoration of the walls of these chambers. At 9 oclock a dialogue similar to that above recorded on the 29th of January took place between Hahaiwiiqti and the kiva chief. The former wished to go among the children, but was told that it was very- dark and the children were asleep. She was finally prevailed on to wait until the morrow. At 10 p. in '-'() unmasked persons,' men aud womeu with flowing hair, from Sitcomovi visited all the YValpi kivas. Each of the male person ators carried a narrow green tablet ( pavaiyikaci ), : ' fringed with loug red hair and decorated with a symbol of the sun painted in colors. Each had a gourd rattle, and a stick about 2 feet long, to the end of which was attached half a gourd painted to represent a squash blossom, was held in the right hand. The 10 men personating women were not cos- tumed. The leader carried a large Oraibi basket tray with a broad, brightly colored handle. In this was an effigy of a bird. He set this tray on the floor near the fireplace, and after the chief of the kiva had sprinkled the visitors with meal a male and a female per- sonator advanced from the western end of the kiva to the fireplace. The man picked up the basket ou the butt end of his stick and pre- sented it to the woman, who held it in both hands and danced a few moments, while all the others sang. She then laid the tray down aud passed to the northern side of the. chamber, the man retiring to the southern side. After the other couples had performed the same cere- mony they left the kivas. Immediately after their departure 28 persouators from Hano entered. These consisted of male and lemale deities, the latter personated by men. The former passed to the southeru, the latter to the northern ' His fiddle was a notched stick which he scraped with a sheep scapula 3 Kawaikakatcinas Kawaika is a Hopi name for the Laguna people of Keresau stock 3 See figure in Naacuuna, Journal of American Folk lore, July-September, 1892 BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL CVIII. HOEN & CO., LlTH. KATCINA MASK WITH SQUASH BLOSSOM APPENDAGE AND RAIN CLOUD SYMBOLISM. fewkes] THE POWAMl': CEREMONY 287 side of the kiva. Each of t lie male personages wore a yucca fillet on his bead aud hi^ legs were decorated with claystreaks; he wore white kilts ami girdles, with dependent fox skins. They also had tortoise rattles on the legs and carried a gourd rattle in the right hand. Their COStume was as follows: They were without masks; the hail' was loose and an imitation of a squash blossom was tied therein. The face was not colored, but on the right shoulder curving to the breast was daubed a mass of blue and green pigment. On die left shoulder and over the breast they were painted with yellow, and bright red streaks wen- drawn from the neck down the center of the breast and middle of the back. The, upper part of the right arm was colored yellow, the hit forearm green, the upper part of the left arm green. These colors were reversed on the right arm. The right leg also was yellow and the left leg was green with two contrasting bands below the knee. The hands, waist, and upper portion of the thighs were whitened. They likewise wore white kilts tied with girdles (wtikokwena and nanelkwena). A gray fox-skin depended from the loins. Bach had a tortoise shell rattle on the light leg and on the left leg generally a gar- ter to which small sleigh-bells were attached. Their moccasins were blue or green. In his right hand each carried a blue or green painted rattle, and in the left a sprig or small branch of spruce. Those per- sonating females neither wore fox skins nor held anything m the left hand. The female personators carried in the left hand a bundle of straw held well up before the face. After they had been sprinkled with meal they began to sing, and the couple in the center on the west side joined hands, holding them above the head — the female with the palm turned up, the male with the palm down and fingers imbricated. They advanced close to the fireplace and then returned to their respec- tive places. The personators executed this figure four times in sequence and then went out. Immediately after this presentai ion I he delegation from the Mbnkiva, led by a masked person, entered. The bodily decorations of these were not uniform; one, had a figure of a gourd drawn on his breast, another zigzag lines, and still another parallel bars. The males carried a gourd rattle in the right hand; they wore no fillets on the head but allowed the han to hang loosely. The female personators held a bunch of straw' and a sprig of spruce in the left hand, carrying it high up before the face. They sang the same song aud executed the same figure as that already mentioned in the account of the presentation by the men from the village of llano. The- groups finished their visits at about midday. '1 he signification of the bundle of Btravr may be that here we have the symbolic broom < a. m.) either the chief or one of Ins elders roused all tbe sleepers in the kiva, and each spread his blanket beside Lis basm of growing plants, lie then carefully plucked the plauts, one by one, so as not to bruise either stalk or roots. Ho laid them on the blanket in an orderly pile, the leases together. The sand which remained in the basin was carried to some place w here children would not see it, and the vessels were dried before the kiva tire and hidden away in the houses out of sight of the prying eyes of the young ones. Nearly all the plants were tied with a yucca shred and a sprig of spruce (symbol of a Kateina), in neat bundles, leaving loose bights of the yucca by which to hold them. Each priest also tied up the dolls which he had made. All traces of the soil in which the corn had been forced to sprout had disappeared long before dawn. The presents (dolls) which were made in the Teivatoki were then dis- tributed by a man personifying Pawikkatcina, under the instruction ot those who had fashioned them. The distributing Katcinas of the Nacabki were two Nuvaktcinas,' and the same did this duty with the dolls in the Monkiva. For the Alkiva two Teoshiihiiwuh performed this duty. These Katcinas and two persons called Kaw.uka (Keres) from Sitcomovi bustled about tbe pueblo on their errands and the dis tribution was finished about sunrise. The men did not speak when they approached a house with their gifts, but hooted after the cus- totnaiy manner of Katcinas. Almost half an hour before sunrise the Soyokinana passed around the kivas, holding a dialogue at the hatchways with the chiefs inside. She wore a black conical mask with red mouth and white teeth, and was costumed as an old woman. In the right hand she bore a crook 7 feet long, at the end of which were tied many shells. In the left hand she carried a knife smeared with rabbit blood. Hii'hiiwuh also held a dialogue with the kiva chiefs and made gifts of watermelons and Squashes to various persons. At 11. 3d a. in. Soyokinana, llahaiw iiqti, and the Natackas (plate OVI) made a visit to all the houses. They were followed by two Heheaka- teinas- with bags and pouches of food recently received, and alter them followed three black and two white Natackas. These live went together and were constantly in motion, moving or beating time with their feet. The strange company went to ea'-h house demanding food, and when it was refused or poor quality offered the Natackas uttered a hoot like an owl, and at the same time Soyokinana whistled. They refused to lease a house until proper food had been given them, and if a child w ho had not been ceremonially flogged appeared with the mother its eyes were shaded by the mother's hand while she presented food to the Natackas. 1 Elision of tin- b) liable ka in tbia and similar oomponnda it* oommon. ■ Che symbolism of their maaka and then dance if* desoribed In the Journal of Ajnerican Ethnology ami Archteologj . vol. it, No. 1. fkwkisj THE POWAMU CEREMONY 289 Between 12 ami 1 oclock Intiwa, assisted by Hofiyi and Letaiyo, finished making twelve sets of cakwa (blue) pahos, most of which were composed of two sticks of uniform diameter, and only one set showed the flat face characteristic of the female. They likewise made twelve nakwakwoci hotomni, consisting of a twig about 2 feet long from which four nakwakwocis depended at intervals, and twelve simple leathered strings. When these were finished intiwa placed them in a tray of meal beside the sipapii and brought from the paraphernalia closei of the kiva six ears of corn of different colors, his tiponi, two nakwipis and as many aspergills, two or more rattles, and other bundles < taining the remaining paraphernalia of the cloud-charm altar. At 1.30 p. in. he placed a small hillock of sand back of the sipapu ami deposited his tiponi upright upon it: he then made the cloud- charm altar,' arranging the corn at the ends of six radial lines of meal in a sinistral circuit, placing two crystals upon each ear of corn except that corresponding to the nadir. The aspergills (makwampis) also were laid down beside each ear of corn except that which was symbolic of the nadir. The sequence of ceremonials which then took place about this altar was as follows: 1. Ceremonial smoke. 2. Prayers. 3. Liquid poured into the crenelated vessel or nakwipi. 4. Songs. Synopsis of ceremonial events during the songs: (a) Meal shaken from the six aspergills into the liquid. (b) Whistling into the liquid through a turkey bone, and asperging to the cardinal points with the same, six times in all. (c) Meal cast into liquid, on tray of pahos and over the tiponi in ceremonial circuit. (d) Pollen cast on the same objects in sequence. 5. Prayers. 6. Ceremonial smoke into the liquid with two pipes. At the close of this observance Hahaiwiiqti and the Natackas came to the kiva hatch and a comic dialogue ensued. She demanded meat and other food, and the elders went up the ladder and refused to grant her wishes. Xataeka hooted and Soyokmana whistled back, and then the Hebeakatcinas threw down the end of their lariat, and those in the kiva below hung a piece of sheepskin and horns of goats to it. Intiwa then called two youths, and without anointing them 2 gave them instructions where to deposit the offerings which had been conse- 5ei Efim&nkatcina altar called nananivo pofiya, six-directions altar. Tin- whole ceremony is an invocation to the six world-quarter deities. I- the i iistom to anoint the feet, hands, etc, with honey when a person in sent out with oiler in: t Si-o " Sua ko ilance," Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. IV.) St < i loud i harm altar in other ceremonials. It is rednndani in tliis plat e to repeal I hi -• ai i ounl - as the variations an- not important. (See Journal of American Etbnologf and Archaeology, vol. u, No. 1.) Tin- Pow aini'i altars art- tin- same as tin- Niinan. . A number of slabs with symbolic figures of Tawa (the sun), and Cotiiki- nuiiwa (the heart of all the sky), and two small effigies of Paliilukonuh (plumed snake) were introduced. The two mechanical figurines, which were so manipulated as to appear to be in the act of grinding corn on metates, represented Calakomauas, and were made by Totci of the Badger people. This variation from year to year, it will be observed, preserves with- out change the various deities introduced and recalls what I have already written about the variations in altars of the Niman iu different villages. Iu stage effects latitude is permissible, but there is no change in the deities represented. Something similar occurs in the Mamzrauti, where, in 1891, tablets with Palahikomana symbols were used, while in 1893 women represented that personage. So far as I know the essential personages 3 to be represented by symbolism or by men in disguise, are: Tawa, Sun. Mu'iyawu, Moon. Cdtokinuhwa, Heart of the Sky. llahaiwiiqti, Ancient Mother. Paliiliikonti, Plumed Snake. < 'alako taka or mana, Corn Man or Maid. Various Katcinas, mentioned above, but these may vary year by year. Masauwuh, Fire God. Various Tcukuwympkiyas, Clowns. ■Journal of American Folk-lore, October-December, 1893. 'It will thus beseen that the details of this ceremony vary in different years, but the variation depends simply on tin- kiva presenting it. It is commonly sanl that t he original wiuii <>f the Paliiliikonti (Great Plumed Snake) were brought to Tusayan by the Water people from the far sonth. Other observations support tint, .statement. •To these must lie added the constant accompanying priests iu all ceremonials, who are unmasked and do not personate supernatural beings. 292 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15 NIMANKA IVINA Aii outline of the ceremonials attending the departure of the Katci- nas from three of the Tusayan villages has already been given else- where.' From new observations it is found that much remains to complete this account, but the main events have already been described. While the dance resembles the abbreviated Katcinas, from which it should not be widely separated, the altar and kiva ceremonials place it in the group of elaborate Katcinas or those with complicated secret usages. It is only in those villages in which are preserved the wind of the Kachina mofiwi that this celebration can occur, although, as we shall later see, abbreviated Katcinas are not so limited. It will prob- ably be found that any abbreviated Katcina may be used for the public dance of the Niman, but no abbreviated Katcina can have the secret ceremonials of the Niman without becoming the same. When the Katcina chief, Intiwa, sets up his altar it is but natural that any set of Katcinas may give the public dance, which, while a neces- sary accompaniment, is far from being prescribed as to kind. ABBREVIATED KATCINAS CHARACTERISTICS This group includes a large number of simple ceremonials in which a masked dance in public is the most significant part. The general character of these observances maybe seen by a consultation of my article, "A few summer ceremonials at the Tusayan pueblos. 1 ' 2 The distinctive name is determined by the characters personified as indi- cated by the symbolic markings of the masks or by other paraphernalia. No elaborate kiva ceremonials are performed. 3 All the abbreviated presentations have certain common features which run through them. These characteristics may be learned from my description in the article on "The summer ceremonials," 4 but in order to make them more prominent I have mentioned them in an appended footnote. 2 The special Katcina celebrated is designated by the symbolism depicted on the mask, which is repainted and redecorated according to the Katcina which it is intended to represent. For the special 1 Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. H, No. 1. 2 Ibid. The following abbreviated Katcinas have been described and figured: (1) Humiskatcina, Corn Flower ; ("J) A fiakatcina, Long Beard; (3) Coyohi in katcina, All; (4) Heheakatcina; (5) Siokatcina, Zuni; (6) Mali'Latrina. The symbolic characters of the different Katcinas arc best shown in my article on " Dolls of the Tusayan Indians. 11 The Xiniaiikalcina is likewise outlined in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, op cit., and some of these ahhic\ iated Katcinas arc accom- paniments of the Niman. ' flic participants of course frequent the kiva to prepare their masks and costume for one or more days previous to the public dance, and certain simple ceremonial objects, as pahos and nakwakwocis are made there, but in none of those Katcinas which are included in this group have I as yet observed any altar or the like. The very name " abbreviated " eliminates naturally these complex proceedings and paraphernalia, 4 Op. cit. Tht- spruce tree of the Katcinas is commonly set up in the plaza. fewkes] FEATURES OF ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 293 name and the accompanying symbolism a study of the dolls will give as good an idea as can yet be obtained from published articles. 1 The participants in the abbreviated Katcinas may be divided into two groups: (1) The Katcinas, male and female, with related masked personages, and the priests who pray to them and sprinkle meal upon them, and (2) the accompanying clowns and masked or other persons who participate in their antics and presentation. The details of the proceedings of the second or possibly subordinate group vary in different dances more than those of the first. The participants of the first group are: 1. Masked personages (always men) called Katcinas. 2. Masked men, personifying women, (-ailed Katcinamanas. 3. One or more masked persons, who vary in symbolic characters in different Katcinas. These are often absent. 4. Priests (unmasked), directors of the dance, who sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal. These priests are vehicles of prayers to the Katcinas and masked participants, and are generally few in number. The presentation is accompanied with a feast 11 (generally at noon) limited to Katcinas and Katcinamanas. The Katcinas dance in line, sing, distribute gifts, but never utter any continuous sentence or prayer. The Katcinamanas dance in line facing the Katcinas, or kneel in front of the same, accompanying their songs with a rasping noise made by rubbing a scapula over a notched stick. Ordinarily their mask is identical in all Katcinas of the abbreviated form, and they generally have their hair in two whorls on the sides of the head, and wear white blankets and other feminine apparel. The second group of personifi- cations are the Teukiiwympkias (Tatcii'kti, knob-head priests; Tcii'ckiitu, gluttons; or Paiakaiamu, horned clowns). Their represen- tation consists of a series of antics and dramatizations, story telling, gluttony, obscene gestures or bawdy remarks, and flogging and other indignities heaped upon each other or upon accompanying masked persons. These representations and the personifications who carry on their portion of the observance vary in different reproductions of the same drama. The Tcukuwympkia do not dance or sing with the Katcinas, but sprinkle them witli meal and pray to them. While an essential fea- ture in certain abbreviated Katcinas, they are not always present, and their exhibition has many secular or temporal characteristics or innovations more or less dependent on the invention of the partici- pants. The masked persons who assist them are representatives of semiinythologic beings, called Piptuka, I'tci (Apache), Tacab (Xa valin . Kese, and others. A description of the various modifications of their performances would mean special account of each presentation •Doll* of the Tusayan Indians, op.cit. ■ i|).- food is brought t ■» each by wives, daughters, or other women of his household. This lVaat take* plan- ni the open air, uot as at Zufii in the kivas. 294 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15 and would vary in details for each exhibition, but except in a very general way these variations are quite unimportant in the study of the characteristics of the abbreviated Katcinas. The following- are some of the episodes introduced : 1. Inordinate eating and begging, urine drinking, gluttony, and obscenity. 2. flogging of one another, stripping off breeehcloths, drenching with foul water, ribald remarks to spectators, and comical episodes with donkeys and dogs. Fig. 4U — The AnakaU-ina. 3. Story telling for pieces of corn under severe flogging by masked persons, races, smearing one another with blood, urinating upon one another, tormenting with cactus branches, etc. The Katcina dance ordinarily lasts from daybreak to sunset, with intermissions, during which the participants unmask under an over- hanging cliff on the southern side of the mesa. Here likewise they have their feast at midday. The dances in the forenoon are slimly attended by spectators, but in the afternoon all the terraces and roofs of the houses surrounding the plaza 1 in which the pillar mound is situated are occupied by natives and visitors. The line of Katcinas is led by an uncostumed chief, who sprinkles meal on the ground as he enters and leaves the dance court, and who from time to time shouts to 1 This is thi- ouh plaza large enough fur a long line <>i dancers, anil hence is ordinarily used. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CIX A. HOEN & CO.. LlTM. DOLL OF CALAKO TAKA. FEATURES OF ABBREVIATED KATCINAS 295 the dancers (figure 4(1). The leader of the Katcinas stands midway in the line, and by a rapid movement of his rattle as a signal changes the song and directs the termination. To him 1 as a representative the prayers are addressed. The dance is a rhythmic stamping movement of one foot on the ground, and all keep in line, elbowing their neigh- bors, turning now to one side, then to another, as directed. The female Katcinas face the male and stand about midway in the line. They use the serrated stick and scapula as an accompaniment to the song. Itiseommon for both male and female Katcinas to bring gifts to the plaza for spectators, especially children, as they return to the dance.-' These gifts are ordinarily corn, bread, or tortillas. It is customary for priests to sprinkle the Katcinas with sacred meal, and the Tcukuwympkiyas, or clowns, also perform this function. The tiponi or Ka- tcina badge of office is not carried in every celebration, nor does the Katcina chief, Intiwa. always lead the line. The one garment worn by the male Katcinas is the cer- emonial kilt. This is not contined to them, butislike- wise worn in other ceremo- nials, as in the Snake-Ante- lope observance and in minor celebrations. Every male Katcina, whatever his hel- met, has one of these about his loins. It is made of coarse cotton, on the ends of which are embroidered symbolic figures of rain-clouds, falling rain, and lightning. Ordinarily half of the width is painted green, and tin; lower edge is black, with nine square blocks of the same color at regular intervals. This kilt is represented on many dolls of the Katcinas figured in my article on that subject. 3 The Katcinas, irrespective of the special personage depicted, wear a broad cotton sash with knotted strings at the proximal end. In this 1 To these prayers lie alone responds ' A nirai," ri^ht. 2 Tht> configuration of the mesa ami the fart thai tin- house walls rise almost continuously with the side ..t the cliff prevent tin' Katcinas dancing on the different sides of the pueblo, hut in Zufii the open spaces out shir tin village, in addition t<> the plaza in the heart of the pueblo, ate used for dances as I have elsewhere described. See also Journal of American Bthnolog^ and Archaeology, vol. iv, p. 66. Fin. 41 — Mashette of Anakateinamana. 2!>6 TUSAYAN KATCINAS [eth. anni:. bell spruce branches are held. A fox-skin depends from the belt, and turtle-shell rattles on the leg are invariably part of a Katcina's costume. Moccasins and heel bands are prescribed and bodily decoration with pigments is common, but none of the above are characteristic of special kinds of Katcinas. The mask is in general the one distinctive char acteristic of a definite personification. siliciuhii The Shalako is one of the most important observances at Zuiii, and is partially described by Cushiug in an article on his life in Zuiii. 1 An exhaustive account, however, has never been published. The Hopi occasionally celebrate a Calako, which from its name and other reasons is undoubtedly an incorporated modification of this ceremonial, as the Tusayan legends distinctly state.' The following pages give an outline of the llopi presentation as a contribution to the comparative study of Pueblo ritual. A complete account of the Shalako at ZuQi is a great desideratum before it is possible to undertake close comparisons. The presentation of Calako is not an annual event at. the East mesa of Tusayan, but occurs alter long intervals of time. The parapher- nalia are kept in a house in Sitcotnovi and belong to the Badger clan. The house in which they are deposited is the property of Koikaamii, the daughter of Masiumtiwa's eldest sister, now deceased, and the wind likewise belong to her by descent. The chiefs of all the gentes in Walpi and Sitcomovi, the chief of the Katcinas, and one or two others from llano assembled in this house on the 10th of .July, 1S93, and made a large number (over two hundred) of pahos for use in the ceremonials to be described. Early on the morning of the next day the masks and effigies of Siocalako were renovated and carried to the spring called Kwariwaba (sweet water), which is situated on the ZuQi trail southward from the mesa. In a modern house owned by a Sitcomovi family ' at this spring the masks were repainted and the hoops which were used to make a framework for the bodies were set around with eagle feathers. The effigies which were used in personifications were made up of masks or helmets of the ordinary size for the heads and a crinoline like' framework of willow hoops for the bodies. These masks were made from narrow shreds of leaves of the agave plaited together diagonally, and this plaited frame was covered with a painted buckskin upon which the symbolism of the Siocalako was delineated. The projecting beak of the face had a movable under jaw, which was hinged and manipulated with a string. The helmet was attached to a staff form- ing a backbone, 3J feet long, by which it was carried. The series of 1 "Adventures in Zuiii,' Century Hagazine, vol. xxv, p. 507 el seq. Several ceremonials are derived from Zuiii, while others are peculiar to Tusayan. Thesymbolismof tin' Siocalako and the Hopi Calako is different. No girls (manas) were represented in the Siocalako. 3 All the women and children «i' this family had been moved to the mesa a few days before. • Compare the crinoline hoops of the effigies of PaliilukoBfth iJournal of American Folk-Ion-. < Icto- ber-Decemher, 1893). fkwkes] THE SlOCALAKO 297 crinoline hoops or supports of the blankets which formed the body were about fifteen in number, the upper being about the size of the helmet, the lower 4-i feet in diameter. A tii'ihi or large white embroid- ered mantle was draped about the upper hoops or the shoulders, and a gray Cox skin was hung around the neck, which was likewise profusely decorated with shell necklaces. The man who acted the part of bearer walked inside the crinoline, freely supporting the effigy by the staff or backbone, holding it at such a height as to permit the lowest hoop with its attached feathers to reach to his knees. Each elhgy bearer was bareheaded, and although hidden from view, was decorated with the white kilt of a typical Katcina. An uncostumed chief led the four giants in single file toward the mesa, followed by a large number of men dressed as mud-heads or Tatcii'kti, who were called "Koyimse," a term adapted from their Zuni name.' All who had sufficient knowledge of the idiom spoke Zuhi, and the procession reached the Sun spring (Tawapa) at about sunset. It was there met by two priests, Talahoya and a nephew of Masiumtiwa, who were to act as conductors. All were welcomed and homoya (prayers) were recited and much sacred meal was sprinkled. Headed by the two conductors the procession climbed the trad to the top of the mesa, and from thence marched into the main court of Si- tcomovi by the northeastern entrance, near which the men bearing the four giant effigies, together with the mud-heads, halted. Thelatter were closely huddled together in four groups, drumming with deafening noise on as many drums. The Katcina chief, Intiwa, and a man personifying Eototo 2 then drew four circles with intersecting lines of meal on the ground at the north side of the court in the positions indicated. This was followed by a command of Hahaiwiiqti, who signaled with an ear of corn for tin- fust (kwiniwi, north) Calako effigy to advance. He did so with a short, rapid step, and halted over the first circle of meal. The '-bearer" bobbed the effigy up and down so that the feathers which had been fastened to the lower hoop of the crinoline touched the ground. The bearer then stooped and rested the end of his staff on the ground, holding it upright. The other three giant impersonators were then brought up, one at a time, by Hahaiwiiqti. As each settled to its position the bearer cried '• Ho!" six times in a shrill falsetto, and rap- idly snapped the beak of the effigy he bore by means of a string. The Calakos were then sprinkled with meal by the chiefs and others, after which the effigies were ved one by one to circles of meal on the southern side of the plaza. Six times this removal was repeated, each time attended by ceremonials similar to those mentioned above. ■ Koyeamashe (see Journal of A rican Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. i). *The association of E6toto with fntiwa has already been described in myacconnt of tin- Niinan- katcina (Journal of American Ethnology and Archajology, vol. n. No. 1). 2i)8 TUSAYAN KATt'INAS [•ETH. ANN. 15 At the conclusion of this observa nee in the phi za the four giants were conducted by the chiefs of the Lizard, Asm, Badger, aud \V:iter gentes to the houses of the elder sisters of the respective clans. The Calako effigies were suspended by the mask from the rafters of each room, and as the length of each was 7 feet <> inches the tips of the radiating feathers on the head and those on the last hoop of the framework of the body just touched the roof and floor of the chamber. The same ceremony took place in each house and there were prayers by the elders, dancing by the effigy bearers, and singing and drumming by the "Koyimse." At sunrise — for the exhibitions in the houses lasted all night — a final presentation in the court similar to that which opened the ceremonies took place, after which the ( l&lakos and mud heads went IJIItuuiV. Positions. ^ •e i /^l "' N ,-""T\ /" \ ,-•"1 "-N / f \ / , ._i | \. / \ i r ' \ \ ' <=g£Jlg <=> S^^ si « •^ n oi n S^ •» ==*> =>°s n x /" pn ,.--i 1 t H v | 7 / j i \ v y V ../ '■-., ..•*' -;.l ^,-1 ' ,..•* "*•»; •e « %«> i • rt*>WSQfif VWAI '// V\>i. 42 Position of celebrants in the oouri of Sitoomovi in Stoertmko. 1 to the cliff and unmasked at the Kachinaki. There they performed purification ceremonies (nav6tciwa) and dismantled the effigies. They donned their ordinary habiliments and smuggled the paraphernalia back into the chamber in Sitcomovi, where it is ordinarily kept. On the 8th and 9th of the month, following the demise of the ('ala- kos, a most elaborate Wawac or Racing Kutcma was performed.' i Explanation of the diagram : a, b, o, il. and « , b',C &', successive positions of the efflgj bearers on the northern and Bouthern sides of the plaza; e, Eototo; n, Hahalwuqti; i.fntiwn; t, Koyimse: >n, acoompanying celebrants. Thefigureso iand a d represent the circles of meal, with cross lines, oxer which the effigy bearers si a ml in the course of the ceremonials. 'The general character of the Wawac is described iu my article in the Bulletin of the Essex Iusti tute, where certain of the masks made nsoofin it are figured The Racing Eatcina performed at this time was, however, much more plicated, and a description of it would be s digression from the subject of thisarticle. i%J FEWKE8] l'KKUMINAHIKS OP THE 1'AWIKK \TCI.\ \ 299 Tlie Pawikkatcina, which I observed at Sitcomovi in 1#92, had cer- tain differences from any abbreviated Katcina dance, which I have yet described, and illustrated the ceremonial reception of these personages after they had visited another pueblo. A priest of Sitcomovi suggested that his fellow villagers should send a delegation of young men to Cipaulovi to return a dance with which they had previously been honored by the latter pueblo. Accordingly t he masks were painted and the preliminary ceremonials took place in one of the Sitcomovi kivas, Fig, i. Bfaakof Pawikkatct fironl -lew). those who were to participate in the ceremonial beginning their work on the 25th of June. The visitors danced all day of the 27th at< 'ipaulovi, restedon the 28th, and continued their dame on the 29th at Sitcomovi. The ceremonials on their return at the trail approaching Sitcomovi took place oil June 28th, an hour before sunset. This dance differed very little from that of other Katcinas, to which attention has hitherto been directed.' There were twenty three Katci- ' Journal ■•! \ mi i lean Kthnology and Arclueology, vol. 11, No. 1. W*l 300 TUSAYAX KATVINAS [Kill. ANN, 15 nas and five 1 Katcinamanas, and the masks of both are illustrated in figures 43, II. : i ii * I 45, while one of the stall's which they bore is repre- sented in figure Hi. They sang five songs called Omowuh (cloud), Yoivikka (swift), Pakwa (frog), Pawykia (duck), and Patzro (quail). An interesting feature which I had never before scon in Tusayan abbreviated Katcinas was the unmasked dance in the Iriva. 8 The secrel ceremonials in the ki\a were as follows: The three priests, who had previously bathed their heads in their own houses, made the pahos and nakwakwocis. Two of these men made four prayer sticks similar to those described in the Walpi ceremonial, ami one made a long single paho. These were deposited iii a fiat basket Fig. -14 Mask of Pawlkkatoina (aide view). tray and smoked upon by those present. Before beginning ihe manu- facture of the pahos the makers prepared themselves by a ceremonial smoke. At the same time that the pahos were made twenty-three nakwakwocis for the katcinas and five for the Kateinainanas were likewise manufactured. 1 It was said that there ought to have been six (possibly one for eaoh oardinal point) of these, who are called Cm aata, Bistei 9 of the Pawikkatcinas. -I have not been permitted i" see the unmasked dance of the Koko in the Zufii kivaa, where ii is oommon, ami was glad to supplement raj observations by tin- same in one of I lu- Tusayan kivas. In {ho Rat Z < I- Z UJ LU H □ < >- o _l o z x i- 3 < CC CD FEW HE- | PAWIKKA.TCINA 1'AKAI'HERNALIA 301 At midday food was passed down into the kiva. but before partaking of it one of the priests took a pinch of each kind of food (dunopna) and went with it to a clefl in the mesa on the north side of Sitcomovi. He there deposited it with a paho, a pinch of each kind of pigment used in painting the paraphernalia, a little tobacco, 1 but no sacred I p. [5 Mass ol Pawikkatcinamana. meal. Tins was an offering, it was said, to the Grand Canyon of the Colorado sipapfi. He then went to the southern side of the mesa and placed in a similar cleft a nakwakwoci, said to be an offering to Masauwuh. At sunrise on the 29th two offerings were deposited, and each of the twenty-three Katcinas placed his nak- wakwoci in a shrine. Ceremonials attending visits of people from adjacent or remote pueblos are simple but interesting. Tbe fol- lowing reception ceremony of visitors from a distant pueblo not of their own people was noted: In the prog- ress of the summer dances of W'alpi in 180.! 1 observed the ceremonial reception of several Xunis who came over to assist in the Humiskatcina. They were formally "received" in the WikwaUobi kiva by Intiwa,-' Kdpcli, llonyi. Pauatiwa, and Lesma. Tntiwa gave their head- man a twig of spruce, to which Lesma tied four nakwa kwocis. , Fig. 46— Stair of Tntiwa sprinkled it with sacred meal and laid p aW ikkatcina. ■ '111. m. h I have fonnd to tin- use of tobacco in tbe ceremonial smoke bytbe American Indiana i- by Mtonardes. Tbia interesting deecription of tobacco and ita oaea, accom- panied with a figure of tin- plant, i - one of 'In- most complete for its date (1500) which 1 have Been. Intiwa is Katrina mofiwi, cbief of the Katcinss; Kopeli, cbief of the Snakt hered* itary Snake-Antelope cbief; Wiki, cbief of tbe Snak- - A nteloj.es; Pauatiwa. cbief of warriors; Lesma, Set -Journal of American Ethnology ami Archaeology, vr.l. n. No. 1. 302 TUSAVAN KATCINAS [ETH. ANN. 15 ■ -':■■ Mm, it in front lit' the ZuSis, ami finally all smoked together. This was said to be a formal act <>t' reception. 1 The reception ceremony of the Pawikkatcinas when they returned from Cipaulovi was as follows: At 1 p.m. Pauatiwa's father, a very old man, sat on the edge of tlie mesa looking west and north toward Cipaulovi. lie called my attention to a line of men coming along the trail. When the line halted on the last rise before the trail ascends to the top of the mesa we went down to welcome them. Bach Katcina placed his helmet in one of two parallel lines arranged along the trail, ami in front of the two lines he laid the spruce bough which lie carried. In frontof this pile of spruce boughs an ear of corn was placed in the trail not far from the helmets. All the Katcinas then marched around the line in a sinistral circuit. sprinkling sacred meal upon the masks, corn, and spruce boughs and throwing a pinch along the trail in advance of the ear of corn. The ^2 circuit around the line of helmets was sinistral, as in all Ilopi ceremonials. Nine old men then formed a circle at the left of the corn and smoked, sitting in a squatting posture.-' Mo one was allowed to go up the trail before this ceremony was completed, and one 19'Kjg S who attempted to do so was warned back. A ^ZaiKAwlS. short address of welcome was spoken by the priests to the leader of the Katcinas, and at sunset theypul on their masks and inarched to the plaza of Sitcomovi. They first danced on the southern, then on the eastern, and lastly on I he western sides of the plaza, omitting the northern side. The priests sprinkled the Ka- tcinas with sacred meal, observing the sinistral v*^\ • ceremonial circuit as they passed around the iaS^r^ ''"*'• ^ small spruce tree, upon which nak- ^| ? 'y , wakwocis were tied, had been placed near the middle of the plaza. 'When the inhabitants of another pueblo \isit that in which a Fw a Helmets,earofcorn.and ""H-ed dance is taking place, i. is oast -j forthe hosts to enter- opruoe bough a s ed for re- **i" "ysettmg before them i 1, and it is no uncommon thing to see cention ceremom visitors passing from house to house partaking of the pikami imusht and other delioaoiea. It is not unusual for r lie headmen ■ *!' one pueblo to send official thanks to the people of another tor their sacred dances and other efforts tor rain. In a memoir on the Si i.ik, dance 1 mention an instance where even the tlist.mi HavasapaJ brought offerings from their borne to Walpi (Journal of American Ethnology and Archseol- ol, tv). '-' I need not describe their actions, as I have already done so for other bTatcina dances (Journal of American Kthnolo^y ami Archaeology, vol. ti, No. 1.) FEWKE-] THE PAWIKKATC1NA AND ANAKATCINA 303 The Katcinas and Catcinamanas then adjourned to the kiva, where they aumasked, placing their helmets in a row and the spruce boughs in the middle of the kiva. 1 The two priests seated themselves on the uprise, (me on each side of the ladder. On the following day the dance was continued from sunrise to sunset. In the afternoon there appeared the Tciikuwympkiya, .Muh'we (Owl Katcina), two Tcdsbiici, Pu'tLkonhoya (the Little War God), and a Navalio Katcina. XSAKATC1NA The celebration! of the Anakatcina ar Eano, in the Nimau of 1892, gave me the following additional data to that already mentioned in the description 2 of the Ana of L891. These are due in part to the variations in ceremonial customs, and are not regarded as essentials. The llopi Afiakatciiia was invited to Eano by Kalakwai, and its public presentation was identical with that of L89] and that of the Zuhi Kokokci. The antics of the gluttons were very much more coin plicated. This I ascribe to two causes — the rarity with which Katcinas are celebrated in llano, and the great need of rain at the time. One interesting but highly disgusting part of the show of these priests was the slaughter of a Luge d<>- and the use of his entrails and blood in distinguishing one of their number as Masauwuh, 3 the Death god. The details of this may be had by consultation with the author. About 4 oclock on the morning of the public dance of the Ana the participants danced in the Hano plaza, destitute of all clothing or helmets and accompanied by the clowns, also without masks. This feature I had not previously observed. After this early dance; palms were deposited at the shrine situated in the middle of the dance plaza. A- no account of the ceremonial deposit of offerings to the winds has ever been published, the following observations are given to (ill this gap in our knowledge. Probably the object of the wind offerings is propitiatory, for high wind, it is believed, blows away the rain, to produce which is the main object of the observance. Kwalakwa took for Tins purpose iii a blanket the following objects: Nakwakwocis, aa tive tobacco, paper bread, pikami (pudding mush i, sugar, and peaches. lie deposited a packet containing a pinch of each of these in six ■One marked difference between Katcina and K6ko, or Bopiand Znni. dancers is thai in the latter the unmasked dance occurs in the kiva and the feaat is held in the Harm- place. Ai feast is open, and generally there is no unmasked dance. The feast in the kiva at Zuni is possibly a secondary modify atiou for effecting Becrecy. "Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, vol. ii.No. i. i is the only timo I have seen thi Death god personified. The Paiakaiamn rushed up to me ami del led a knife, and when I refused to boI a wan- of their intention, they sought other r brute, it was an exhibition of extri ery, but of course with no danger tators. Later in their antics the gluttons themselves were lightly struck with a cat in- branch, and the person who performed this painful a> t went from housetop to housetop touch* ing tli.- arm or neck of every spectator— man, woman, and child. During this dance these Tcuku- wympkiyas performed the disgusting art of drinking human urine. Mr Cubbing, in the ' ■ Notwithstanding this statement, I have already pointed out similarities between both these women's celebrations ami certain Zufii dances (see American Anthropologist, vol. v, p. 236, note). fewki ■ COMPARISON OF PUEBLO BELIEFS 305 Although they may not reproduce some of these ceremonials in the form celebrated by the Bopi, it is nol clear to me that souk-, of those which fchey observe may aot be differentiations of the sai jeremony, as 1 have shown in my accounts of the women's dances. 1 There is a marked similarity in many of the myths, which would seem to imply resemblances in ritualistic dramatizations of the same. It i- possible to verily historical data and legendary history by a study of the same ceremony. For instance, the five oldest Tusayan pueblos of which we have accounts in the earliest records are Awatobi, Walpi, Micoflinovi, Cunopavi, and Oraibi. ' Awatobi was destroyed in 1700, so that but four original communities of the time of Vargas still remain. It is in these four and at Cipaulovi that the Snake ceremony is still celebrated, and Sitcomovi and Hano are ascribed by Hopi legends to a much later time than the first appearance of the Sp aniards ; their names do not appear in the early descriptions of the province. It is ;i mistaken idea, and one which has led to many misconceptions, to suppose that what is tine of one group oi pueblos is fine of all. While in a general way the mythology and ritual of all may he said to have general resemblances, there is far from an identity between the (•ere nials, for instance, of the llopi and the Znhi, or those of the Rio < rrande pueblos and Tusayan. It is not a question of knowing all by an intimate knowledge of one; bul each branch, even individual pueblos, must, be investigated separately before by comparative knowl- edge we can obtain an adequate conception of the character of the pueblo type of myl hology and ritual. Moreover, there is evidence that this difference existed in ancient t hues, and while the differentiation of the manners and customs of different pueblos may have been less rapid in the past than today they were far from being identical. It does not follow, excepl in certain limits, that the most primitive pueblos todaj show in their survivals a better picture of the character of life in an- other pueblo than the existing state of things ill the latter. To recon- struct, the probable character of the ancient culture we must trace similarities by comparative studies. In a comparative study of the ceremonials of different pueblos, it is important to decide, which are most, primitive or nearest the abo rigiual condition and which are least affected by foreign influences. The purer t Ik- present aboriginal culture. I 1m- greater worth will it have ina (Zufii, Owinahe), a kind of thanksgiving dance, la distinctly a ZnBi dai o r g tli.- Hopi. E havi tphs of the celebration at Znnlwhicb bear Bach a dost ilancc t<, tlui called by tin- Hopi the H6w ina that in all probability the two are identical. The elaborate war dances celebrated al Zufif and the oi the Priesthood of the Bow at that much abbreviated in Tusayan (Bas1 mesa) where the organization has not th i as wiili i he Cibolans. ulovi, or the "Place of Peaches," would necessarily have received its name after those who brought i" me among the Hopi. It is known that Sitcomovi was a late colony ol peopli from the Kio Grande, united with • om Walpi, while Hano was founded about 1700. Thi i, | peopli I o ,r.it.- the Flute ceremony, and tin; Flute people came to Tusayan shortly after the Snake. It would thus appear that we have a date to determine that the Flute people came to i lyan after Vargas a 1782 ays that the people of Xipaulovi (Cipaulo opavi). 1.-, eth I'll 306 TUSAYAN KATC1NAS [eth.aiw.15 in our approximation to ;i true conception of the primitive pueblo cul- ture. Many of the Pueblos practice a religious system which may be rightly called aboriginal, but in some it lias been modified by outside influences. 1 think no one, for instance, would say that the present Zufii custom of burial in a churchyard was not due in part to the influ- ence of Catholic priests, for Spanish narratives of three and a half cen- turies ago are quite explicit in their statement that the Zunis burned their dead. 1 f one custom has been changed, how are we to distinguish the modified from the primitive 1 it can be shown that strong influ- ences have been used for the direct purpose of destroying the Ka- tciua worship. Take, for instance. Zufii, the least changed of all the pueblos except those of Tusayan. It is pagan today, and probably never was profoundly modified by Christianity, but Roman Catholic fathers, with the avowed determination to Christianize it, could not have lived there continuously for over a century and caused the great missions to be built without modifying the religious customs of the Zunians. It is said that after the priests were driven out the Pueblos returned to their ancient practices, but it must be admitted that no one has yet shown how the pure Katcina practices were preserved over three generations. They returned to an old worship, but who has evidence to say that it was the same as thai of their great-great-grandfathers? In some instances the natives have very willingly adopted Christian teaching's and the Christian < rod, believing that by so doing their own religion would necessarily become strengthened by an addition to their pantheon. Such adoption, however,no matter how regarded by them, made a permanent impression on their primitive condition by changing their mode of thought and life. They apparently may have abandoned all that the church taught: but what means could have been used to restore the pure worship of pre-Columbian times? The culture which was revived was aboriginal, but could never lie identical ' with that of the times before Coronado. Thequestion then resolves itself into a historical one — which pueblos were the home of Catholic priests for the shortest time, and in which were their influences least powerful? The historian will of course answer the Tusayan pueblos, and ethnology contributes her quota of facts to indicate that the purest form of Pueblo ceremonials are now practiced by these villagers. Although there arc several ceremonials which the Ilopi claim are not performed at Zuui, and conversely others performed at Zufii which are not observed in Tusayan, there is a similarity, differing in details, be- tween the Koko and Katcina dances close enough to show their iden- tity. The Ilopi recognize this fact, and to prove it I need only mention that the Anakatcma in 1891 was danced at Zufii by some of the Ilopi as a Koko. I have already pointed out the identity of the masks, para- phernalia, and songs of the Kdkokshi, performed by the Zufiians. and 1 1 <1<» not for a moment doubt tit at even when nominally Christianized f lie succession "t' the chiefs in i he se> eral sacerdotal societies Ins not been broken ap to our t Line. BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. FIFTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT. PL. CXI A. HOEN I CO.. LITH. A POWAMU MASK. ZUNI AND HOPI CEREMONIES 307 the Aiiakatciiia at Walpi. There is n«> doubt in my mind that they are the same, but I can not accept the dictum that what is observed in one is identical with what exists in the other. There are slight modifica- tions which exist likewise in different Hopi villages, as will be seen by a comparison of my descriptions of the two. One marked difference is that several Kokokshi dances were performed in the summer I spent at Zufii, and that this identical Katcina (the Ana) is performed but once each summer in any one Hopi- village. The only other Koko 1 dance which I know of from personal observa- tion is the tablet dance, which is in many respects homologous with the Humiskatcina. The symbolism of the mask and tablet, however, dif- Fi<:. 48— Symbolism (if the helmet "f HYmjiskatcina (tablet removed). fers from the H funis, and while in a speculative way 1 regard them the same we must await more research to prove them identical. The sub- ject is still more complicated by the fact that the Hopi have a tablet mask with still a third symbolic character, which they call the Zufii or Siohumiskatcina. I think we need have no hesitation in supposing that the so-called Sio (Zufii) Katcina, winch I have elsewhere described, is a Zufii celebra- tion derived from that pueblo. I do not know whether it is ever performed there in the same way as at Walpi, since it has not been described by any of the students of the Zuiiians. We have, however, as before mentioned, a partial description by Gushing of the Zufii Shalako, and from his account we can gather a 'Coco in Spanish signifies a bogy. In compounds it ran be detected in Cocomaricopa, where 11 may mean it American Ethnology ami A.rchfeology, \ "1. i. No 1 1. : It is recommended that in illustrating Zuni masks a full face Tien be given, for in that waj tin:* symbolism is much bettei expressed than by profile views. fewki zr\r AND HOPI CEREMONIES 309 given by Mrs Stevenson afford little information on this subject, but in her sand picture, surrounded by the Plumed Snake, I find some of the figures of Saliimobias wit li indication of a connecting band between the eyes, which recalls Paiitiwa's 1 symbolism. There does nol seem to be a wide difference between the profile views of the masks of Pautiwa and Siilamobia of the different world-quarters. The environmenl of the pueblos of Tusayan and of Cibola is so similar and the rain cloud worship so imperative in both that, a, priori, we should expect tin- rain-cloud symbol to Ik- as frequenl in Zuui as in Walpi. I am much surprised therefore in studying the, description of Zuui ceremonials to find nothing said of the characteristic Hopi sym- bols of tin- lain clouds, tin- semicircles and the parallel lines of falling rain (plate OVIII). If the rain clouds at Xu in are limited to the terraced 8 figures found on the prayer-meal bonis and the same made in sacred inea I we cei tainly have a significant difference between t he symbolism of these two peoples. In Tusayan there is not one of the great religious festivals where the semicircular clouds and falling rain do not appear a> symbols. Thus far students of t he Zuiii ceremonials have not figured one instance in which they are used. 3 The short account of the effigy of the Plumed Snake (Kdlowisi) with attendant ceremonials at Zufii. by Mv± Stevenson, shows the existence of archaic rites with the Plu 1 Serpent which have been observed in a different form Paliiliikouti) al Tusayan. The time of the year when the Zuui effigy is brought to the kivas on a rude altar is not givenj nor is the special name of the ceremony. The conch -hell is similarly used to imitate t In- voice of the, Plumed Serpent at Zuui. as at Walpi, in the Soyaluua and the I 'aliiliikoht i. In neither of these ceremonials, how- ever, have the effigies been observed to be carried ceremonially about tin- pueblos of the Tusayan mesas. The symbolism of Palulukonuh and Kolowisi seems to differ, judging from published accounts and sym- bolism on Zuiii and llopi pottery. I find no intimation of the horn on the head of Zuui pictures of the I'lumed Snake, and the arrowhead decoration fails on the body. The two crescents which are common on tin- body of the Zufii figures have not been observed in llopi picto graphs in- effigies. It would seem both from legendary and other reasons that there has not been the warmest friendship between the inhabitants of Tust and Cibola. This is not to be wondered at. In! only on rate occasions has there been good feeling between two pueblos even of the same Pooatiwa is considered by Mrs Steves Sun Father." I have not gone far enough in my to accept this relationship for P tiwathe MistFathei has led me to interpret the Saiamohias as Palitiwa forms of the rain- clouds of the Bix world -quart* i hi opinion is highly theoretical. Thel i nakwipia and bandied prayer-roc ascan oics; hot the semicircular rain-cloud iij eryrare, indeed wanting, in nil I 1 \i, tadpole, unak'-. ami similar symbols appi in both. The question of tin- characteristic symbolism of Zufii and llopi pott complicated one. which can not an readily he distin- ■ by a student of this subject. ii aremarkabh counta of this symbolism are not latei 310 TUSAYAX KATCINAS [eth.ann.15 speech. The massacre of Awatobi at the hands of the other Hopi has been told elsewhere, and even at the present day Oraibi is not on the best of terms with the other Hopi towns. The legends of the Hopi are full of quarrels of one pueblo with another, and bitter hatred some- times developing into bloody wars in which their own kindred were attacked and pueblos destroyed. In her article. "A chapter of Zuhi mythology," 1 Airs Stevenson says: ••The Ahshiwanni.- a priesthood of fourteen men who fast and pray for rain: the Kokko, an organization bearing the name of anthropomorphic beings (principally ancestral) whom they personate, and thirteen eso- teric societies are the three fundamental religious bodies of Zuni • • • The society of the Kokko personate anthropomorphic puis by wearing masks and other paraphernalia. There are six estufas or chambers of the Kokko for the six regions, the north, west, south, east, zenith, and nadir, ami these rooms present fantastic scenes when the primitive drama is enacted by the personators of these anthropomor- phic gods. • • • The esoteric societies, with but one or two excep- tions, have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings, this category of gods being zoomorphie." Accepting these statements as a correct idea of the "three fundamen- tal religious bodies of Zuni" I find great difficulty in tracing an intimate relation between them and those of the Hopi system. A large number of the Katcinas are anthropomorphic and likewise ancestral. They bear the names of animals, and in that sense may be called in some instances zoomorphie. Walpi, however, has but five kivas, the members of each of which in the Powamu personify different Katcinas. I have not yet discovered that each of these kivas is associated with a different cardinal world- quarter, as Mrs Stevenson finds to be the case in Zuni. The esoteric societies of the Zuni. according to Mrs Stevenson, "with but one or two exceptions have nothing to do with anthropomorphic beings." I am not able to harmonize my observations of the secret societies in Tusayan with the definition given of the esoteric societies in Zuhi, and must await some clearer insight into the character of the latter before offering any discussion of several resemblances which can be detected. From an examination of Cushing's article in the Century Magazine, in which the esoteric societies of Zuni are briefly defined, I am led to believe that the so-called esoteric societies in that pueblo differ a good deal from those in Walpi. The Hopi testify that while some of their secret fraternities are represented in Zuni several of them are not identical. 1 1 Memoirs of the International Congress of Anthropology . ' !hicago, 1*'.'4, p. 315. 2 On page 314 she mentions six Ahshiwanni as "rain priests. 1 ' I am not ahle to definitely decide from the text " hether these six an- the same as the fourteen mentioned above. It is not clear to me in which group Mrs Stevenson places the "Mud heads ' and "Gluttons," well described by Ten Broeck in 1S52 from Tusayan, and later by herself and Cashing from Zuhi, and by other writers from the Rio Grande pueblos. 3 If these statements are true one sees that they tell in favor i>t the theory which the ritual empha- sized, and that while m a general way there is a similarity between the ceremonial system of the two FEWKEB] RAIN PRIESTS 3 1 1 Mrs Stevenson dues not make it clear who these fourteen (six) so- called Ahshiwanni are. hui calls them "rain priests." She intimates that they appeal directly to the Sun father, their supreme deity, and to the rain makers, while the "societies" address "the beast gods of their worship to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers." There is apparently no parallelism Net ween these conditions and those at Tusayan, but I can readily find truth in the statement when applied to the llopi that "no society convenes without giving much time to invo- cations for rain." I am sure that some of the societies at Tusayan do not appeal to the beast gods to intercede with the Sun father and rain makers, but address the latter directly in their prayers. In this par- ticular there is certainly a marked difference between the conceptions back of the rites in Tusayan and those ascribed to the Cibolans. 1 The custom of the Yokimofiwi, or rain chief, retiring alone to a cell to pray for rain was practiced in Tusayan. One of these retreats is to be seen at the. Middle mesa. Among the foothills there is a block of sandstone, 15 feet long, .j feet wide, and i feet thick. Its flat face is about horizontal or slightly tilted toward the northeast. Portions of a rough wall are still in place under the block, confirming the story that there was here formerly a chamber of which the block was the roof. An aperture on the northeastern corner, about 20 inches square, is usually closed with loose stones, but the chamber is now filled in with sand to within about -' feet of the roof or lower surface of the slab. The inte- rior of the chamber was about 8 feet long and 4 feet wide. On the roof, which was painted white, are figures of yellow, green, red, and white rain clouds with parallel lines of fallingrain and zigzag lightning symbols in conventional patterns. To this chamber, it is said, the Rain chief of the Water people retired at planting time and lived there six- teen days, his food being brought to him by a girl during his vigils. He people, it i- absurd lo Bay that "what is written <>! one is true also of the other." Long ago thi tr systems may have been identical; at presi n1 they have more or less differentiated one from the other, In Zuui. a< cording to Mr-* Stevenson, "at tin- \\ in ter and summer solstices synchronal meetingsof must of these societies an- held, and also at other times." Alter having carefully Btudied tin- cere- monials at tin- time of the summer solstir. at Tusayan, I have not found any synchronal meetings of t!i, so* ieties « bit h corri spond with those mentioned as occurring at Zuiii at that time. 'It is desirable that tin- names of the priests who officiate iu ceremonials be given in extended accounts of them in order that the intimate character of this sacerdotal organization may be made out. Until the names of the members of the different societies are complete we are more or less ham- pered in our studies. The Zuui equivalent of wympkia appears to be kyalikwe (Tcihkyalikwe, Snake priests; from tcihtola, snake, ami kyalikwe, wympkia). I am unable to tell to what priests in Tusayan the "Ahshiwanni" correspond. The Tawa (Sun) wympkia or Sun priests have certain points in com- mon with them, hut this is as truly an esoteric society as any in Tusayan. I bavo elsewhere described the Tewa ceremony iu -which the Sun priests make the pahos and their chief, Kalacai, appeals directly to tin- rising sun. In thai same ceremony pahos are likewise made to the Rain gods directly. In the Katcina ci lebrations some of tin- same Sun priests, however, appeal to the leader of the Katcinas to bring them rain, and this personage replies that he will. In this case, supposing, as I think we justly can, that tin- Katcinas are intercessors between men ami gods of highest rank, we have in Tusayan t la' possible equivalent of tin- "Ahshiwanni (rain priests)" intrusting their prayers to a zoomorphic and anthropomorphic supernatural personage, 'the prayer of a single chief for rain for tin- people, show in g something similar to tin- so called Ahshiw aim i at Zuiii, are not uncommon in Tusayan. In Tusayan an organization of rain priests is not differentiated at the present day from tl ther socio. ties. All holders of w inn's an- Rain priests as well as tin- organization called tin- Sun priests, ami all at limes make special prayers to tie- Rain gods. 312 TTJSAYAN KATCINAS [bth.ans.18 was a Mr bj his prayers to bring the rain. These visits were made long ago, tmt even now there are piihos strewn about the chamber, and devout persons visil the place at tbe preseul day with a uakwtfkwoci and pray for rain. Although tbe Rain chief no longer passes the sixteen davs there, it is a 1 n > I \ place for the purposes mentioned. "The earth,'' says Mrs Stevenson, "is watered bj thedeceased Zuni of In uli sexes, who are controlled and directed by a council composed of ancestral gods. These shadow people collect water in vases and gourd jugs from the six greal waters of the world, and pass to and frooverthe middle plane, protected from view of the people below by cloud masks." 1 find a different conception from this of the rain-making powers of the dead among the 1 lopi. Among other ceremonials, when certain per sous die. after the thin has been blackened, the body washed, and pre scribed feathers placed on different partsof it. a thill wad of raw cotton ill which is punched holes for the eyes is laid upon the face. This is a mask and is called a rain (loud or "prayer to the dead to bring the rain." In general, as many writers have said, the use of the mask transforms the wearer into a deity designated by the symbolism of the same, 9 and as a consequence the dead, we may theoretically suppose, are thereby en, lowed with supernatural powers to bring rain. The Omowuhs, how- ever, are the Rain gods, and so far as 1 can explain the significance of the symbolic rain cloud mask on the face of the dead ami the black color on the chin, it is simply a method of prayer through the divini ed dead to the Kain cloud deities. Among the llopi the earth is watered by the Rain gods, but the dead are ceremonially made intercessors to affect them. In this view of the case the llopi may he said t>> believe that the earth is •• watered by thedeceased of both sexes." The llopi believe thai the breath body of the Zuni goes to a sacred place near Saint Johns, called Wenima. There the dead are supposed to be changed into Katciuas, and the place is reputed to be one of the homes of these personages. It is likewise specially spoken of as the house of Cillako, and if is believed thai the Zuni hold the same views of this mysterious place. In lagoons near it turtles are abundant, and not tar away Mr llubbell and others discovered sacrificial caverns in which were large collections of pottery. Totci. a llopi resident of Zuni, is the authority for the statement that the OibolatlS do not use the raw cotton mortuary mask, although they blacken the face of the dead chiefs. He says the same idea of divini/at ion of the breath body into a Katcina seems to be current among the Zuni as among the llopi. \. cording to Mrs Stevenson the fat her of the Kokko is Kaklo Ky.iklm. w hose servants are the Saliimobiyas. The name of their mother is not known tome. The Katciuas are said to be the offspring of an Earth 'Op, .it., p. 314. I believe man_\ facts might be marshaled to prove that ancestor worship i^ a most vital ]>:ut of the Tusayau n ligious S3 Dho Graff collection of Greek portraits," Ne^i England atagn ine January, 1894. Mr. it; Jour. Axith. Inst, of Great Britain and Eroland, vol. xv, p. t;:i from comparative studies <>t' burial customs suggests that the habit of masking 1 ho dead t- "to keep the way to the g from the dead man. " This explanation seems to no- much more labored than that giveu nlw > KATCINA AND K^KO CEREMONIALS- 313 goddee . who figures under many names. Their fal tier's name on com pararive grounds is supposed to be Tawa, the sun, or Tuiiwup, their elder brother. A stud} of 1 1 1 « - group of Katcina ceremonials as compared with the K6ko brings out in prominence the conclusion thai while Borne of them may be identical, as a rule there is considerable difference in the ritual of the I Hi people and their nearest neighbor, the Zuiii. If varia- tions exisl between these neighbors we are justified in the suspicion, winch observation as far as it has thus far gone supports, thai there am even wider differences between pueblos more distant from each other. The ethnologist fully cognizant with the ritual in one pueblo has a genera] conception of tin- character of all, but changes due to suppression of ceremonials, survivals, dying out <>f societies, and many othercauses have modified the pueblos in different ways. Thechar- acter of the ancienl system is adulterated in all. Wecan form an idea Hi this modification in no better way than by a minute study of the existing ritual in every pueblo. Upon such comprehensive study science is at the very threshold. The foregoing pages open many considerations of a theoretical nature which I have not attempted to develop. My g olicitude has in ■ ii in sketch tin- outline of the Katcina ceremonials as performed at the llopi village of Walpi in Tusayan. ■Hahafwuqti. I have elsewhere sho tosnspect that several pei bethesame 'Earth godd. ifl ' K6\ anwiiqti, thi Sp! oman, is also an "Earth goddi La everything, i •■ womb of the itfg not Burp tbat an Indian should call the spider the creator. I aterpret r philosophic ideas. That the primitive mind should consider the earth as the motbei of i aatnral; thai the Pueblo Indian should symbolize thai mother by the Spider woman i?> probable, (or other races have done Ii] Li. mother earth the spiritual idea which (absurd. I! bears do evidence tl . Columbian times, the belief in L\BB ARVOF C 0NGBESS oo^o 738 ^ 86 7