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 KESPKCTIXG TIIK 
 
 AMERICAN ABOLITIONISTS; 
 
 THEIR OPPONENTS AND THEIR FRIENDS : 
 
 INDICATING THE 
 
 PRESENT STRUGGLE BETWEEN SLAVERY AND FREEDOM 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 
 COMPILED BY THE BRISTOL AND CLIFTON LADIES' ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
 012 026 968 9 ^ 
 
 DUBLIN: 
 WEBB AND CHAPMAN, PRINTERS, GREAT BRUNSWICK-STREET. 
 
 1852. -V' 
 
 r. .xi List rate the 
 
t 
 
 ^' 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 Page 
 
 Introductory Remarks .. -- -- -- -- ^ 
 
 The American Anti- slavery Society and the Churches .. 6 
 
 Maine Congregational Conference and the Anti-slavery Cause 1 1 
 
 The Religious Character of Mr. Garrison .. .. -- 13 
 
 The Agency of the American Anti-slavery Society .. .. 15 
 
 The Friends of the Anti-slavery Cause in Glasgow .. .. 18 
 
 Last New York Meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society 20 
 
 y l^T V ■•\ \-<- r« T r . ivT /-. -^y 
 
 OoiuteU Univ. 
 2FLI906 
 
 'lifett^ 
 
STATEMENTS 
 
 KESPECTtXG THE 
 
 ^ AMERICAN ABOLITIONISTS. 
 
 0»* _ 
 
 c^ INTEODUCTOEY EEMARKS. 
 
 These counter-statements to portions of articles piiblislied in tlie British Banner 
 of Jan. 28, Feb. 11, and March 24, 1852, Lave been collected to illustrate the vague 
 and inconclusive natiu'e of the accusations usually brought against American aboH- 
 tionists, and the systematic misrepresentations to vrhich their proceedings are 
 subjected. Also to exliibit the disingenuousness of using detached passages from 
 reports of speeches made by individuals on various occasions, as exponents of the 
 principles of a society whose action is limited to a specific object. 
 
 The chief design of this pamphlet, however, is to neutralize the injustice done 
 to the anti-slavery cause, by those who allege the "infidelity" of abohtionists, in 
 order to screen the reluctance e\dnced by ministers of the Gospel ' ' to proclaim 
 the opening of the prison to them that are bound." 
 
 The following pages show that these charges are usually untrue ; and that, even 
 if they were true, they in no degree clear the character or justify the position of 
 the pro-slavery Churches and Clergy of the United States. The abolitionists 
 maintain that slavery is inevitably a compound of wickedness, cruelty, and injus- 
 tice ; that it is the " sum of all \dllanies ;" that wherever such a system prevails, 
 and is fostered by Church and State, morals, religion, justice, and liberty are in 
 fearful danger ; and that the truest friends of these blessings are not the Churches 
 and Clergy who countenance or advocate the slave system, but the faithful few, 
 who in the teeth of calumny, hatred, and hostility, have devoted their lives, for- 
 tunes, talents, and reputations to its overthrow. 
 
 In the United States of North America, property in human beings constitutes 
 the greatest commercial "interest." The nimiber of slaveholders is about 150,000. 
 The value of slave property was estimated some years ago, by the Hon Henry 
 Clay, an eminent American slaveholder, orator, statesman, and presidential can- 
 didate, at 1,200 millions of dollars, or £240,000,000 sterlmg. The institution of 
 slavery is termed " their pecuhar institution'' by the Slave States, and as such is 
 watched and guarded with the most jealovis care. General George Mac Duffie, of 
 South Carolina, declared that slavery is " the corner-stone of our Eepublican 
 edifice," and that, if on his death-bed, he would bequeath its defence and preser- 
 vation as a legacy to his children. The intercoiirse of the Free with the Slave 
 States is so intimate, that their interests appear to be almost inextricably mingled. 
 They are united in the closest manner by domestic, social, political, and religioiis 
 ties. Northern ministers, merchants, teachers, physicians, and lawyers settle in 
 the Slave States. The daughters of northern men marry slaveholders, and become 
 the owners of slaves. 
 
 The Constitution of the United States, the charter by which the Union is 
 maintained, contains many provisions for preserving their human projjerty to the 
 slaveholders, and pledging the Northern States to use their physical power for this 
 purpose. The late Fugitive Slave Law was merely an Act to amend and confirm 
 Acts already in existence, for the restoration of fugitives to bondage. In the 
 United States, the preservation of the Union is considered essential to the national 
 existence and prosperity ; and attacks upon slavery are resented, not from an 
 abstract love of the system, but because they alarm the Southern States and thus 
 endanger the Union. 
 
 The following extracts quoted, by the '■'■ Neiv Yorl: Observer''' in January, 1852, 
 from a Thanksgiving Sermon by the Eev Mr. Wadswoi'th, Avill illustrate the 
 prevailing sentiment on this point : — 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
 
 "OUR GREATEST DANGER. 
 
 " The Rov. Mr. V^adswortli, of Philadelpliia, in his discoiu'se on the Day of Thanksgiving, made the 
 falluwing pertinent and suggestive remarks : — 
 
 " But the last and by far the largest source of anxiety to an American patriot, is self-destruction of 
 nnr liberty in a dissolfition of the Union. That the two great national confederacies can exist in this 
 land, except as great military establishments, is impossible ; and therefore the moment that sees us a 
 dissevered brotherhood is the death-hour of political liberty everywhere. That there have been dangers 
 of such dissevermeut, no wise man can question, and our only security against it is the spread of a 
 pure Gospel. 
 
 " For, passing by all other causes of in'itation, as just now secondary and subordinate, look for a 
 moment at the influence which the Gospel of Christ would have in this great sectional controversy about 
 slavery. 
 
 " First, it would say to the Northern fanatic, who vapours about man-stealing as if there were no 
 other evil under the sun but this one of slavery, ' Emulate the spirit of your blessed master and his 
 apostles, who against this very evil in their times brought no railing accusation, but in one instance at 
 least sent back a fugitive from the house of Philemon.' It would say, 'Look well to your own neighbour- 
 hood and household, and see whether greater evils do not exist there, making yourselves pure ere you 
 denounce your neighbour — working with the beam in your own eye, ere with the mote in your brother's eye.' 
 It would say to eveiy good man seeking practically the dismemberment of this great national confede- 
 racy, out of a pretended regard to the personal and religious rights of Southern bondsmen, ' Ye know 
 not what spirit ye are of.' In treating Southern Christian slaveholders with Christian courtesy, and 
 sending back their fugitives when apprehended among you, you neither endorse the system nor partake 
 of its evils ; you are only performing in good faith the agi'eements and redeeming the pledges of your 
 forefathers, and leaving to each man for himself to answer for his own act at the judgment-seat of Jesus. 
 It Avould tear away from the man, as the foulest cloak of hypocrisy, that pretence of a religious principle 
 in this whole matter of political abolition. Ah, my brethren, let this blessed Gospel have free course in 
 the midst of us, and there would be no burning wrongs at the South to kindle Christian indignation ; 
 and there would be no standing place at the North for a malignant fanaticism." 
 
 The Eev. Dr. Dewey, a very distinguished Unitarian minister, and a writer of 
 celebrity, reiterated a few weeks ago, in a lectitre before the Mercantile Library 
 Association, a declaration he had made on former occasions : — 
 
 "I would consent (he says) that my own brother, my own son should go [into slavery] — ten times 
 rather would I go myself — than this Union should be sacrificed for me or for us ; and I am ready to stand 
 by this as a just and honom*able sentiment, and can only wonder that any man should think it extravagant 
 or ridiculous." 
 
 This deliberate estimate of ministers in high social reputation, of the value of 
 the Union to the United States, is believed to be merely a strong statement of the 
 general opinion of that great country. As, then, the love of property at the South, 
 and the supposed political interests of the whole country, make the preservation 
 of slavery a cardinal object vdxh. the American people ; Ave need not wonder that 
 a large majority of the American visitors to this country are apologists for or 
 defeiiders of the slave system ; that Ave rarely meet one of them Avho is heartily 
 hostile to it, or Avho does not consider its continuance preferable to the evils to be 
 apprehended from the efforts of the abolitionists ; that American clergymen, mer- 
 chants, statesmen, ladies, and gentlemen — in short, all classes, Avith rare exceptions — 
 dislike and avoid the discussion of the question; and that, Avhile they object toslavery 
 in general terms, they plead for its prolonged existence as the least of tAvo evils. 
 
 In the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Reporter for April, 1852, it is stated 
 tliat 
 
 " Two-thirds of the Ministers and Churches of the various Christian denominations in the United 
 States, give their sanction to the schemes of the Colonization Society, and are leagued with the slave- 
 holders of the South in treading under foot the dearest rights of humanity, and in putting the ban of 
 proscription on millions of their fellow-men and fellow-countrymen, on the ground of their colour." 
 
 When such is the state of society in America, and such momentous interests are 
 iuvoh^ed in the perpetuation of its existing institutions, Ave need feel no surprise 
 tliat the Abolitionists are fiercely opposed; that their personal and religious cha- 
 rncters are traduced, and their motiA'es impugned ; or that strenuous efforts are 
 made by nearly all parties in the United States, to secure the sympathy and 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. O 
 
 assistance of tlieir brethren in religious profession, or tlieir equals in social position, 
 in England, in order that the earnest com-ageous advocates of freedom shall fare 
 no better in the estimation of Englishmen, than they do Avith the supporters of 
 slavery in America. They labor assiduously, and with almost uniform success, to 
 imbue the minds of English travellers in America with their prejudices ; and the 
 extent to whicli the letters and conversations of these parties, whether lay or 
 clerical, tend to lower the tone of anti-slavery sentiment in this country, is most 
 lamentable. They are heard palliating the gmlt of slaveholding, softening the 
 atrocities of slavery, and censuring those whose lives are devoted to the work of 
 abolition ; asserting the inferiority of the colored race ; comparing slavery •with the 
 jioverty and ignorance or other social CAdls prevalent in the old country, with 
 which it has no parallel ; and implpng that because these great evils exist in 
 England, a still greater, more mischievous, more insidious, and contaminating 
 evil should remain unchecked in the United States. It seems as if a poison from 
 the imhallowed institution were so diifused through the moral atmosphere of 
 America, that even the spirit of freedom and the religious culture in wliich the 
 British mind is ordinarily trained, are insufficient to protect it from contamination. 
 
 It is of extreme importance to the cause of emancipation, that its advocates 
 shoidd enlist the public opinion of civilized Europe on their side. But their 
 opponents have hitherto succeeded to a great extent in intercepting the light of 
 truth, in misleading the British people as to the actual relation of different parties 
 to the cause, in evading investigation and remonstrance, and in creating preju- 
 dices against the friends of the slave. Their position is materially strengthened, 
 and the Anti-slavery Movement seriously retarded, when, instead of rebuking the 
 slaveholder, and urging American clergymen to " open their mouths for the dumb," 
 the leaders of public sentiment in England are induced upon to repeat irrelevant 
 charges against Abolitionists — condemning some for holding unorthodox views, 
 others for speaking irreverently of a pro-slavery religious profession, and arguing 
 inferentially, if not expressly, that it is better for slavery to continue undisturbed, 
 than that it should be assailed by such opponents. 
 
 The following instances will illustrate the class of " E^ddences" by which the 
 anti-christian sentiments of the advocates of freedom, and the anti-slavery character 
 of their accusers, are substantiated. While these are continually supplied by 
 American ministers, accepted by their EngHsh brethren, re-published in leading 
 journals, and circulated by parties who hold a high reputation as philanthropists 
 and Christians ; the testimony uttered by the most uncomjjromising aboUtionists in 
 the United States, and the faithful versions of theii* proceedings, are excluded from 
 our rehgious press, and from the British and Foreign Anti-slavery Reporter. 
 
 A knowledge of the influences exerted to intercept the truth will, it is hoped, 
 induce imprejudiced friends of freedom and religion in this country, to accept with 
 caution anti-slavery jji'ofessions from American rehgionists, unaccompanied by 
 proofs of ecclesiastical action against slavery ; to search accredited records, before 
 hastily rejecting as "intidels" men who live in the frilfilment of the Saviours 
 precept, ' ' Wliatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to 
 them ;" and, above all, to refrain from inadvertently strengthening the hands of 
 American apologists for slavery, by echoing their pleas (disguised under the cloak 
 of zeal for religion) for refusing to co-operate in the Christian work of eman- 
 cipation. 
 
 1^° The Statements and Counter-statements in the following pajes are arranged in 
 parallel columns. When the authoi'ities quoted in favour of the Abolitionists exceed the 
 limits of the column, they are continued in lines the full iridtli of the page. 
 
[ G ] 
 
 THE AINIERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AND THE CHURCHES. 
 
 AGAINST. 
 British Banner, Jan. 28, 1852. 
 
 " The American Anti-slavery iSociety was 
 formed in 1833. In 1839-40, a schism arose 
 in tliat body in what is technically called the 
 * Woman's Rights Question,' &c. In other 
 words, the separation took place in conse- 
 quence of a deliberate and well-matured de- 
 sign on the part of Mr. Garrison and others, 
 to make anti-slavery organizations subser- 
 vient to the promotion of their personal views 
 on the subjects referred to, in connection with 
 the overthrow of the church, the mmistry, 
 and the sabbath. 
 
 " Those who could not consent to the 
 course insisted on by j\lr. Garrison and his 
 party, formed the American and Foreign 
 Anti-slavery Society, and it is in connection 
 with tliis body that we find the spirit of evan- 
 gelical piety combined with the soundest 
 l)rinciples of abolition. 
 
 " The Clirisiuin Witness, years back, pro- 
 duced evidence to show tlie animus of the 
 American Anti-slavery Society, and of its 
 partisans, against religion. This, by special 
 pleading, is distinguished from true Chris- 
 tianity. Eut lamentably defective as many 
 of tiie American cliurches are, pro-slavery 
 as some of them are known to be, it yet re- 
 mains true that if Ciiristianity exists at all 
 in the United States, it is found among these 
 cliurches, and not among those who would 
 destroy them. 
 
 " The American Anti-slavery Society has 
 for many years pursued the American church 
 with relentless hostility. As a specimen of 
 their mode of attack, we cite the following 
 resolution : — 
 
 "Resolved, That as the American church 
 excludes abolitionists from, and welcomes 
 slave-holders to her communion, it is one of 
 the bulwarks of American slavery which 
 ought to be first battered down. 
 
 From Mr. Ray Palmer to Dr. Campbell. 
 British Banner, March 24. 
 
 "When Mr. Garrison came to Boston, and 
 started his paper, the Liberator, there was a 
 very friendly feeling towards him, and a dis- 
 position to sympathise with the movement. 
 But hai'dly a few months were past, when 
 Mr. Garrison showed tendencies which alarm- 
 ed good men, and kept them back from unit- 
 ing witli him. Some few of this class did, at 
 this stage of the business, join him, and enter 
 with zeal into the formation of tiie Abolition 
 Societies. This was the way in which there 
 came to be a division, to a certain extent, 
 among good men. The fears which had been 
 excited bj^ Mr. Garrison were soon realized. 
 The movement, at the head of which he was. 
 
 From the Seventeenth National Anti-slavery 
 Bazaar Gazette : jniblished in the Liberator 
 and Anti-slavery Standard, Jan. 1851. 
 
 "The American Anti-slavery Society is 
 based on the doctrine of the sinfulness of 
 slavery under all circumstances, and the 
 consequent doctrine of immediate emancipa- 
 tion. In regard to theological opinions or 
 religious observances, it utters no voice 
 whatever ; all its members are free to hold or 
 promulgate whatever doctrines they may see 
 fit, so that they do not fur this purpose make 
 use of the platform or instrumentalities of 
 the Anti-slavery Society. 
 
 ' ' All we ask is, that each come in sincerity 
 with an earnest desire to abolish slavery. If 
 it be the object of any one to advance his own 
 opinions on other subjects, to make the 
 interest of the slave subsidiary to anything 
 else, then do we pronounce the abolitionism 
 of such a one defective, and his moral prin- 
 ciple unsound. Doubt not that the general 
 current of public feeling will prevent any 
 special injury from such a course. Where 
 a real love for and self-sacrifice in behalf of 
 the cause exist, it is difficult to make a very 
 serious mistake." 
 
 Printed Letter from Mrs. Chapman to Nine 
 Ladies of Glasgow. 
 
 "Never did we condemn the Christian 
 church. It is the pro-slavery church to 
 which we deny the name of Christian, — that 
 we condemn. It is of the slave-holder and 
 his abettor only that we say, their sabbath is 
 an abomination to our society. It is their 
 solemn meeting that we proclaim to be 
 iniquity. Never have we failed to speak 
 with the highest reverence of all those noble 
 exceptions, whether churches or individuals, . 
 who have renounced connection with slavery. 
 
 Extracts from a Report of the Eighteenth 
 National Anti-slavery Bazaar, taken from 
 the Anti-slavery Stanisu-A of Jan. 23,1852. 
 
 " We regret to observe that a misappre- 
 hension still exists in the minds of some 
 of our friends in Gi'eat Britain, touching the 
 sphere and functions of the American Anti- 
 slavery Society, with which body the bazaar 
 movement is identified. Whilst we are aware 
 that much of this misapprehension may exist, 
 in consequence of the cahunnies with Avhich 
 pro-slaver}' religionists, (clerical gentlemen in 
 particular,) coming from America, may have 
 attempted to shield themselves from censure, 
 we yet feel anxious to explain a position, tlie 
 very catholicity of which may cause a mis- 
 understanding in the minds of some now ac- 
 
THK AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AND THE CHURCHES. 
 
 came out to be a grand cnisade of Free quiring their first knowledge of the society's 
 thinkers against the Church, the INIinistr}'-, historj*. As we have said elsewliere, a 
 Civil Government, &c., with an advocacy of recognition of the sinfulness of slavery and of 
 
 woman's rights, (/.<?., her right to be a man,) 
 which for a time filled our towns and cities 
 with contention, and shook many churches to 
 their foundations. Ministers and churches 
 were not only obliged to stand aloof from 
 such a so-called anti-slavery movement, but 
 were constrained to oppose it, even at the 
 risk of seeming to those who were lookers-on 
 from a distance, to oppose what at heart they 
 really loved — true anti-slavery principles. 
 This is what I intended in saying that they 
 were thrown into a false position, and could 
 not help it. Mr. Garrison and his party took 
 advantage of this state of things, and con- 
 stantly asserted and published that the minis- 
 try and churches were pro-slavenj ; and for a 
 time they were believed by many who had 
 not opportunity to know. Meantime Mr. 
 George Thompson came, fell into Mr. Garri- 
 son's hands, and was thoroughly possessed 
 with his view of things ; and, after aggravat- 
 ing the misunderstanding and complication 
 of matters here, went home to misrepresent 
 us in England. But Garrisonism soon be- 
 came so bad, that even Mr. Lewis Tappan 
 and his friends were obliged, in common with 
 other religious men, to break with Mr. Gar- 
 rison, and were denounced in consequence by 
 
 its immediate abolition, is the basis on which 
 its operations rest — the tie whicli unites in 
 harmonious fellowship a great multitude of 
 men and women, differing, perhaps, in va- 
 rious degrees on every other subject. No 
 religious or political test is allowed. On its 
 platform, men and women, blacks and whites, 
 natives and foreigners, Christiansand infidels, 
 have the same rights, and are by their pre- 
 sence there committed to nothing but a war- 
 fare on slavery. We believe that from its 
 very outset, with a few exceptions, the 
 American Anti-slavery Society have acted 
 in scrupulous good faith, in regard to a subject 
 ofiering some practical difficulties. At its 
 earliest commencement. Garrison and his fol- 
 lowers saw the wisdom of a popular instead 
 of a elective association, in a country like 
 ours, governed by the popular will; and then 
 appealed to all. A few came, of all creeds any 
 all parties. As time rolled on, the fervid and 
 earnest presentation of the truth eflected a 
 larger circle. It appealed to many clerg;v- 
 men, and they enlisted in the work with much 
 apparent warmth and sincerity, and for a 
 time did good service, fruits of wliich yet 
 remain, by sermons, publications, and per- 
 sonal influence. Many of their parishioners 
 
 him and his party, and have been till this joined the Anti-slavery Society, and contri- 
 
 day entirely distinct. But their attempts at 
 New Organization have never gained the pub- 
 lic confidence. The conviction has been that 
 it was not through such agencies that we 
 could best exert our influence against slavery. 
 Such has been the history, not altogether new 
 to you I am aware, of our relations at the 
 North, as ministers and churches, to the 
 abolition societies. Many of the strongest 
 and best anti-slavery men have never joined 
 them for the reasons just set forth. Jlr. 
 Chickering's position, which has always been 
 that of a man who had not the least sympathy 
 with slavery, but who was yet not connected 
 with abolition associations, will, in view of 
 those facts, be, I trust, entirely clear. That 
 here and there an individual among the min- 
 istry, in disgust at the recklessness and abuse 
 of professed abolitionists, should have written 
 or spoken more favourably of slavery than 
 
 buted largely to its funds. It went on van- 
 quishing obstacle after obstacle, till finally, 
 seen and known of all men, appeared the 
 American Church as the " Bulwark of Ame- 
 rican Slavery." It was not on the testimony 
 of heterodox abolitionists mainly, that this 
 was proved to be the case. It Avas on the 
 showing of persons of undoubted orthodoxy, 
 such as Amos A. Phelps, William Goodell, 
 Beriah Green, Judge Jay, James S. Birney, 
 James T. Woodbury, and many others, that 
 the truth was made apparent. The salt 
 had lost its savour ; tiie light had become 
 darkness. The abolitionists who were true 
 to their own convictions withdrew from 
 churches which they justly deemed apostate ; 
 those who preferred the claims of their sect 
 before justice and humanity went no more 
 with us. Clerical appeals, new organizations, 
 divisions on false issues folloAved. Of course. 
 
 was proper, or than wotdd otherwise have liberal sects were comparatively unaflTected by 
 been indulged in, is certainly not very strange circumstances that convulsed the other deno- 
 as human nature is." minutions. The liberal churches claim no 
 
 excommunicator}' power at all. A partici- 
 pation in the Lord's supper with slave-holders or their apologists, was not with them an 
 endorsement of their Christian character. To the Buritan churches of New England it 
 
 * This extract is introduced to show liow American ministers excuse themselves from taking any 
 part in the anti-slavery warfare, by pleading the impossibility of co-operating with the abolitionists. 
 The extract from Dr. Palfi-y m the next page explains the actual difficulties of their position, as depen- 
 dent upon congregations who frequently consider then- own interests bound up with tlie maintenance of 
 tiie political compromises upon which slavery relies for its support. 
 
8 THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AND THE CHURCHES. 
 
 involved all this. A minority held hack in horror from such connexion ; the great ma- 
 jority, whatever had been their previous sayings or doings, began to inquire how much 
 sin a man might commit and yet be a Christian ? how slaves might be innocently held for 
 their own good ? and various other problems ; and finally settled down in their present pro- 
 slavery condition. . . . Behold, in as concise a statement as is possible, the reason 
 why the American Anti-slavery Society stands charged as so heterodox a body by 
 slave-holding religionists. In a country such as ours, where slave-holding and slave-hunting 
 are entirely consistent with the highest Christian profession, a society stamping both as crimi- 
 nal can hardly enjoy much religious repute. Those to whom Christian reputation is dear 
 find it hard to sacrifice the shadow to the substance. We willingly concede that the 
 members of evangelical pro-slavery churches have a painful and trying duty to discharge ; 
 but this makes it none the less a duty. Every chapter of the New Testament renders it 
 obligatory upon them. That so many prefer sect and party to the cause of humanity is the 
 grief of the Anti-slavery Society, but surely not its reproach." 
 
 " At the i^resent time it is undoubtedly true, that the connection of the majority of 
 the Anti-slavery Society with any sect or party sits lightly. Every sect and party has 
 shown itself so subservient to the slave power, that this might naturally be expected. But 
 no charge can be more false and calumnious, than that the platform or publications of the 
 American Anti-slavery Society have been, or are, perverted from their original design to 
 the promulgation of any system of faith or opinion apart from that included in its decla- 
 ration of sentiments. Our platform is open to all, foes as well as friends. In the speeches 
 inade upon it, much may be said for which the Anti-slavery Society is in no sense respon- 
 sible. In the addresses of our lecturers, in the newspapers supported by the friends of 
 our society, language may occasionally be employed, from which individual opinion, on 
 matters theological or otherwise, might be inferred. On these, as abolitionists, we have 
 no opinion to express. We do not meet together on the anti-slavery platform, to in- 
 quire whether the Bible is the work of divine inspiration, whether the Sabbath is obliga- 
 tory, or what belief is essential to the Christian character. We simply try all men by 
 their own creed. And when we apply the doctrines of the New Testament to the pro-slavery 
 churches of America, it is no wonder that they prefer any course that shall change the 
 issue we make with them. It never occurs to the most bigoted sectarist, to refuse to enter 
 upon any scheme of honest gain, because men of different, as he regards them dangerous, 
 tenets are co-operating. It shoidd furnish matter for regret and humiliation, that in the 
 horrible extremity in which the American slaves are found, any professed folloM-ers of 
 Christ should refuse to help the man "Tallen among thieves, lest haply they might be 
 found assisting the Samaritans with whom they have no dealings except in the way of 
 business." 
 
 From " Five Years Progress of the Slave Power, ^'' a series of jmpers frst published in the 
 " Boston Commonwealth,^'' in July, August, and September, 1851. By Dr. Palfrey. 
 
 " The Fugitive Slave Bill of last year was for the American Clergy a tremendous Act of 
 Uniformity ; and to many a right feeling man it must have been a bitter task to refrain from 
 ' lifting up his voice like a trumpet, to show the people their transgressions, and the house of 
 Jacob their sins,' though in defiance of expulsion and penury. But all men are not heroes, 
 now ready to be martyrs ; and the interest that in the Free States takes care of the slave 
 power is very potent and very despotic. Take an instance which occurred just now. Six 
 months ago, Mr. George F. Simmons, one of the most eminent of tlie young American 
 clergy, was minister of a church in the rich town of Springfield in this State. In conse- 
 quence of a mob in that place, occasioned by an advertisement for a public meeting, to be 
 addressed among others by Mr. George Thompson — he preached a sermon of much plainness 
 but in a very candid spirit, condemning the mob spirit, and exalting the claims of free speech 
 along with those of law and order. Ilis dismissal followed as soon as tlie forms could be 
 gone through in parish meeting. This is but a single case ; but the importance of the occa- 
 sion, tlie place, the man proceeded against and the men proceeding against him, caused it to 
 be (wliat probably it was precisely intended for,) a wide and impressive proclamation to 
 clergvmen, as to what they were to expect if they placed themselves in such an attitude. 
 
 " With a large portion of men, the question as to who shall be their religious counsellor, 
 is very nmcli a matter of humor and caprice ; and if there is anything in which he to whom 
 they have been accustomed ceases to suit them, they find little difficulty in putting an end 
 to the connection. In most of our religious societies, a few men of property have their 
 ministers' livelihood very much in their power. If they choose to withdraw their pecuniary 
 support, the burden falls too heavy on those who remain, and the minister must be im- 
 poverished or dismissed. Dismissal, besides involving the chance of impoverishment, is to a 
 parish minister a great trial in other respects. It tears him away from cherished associations 
 of place and friendship, and compels him to leave work on which he has expended his best 
 ertbrts, unfinished, and the harvest to which he had looked with sanguine hope, unreaped. 
 
THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AND THE CHURCHES. [) 
 
 To a clergyman with a wife and children about him, accustomed to a fair share of the com- 
 forts of life, with no means of providing for his family except by the exercise of his profes- 
 sion, and commonly with an education and taste on his own part and on theirs, wliich makes 
 it more distressing for than for many other persons, to struggle with the hardship of narrow 
 and uncertain means — the threat of being cast upon the wide world if he stands up for the 
 Kight and Humanity, has a fearful power. 
 
 '' Who can wonder, that with the Clergy so hampered, the church is not true to its office ?" 
 "Of course, as to individuals, we call no one in question for his silence on these mo- 
 mentous matters, or even for what we account his mischievous championship of the wrong. 
 ]SIen cannot undertake to censure each others' motives, till they are sure they know and 
 understand them. There are honest men, we doubt not at all, who have played such pranks 
 with their understanding, that at last they really believe the Fugitive Slave Bill to be a 
 righteous law ; and among such honest men, we doubt not at all, there are members of the 
 clerical profession. There are ministers who, while the Satanic Slave Power pours its 
 afirouts upon Christianity without stint, say nothing about it ; and yet keep their testimony 
 of a good conscience in some one or other of various ways which we do not undertake to 
 analyse. Our business is not with any of them personally, but with that tremendous 
 influence all around them, which sets itself to brow-beat, to enervate, to blind, to corrupt 
 them, and stifle the testimony for Right and Humanity which they might be especially 
 expected to bear." 
 
 The Fourteenth Report of the Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society. 
 
 After its summary of the political and ecclesiastical action of each denomination, adds, " As 
 abolitionists, we "have no contest with the church and with the state as such. It is only a 
 /^ro-s/aren/ church and a pro-s/ai'er(/ state that we denounce and come out from. As aboli- 
 tionists, we have no test but the fidelity of every man to his own rule of duty. We have no 
 religious or poUtical tests ; but we insist on men's consistency, in the matter of slavery, 
 with those they have themselves set up." 
 
 From the Fifteenth Report of the Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society, 1847. Under the 
 
 head " The Church." 
 
 " We came to the church in the beginning, accepting it as what it professed to be, a 
 divinely established institution for the removal of all sin, and asked it to help us in the 
 removal of this aggregate of all sins. And it has only been where we have found her the 
 ally instead of the enemy of slavery, that we have denounced, not the Church of Christ, but 
 the Church of America." 
 
 From the Sixteenth Report of the same society, 1848. Under same head. 
 
 ' ' The American church has done nothing during the past year to change its character as 
 the bulwark of slavery. [Examples of church action follow.] The Covenanters, almost alone 
 of all the American sects, maintain a consistent and undeviating testimony against slavery, 
 and they have reiterated their words of witness this year as in years gone by. The Free 
 Will Baptists have also, by a protest signed by a great number of their ministers, uplifted 
 their voices against this crying iniquity, and proclaimed their determination to labor for its 
 overthrow. And it gives us much pleasure to mention the rare, the almost unique example 
 of a British clergyman, visiting America on an ecclesiastical mission, and maintaining a 
 fiiithful and uncompromising testimony against slavery. This was the Rev. Dr. Jabez 
 Burns, who visited the Baptist churches in this country, and we believe maintained the 
 integrity of British abolitionism amidst the pro-slavery influences of our religious 
 atmosphere." 
 
 From the Seventeenth Report of the same society, 1849. Under same head. 
 " The Free Will Baptist denomination last spring put forth a protest and declaration of 
 sentiments on the subject of slavery. It was signed by six hundred and sixteen ministers, 
 and expressed views and resolutions, which, if enforced and lived out, would go far towards 
 exonerating the Connexion from the guilt of sustaining slaverj'." 
 
 The Eighteenth Report of the same society, 1850, 
 
 After describing the pro-slavery course of the American Board of Foreign Missions and 
 other organizations and sects, proceeds: — " There have not been wanting, however, instances 
 in which the religious spirit of the country has forced its way through or over its accustomed 
 channels, in the direction of humanity and freedom. No less than four synods and thirteen 
 presbyteries, besides single churches andjindividuals, memorialized the Presbyterian General 
 Assembly to separate that church from all participation and communion with slave-holding. 
 At the West, the free synod of Cincinnati has been organized out of those who withdrew 
 
10 THE AMERICAN AXTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY AND THE CHURCHES. 
 
 from the old boiVics on the groiind of tlieii- pro-slavery position ; and is based on the refusal 
 of all Christian fellowship with those who hold slaves. This looks like the action of men in 
 earnest, ami v/e hope will be imitated and carried o\it. There has also been a movement 
 among the Friends, particularly in the State of New York, which pi-omises to give an im- 
 pulse to the anti-slavery cause. 
 
 " All such reachings after the right must ever be watched with interest, and should be 
 encouraged and directed, where comfort or guidance is needed, by all sincere and earnest 
 abolitionists." 
 
 From the Nineteenth Annual Report of the same socict/j, 18bl. Under the head, '■'•The 
 
 Church and Clergy.^'' 
 
 " The action of the great denominational bodies has not been marked with any of those 
 prominent features which have obtruded themselves upon us in former years. At the 
 Diocesan Convention of New York, held last September, Mr. John Jay again brought up the 
 case of St. Philip's Church and the Church of the Messiah, the rectors and delegates of which 
 have been excluded from conventional privileges on accoxuit of their complexion. But it 
 was impossible to push the question to an issue in the face of the unanimous opposition. But 
 we hope, as we are sure, that Mr. Jay will persevere in a course so honorable to his humanity 
 and his Christianity. 
 
 " We are happy to say many individual ministers, and some associations and conventions, 
 principally of the smaller sects, denounced these measures [the Compromise, and Fugitive 
 Slave Bills.]" 
 
 Such were the resolutions passed by the New York Evangelical Congregational Associa- 
 tion at Poughkeepsie. [Resolutions given.] 
 
 And those of an informal meeting of the delegates to the New York State Baptist Con- 
 vention at Stockport, &c. [Resolutions follow.] 
 
 But we grieve to say such has not been the tone of the great sects, — [Dr. Moses Stuart* 
 Dr. Taylor, Dr. Hawks, &c. quoted]. 
 
 <' The clergy of Boston were the hrst men to whom Garrison applied when he entered on 
 the work of his ministry. But they sent him away empty. And the class who have been 
 led to question and reject the authority of the clergy, by their own conduct in those 
 directions, are not now the worst portions of the community. [Extracts from pro-slavery 
 sermons are here given, and conclude with the following remarks : — ] 
 
 " If these be true views of the character and nature of God and Christianity, the aboli- 
 tionists make no complaint of being called infidels. They hold that the common Father of 
 luankind knows no distinction between His children. The loyalty they owe is to the King 
 of Heaven; the treason they detest is that which would overthrow His government, and set 
 up in its stead a system of force, fraud, lust, and cruelty, which His soul hateth." 
 
 From an Examination of Charges against the American Anti-slavery Society. Bristol, 
 
 1852. By Edmimd Quincy. 
 
 The founders of the American Anti-slavery Society did say, that they " should enlist 
 the pulpit in the cause of the suffering and the dumb," " and aim at the purification 
 of the churches from all participation in the guilt of slavery." It was the firm belief of 
 all those men, that the clergy and churches needed only light to induce them to make 
 common cause with themselves against slavery. Mr. Garrison, to use the language 
 of an eminent Free-soil Quaker, was even " fanatical" in his reliance on the clergy and 
 churches. He and the society he formed did try, and that earnestly and in faith, to " en- 
 list the pulpit," and "to purify the churches." But they most signally failed. And the 
 statement of this failure, in emphatic language, is the only means by which " they have 
 sought the destructioa of the churches." The proof of the charge that they have ever done 
 so in any other manner lies with the accusers. We plead not guilty, and offer all our official 
 acts and expressions of opinion to their scrutiny, to help them to make out their case. 
 Tlie Amevican Anti-slavery Society never denied the rightful existence of a Christian 
 Church and Ministry. It has only denied that character to ministers and chiirches holding 
 slaves, or defending or excusing slave-holding. It has said of sjich, that they are not Churches 
 of Christ, but, in the language of Channing, "synagogues of Sutan." When we find 
 American orthodoxy, in the persons of Dr. Moses Stuart and Dr. Taylor, the chief 
 teachers of their chief theological schools, teaching the religious duty of returning fugi- 
 tive slaves ; inferring it, in Mr. Stuart's case, from the Fourth Commandment ; and in that 
 of Dr. Spring, who was afraid to pray for immediate emancipation, if he thought his 
 prayer would be answered: when we see American Unitarianism declaring by the 
 mouth of IMr. Dewey, that a brother or a son should be sent back to slavery to sustain a 
 pcilitical arrangement ; and by that of Theodore Clapp, that God himself was once a 
 slave-dealer : when we hear Jiishop lledding, the head of American Methodism, deducing 
 the rightfulness of slave-liolding from the Golden llule of Christ : when we find Dr. 
 
MAINE CONGREGATIONAL CONFERENCE AND THE ANTI-SLAVEIIY CAUSE. 
 
 11 
 
 Ricliard Fuller, an eminent Baptist divine, affirming that slavery was ordained by God 
 the Father, not forbidden by God the Son, and expressly authorized by God the Holy 
 Ghost : when we find Dr. Daniel Sharp (we grieve to say an Englishman by birth, though 
 7nost American in doctrine,) of the same denomination, uniting his voice with Drs. 
 Tyng and Hawks of the Episcopal Church, in defence of the Fugitive Slave Law ; we con- 
 ceive that as it is our right, so it is our duty, to express our sense of their wickedness, and 
 to warn the people against such wolves in sheep's clothing. We boldly affirm that to 
 call such men as these ministers of God, and the assemblies to which they preach, and 
 which abet them in their atrocious guilt, churches of Jesus Christ, is blasphemy against 
 God and against his Son. And we appeal to the British Churches to decide whether this 
 be "railing at ministers of the Gospel and the churches!" This is the extent of our 
 offending. 
 
 "I ask who is more ready to do justice to all ministers and churches, of what- 
 ever name, that are faithful to the slave, than "Mr. Garrison and his party?" Who 
 more scrupulous to give to such the full measure of admonition they deserve? And 
 who are more welcome to the anti-slavery meetings than such men ? But such ministers 
 and church-members have no complaint to make of the denunciations of the abolit''""'3ts. 
 They know they are not aimed at them." 
 
 MAINE CONGREGATIONAL CONFERENCE AND THE ANTI-SLAVERY 
 
 CAUSE. 
 
 " To tJie Editor of the British Banner. 
 '' AlOany, N.Y., U.S.A., 
 February, 1852. 
 
 " Sir, — I have just had the pleasure of 
 reading in one of our religious papers, copied 
 from the Banner, your exceedingly thorough 
 and caustic, but certainly just, castigation of 
 Mr. Lewis Tappan, in connection with the 
 defence made by my good friend and brother 
 the Rev. Mr. Chickering, touching his posi- 
 tion on the slavery question. And although 
 I have not the honour of a personal acquaint- 
 ance with you, yet I trust I shall be pardoned 
 for venturing to trouble you Avith this com- 
 miinication, in view of facts which I shall pre- 
 sently state. Kejoicing at the prospect that 
 this subject, which has occasioned so mvich 
 friction between those who ought to love each 
 other, is in a fair way of being rightly under- 
 stood, and with gratitude to you personally 
 for the ability and fairness with which you 
 have treated this particular matter, I have 
 felt a wisli to contribute a little, if possible, 
 to strengthen your hands in the work you 
 have undertaken, by giving my testimony. 
 
 " Allow me then, my dear sir, to state 
 that brother Chickering and myself were 
 settled as pastors, in the neighbouring cities 
 of Portland and Bath, in the same year 1834. 
 We had often conferred together on tlie sub- 
 ject of slavery, and shared ni the discussions 
 of it which had occurred in the meetings of 
 our public bodies. I have had, therefore, a 
 thorough knowledge of brother Chickering's 
 views and course in relation to the matter 
 from the first. This is one reason why I feel 
 called upon to write. Another is, that I hap- 
 pened to be the Moderator of the General 
 
 FOR. 
 
 From the Portland Inquirer. 
 
 [The following notice of this conference, to 
 which Mr. Ray Palmer alludes, will define 
 the position its members hold to the anti- 
 slavery cause. It will show that adherence 
 to slavery-sustaining church organizations, or 
 separation from them, affords sufficient evi- 
 dence whether ministers are " soundly anti- 
 slavery in principle and practice," without 
 the test of their being " members of abolition 
 societies."] 
 
 " For some years, anti-slavery men in the 
 Congregational churches in Maine have peti- 
 tioned the Maine Conference to withdraw 
 fellowship from the General Assembly of 
 Presbyterian Churches in the United States ; 
 for the reason that these Assemblies, both Old 
 School and New School, are composed in part 
 of slaveholders, and consequently are impor- 
 tant bulwarks of the 'patriarchal institution.' 
 
 " Tills year, in its place, the Committee of 
 Arrangements rejected the Connecticut reso- 
 lutions, affirming the supreme riglits of God 
 and of conscience, and brought forward the 
 subject of Colonization, and time was set apart 
 for its introduction by one of its advocates 
 from Princeton, N. J., who was allowed to 
 speak nearly twice the time allotted to him — 
 a special favour not granted to other speak- 
 ers ; although, for several years past, in de- 
 ference to the anti-slavery feeling which it 
 was supposed pervaded the Conference, the 
 Colonization question has not been intro- 
 duced. 
 
 ' ' The great argument used to oppose anti- 
 slavery men in the Maine Conference has 
 been, that if we cease sending delegates to 
 the Presbyterian Church, we deprive ourselves 
 
12 MAINE COMGUEGATIONAL CONFERENCE AND THE ANTI-SLAVERY CAUSE. 
 
 AGAINST 
 
 Conference of Maine (for the three years then 
 current) at the time he sailed for Europe, 
 and in that capacity I gave him an official 
 letter of introduction and commendation to 
 the Congregational Union with which our 
 body was in correspondence, and so I natu- 
 rally felt some personal interest in his recep- 
 tion among you. 
 
 " Now then, as to Brother Chickering and 
 slavery. He has never been a professed 
 Abolitionist, which in this country always 
 means a member of the Abolition Societies. 
 No one, however, but an ' accuser of the bre- 
 slavery man, or doubted that he was soundly 
 anti-slavery in his principles and practice. 
 He has concurred repeatedly with the majo- 
 rity of our Conference in passing strong con- 
 demnatory resolutions in relation to slavery, 
 which have been published in our minutes, 
 and in tlie religious papers ; and I know of 
 no occasion on which he has ever uttered a 
 word in justification of that wretched system, 
 or of apology for those who labour to uphold 
 it. His position has been that of the great 
 body of New England ministers, among whom 
 are many of the ablest and most faithful 
 wliich our land affords. You have doubtless 
 had the fact explained to you, that the turn 
 which the Anti-slavery Societies here took, 
 almost at the outset, was such as of necessity 
 to throw the ministers and churches into a 
 false position — a position that is apparently 
 wrong while really right — and one which it 
 has required far more courage and piety to 
 maintain, for the sake of truth and conscience, 
 than it would to have gone pell-mell into the 
 excesses of a rabid and psewifo-iihilanthropy. 
 " Kay Talmer." 
 
 of any opportunity of labouring with them as 
 Christians for their reformation on this sub- 
 ject. 
 
 " This year they have shown their insin- 
 cerity in the use of this argument, with which 
 they have hitherto blinded many conscien- 
 tious Christians, by electing as their delegate 
 to the Old School General Assembh-, Rev. J. 
 O. risk of Bath, who has proved his loyalty 
 to the interests of slavery by preaching a ser- 
 mon in defence of the infamous Fugitive Slave 
 Law. 
 
 " This is the man they select as the organ 
 of the Congregational Churches of Maine, to 
 deal in Christian faithfulness with that embo- 
 diment of pro-slavery, the Old School General 
 Assembly of the Presbyterian Church. 
 
 " It was evident throughout the meetings, 
 that slavery was in the ascendancy. From 
 all I heard of the speeches and reports, the 
 last two days of the meeting, I should not 
 have imagined that there was a slave in the 
 land. 
 
 " Anti-slavery men have laboured in years 
 past with some faithfulness with that body, 
 but now seem to have given up the case as 
 hopeless. Will anti-slavery churches retain 
 their connexion with a Conference which para- 
 lyses all action, and to so great an extent 
 suppresses sympathy for the crushed slave ? 
 (Signed,) 
 
 " Consistency. 
 
 Sonth Herwick, 
 Oct. 13, 1831." 
 
 The Rev. Albert Barnes of Pliikulclplda., in a Sermon delivered in that city in 18-1:6, made 
 
 the folloioing remarks: — 
 
 " Advert for one moment to the hindrances which exist to all efforts which can be made to 
 remove slavery from the world, in consequence of the relation of the Church to the system. 
 Reflect how many members of the Christian Church, and how many ministers of the gospel, 
 are owners of slaves ; how little effort is made by the great mass to dissociate themselves 
 from the system ; how many there are, even in the pulpit, who openly advocate it ; how 
 much identified the system is with all the plans of gain, and all the views of the comfort and 
 ease of domestic life, among many members of the Church ; and how faint and feeble is the 
 voice of condemnation of the system uttered by the great mass, even of those who have no 
 connection with it ; and how often the language of apology is heard even there ; and it is easy 
 to see how ineflectual must be all efforts to remove this great evil from the world. The 
 language of the ministry, and the practice of church members, gives such a sanction to this 
 enormous evil as could be derived from no other source. No one can doubt that the Church 
 of Christ, in this land, has power to revolutionize the whole public sentiment on the subject, and 
 to hasten the hour when, in the United States and their territories, the last shackle of the 
 slave shall fall. 
 
 " Again, what is it that does most to keep the public conscience at ea?e on the subject ? The 
 fact that the system is countenanced by good men ; that bishops, and priests, and deacons, 
 that ministers and elders, that Sunday-school teachers and exhorters, that pious matrons and 
 heiresses are the holders of slaves, and that the ecclesiastical bodies of the land address no 
 language of rebuke or entreaty to their consciences. 
 
 " Were all the ministers and members of the Churches to stand before the world in the sublime 
 and noble attitude of having no connection with the system, how soon would that system come 
 to an end J ' 
 
[ 13 ] 
 
 THE RELIGIOUS CHARACTER OF MR. GARRISON, 
 
 AGAINST. 
 Britisli Banner, Jan. 28, 1851. 
 
 " A word now as to Mr. Garrison. Whe- 
 ther that gentleman be an infidel or not, one 
 thing is quite evident, that he acts very like 
 one. According to him, the three grand im- 
 postures of the day are law, physic, and divi- 
 nity. These he is reported to call ' the devil's 
 trinity.' His opinions of the church are 
 fi-eely expressed : — ' The corruptions of the 
 church, so called, are obviously more deep 
 and incurable than those of the state ; and 
 therefore the church, in spite of every pre- 
 caution and safeguard, is to be first dashed 
 to pieces.' — Liberator, vol. vii. p. 122. 
 
 " Some time in 1837, he published a letter 
 from a non-resistant and spiritual perfection- 
 ist of the name of Boyle, in which the Lord's 
 day was designated ' a pagan-originated Sab- 
 bath.' . . . Boyle's letter was endorsed 
 by Mr. Garrison as a ' testimony for God and 
 liis righteousness, which cannot be over- 
 thrown.' You will clearly perceive that in 
 these quotations it is not on anti-slavery 
 gi'ounds tliat he is determined to uproot the 
 church, but for other reasons. The fact is, 
 Mr. Garrison thinks himself some great one, 
 sent into the world to reform it. 
 
 '• The following resolutions will clearly 
 show Mr. Garrison's views of the church : — 
 
 "Kesolved — That the true church is inde- 
 pendent of all human organizations, creeds, 
 or compacts. That it is not the province of 
 any man or any body of men, to admit or 
 exclude from that church any one who is 
 created in the Divine image. That it is no 
 where enjoined by Christ or his apostles upon 
 any man, that he should connect himself with 
 any organization by whatever name known ; 
 but all are left to act freely or in conjunc- 
 tion with others according to their own free 
 choice.' 
 
 " These resolutions were submitted to the 
 Anti-Church Convention in 1841, by Mr. 
 Garrison. 
 
 " Let us now hear what he thinks of the 
 Lord's day : — ' For myself, 1 have no reve- 
 rence for bricks and mortar. The only sanc- 
 tuary that I need is Christ. The Sabbath is 
 not necessary for man or beast. In the 
 Christian dispensation we are redeemed from 
 the curse, " In the sweat of thy brow shalt 
 thou cat bread." ' 
 
 " Whatever Mr. Garrison's friends may say 
 of his attachment to the Bible, one thing is 
 quite clear, that he can and has voted against 
 its claims with notorious infidels. At a con- 
 vention of the soi-distard " Friends of Uni- 
 versal Reform," holden in Boston, U. S. No- 
 vember 18, 1840 ; a test resolution was oflTered 
 by some Christian men, viz., That the Scrip- 
 
 FOR. 
 
 From the Liberator, Sept. 19, 1851. 
 
 [Leading article beaded "Infidelity, Divine Eevelation."] 
 
 " I claim to be a Christian ; why do you 
 persist in representing me as an infidel ? I 
 am a lover of Christian institutions ; Avhy do 
 you represent me as seeking their overthrow ? 
 I have engaged in no reform, I have promul- 
 gated no doctrines, which I have not vindi- 
 cated by an appeal to the Bible ; an appeal 
 more frequently made [by me] than to all other 
 books in the world besides. The institutions I 
 assailed were exclusively slave-holding and 
 
 slavery-sustaining institutions I 
 
 cherish no sentiment which I am not prepared 
 to vindicate, as in accordance with the spirit 
 and precepts of the gospel. The calumnious 
 charge of infidelity gives me no concern, ex- 
 cept as it operates injuriously to the cause of 
 the slave, as his enemies well know ; other- 
 wise I should never pause to notice it. 
 
 "What my views of the True Church are, 
 I have long since embodied in the following 
 lines. Is this the language of infidelity ? 
 
 THE TRUE CHURCH. 
 
 Clnircli of the living God ! in vain thy foes 
 JIake thee, in impious mirth, tlieu' laughing-stock — 
 Contemn thy strength, tliy radiant beauty mock : 
 
 In vain their threats, and impotent their blows, 
 
 Satan's assaults, hell's agonizing throes ! 
 For thou art built upon th' Eternal Rock, 
 Nor fear'st the thunder-slonn, the earthquake-shock, 
 
 And notliing shall disturb thy calm repose. 
 
 All human combinations change and die, 
 Whate'er their origin, name, foiTU, design; 
 
 But firmer than the pillars of the sky 
 Thou standest ever, by a power divine; 
 
 Thou art endued with Immortalit)-, 
 And canst not perish — God's own life is tiiixe !' 
 
 " In what sense and to what extent I am 
 an anti-Sabbath heretic, you may learn by 
 reading another sonnet from my pen, long 
 since given to the public : — 
 
 THE TRUE REST. 
 
 Oh thou, by whom eternal life is given. 
 
 Through Jesus Christ, Thy well-beloved Son, 
 As is Thy will obeyed by all in heaven, 
 
 So let it now by all on earth be done ! 
 Not by the observance of one day in seven, 
 
 As holy time, but of all days as one; 
 The soul set free— all legal fetters riven — 
 
 Vanished the law, the reign of grace begun! 
 Dear is the Christian Sabbath to my heart, 
 
 Bound by no forms— from times and seasons free; 
 The whole of life absorbing — not a part; 
 
 Pei-petual rest, and perfect liberty! 
 W'lio keeps not this, steers by a Jewish chart, 
 
 And sails in peril on a storm-tossed sea." 
 
 From the Liberator, 3Iai/, 1850. 
 " For twenty years I have been vindicating 
 the Bible from the foul charge of sanctioning 
 the enslavement of a portion of the human 
 
14 THE RELIGIOUS CHARACTER OF MR. GARRISON. 
 
 AGAINST. FOR. 
 
 tures of the Old and New Testaments are an race ; if this is to expose it to contempt and 
 authentic record of faith, and tlie only rule of ridicule, I must submit to the imputation 
 faith and duty.' Mr. Garrison said he was without a murmur." 
 opposed to the resolution, because it would _, 77-7-ir- 
 
 not only shut out avowed infidels, but some ^™'« "'<^ London IMormng Advertiser, Juhj 5. 
 who profess to be Christians, and defeat the " Mr. Garrison is a native of IVIassachu- 
 object of the convention." setts, and has had a Puritan education ; he is 
 
 It may be asked, what kind" of Christians almost a man of one book, and that book is 
 would be shut out? Mr. Garrison, no the Bible. In the course of his long warfare 
 doubt, thought of the large circle of Sceptics, with the open and disguised advocates of sla- 
 Socinians, Hicksite Quakers, and others of very in the United States, his chief argu- 
 the same class. ments, and much of his burning and indignant 
 
 denunciations against the ' sum of all villanies,' 
 have been drawn from the Bible armoury." 
 British Banner, Fehntanj 11. j^Tq jutimaiion of such language being used 
 
 "It was our lot to listen to the impiety by Jlr. Garrison can be found in the news- 
 wliich issued from the lips of Mr. Garrison paper reports of his speech. It having been 
 at Exeter Hall. When we heard him say to attributed to him on another occasion, elicited 
 the men of the Bible, " Your God is my devil," the following remarks of Mr. Robert Smith 
 we required no more to excite alarm." of Dalston, in a letter in the Mominy Adver- 
 
 tiser, Aug. 22, 1851 : — 
 "This led me to turn up the speech in question, a verbatim report of which appeared in 
 two or three newspapers of that date. I cannot find a trace in support of your allegations. 
 Tlie same allegations were made against Mr. Garrison by a popular magazine of the day, 
 and although there were many replies offered, and among them one from Mr. Garrison liim- 
 self, that journal persisted in scrupulously excluding them one and aU, and continued to 
 heap scandal upon scandal." 
 
 In the Liberator, Sept. 19, 1851, Mr. Garrison thus denies the charge in the 5n78s/i banner; — 
 " Believing in the God of Christianity, how could I have made so revolting a declaration ? 
 On a careful . perusal of my speech as reported in the Universe, (a report which I never 
 revised) I can find no such expression. Surely it M'as too shocking to have been overlooked 
 by the reporters. . . . That I may have said in substance that the God who in America 
 is declared to sanction the impious system of slavery, the annihilation of the marriage insti- 
 tution, and the sacrifice of all human rights, was my ideal of the devil, is not improbable. 
 It may have evinced a lack of good taste on my part, but strong contrasts are sometimes 
 c;illed for, even though sure to shock the fastidious and unrefiecting. AVith Luther, I will 
 plead in self-defence, 'If I have exceeded the bounds of moderation, the monstrous turpitude 
 of the times has transported me." 
 
 Extract from Mr. Garrisons Speech at Exeter Hall, (alove inferred to) Sept. 14, 1840 : — 
 
 "I am a firm believer in Christianity — in the Christianity taught by Jesus Christ. I am an 
 Abolitionist, because I believe Jesus Christ to have been one ; because I know that his Gospel 
 is an Anti-slavery Gospel; because that into the church of Christ there comes no slaveholder. 
 I stand here to denounce these men who claim to be sent of God, who are perverting the 
 Bible to make out a case of innocent slaveholding, so that the wliole slave system may be 
 protected throughout all time. It is the duty of every man to advocate the cause of liberty. 
 If lie wish to make the world believe that the Bible is the Book of God, let him be careful 
 how he makes out slavery to be a Bible institution. ... If any one can prove that I 
 have said any thing derogatory to the glory of God, to the honor of Christ, to the welfare of 
 man, let him take the platform and expose me." 
 
 Li the Liberator, Sep. 19, 1851, 3Ir. Garrisoii says: — 
 
 " I\Iy aim has been from the beginning to erect and uphold a platform on which all those 
 who 'despise fraud, loathe rapine, and ablior blood,' might rally and mingle ' like kindred 
 spirits into one,' whatever their views on other subjects. 
 
 " I'or myself I am no partisan, no sectarian. The test of character and condition which 
 Jesus laid down is to me all-sufficient, ' By their fruits ye shall know them.' ]\ry adherence 
 to the anti-slavery platform has been steadfast and loyal. The man is not living who can 
 truthfully declare that in this great struggle for the overthrow of the most impious and God- 
 defying power that ever wielded the rod of despotism, I have refused to stand by his side 
 because dissenting from his religious or political opinions. Many have fled from tue on this 
 ground, and become personally malignant. Their sectarianism has overmastered their hu- 
 niauity. Their requirement ofmc, as the condition of anti-slavery fellowship, has been 
 
THE AGENCY OF THE AMERICAN ANTI- SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 15 
 
 iincqiial, absunl, and tyrannical, — nothing less than to have no mind or conscience of my 
 ov/n, on any subject but that of slavery, — at least none differing from theirs. For themselves 
 individually, on their own responsibility as Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, &c., they 
 claim the right (which I cordially concede) to promulgate their sectarian views, and make as 
 many proselytes as possible. To me they concede no such liberty. If, representing no 
 association, speaking as a man in view of my accountability to God, apart from the anti- 
 slavery platform, I venture to communicate religious sentiments not in accordance with their 
 own, they immediately attempt to create all possible odium against me as an abolitionist, and 
 inculcate' that such sentiments are part and parcel of what they invidiously term ' Garrisonian 
 abolitionism.' It was on this ground, and in this evil spirit, that the secession was made from 
 the American Anti-slavery Society in 1840, and opposition to that society is still continued; 
 and though the constitution of the society remains as it was originally adopted, and makes no 
 other Condition of membership than this, ' that immediate emancipation is the right of the 
 slave and the duty of a master.' Thus too have originated the senseless and hypocritical out- 
 cries against me as a Woman's Eights, Anti-sabbath, No-government man, — ail for the 
 express purpose of making me detestable as an abolitionist." 
 
 THE AGENCY OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 An inference has frequently been drawn by presenting passages from the writings and 
 speeches of the Agents and Lecturers of the American Anti-slavery Society in their private 
 capacities, that they improperly connect their views on other subjects with their advocacy of 
 the anti-slavery cause ; and also, that such specimens of individual opinion represent the 
 sentiments of the whole Society with which they co-operate. The unfairness of this mode of 
 argument will be apparent from a comparison of the following parallel passages : — 
 AGAINST. FOR. 
 
 British Banner, Jan. 28, 1852. 
 
 " Waldo Emerson, A. B. Alcott, Maria 
 Weston Chapman, and Edmund Quincy, 
 called a convention for the public discussion 
 of the credibility and authority of the Old 
 and New Testaments, which was held at 
 Boston, March 29, 1842." 
 
 "The same parties figured here as at the 
 other conventions, reinforced by Abby 
 Eolsom and other kindred spirits." 
 
 " So much for Mr. Garrison and his school. 
 And now a few remarks on his chosen com- 
 panions and fellow-laborers in the Anti- 
 slavery cause, or rather, in the cause of 
 'Universal Reform.' 
 
 /. 31. Buffum. 
 
 " Another of the Garrison school. This 
 man sympathizes with his party in the 
 church, the ministry, and the sabbath, &c. ; 
 and is chiefly celebrated for having proposed 
 a resolution at a meeting in 1842, 'declaring 
 the right of any man to go into assemblies, 
 though convened for other purposes, and to 
 call upon the people in the name of humanity 
 and God, to assist them to deliver the spoil 
 out of the hand of the spoiler, &c.' 
 
 " Among the individuals who took part in 
 the discussion on this resolution were S. S. 
 Eostcr, P. Pillsbury, T. Beach, Wendell 
 Pliillips, J. A. Collins, &c. right-hand men 
 of Mr. Garrison." 
 
 Oliver Johnson. 
 
 " This was, and perhaps is, a chosen friend 
 of Garrison's. According to him, quoting 
 his master, ' lawyers, doctors, and priests are 
 
 The only connection of these Conventions 
 with the American Anti-slavery Society, is 
 their having originated in the resolute op- 
 position of the managers of that society to 
 any extraneous topic being introduced upon 
 the anti-slavery platform." 
 
 It is the invariable habit of pro-slavery 
 papers to substitute the name of Abby 
 Eolsom (a poor insane woman, who is obliged 
 at intervals to be sent to a lunatic asylum), 
 for that of the noble Abby Kelley, who has 
 consecrated her life and her fortune to the 
 cause of the slave. 
 
 Messrs. Wright, Beach, Foster, Collins, and 
 Pillsbury were orthodox ministers at the time 
 they joined the anti-slavery ranks. The Ame- 
 rican Society is not responsible for any alte- 
 ration that may have taken place in their 
 views. Its sole function being to abolish 
 slavery, it has no power to institute inquiries 
 into the changing states of mind and opmions 
 of its members, nor to excommunicate them, 
 nor to refuse their co-operation on such 
 grounds." 
 
 From the Anti-slaveiy Standard, Jan. 8, 1852. 
 " At a convention of the Pennsylvania Anti- 
 slavery Society, Dec. 17, 1831, Mr. Joshua 
 Giddings, (a United States senator, a member 
 of the whig party, an eminent opponent of 
 slavery in Congress, and an evangelical Pres- 
 byterian) remarked ' that the friends of free- 
 dom in Northern Ohio had some knowledge 
 of the gentleman who edited the Freeman, 
 (Mr. O. Johnson) that he was dear to their 
 hearts, and he could cordially commend him 
 
16 
 
 TUE AGENCY OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 AGAINST. 
 
 the Devil's trinity,' and professions as such to the confidence and support of the aboli- 
 must perish." tionists of Pennsylvania." 
 
 II. C. Wright. 
 
 " This is the celebrated non-resistant who 
 recently visited and resided a considerable 
 time in this country, and acted as one of the 
 travelling agents of the Anti-slavery League. 
 Mr. Wright thinks with Sir. Garrison on the 
 Sabbath question, and how deeply he 
 sympathises may be seen from the following 
 extract, published in the Liberator of the 
 27th Nov. 1846. It was addressed to Mr. 
 Garrison on tlie day he left England : — 
 
 " ' It is my earnest wish that the American 
 Union— the Bastile of Slavery — may be dis- 
 solved ; and American religion, that shields 
 from scorn and execration the vilest criminals 
 that pollute the world, may be repudiated as 
 the direst foe of God and man. 
 
 '"I want to say to you, that I regard your 
 present visit to this kingdom, and your efforts 
 in it in behalf of humanity and Christianity, 
 as the most useful and important event of 
 your life. The iieople of this kingdom, and 
 of all Christendom, must be delivered irom 
 the dominion of man (/. e. from all govern- 
 ments), and brought under the government 
 of God, before they can be efScient and jirac- 
 tical in their ettbrts to regenerate and redeem 
 the world. So long as the soul of man feels 
 the influence of an ambitious and designing 
 priesthood, he cannot act simply to please his 
 Maker. The priesthood of this and of all 
 kingdoms, serve no purpose but to baptize 
 whatever abominations the State chooses to 
 legalise. I reject with loathing a religion 
 that tolerates slavery or war ; and the Being 
 who is worshipped as God by slave-holders 
 and war-makers is allied to war and oppres- 
 sion, and is to me a demon of blood. I would 
 as soon bow down to the shrine of Jugger- 
 naut, as that of such a Being ! Go on to 
 bring Christian truth to bear on the indi- 
 vidual and social evils of the world. My 
 heart is with you, and ever will be, whatever 
 changes may be made in religious opinions 
 on any subject whatsoever, so long as you 
 are faithful to the cause of the oppressed, 
 and so long as you labour to deliver man 
 from the despotism of man, and to bring him 
 into subjection to our common Father. I 
 have no regard for an abstract religion, that 
 has no bearing on the character of man. I 
 have no confidence in a religion that connects 
 man's eternal destiny Avith observances, with 
 singing of psalms, making prayers, going to 
 meeting at set times and in set places, with- 
 out regard to personal character." 
 
 Edmund Qidncy. 
 
 " This gentleman edited the Z/6era<or during 
 Mr. Garrison's stay in England. lie gives 
 this character of himself: — 
 
 " As for myself, I had attained the views I 
 now hold on the Church, Ministry, and 
 
 G. S. Ritchie (in the American Baptist, 
 March 11th, 1852^, while urging attend- 
 ance at an Anti-slavery Convention, 
 remarks : — 
 
 "It will be worth a journey of twenty or 
 thirty miles to hear such men as Smith and 
 May pour out their soul's best eloquence in 
 behalf of God's crushed and bleeding poor. 
 Mr. May is a Unitarian clergyman, but he 
 has not suffered his manhood to be drowned 
 in a sectarian part, as so many of our own 
 brethren have. He will make the chords of 
 your heart vibrate with sympathy for the 
 slave." 
 
 From an Examination of Charges against 
 the American Anti-slavery Society. Bristol, 
 1852. By Edmimd Quiucy. 
 
 "I now come to the third general charge 
 against the American Society,— that it is 
 infidel in its tendencies and instrumentalities. 
 Here again, a strict definition of terms is 
 necessary. What is an Infidel ? All Protes- 
 tants are Infidels to the largest half of Christ- 
 endom; and a considerable part of them 
 mutually regard each other as such. The 
 implication is groundless, that any consider- 
 able number of the members of the American 
 Anti-slavery Society are what is usually 
 understood as infidels. With scarcely an 
 e.xception, if with one, the members of that 
 society, from Mr. Garrison downwards, pro- 
 fess and call themselves Christians. 
 
 "But the American Anti-slavery Society 
 is not " technically" a "Christian" associa- 
 tion. That is, not so to the exclusion of Jews, 
 Mahometans, Pagans, Atheists, or any human 
 beings who have humanity enough to wish to 
 help tlie overthrow of slavery. It has no 
 religious test ; no right of inquisition into 
 men's opinions ; no power of excommunica- 
 tion for heresy. If heretics and infidels will 
 insist upon doing the proper work of the 
 church and ministry, we cannot help our- 
 selves. We cannot prevent Mr. Henry C. 
 Wright, or the Rev. Stephen Farley, or the 
 anonymous correspondents of the Ohio Bugle, 
 or any other member of the society, from 
 saying what they please. They are solely 
 responsible for what they say. If IMr. T. can 
 show any attack on Christianity, the Bible, 
 the Sabbath, the Church, or the Ministry, as 
 such, contained in any authentic resolutions 
 or accepted reports of the American Anti- 
 slavery Society, he will have a shadow of 
 evidence in support of his wholesale accusa- 
 tions, which shadow they now want. It is 
 indeed singular that in a society composed of 
 so many members, of such widely differing 
 opinions, engaged in a continual discussion 
 of opinions and practices, Mr. T. should find 
 so very few and such very feeble proofs of 
 
THE AGENCY OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 17 
 
 AGAINST. 
 
 Sabbath, before I knew of your (Mr. Gar- 
 risou's) existence." 
 
 John A. ColUns.* 
 
 " This person was one of tlie most ardent 
 and talented of Garrison's workers. He was 
 sent to this country on a special mission by 
 the American Anti-slavery Society a few 
 years back. A whisper came across the 
 Atlantic tliat he was an infidel ; but it was 
 indignantly denied by certain parties in 
 Glasgow, Dublin, and Darlington. How- 
 ever, we have now his confession that he was 
 an infidel, and what is better, we may hope 
 liat the grace of God has rec overed him out 
 of the snare into which he fell. 
 
 " Far be it from us to light the fires of per- 
 secution against Mr. Garrison and his coad- 
 jutors. If they hold such opinions as have 
 been cited, so far as these opinions do not 
 militate against the laws of the land, they 
 have a right to propagate them, and to 
 adopt all legitimate means to establish them 
 in the earth. But on the other hand, we 
 claim for ourselves the right, according to 
 our own views, to pronounce u^Don them and 
 tlieir tendencies. Now we say, if such are 
 the means by which they aim to accomplish 
 their end — even though that end is the aboli- 
 tion of Slavery — we do not see our way clear 
 towards either receiving them into our houses 
 or bidding them God speed." 
 
 FOR. 
 
 his charges, as he has adduced. It is a strong 
 presumption that none such exist." 
 
 " But these attempts to bring odium upon 
 active abolitionists, on account of their im- 
 puted opinions, is a sure test of the quality of 
 the abolitionism of those that make them. 
 Suppose every member of the American Anti- 
 slavery Society were an infidel in the proper 
 sense of the word, ought not genuine aboli- 
 tionists to rejoice in their labours, and to 
 give them their good word and helping hand ? 
 That society is strictly analogous in its nature 
 to the Anti-Corn Law League, differing only 
 in the infinitely higher importance of its pur- 
 pose and its permanent activity of operations. 
 What would Mr. Joseph Sturge think of a 
 man who, professing the doctrines of the 
 League, should refuse to unite with it, and 
 endeavour to impede its operations, and to 
 blacken the characters of its members, because 
 he is a Friend, and holds the peculiar views of 
 his religious society as to the Sabbath, Minis- 
 tr.y, Bible, and the speaking of women ? No 
 body would refuse to co-operate with the 
 rankest infidel breathing, in any honest com- 
 bination, intended to make or to save a shil- 
 ling. But when the object of an association 
 is the redemption of a distant race of human 
 beings from utter misery and degradation, 
 where no money is to be made, but only 
 bodies and souls saved, then is the time to 
 say to the Anti-slavery Publican, " stand off, 
 for I am holier than thou." 
 
 By extracting such passages as the following, with which the speeches and writings of 
 the abolitionists abound, it might be made to appear that their arguments were drawn 
 solely from the Bible : — 
 
 From W. L. Garrison to the Animal Meeting of the Pennsylvania Convention. 
 
 " Your anniversary is to be held at a time of intense excitement." 
 
 " Whatever may transpire, I am confident that you will all possess your souls in patience, 
 nor think it strange concerning the fiery trial which is to try you ; but rejoice inasmucli as 
 you are made partakers of Christ's sufferings, committing the keeping of your souls to God 
 as unto a faithful Creator. God is our refuge and strength. Hearken unto me, saith the 
 Lord. I, even I, am He that comforteth you. Sanctify the Lord of Hosts himself, and let 
 Him be your fear, and let Him be your dread 
 
 " Our duty as abolitionists is still to ' cry aloud and spare not,' until every chain is broken. 
 If the Gospel is to be obeyed, we are right. . . . Trust ye in the Lord for ever, for in 
 the Lord Jehovah is everlasting strength. . . . All carnal weapons I have long since 
 renounced, but onl}' to put on the whole armour of God, that I may be able to withstand in 
 the evil day; and having done all to stand." — Liberator, October 31, 1831, and Anti-slavery 
 Standard, 1852. 
 
 From Henry Grew to the same Convention. 
 
 "Respected Friends, 
 
 " I am again providentially prevented from meeting you, to unite in the advocacy 
 of the good cause of righteousness, truth, and outraged humanity. . . , Clouds and 
 darkness are indeed at present around the throne of the Eternal. Yet that throne is estab- 
 
 * "In the year 1841, Mr. John A Collins being in England as our agent, the Rev. Nathaniel Colver 
 wrote a letter to Air. Joseph Sturge, replete with the grossest calumnies against Mr. Garrison, (tlio 
 same which have recently been revived by the Rev. Dr. Campbell,) among them that " he had identijied 
 himself with the No-marriage Perfectionists," ifc. and warning the English public against Mr. Collins. 
 This letter was copied and privately circulated wider the seal of the Committee' [(fthe British and Fo- 
 reign Anti-slavery Society fl — Ati Examination of Charges against the American Anti-slavery Society. 
 By Edmund Quincy. Dublin, 1852. 
 
18 
 
 THE FRIENDS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY CAUSE IN GLASGOW. 
 
 lished in immutable righteousness. The conflict may be severe, but the victory is sure, for 
 the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it." — Liberator. 
 
 "Just in proportion as we weaken the faith of the community in the Bible, we cut away 
 one of the main supports of the anti-slavery cause." — Ellis Clirbe, in the Liberator, Jan. U, 
 J 832. 
 
 Extract from a Letter o/M. and E. Wilson, members of the American Anti-slaveri/ Societij, 
 published in the Anti-slavery Bugle, Jan. 3, 1852. 
 
 " The Bible is the only book in the world that can establish the principle of liberty and 
 fraternity on a solid basis. The Bible is the most powerful of anti-slavery documents extant, 
 and has been the means of emancipating millions from slavery. The Bible has been used as 
 the text book in anti-slavery discussions ever since the question has been agitated. On its 
 page is inscribed, ' God created man iu his own image,' &c. 
 
 THE FEIENDS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY CAUSE IN GLASGOW. 
 
 About a year ago, Nine Ladies of Glasgow, very few of whom had before taken any part 
 in the anti-slavery cause, published a letter of secession from the Glasgow Female Anti- 
 slavery Society, on the plea that the Boston Liberator, Mr. Garrison's paper, contained 
 views on religious subjects against which they protested, and that they therefore could not 
 co-operate with a society which acknowledged Mr. Garrison's services to the anti-slavery 
 cause, and laboured with him for its promotion. In this letter they did not mention that the 
 Liberator is Mr. Garrison's private property, and is not maintained by anti-slavery funds. 
 
 British Banner, Feb. 11, 1852. 
 
 " We have seen with great satisfaction, that 
 the Glasgow friends of the slave are having 
 their eyes opened to the true nature of the 
 Garrisonian party. It may be doubted if 
 there was any provincial society in Great 
 Britain that contributed more to further the 
 anti-slavery movement which ended in the 
 abolition of British slaver}^ than did that of 
 Glasgow. Pity it would be that such a party 
 should remain in ignorance of the infidel 
 school of which we now speak. We have 
 before us the report of the Annual Meeting of 
 the New Association in Glasgow, held Nov. 
 4, 1851, in which we find extracts from tlie 
 speecli of the Rev. John Gutherie, who re- 
 ferred to Slavery as one of tlie ])roniinent 
 evils which at present reigned in the United 
 States, and added to it Infidelity. He stated 
 that it was melnicholy to reflect that the 
 Land of the Pilgrims should at this moment 
 be infested with such a scliool — a school com- 
 I)osed of men who identified themselves with 
 the anti-slavery movement. ' By some easy 
 refinements, their newspaper, with the infidel 
 profanities it ever and anon vomits forth, is 
 shown, as often as occasion requires, to be 
 not the formal and technical organ of the 
 anti-slavery society, with which these Boston 
 genttemcn stand connected.' It so happened 
 that abolition and infidelity were advocated 
 together, and not only so, but unblushingly 
 identified. 
 
 "We cannot withhold the expression of 
 our great satisfaction, that a spirit of resist- 
 ance has been called forth iu the West of 
 Scotland." 
 
 Extract from the Sixth Report of the Glas- 
 goio Female Anti-slavery Society, (read 
 Jan. 21, 185i;. 
 
 " The Glasgow Emancipation Societj^ 
 with the Committee of which we have always 
 had the greatest harmony and unanimity of 
 sentiment, having attended to the anti-slavery 
 cause in general, have left this society, 
 [which was instituted in 1841] at liberty to 
 pursue that department for which it was 
 chiefly originated ; namely, to obtain and 
 transmit contributions to the Bazaar held 
 annually in Boston, in support of the funds 
 of the Massachusetts Anti-slavery Society. 
 The committee are happy to say that the 
 articles sent to the Bazaar last j'ear, being 
 the tenth annual box sent by the society, 
 were as beautiful and useful as ever, and 
 valued at .£147. The committee regret that 
 four of tlieir number, having departed from 
 the principle of non-interference with the 
 particular opinions of any one engaged in 
 the anti-slavery cause, on which this society 
 is based, have lately, in connection witli a few 
 others, formed a new society, under the 
 designation of " The Glasgow Female Asso- 
 ciation for the Abolition of Slavery. The 
 name they have adopted is so similar to ours 
 as to be apt to create mistakes, and has misled 
 Some of our friends. 
 
 "We learn that the cause of separation 
 from us is that we aid the Boston bazaar, — 
 that the Boston Society has connected with it 
 some parties who hold and publish sentiments 
 which they esteem unorthodox. 
 
THE FRIENDS OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY CAUSE IN GLASGOW. 19 
 
 " The Americaa Anti-slavery Societj'^ consists of persons of all the various Christian 
 denominations. The persons placed in Committees are those who from character, ability, 
 and devotedness, are most qualified to promote the cause, irrespective of religious opinions ; 
 and many of them are orthodox. The society includes many of the earliest, devoted, un- 
 tiring, talented abolitionists ; it has the entire confidence of the colored people, and is now 
 actively engaged in aroixsing opposition to the infamous Fugitive Slave .Bill. Shall Ave 
 withdraw from such noble men and women that sympathy and support we have for ten 
 years past given them, because some of them do not coincide with us in certain opinions ? 
 We feel that we cannot; that it would be a failure in duty to liberty itself to do so. 
 The American Society has in no respect altered its rules or mode of operation ; and no reason 
 has arisen why we should not aid and sympathise with it as heretofore." 
 
 Report of a Public Meeting held in the Hilercliants' Hall, Glasgow, January 21,1851,0/" 
 the Glasgoio Female Anti-slavery Society and others friendly to the abolition of slavery. 
 
 "The Hall was crowded. On the platform, Eev. G. Ingram, G. Jeffrey, W. Scott, D. 
 Johnston ; Drs. J. Black, and W. Young ; Bailie Pearson, Messrs. J. Knox, J. Barr, J. B. 
 Ross, J. Clark, A. Baton, J. Cooper, R. S. Brown, R. Gardner, J. Cairns, R. Simpson, J. 
 Hoey, F. B. Stuart, and other leading friends of the anti-slavery cause. 
 
 "Mr. William Smeal, Treasurer of the Glasgow Emancipation Society, in the chair. 
 Tiie Chairman said, (after alluding to the New Association,) . . . ' In associating to pro- 
 mote the anti-slavery cause, the understanding and the practice have ever been, that each held 
 his own views on all other matters, but agreed to co-operate for the overthrow of slavery. 
 On a principle similar to this, the Bible, and Peace, and Temperance Societies, and all bodies 
 associated for a common object, act. Unquestionablj', I should feel most satisfaction in 
 labouring with those who agree with me most intimately. I can have no sympathy with 
 any who daringly presume to impugn the government of the Almighty Ruler of the universe. 
 I could hold no fellowship religiously with those who detract from the principle that "all 
 Scripture is given by tlie inspiration of God." Least of all, could I harmonize with any who 
 deny the divinity of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, which I ^believe to be the chief 
 corner-stone of the Christian edifice. But, notwithstanding all this, if there be here or in 
 America those wlio, though differing from me on these and other points, are yet of un- 
 blemished moral reputation, who are spending their energies in behalf of the down-trodden 
 slave, and who of all others most enjoy his confidence, I am not prepared to abandon asso- 
 ciation with these men. The American Anti-slavery Society, with whom the friends of 
 emancipation in Glasgow have so long co-operated, is catholic in its constitution, consisting 
 of men of all religious oi^inions, orthodox and unorthodox, who, without referring to these 
 differences, harmoniously meet and labour for the extinction of slavery. Among these are 
 that prince and pioneer of abolitionists, William Lloyd Garrison and liis coadjutors. And 
 therefore I would continue to co-operate with them until the fetters are torn from the 
 limbs of the slave.' 
 
 " The Rev. Mr. Jeffrey said, in moving the adoption of the report, ' It is admirably fitted 
 to give the friends of the anti-slavery cause the enlightenment which some may need, who 
 are not so versant in the history of the anti-slavery movement as you (the chairman) and 
 others who are around me. AVe who are on this platform are not ignorant of the history of 
 the American Anti-slavery Society ; nor of the abuse to which its supporters have been 
 exposed in America, because they would neither turn aside to the right hand or the left, 
 from the great principle and piirpose of their association. The slavery of America is a great 
 religious, social, and political wrong, and the American Anti-slavery Society includes men 
 of every religious sect, of every social grade, of every political hue, that say they are ready 
 to aid in the removal of the wrong. The very fact that it embraces men of varied belief on 
 all other topics, is a guarantee that its jplatform can never become sectarian, or its action 
 ineffective. I have no confidence in any anti-slavery society in America tiiat has a different 
 constitution or any other jilatform. If we are to have anything to do with America at all, 
 (and we dare not cease to have to do with her,) we can only have to do with a society that 
 comes forward with the character and clanns of the American Anti-slavery Society. It is 
 no upstart or untried agency. You have to view its character by years of labor, — untiring 
 labor in the cause of the slave — labor amidst the vilest abuse and the most active persecu- 
 tion. It has not burst into life when controversy became popular. It has been maligned 
 
 The well-known names of those friends of the slave in Glasgow, who were foremost ia the 
 abolition of British Colonial Slavery, will be found at this meeting (where the Female Anti-slavery 
 Society's Report was adopted), renewing their cordial co-operation and sympathy with the American Anti- 
 slavery Society. The Itev. Mr. Gutherie, and most of the ladies forming the New Association, have been 
 hitherto milinown as abolitionists. 
 
20 LAST NEW YORK. MEETING OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 again and again in America, and the oliaracter of its able and active president, Mi-. Lloyd 
 Garrison, defamed ; but where is the spot of infamy on the character of that jnst and good 
 man, whom history will own as the pioneer in the great work of American independence ? 
 
 " The American Anti-slarery Society is before the world. Did I need to ask confidence 
 in it, or support towards the anti-slavery bazaar, I can appeal to its history, to its jjrin- 
 ciplcs, and to unprejudiced testimony. If we are to think alike on all points before we agree 
 to do anything on one point, co-operation for the removal of social evils is at an end. Here 
 is a poor man drowning in the river, and ere I throw a rope to give a pull, I must ask his 
 creed ; and though certified of his limited Presbyterianism, I am scarcely able to withdraw 
 him from the water. A stranger liowever approaches, and nmst I ask his creed ere I bid 
 him take hold of the rope. . . . The American Anti-slavery Society is crying out 'All 
 hands to the rope!' They are not for testing men's creeds, but testing their humanity, and 
 their grand mission shall not have been accomplished until the evil of slavery is abolished 
 from the world. Let us keep by the American Anti-slavery Society, and keep our bond of 
 union as catholic as ever. " 
 
 " Mr. W. Wells Bkown, a fugitive slave, then addressed the meeting. He was always 
 glad to have the opportunity of addressing a meeting of friends of the slave. The cause 
 needed advocates. The pro-slavery party in America set aside no means that were presented 
 for the advocacy of their views, or securing a colouring of respectability and countenance to 
 them. There could be no great convention at which they would not have their represen- 
 tatives, whether it was an Evangelical Alliance, a World's Temperance Convention in London, 
 or a Peace Congress in Paris or Frankfort. In these circumstances, tlie friends of the slave 
 required to be united and earnest. He had been a paid agent of that (the American Anti- 
 slavery) Society, but had ceased to be so for upwards of two years, and could therefore be 
 impartial. He was connected with no society now; nevertheless he always felt it his duty to 
 recommend that society. The reason why so much was said against it, and against its 
 president, was that they exposed the conduct of chui'ches and theological institutions of 
 America. Having read advertisements, notifying the sale of slaves belonging to doctors of 
 divinity and theological seminaries, he went on to say it was because Mr. Garrison had 
 exposed such conduct on the part of clergymen and churches, that he had been branded as an 
 infidel." 
 
 " Mr. W. Craft, a fugitive slave, reiterated the statements made by Mr. Brown as to the 
 services of Mr. Garrison to the anti-slavery cause, and the confidence entertained in him. 
 lie was the first white man that had shown him kindness in Boston. To his labours and 
 eiForts he ascribed much of tlie comfort and security which the negro population enjoyed 
 there. His jirivate opinions on other points he did not care for. He had never been false to 
 the anti-slavery cause, but had persevered tlirough obstacles that would have aifrighted 
 other men. He had been mobbed and dragged about the streets by ropes, and even had a 
 gallows erected opposite his own house, on which it was meant to have hung him. No 
 coloured man whose heart was right could ever think of Mr. Garrison but with emotions of 
 gratitude." 
 
 " The Rev. Mr. Scott moved, 'That believing the American Anti-slavery Society to be 
 still the most efficient for enlightening and changing the public opinion of America; to be 
 composed of men, the earliest, the most devoted, and talented abolitionists there, who 
 thoroughly have the confidence of the coloured population ; we renew our expression of 
 sympathy and co-operation with that society, and will continue to aid it as hitherto through 
 the medium of the Boston Bazaar.' John Knox, Esq. seconded the resolution, which, like 
 the others, was passed unanimously." 
 
 NEW YORK MEETING OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 The last Anniversary meeting of the American Anti-slavery Society commenced in the 
 Tabernacle, New York, on the 7th of May, 1850, with the fullest possible attendance. The 
 preliminary services went off without disturbance, and it was sometime before a disorderly 
 crew present found occasion to interfere. These was headed by Captain Isaiah Bynders of 
 the Empire Club, an association of ruffians which seem to have superseded the functions of 
 tlie magistracy of New York. At last, it was the statement of Mr. Garrison that President 
 Taylor was a Christian tliat produced the first interference of the leader of tlie mob. The 
 meeting in the evening was disturbed by a body of disorderly men near the door and in the 
 passages, which prevented the speeches from being heard. The next morning the Society 
 met in the same place. But Captain Kynders and his patriotic band were also there, and 
 better instructed in his duty than the day before, so the meeting broke up without transacting 
 any of its business ; and were obliged to retire to a private house for this purpose. 
 
LAST NEW YORK MEETING OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 21 
 
 AGAINST. 
 
 Britlsli Banner, Feb. 11, 1852. 
 
 We have been favored with the following 
 from as true a friend of the slave as treads 
 the British soil, Mr. Robert Charleton. 
 
 "Bristol, Jan. 29, 1852. 
 
 " Respected friend, — The artiele in this 
 week's Banner on the infidel school of Ameri- 
 can abolition is calculated, I think, to do 
 good service in undeceiving the public on the 
 question to wliich it refers. The evidence, 
 however, of Garrison's personal ojiinions 
 presented in that article, is not nearly so 
 strong as it might have been made. I en- 
 close for thy perusal an extract from W. L. 
 Garrison's speech at New York, in May, 1850, 
 in which infidelity is much more broadly and 
 explicitly avowed than in the extracts of the 
 Banner, and being delivered many years 
 later, it derives additional value from the fact 
 that it shows that Garrison's opinions have 
 not been modified but only confirmed since 
 his lectures in 1844. I am, respectfully, 
 "Robert Charleton."* 
 
 "We are abundantly supplied with facts 
 lip to the latest period, showing that in the 
 Garrison school there has been no reform, 
 but, as Mr. Charlton says, an advance upon 
 its previous attainments. 
 
 " Mr. Garrison's friends will take himself 
 at least as good evidence in his own case." 
 
 From the New York Observer's report of Mr. 
 Garrison^s speech. 
 ' ' Various religious bodies have various 
 
 FOR. 
 
 The Liberator of May 17, 1850, contains the 
 New York Herald's report of the Annual 
 Meeting., from ivhich the Observer copies 
 its account. The following are a portion 
 of Mr. Garrison^s corrections. 
 
 " Every reflecting person will readily per- 
 ceive that no reliance is to be placed upon the 
 reports of the speeches at the late meetings, 
 as given through the medium of such mob- 
 exciting journals as Bennett's Herald and the 
 Globe. They have purposely caricatured 
 and misrepresented the abolitionists as a 
 matter of course. 
 
 " The //ertf/f/ represents me as saying ' T7ie 
 magnetic telegraph has done viore for the 
 slave and for man than all the discussions about 
 religion since the world began.' I said 
 nothing about the slave, or about religion, 
 (using the word in its vital sense) in that 
 connection. Also, ' The Sabbath observance 
 ivill damn this nation as it did the Jews of old.' 
 My language was that the dogma was every- 
 where inculcated from the pulpit, that the 
 safety, prosperity, and permanence of this 
 republic depended on a strict observance of 
 the Sabbath, whereas the Jewish nation was 
 never so scrupulous in this very observance 
 as before its final overthrow ; no outward re- 
 ligious ordinances could save a people ; 
 nothing but justice, mercy, and righteous- 
 ness." 
 
 " What I said at New York was compre- 
 hensively this : ' that the popular tests of 
 piety in this nation were of no significance, 
 and prove nothing of love to God or man, 
 
 * Mr. Charleton had Leen supplied with a copy of tlie Liberator of Sept. ]9th, 1851, containing BIr. 
 GaiTison's latest disavowal of infidelity : but be prefers the testimony of the Neiv York Observer, pos- 
 sibh' being ignorant of its pro-slavery character. These extracts from that paper were first printed in 
 England in the Bristol Examiner, and were sent by Dr. Elton, foiTnerly a professor in one of the New 
 England colleges, in reply to the enquiry of a brother minister, " what evidence is there that Garrison and 
 Ids party are anti-social and anti-cbristian? " The Observer, a " religious journal," copies its report of the 
 anti-slavery meeting at New York (including the remark on the thrill of horror excited at Mr. Garrison's 
 blasphemy) from Bennett's Herald, the most violent of the pro-slavery papers, which, by its inflammatory 
 articles during the preceding week, had successfully instigated a brutal mob to break up the assembly, 
 endangering the lives of Frederick Douglass and other prominent abolitionists. — See the New York 
 press for May, 1850, or the anti-slavery papers mto which these articles are copied. 
 
 The Neto Yor-lc Observer, a vehement pro-slavery paper, styled in the Banner " that very respectable 
 joumal," and in the Bristol Examiner oi November 1, 1861, "the decided friend of the slave," 
 is the organ of tlie Old School Presbyterians, ijoted for their support of slavery. Its editor, Mr. 
 Sydney Morse, at the Evangelical Alliance in 1846 luged the unconditional admission of slaveholders as 
 members. In 1836, the Observer, by inflaming popular feeling and circulating calumnies against the 
 abolitionists, was instrumental in causing the murder of Love-joy, editor of an anti-slavery paper. Love- 
 joy had in vain implored the editor to desist from his attacks. The Rev. Dr. Nelson, late President of 
 the Literary and Theological Institution at Illinois, who had been for many years a slave-holder, thus 
 speaks of the Observer, "Of all northern periodicals, the New York Observer must have the preference 
 ,is an efficient support of slavery. I am not sm-e but it does more than all things combined to keep the 
 dreadful system alive. It is just the succour demanded of the South. Its abuse of the abolitionists is 
 music in Southern ears which operates like a charm. But nothing is equal to its harping upon the reli- 
 gious privileges of the slaves. And nothing could be so false and injurious to the cause of freedom and 
 religion as the impression it gives on that subject. I solemnly afhrm that, during the forty years of my 
 experience in that line, I never heard a single sermon to slaves but wdiat made obedience to the master 
 by the slaves the fundamental and supreme law of religion." 
 
22 
 
 LAST NEW YORK MEETING OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, 
 
 AGAINST. 
 
 tests, and the time has come to see these 
 dogmas disregarded, for tests are worth 
 nothing in this age. Do you believe in tlie 
 inspiration of tlie Bible? This test is worth 
 nothing in this age, for it proves nothing. 
 The depravity of man, tlie atonement, re- 
 demption by the blood of Christ, and other 
 kindred doctrines are worthless tests. The 
 magnetic telegraph has done more for the 
 slave and for man, than all the discussions 
 about religion since time began. 
 
 " The sabbith observances will damn this 
 nation as it did the Jews of old, for they 
 never observed it so religiously as before their 
 
 doom In this country Jesus, has 
 
 become obsolete Jesus sits in 
 
 the President's chair of the United States. 
 Zachary Taylor sits there, which is the same 
 thing, for he believes in Jesus." 
 
 British Banner, Feb. 11, 18,32. 
 
 " In the view of INIr. Garrison, discussions 
 about religion and religion itself are iden- 
 tical. 
 
 " That very respectable journal, the Obser- 
 ver, intimates that ' great sensation was pro- 
 duced, and a thrill of horror seemed to run 
 through the assembly at these blasphemous 
 remarks.' 
 
 '* Lest it be said that we are committed to 
 be the resolute and unscrupulous opponents 
 of this imijious man, we shall adduce on the 
 I)resent occasion the testimony of a well- 
 known and most zealous opponent of slavery, 
 and who has been such for the last live and 
 twenty years, the llev. Dr. Hague of Boston. 
 That gentleman has often come furth in an 
 excellent journal, the C/tristian Watchman and 
 Reporter* [Reflector ?] as warm and potent 
 an advocate as the slave possesses, for half a 
 life time. Dr. Hague thus expresses him- 
 self:— 
 
 " ' The proceedings at the recent meeting 
 of tlie American anti-slavery society justify 
 the strong language which some of our reli- 
 gious and secular contemporaries in that city 
 use, to express their disajiprobation of the 
 speech of Mr. Garrison. "\Viien his remarks 
 WL'ie iirst reported, it was difficult to believe 
 they liad been made, such was their indecen- 
 cy, their profanity, their marked defiance of 
 all that is good, beautiful, and exalting in 
 
 because the offence of the cross has ceased, 
 and it is everywhere safe and reputable to 
 embrace them.' I said ' that a profession of 
 faith in Jesus now costs nothing ; for his 
 praises are everywhere sung, and his deeds 
 everywhere lauded; by none more loudly 
 than by those who enslave and embrute their 
 fellow-men ; and therefore this is no longer a 
 true test of piety.' Tinally, I declared my 
 belief in a Jesus who redeems, not enslaves ; 
 who binds up the broken-hearted, not crushes 
 the weak ; proclaiming liberty throughout all 
 the land, not perpetuating human thraldom ; 
 the Jesus who lived and suffered eighteen 
 hundred years ago." 
 
 Ill the Philadelphia Ledger is the fullowing 
 
 report of the Anti-slavery Meetings at 
 
 New York. 
 
 " The misrepresentations of these meetings 
 have been so general and so gross, as to make 
 it necessary to publish a true statement of 
 facts in reference to them. The following 
 account was drawn up by a gentleman who is 
 not a member of any anti-slavery society, but 
 who occupies a high professional and social 
 station in this city, and who was an eye and 
 ear witness of what he describes. 'J'he ac- 
 count was originally intended for the private 
 eye of a friend in Congress, but at the re- 
 quest of the writer of these lines, was altered 
 into its present shape for the benefit of the 
 public. 
 
 " The assembly M^as of the most respectable 
 character. . . . Mr. Garrison began by 
 inviting any one there present who might be 
 so disposed to oifer a prayer. Mr. H. Grew, 
 a man of venerable aspect, rose in the body 
 of the house, and uttered a prayer for the 
 spirit and blessing of the God of the oppress- 
 ed. Mr. Garrison then read from the Bible. 
 His selections were most admirably adapted 
 to the state of the country. . . Next came 
 the treasurer's report. IMr. Garrison then 
 resigned the chair to Mr. E. Jackson of J]os- 
 toii, and proceeded to address the assembly. 
 He began by stating that the members of the 
 anti-slavery society regarded the anti-slavery 
 cause as emphatically the Christian move- 
 ment of tlie day. Nothing could be mure 
 ex])licit than his recognition of the truth and 
 divine authority of the Christianity of the 
 
 * In the Reports of the Baptist Mission Board, of whicli Dr. Hngne is a member, ^YiU be seen hi.s 
 imifunii suppression of anti-slavery action in bis denomination, liis recognition of slave-holders and 
 their missionaries as Christians aiid inini.sters of Christ, his enconragement to the admission of those 
 slave-holding influenees in the Triennial Convention, wliich in 1841 caused the .secession on anti-slavery 
 grounds of the Baptist Free Mission Society— See Baptist Magazine, also "Facts for Baptist Churches," 
 published by tlic Free Mission Society. The Christian Watchman and Reporter (Reflector?) vigorously 
 opposes all ecclesiastical anti-slavery action, and eftectually subserves slave-holding interests. It has 
 followed up every successful attempt of Rev. A. J. Foss and others to induce Baptist associations to 
 speak out against slavery, by brow-heating articles ; it circulates false and calumnious charges against the 
 
 Free Mission Baptists, and aims in every possible way to neutralize their anti-slavery laboui-s See its 
 
 own columns, and those of the American Baptist. 
 
LAST NEW YORK MEKTIXG OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 purport. Some of the city papers misrepresent them most grossly and wickedly. You 
 know how often and how widely I have diflered from Mr. Garrison, and how utterly I repu- 
 diate his disunion doctrines'; but neither my convictions nor my prejudices shall, if I can 
 help it, render me unjust. He bore himself nobly in the Tabernacle." 
 
 Letter from Mr. Jolm G. Whittier, the celebrated American jwet, to the Editor of the 
 
 Liberator. 
 
 " Amesbury, 13th of Fifth Month, 1850. 
 " Dear friend Garrison — I have just laid down a New York paper, giving the disgraceful 
 details of the outrage upon free speech at your late meeting ; and I cannot resist the inclina- 
 tio 1 to drop a line to thee, expressive of my hearty -ympathy with thee. We have not 
 always thought alike in respect to the best modes of promoting the anti-slavery cause, and 
 perhaps we diifer now as widely as ever. But when the right to advocate emancipation in 
 any shape is called in question, it is no time to split hairs. W. Phillips, F. Douglass, and 
 thyself were assailed ; not because of any peculiarities of opinion which you may entertain 
 on other subjects, but because you were abolitionists, and practical believers in the doctrine 
 of the Declaration of Independence. So understanding it, I thank you for your perseve- 
 rance and firmness in vindicating rights dear to us all. 
 " With esteem and sympathy, 
 
 ' ' I am very truly thy friend, 
 
 "John G. Whittier." 
 
 The Hamilton Madison Co. Journal, after reporting this New York meeting^ remarks : — 
 
 " The orthodox religious press of New York is signalizing itself by uniting with Bennett's 
 Herald and other mob organs in their abuse of the abolitionists. The New York Recorder, 
 a Baptist paper, calls the anti -slavery society 'an infamous organization.' The Syracuse 
 Recorder, a Presbyterian sheet, has the eifrontery to say ' that the anti-slavery meeting 
 should have been closed by the police, and Garrison treated as any other instigator of a riot.' 
 Language such as this is an open justification of the outrages of the mob. It is an earnest 
 that ' the pious and respectable portion of the community' will wink at any measures which 
 will prevent these 'fanatics' from expressing sentiments so dangerous to the church. It is 
 for this reason that the course of the religious press cannot be too strongly reprobated by 
 every friend of freedom and fair speech." 
 
LAST NEW YORK xMEETING OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 
 
 AGAINST. 
 
 religion. Paine's anathemas were ethical 
 maxims compared with Garrison's fulmina- 
 tions. How professing Christians, with a 
 particle of sincerity or self-respect, could lis- 
 ten to them, is to us inexplicable on any 
 otlicr ground tlian a possible conviction in 
 tiieir minds that the speaker was a madman, 
 whose blasphemies were so palpable that none 
 could be deluded by them. And tliis is the 
 man who undertakes to lead off a great re- 
 form movement, who arrogates to himself and 
 
 FOR. 
 
 New Testament. He went on to examine 
 the popular tests of religion, and to show 
 their defectiveness. In so doing, his manner 
 was grave and dignified ; there was no bitter- 
 ness, no levity. His manner of speaking was 
 simple, clerical, and Christian. If there was 
 a lack of good taste in Mr. Garrison's plirases, 
 I should despise myself if I were to stop and 
 pick flaws in a man devoted to the cause of 
 the wronged, while I overlooked or extenuat- 
 
 "- , : ...^ -^--^,....... ed the wrong of slave-holding. IMr. Garrison 
 
 the tew that uphold hmi all the humanity of said great importance was attached to a belief 
 the age ! It is not for us to deal with the in Jesus ; and yet this faith liad no vitality, 
 motives of those who encourage, by their no practical bearing on conduct and charac- 
 presence and sympathies, these worse than ter . . that Zachary Taylor believed' in 
 infatuations. . . . Slavery never can be Jesus, and yet was not deterred from buying 
 abolished if the despotism of evil is to take its and selling slaves. 
 
 place. If the fate of three millions in bond 
 age depended upon the efforts of Garrison, 
 eaten up as he is with hostility to the noblest 
 of our free institutions, one might well de- 
 spair. The recent attempt to read the Bible 
 
 The distinction which Mr. Garrison made 
 between true and false religion was so appa- 
 rent, throughout the whole course of his re- 
 marks, so fully and reverently did he recos;- 
 nize and imply throughout, the divine autlio- 
 
 1 • -^"^ ^^^^^^^ t.,ivt,i,i^^i, vKi icn.v.1 tlic JJIUIC .w^i^ a-.in liupi_y LlUUUgllOUt, lUC UIVUIC aUtllO- 
 
 out of existence, and to sap tlie foundation of rity of the Jesus of the New Testament, that 
 
 no one present thought of charging him with 
 blasphemy tlien, although his remarks have 
 been so reported that the community is lior- 
 rifled at Mr. Garrison's infidelity ! The thing 
 which Eynders seized upon as a pretext (for 
 interrupting the meeting) was not blasphemy, 
 
 religion— and this as an essential element in 
 tlie abolition reform— will throw the true 
 cause of emancipation back everywhere, un- 
 less Christian philanthropists see to it that 
 they have no part nor lot in the promotion of 
 
 those excesses to which we have referred. -"-^^i^iJ^'ing ljic meeung; was noi oiasj 
 Emancipation is a Christian not an infidel but an alleged insult to the President." 
 enterprise, and it can only be achieved upon 
 Christian principles. Let those wlio unwit- 
 tingly aid and abet the aberrations of dis- 
 guided atheism, as Garrisonianism assuredly 
 is, reflect that by so doing they aim a deadly 
 blow at the reform they seek to eflfect.' " 
 
 Anti-slavery Standard, Maij 23, 1850. 
 
 ' ' The following resolution was offered by 
 Mv. Lloyd Garrison at the close of his speech 
 at the Broadway Tabernacle : ' Tliat the 
 . • « 1 ,. • ., / . o , , Anti-slavery movement, instead of beino- 
 
 infidel m an evil sense (as is falsely alleged) is truly Christian, in the primitive meaning 
 of that term, and the special embodiment in this country of whatsoever is loyal to God 
 and benevolent to man, and that in view of the palpable enormity of slavery—of the re- 
 igious and political professions of the people_of the age in which we live, blazing with 
 the concentrated light of many centuries -indifference or hostility to this movement 
 indicates a state of mind more culpable than was manifested by the Jewish nation in re- 
 jecting Jesus as the Messiah, eighteen hundred years ago." 
 
 A correspomknt in the Hartford Republican twites:— 
 
 ..V * J • T .. ■, , , "New York, May 8, 1850. 
 
 • 1 esterday morning I attended the meeting of the American Anti-slavery Society I^Ir 
 W. Lloyd Garrison first took the floor. His object was to show that the slave's only hope 
 of deliverance was in the American Anti-slavery Society. Neither the Church nor 
 State M'ould do the work, for both were in league with slavery. He regarded sympathy 
 in the anti-slavery movement as a better test of character than assent to any popular theolo- 
 gical dogina In fact an avowal of belief in the Bible, in Christian ordinances, in the 
 sanctity of the Sabbath, the Divinity of Christ, &c., were not tests, simply because these"' 
 things were all very popular, and were compatible with impurity of heart and tyranny of 
 conduct. This portion of his address was able and argumentative ; but its leadino-' idea was 
 not a novel one. I have heard precisely the same doctrine preached from orthodox pulpits 
 ever since I fir.st saw an orthodox pulpit. Yet from Mr. Garrison's lips it will be put down 
 as the rankest iiihdelity Watch the papers, and see if it be not so. Fortunately I sat 
 immediately adjoining the platform, and heard him very distinctly ; and thou'di I rccard 
 some of his forms of expression as unhappily chosen, I yet failed to detect anythin- like 
 infidelity in his remarks. j o ^ 
 
 " There was much interruption during this portion of :\Ir. Garrison's remarks, and those 
 who only caught a sentence here, and half a sentence there, might innocently mistake their 
 
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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