s £7 e REMARKS it OP HON. GEO. EUSTIS, JR., OF LOUISIANA, ON THE ORGANIZATION OF THE HOUSE. hi DELIVERED - J y l IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 7, 1856 WASHINGTON: PRINTED AT THE CONGRESSIONAL GLOBE OFFICE, 1856. f*\ *\ REMARKS. Th»' Hon I engaged with the question Mr. EUSTIS (when ] was called) id: ] give my \ <■■ i ris i to a persona] ex- ition. It was mj • to ha I thi floor until • zation culiar in of the debate of Saturday last, and fallen from the lips of sippi, [Mr. i have D '' brought to my notici . to depart from the line of eon- ■ : which 1 had determined upon. Mr. STANTON. I « wait until the roll . Mr. EUSTIS. Wi reitn . king time, for the purpose of o, I ai i ... implc of oth • I should certajnl; from < '.1 ■ Ienjtett,] as fc- : ■ : ' ■ ;. . . "Did iv ' m irican party i i I n : arti !e of tl i- w ire pn I ■ . : proacri] ■ 1 'nl not only that, l>'.it. unli . :i member in I platform, . acting with fha American party hern in the With :i ii'- D bi r i.!' : ' ' t : " ! principl i, v.i: 1 / nrhai can it be pi !| ' IVV - unite with us in ilio Hon of a Srjhkcr: We Hi- same coivtrjjeiion lo tin' ■ that ' top - I r < gret i y, Mr. Clerk, thi which I ha . e had thi hori- : man cern or un< asincss totli . more par: I \ their representatives in convention, to form that Constitution, slavery existed in all but one of the States of tie Confederacy. The people, through their representatives, having an existing and acknowledged right to hold slaves, conceded this — the right to prohibit importation — after the year 1808. They made no cession, so far as re- garded the existence of domestic slavery. They claimed — and it was granted — the right of reclam- ation in case of escape. They claimed — and it was granted — the right of retfresentation as an element of political power. And 1 hold, in the absence of express authority, that Congress has no constitutional right to legislate upon the sub- ject of slavery. [Applause.] I hold that the Territories are the common property of all the ites, and that the people of all the States have a common right to enter upon and occupy those Territories, and they are protected in that occu- pation by the flag of our common country; that Co jress has no constitutional power either to late slavery into, or exclude it from, a Ter- ritory. Neither has the Territorial Legislature, in my judgment, any right to legislate upon that subject, except so far as it may be necessary to protect the citizens of the Territory in the enjoy- ment of their property, and ihal in pursuance of its organic law, as established by congressional legislation. When the citizens of the Territory shall apply for admission into the Union, they may determine for themselves the character of their institutions, (by their State constitution:* and it is their right then to declare whether they will tolerate slavery or not, and, thus fairly de- ciding for themselves, should be admitted int i the Union as States without reference to the sub- ject of slavery. The Constitution was formed by the people of the States for purposes of mutual advantage and protection. The States arc sover- eignties, limited only so far as they have surren- dered their powers to the General Government. The General Government, thus created and lim- ited, ads with certain positive, defined, and clearly a .■(■■ rtaini d powers. Its legislation and adminis- tration should be controlled by the Constitution; and it cannot, justly employ its powers thus lb i jated to impair or destroy any existing < r vresti tl rights belonging to the people of any of the States. Mr. BARKSDALE. The interrogatories, Mr. Clerk, which I propose to put to the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Banks,] I intend for all the ■ ntleman who are candidates for the speak- ership; and, in order that the House and the gentlemen to whom they are propounded may undi rstand them, I will now read them: Are you now a member of the American or Know Nothing party? Are you in favor of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia, the United States forts, dock -yards. &C. • Do you believe in the equality of the white and black races in the United States: and do you wish to promote that equality by legislation? Are yon in favor of the entire exclusion of adopted citizens and Roman Catholics from office? Do you favor the same modification — and this tion I intend particularly for the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. Banks] — of the tariff now which you did at the last session of Con- gress? Mr. FULLER, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Clerk, I shall answer the questions specifically and di- r !i tly, n serving to mys slf the privilege of more full explanation hereafter. "Are you in favor of restoring the Missouri restriction, or do you go for the entire prohibition of .shivery in nil the Territories of the United States?" I am opposed to any legislation upon those sub- jects for reasons already given. "Are you in favor of abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia and the United States forts, dock-yards, &c. ;: ' s I am not, sir. « Do you bali >ve in the equality of the white nut! black races in the United States, and do you wish to promote that equality l>y legislation r" I do not, sir. I acknowledge a decided prefer- ence tor white people. [Laughter.] •' ire ydu i" la^or of the entire exclusion of adopted citizens and Roman Catholics from office.'" Mr. Clerk. I think v ith General Washington— ami he is a very high authority— that it does not comport with the policy of this country to ap- point foreigners to office to the exclusion of native- horn citizens. [Loud applause in the galleries.] But I wish to say that I proscribe no man be- cause of his religion; I denounce no man because of his politics. "I accord to all the largest liberty of opinion and of expression, of conscience and of worship. I rare not, sir, what, creed a man may profess; I care not to what denomina- tion he may bi long; be he Mohammedan, Jew, or Gentile, I concede to him the right to worship according to the dictates of his own judgment. I invade no man's altar, and would not disturb any man's vested rights. Whatever we have been, whatever we are, and whatever we maybe, rests betwe< n us and Heaven. I allow no mortal to be my mediator; and. judging no man, will by no man lie judged. With regard to those of foreign birth, I do not desire to exclude them. I say to them: "Come, enter upon the public lands; occupy the public territory; build up for yourselves homes, acquire property, and teach your children to love the Constitution and laws which protect them;" but I do say that in all mat- ters of legislation, and in all matters of adminis- tration, Americans should govern America. " Do you favor the sr.ran modification of the tariff now that you did at the hist session of Congress ."' I was not a member of the last Congress: and all that 1 would now ask upon the subject of the tariff is, " to be let alone." [[ considi ritdue to my constituents, the Amer- ican party, and the people of my State in general, that 1 should take this early opportunity of p] before tie m the i minently national sentimi nts and of the gallant sen of Pennsylvania, for whom I base cast my vote for Speaker.] And here, Mr. Clerk, I will take occasion to state, in a very few words, — reserving to myself the privil :ge of stating my views at greater length on some other occasion. — what is the position of the American party of Louisiana on the subject of religion. We hold, sir, in Louisiana, and we hold it as a cardinal maxim — and I hope to God that it will be so held in every State of this Union — that religious faith is a question between each individual and his God; and we consider that any attempt to abridge or circumscribe re- ligiousfrei dom is unworthy of our great country, and must be repudiated by every party in this country. We consider that it is in violation of the organic laws of the land; and in that spirit the American party in Louisiana repudiated the th article of the Philadelphia platform; and, sir, I now repudiate it in toto. I care not, sir, what construction gentlemen, in perfect good faith, may be pleased to put upon it. I know that gentlemen have addressed this House, and told us that they nw ant nothing by the eighth article of the Philadelphia platform: that is to say, that the construction which they place upon it could not be considered as offensive as against American Catholics, and therefore as inoperative and innocent as against that class of our citizens. Put, Mr. Clerk, as I said before, I care not what construction they put upon it. I listened with pleasure to the remarks of the eloquent gentle- man from the Louisvilkylistrict, [Mr. Humphrey Marshall,] and I am satisfied that that gentle- man agrees with me entirely. I am satisfied that the honorable gentleman from the Louisville dis- trict does not intend to proscribe American Cath- olics. I am satisfied that, when he says th^t he is in favor of the broadest religious liberty, what he says comes from the bottom of his heart, and that he stands with me, where every American must stand, upon the broad basis of civil and religious liberty. [Applause in the galleries.] But, as I said before, I care not what construc- tion is put upon it. The words are there in white and black, and they are offensive and in- sulting to the American Catholics of America, Let us look at what took place in the State of Virginia during the last State election. What was the construction which the American can- didate for Governor of that State placed upon the eigTith article of the Philadelphia platform? We all know that, in the early part of his can- vass, that candidate published a letter in which he said he never would vote for a Catholic. Thank God, that gentleman was defeated; and, sir, he t to have been defeated. There was enough in that letter to defeat ten thousand candidates for Governor; and I trust that'every man who holds such odious and monstrous doctrines will ever meet with as deep a political grave as the honorable gentleman, the American candidate for ( rovi rnor of Virginia, has met with. I ugree with the honorable gentleman from Mis- sissippi [Mr. Bennett] when he says, if the !t article of the Philadelphia platform does not mean to proscribe Catholics, it means nothing. \ id, sir, what can it mean? I believe it means nothing. It isamere abstraction — a mere idle I concession to the prejudices of one class of reli- gionists — and has no place in the platform of a gnat national party. And I undertake to show to this House, if they will consider the declara- tions of the members of the national American party upon this floor, and if they will examine the eighth article of the Philadelphia platform, that they will find that it means nothing as against American Catholics, and cannot apply to them, unless it is intended to exclude them from office, which is expressly disavowed; because the cardi- nal principle — the great principle, according to my understanding — of the American platform is this: that none but native-born Americans should be elevated to office; therefore, if none but native- born Americans are to be elevated to office, all foreigners are excluded — foreign Catholics are excluded, foreign Protestants are excluded, and foreign Jews are excluded. And they are not excluded on account of their religion, but on ac- count of their birth; therefore, if foreign Catho- lics are excluded on account of their birth, and not on account of their religion, the only Catholics who remain to be dealt with, and the only Catho- lics who can come up and be considered as can- didates by the American party, are the American Catholics. They are the only Catholics who can be considered as candidates by the American party, because all foreigners are excluded; and, as I said before, foreign Catholics are excluded by coming within that designation. Mr. VALK. I suggest to the gentleman from Louisiana, with great courtesy and kindness to him, that, at this particular stage of the proceed- ings in the call of the roll, he should, be kind enough to suspend his remarks for the present. Mr. EUSTIS. I would adopt the gentleman's suggestion, but I beg to inform him thfetf.1 .1 but little more to say, and that little more is par- ticularly addressed to gentlemen belonging ti American party whom I am desirous should know , distinctly where I stand. I am no Catholic, and I have been but seldom within the walls of a Catholic church— and that, however, is nothing, in my favor, i say I desire that the Catholics should understand exactly where I ..and; and I tell them that by the eighth article of the Phila- delphia platform, according to the view which 1 take of it, they either exclude or intend to pro- scribe American Catholics, or they mean not because gentlemen have stated upon this floor that they did not intend to proscribe Catholics. Then, gentlemen, if you hi' by that article of the platform, in t ; God strike it out, for it is a blot upon the his- tory of our country; it is admitted to be a great political blunder. I am satisfied that no conven- tion could be assembled now which would tolerate its bare proposition. I am equally satisfied that the days of the national American party are numbered, unless the next convention of its dele- repudiati s it. Every one knows, who has given any thoughts to the prospects of this American party, that that article has driven thou- sands from our ranks who coincided with us in other respects. The American people are gen- erous, and you have excited that generosity. They will not agree with you in this crusade against Catholicism: and I would rather that this arm should wither than be connected with any party whose purpose it is to persecute the Catholics of this great country. Gentlemen talk about the Papal power. The honorable gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. R.eade] the other day asked the honorable gen- tleman from C4co:'gia, [Mr. Stephens,] whether he would vote for a Catholic whose religious opinions lie suspected of being hostile to the general interests of this country.. What right has that gentleman to challenge the nationality of his peer, his equal, and require him to purge his conscience, before he can hold communion with him on the footing of an American citizen ? What right have you to denounce him as a traitor to his country, and compel him to stand before your bar as a criminal — as an individual ho to the institutions of your country? [Here the hammer fell, utes having expired. Cries of " Go on !"] No objection being made, Mr: EUSTIS resumed. I tell you, gentl i you have just as much right to put your 1. in another man's pocket, to see if the money he has belongs to him, as to assume that position towards the American Catholics — as to pr< their consciences to ascertain whether they en- tertain opinions hostile to the institutions of their country. Gentlemen ought to recollect that here, in this Con:; , there is not a single Catholic priest. . for my pan, it is Do1 a subject of regret, for i am opposed to all religious interference with our political affairs. I am in favor of mi aurch and which has been established by our great cs. The Catholics of America are opposed to any religious int< rfi r oce with their political '.:;d, sir, the' elements of freedom and independence' which lie in the bosom of all Amer- nt to enable them, to resist ipt on the part of Ui to overstep boundaries of their holy mission. They da not require the assistance of Protestants to draw the line for them between* ccl< siastical and polit- ical jurisdiction; whenever they do, it will be timS enough for the follow< rs of Luther and i lal- vin to take up the rule and the c tnpass. At all : ran never be trie sub under our organic law, of national enactmenl State Legislatures can alone exercise control ov< r religion or n ligious corporation State must own a rding to the understan But, ! ir, that very same n asou which would make mea deadlyenemy oft 'atholic , i interference with our institutions, mi kes mc blush for my countrymen when 1 sec the Protestant church soiling its rol by dr them in the mire of politics. Your L are filled with gentl av a w ho wi ar white cravats and black coats. Your Congress has a larg proportion of these clerical - Au.il. you, with due respect and d men of the cloth, to show mea Catholic pri it or an accredited agent of the Church of Rome in this Hall. [Laughter, and cries of " Hear, hear!"] i. lei i who talk about the Pope of Rome ought to r< collect that that poor old man, who is an object of such terror to them, is now in the custody of a guard of I ch sol liers. But, Mr. Clerk, I have consumed more time than I desired. 1 will simply close my remarks by asking the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Reajde] where he gets the authority for thus blackballing his peers, his equals, the Catho- lics? — whi re he g< ts the authority for stamping them as the mere tools of the Pope of Rone? — where he jets the authority for considering- them as unworthy of participating in the great councils of this country? Does the gentleman find his authority, or will he find it, in the Constitution of the United States? Will tl i n find it in the tri :| nd the Unit* d £ by which the Territory of Louisiana was ceded to this country, and by which the religiousr of its inhabitants were guarantied to them ? Will man find it in the Fan well Addr . atherof our Country — in that address which is so often quoted by the orators of tho American party? Yv'ill the gentleman find it in reat book, the Bible, On which so much veneration has been wasted so unprofit.ibly in the Philadelphia platform? I will tell the gentle- man where he will find it. He will find it in the teachings: anil in the inspiration of that dark spirit of fanaticism which is the curse of the An- laxon race. The gentleman will find it in liritbywh P ants were driven from V . E i> lai d by thi <- •' How -Pr stants in our colonial days. He will find it in that spirit which the Episco] .bans of Virginia drive away their Puritan brethren from that State. And where did these persecuted Puritans and Protest- ants in general go? What spot did they choose as an asylum in order to be protected from their Protesanl persecutors? I will tell the gentleman where they went in those colonial times. They went to the colony of Maryland- to that colony whose inhabitants were under tin: influence of "the aggressive policy of the Church of Rome and its corrupting tendencies." Yes, these Puri- tans sought a refuge in that colony which first in the United States established the law protect- ing every man from religious persecution. Mr. Clerk, the American party of Louisiana has a right to be heard; I regret exceedinglythat I am here th" sole exponent of its views. 1 regret dingly that the pveK nsions of that party are not in abler hands. But, sir, I will state this much, that in every Native Amerii lization tho America party of Louisiana has a right to be , if 1 am not mistaken, the Legislatures na was the first which passed resolutions demanding * change in the naturalization laws of this country. 1 thank the House fin- the indulgi ace which it nd d to me on this occi sion. 1 vote fur .Mr. l'i LLER. [Hon. Percy Walker, in an eloquent speech, indorsed the action of I '. tcan party of Louisiana.] &fi '•. * L 1BR« R>( OF CO' wg rES ^ 011 89T 8AT ? ,Sl?f C °^S £ 001 '897 847