C/ . O • » A- T A, J, - » • • . ' r . '■^^i''- 0' .V INCtUIRY Into the Object and Tendency OE THE PRESENT WAR, Addressed to the Citizens OP NEW-HAMPSHIRE. PORTSMOUTH. PRINTED AT THE ORACLE PRESS.' '^/'■■-; ,\ INQUIRY, ^Q. In a time of general calamity, it is the duty of every individual to come for- ward in the public service. However \o\y his talents, or humble his station, he stiU may do something- for the benefit of others. Some may be influenced by his example, and others convinced by his arguments. — The careless and indifferent may be roused to attention by his exertions ; and the rest- less curiosity Avhich he has excited, may terminate in deep conviction, and resolute action* It is with these sentiments, that the author of the following pages presents them to his fellow^citizens. He deems the subject of infinite importance to all. Another year, and it may be too late to examine it. If his name could add any weight to his argu- ments, or authority to his opinions, it would be cheerfully given. He has no private interest to advance, and no party passions to indulge. But he feels that on this year depends the peace and liberty of his country. If this year is suffered to pass away in in- dolent security » the next may find him, in common with his countrymen, the subject of a miliUtry despotism. It is my design in the following pages to inquire into the real objects of the present ^var ; I shall endeavour to ascertain them, 1. From the time and circumstances under which it was declared. 2, From the manner in which it has been carried on» An opinion has been extensively diffused in this country, that since we are engaged in hostilities and the enemy is at our door, it is of little consequence to inquire how or why we plunged into war. We must con- tend with England, say tlie partisans of the administration, till some decisive victory enables us to obtain peace upon our own terms. Government can do nothing Avith- out unanimity among the people. It is our duty to lay aside party dissensions, and to unite in support of the administration, whe- ther the war be right or wrong. — I answer, if the war be not just and honorable, I dare not wish it success. I care not what pre- tences were used at its commencement, nor what passions are called forth in its support. If its real objects be unjust or dangerous, it is my duty to oppose it. Every man who has reflected upon the nature of government and the right-s and duties of individuals, knows that there is a point, beyond which submission to govern- ment is a crime. We are accustomed to laugh at the folly, or pity the weakness of those European nations which have so long endured in silence the tyranny of monarchs and nobles. Let the people unite in their own defence, we have said, and the power of their oppressors, antient and majestic as it is, will crumble into dust. But our government is one of our own choice.— Our rulers are our servants. If they do WTong we remove them. We suffer no man to remain in office long enough to obtain the power of oppressing us. True — but is there no party-oppression ? Does not all history, and all experience prove that the passions of a multitude are more blind, furious, and un- governable, than those of an individual ? — Have the minority no feelings to be insulted, no rights to be injured, no blessings to be destroyed ? If a triumphant party were disposed to trample on the rights and liberties f)f their fellow citizens, would it not be their first object to prevent any inquiry into the nature and design of their measures ? It is a maxim of the British government that " the King can do no wrong." The true meaning of it is, that whatever evil is committed, is imputed not to the King, but to his ministers. And this is reasonable — for though the King cannot be punished, his ministers have often been condemned to death for their political crimes. The friends of the war have adopted this maxim, and applied it literally, in its full extent, to our own government. With them King James can do no wrong; not because his evil deeds are imputed tq Gallatin, Armstrong or Monroe, but because the President, by virtue of his office, is in- vested with absolute infallibility. Avoid then the man who would diminish your freedom of inquiry. Place the brand of infamy on him who tells you to support the war, whether it be right or Avrong. If the designs of the administration were pure, they would court inquiry. What honest man ever dreaded an investigation of his character? The words of inspiration have declared that if " men love darkness rather than lifjht" it is " because their deeds are evil'* The motives assigned by the American Government for the declaration of war, are in substance the following. 1^ The impressment of our Seamen, 2. The principles of Blockade imputed to the British Government. 3. The Orders in. Council It is not my design to examine these caus- es separately, and at length. Every man ac= quainted with the history of our country and with tliat of Europe for the last twenty rears, must see that they are utterly insuf- ficient to jiistlfy an appeal to arms. They are now indeed abandoned by the very par- tisans of war ; and tlie conquest of Canada, or the chastisement of the Indians, qr some each worthy motive, is substituted for the official declarations of G:overnment. It t>^ is ris:ht that a war commenced with fraud 't> should be continued with injustice. The orders in Council were repealed, as IS well known, within a few days af- ter our declaration of war ; — and it should never be forgotten that, at that time French decrees more oppressive in princi- ple and more outrageous in language had existed for years without any shew of re- sistance on the part of our government. The right of paper blockade as it has been called, or the right of declaring a place blockaded, without an adequate force to invest it, has been formally and officially disclaimed by Great Britain. And yet the imputation of this doctrine to her is still considered as one of the justifying causes lof the war ! The last subject is the impressment of Seamen. Great Britain has never claimed the right of taking American seamen from American ships. In. searching for her own subjects, mistakes have sometimes happen- ed. The similarity of language, counte« nance, and manners rendered it unavoida- ble. But even on this subject an amicable arrangement was made with the British Government by Mr. Monroe the present Secretary of State, and Mr. Pinkney the present Attorney General of the U. S. Mr. Jefferson refused to ratify the agree- 3 ment, and sent back the treaty without even submitting it to the Senate. He was un- willing to live at peace with England , while France was her enemy. In June 1812 an attempt was made by the Federal members of the Legislature of Massachusetts, to procure from the several towns of that Commonwealth an accurate list of their impressed citizens. This at- tempt was frustrated by the democratic Senate of that State. The partisans of the war well know (and they dare not deny it) that the stories of impressment have been exaggerated beyond all parallel. If this war has been commenced for " free trade and sailors' rights," is it not incredible that Massachusetts, the cradle and nurse of half the seamen in the Union should be opposed to it? Can it be reconciled with any prin- ciples of human sympathy, that the negro driver of the South should feel more for the New- England sailor, than his own Parents, and Brothers, and Friends ? Away with such folly. ^ What then were the real causes of the war ? I answer — 1. To aid the cause of France. 2. To depress New-England, and de- stroy her Commerce. No man in his senses can doubt that there is a secret understanding between the Govemment of this country and that of France. By a series of naval victories un- exampled in history, Great Britain liad at- tained the sovereignty of the ocean. Her insular situation protected her from the ar- mies of France. She was only vulnerable in her commerce. The Corsican usurper, with some sagacity, determined to diminish her power, by restricting her trade. The manufactures of Great Britain were in con- sequence, excluded from all the ports of the continent.- Still all this availed him nothing while the United States were per- mitted to obtain their supplies at the niar- kets of this hated nation. The United States were therefore persuaded to lay an. embargo ; and they were publicly congrat- ulated'by.the French Emperor upon having thus united with him in his " continental system." That embargo was known in France long before the tidings of it could possibly have reached th?it country in the or- dinary channels of communication. It was undoubtedly a measure originally planned and recommended by the Court of Napole- on. In January 1808 the French Emperor announced to General Armstrong that " war exists in fact between England and the United States." On the 18th of June 1812, the Congress of the United States adopted the same words. Add to this, the remarkable fact, that while our whole di- plomatic con*espondence with England has been regularly published, not a single entire letter of the correspondence with France has been given to the public, since Mr. 10 Jefferson's accession to the chief magistracy. History shews tlie possibility of corruption. 1 do not charge it upon any man. But the effects of bhnd partiaUty or vindictive ha- tred may be as ruinous to a iiation, as the corruption of its magistrates. When I consider the manner in which this calamitous war has been conducted, I can entertain no doubt of its real object. What ! send our troops to the wilds of Canada, and leave our seaports defenceless for the protection of Commerce f Seal up every bay, and river, and creek in the coun» try for the promotion difree trade I Deprive every sailor in the nation of the wages of industry, and compel him either to quit his home, or to languish in a prison for the se» curity of his rights ! They might have spared us this mockery. But they knew the spirit of New-England was dead. Six years of Embargo, Non- Intercourse, and Non- Importation had taught them what we were capable of enduring. The Lion was well nigh dead before the Ass ventured to lift up his heels against him. There never was a people so extensively and entirely commercial as the inhabitants of New-England. The love of enterprise and adventure had diffused itself through every class in Society. Almost every man was either directly or remotely connected with the commercial interests of the countr}^ Now a war is undertaken, avowedly for the interest of commerce, against the opinions Lorci u and wishes of this great body of people; It is carried on by commercial restrictions. To compel England to give up the right of impressment not a fishing boat is permitted to throw a line in the ocean — not a sheet of canvass to whiten in the breeze. One great object of this war is undoubtedly then, to destroy the commerce of New-England^ and diminish her political power. But these calamities, deplorable as they are, are not the greatest we have to fean Farmers, send not your sleighs to market^ you may incur the penalties of treason. Some vigilant spy of the custom-house may imagine you are proceeding toward the en- emy. Some starving neighbor may cast a wistfull eye upon your money. It may be convenient for him to seize it, and to pursue you with the vexation and trouble of a law- suit. If he succeeds, he divides the prizf, with the Government j if he fails, your property, at the end of a year or ^^'^ '*•' re- storcdj Without any compensation for your trouble, or '^lamage for the detention. A. people \hat will cjuktly sub '♦• '- r.rich Isvvs m- the Uist Embargo ac» i ip'.; for slavery. The fruit ma < '? by the lirbc adventurer that pluck it. CtU; " What measures shall we take 9" . ■ you ask with astonishment and disi.^.y. answer— Try first every constitutional means of redress. Suff"^not a single ad- vocate of th e^var t o hold an office in your u i^/ut. Petition j'our government for peace.' it is in their power to give it. If these ex- ertions fail, rally round your State Gov- ernment. It is still independent. If the war continues another year, you will cease to be the member of a confederation. You will become the province of an Empire. Farmers ! be not seduced by the high prices of your produce. This war is cost- ing every one of you 33 dollars a year.-j- — In the course of this year the tax-gatherer will visit you. His visits will be repeated, and his demands increased. Your present additional prices will not pay the interest of the debt you are incurring. Neither are the taxes heavy as they . are sufficient for that purpose. Your grain and beef and v/ool is consumed by the army. That army you are paying yourselves. I pray God you are not payino: it for your own ruin ! xpeu^ of the war to be forty mil- t;on^^iii;MBthe smallest possible. su,n, ^J^^ ^ llo., the several States in ^<^^^^J^ SiM^e to! sum which ^T?*'"^"'' -nTlL^ SI three hundred wards the co^t of the war will be one million, inr ■^ 000,000 : 40,000,000 : : 96, ^9^ : \yjl-if^'o »«> "i, ;hoe direct tax, is to the whole annual expense so ."the pi^portion which New-Hampshire pays of the first, to that ^•hirh she contributes to the second. „^/i:„„ .« fh. Sm osing every Farmer's family to consis ^P«" ^^^^J^^^; •a.e of five persons, this war brings hi^ri .n debt every year imn ddlars and fftifcaiis. (TV^ ^j^^. If peac« The war '^^s laaea^ycai-^ and e^h n^^on^^^^ .^ ,,HC made at th.s m oment, .t:^oad Ua ec^ely ,he bla'.f, mifUmmi'-oUars aadf)^^^^^^"^- 89 W ^^ O^*^^ V % 'bV ■4^' <^\U(^.^^ '^. « oV'^^^ia'. ^>t..-4^' V-o^ vj^ ^ ^WERT BOOKBINDING i^ 0"'