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NEW CANDIDATE FOR PRESIDENT. 
 
 THE HON. JOHANNES P1NMRUS. 
 
 
 AS 
 
 ■ 
 
 EXPOSE OF HIS POLITICAL VIEWS: 
 
 WITH THE 
 
 DUTIES DEVOLVING ON TEE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 N EW-YORK: 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 
 
 June 1st, 1843. 
 
 

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Flllow-Citizens : 
 
 In looking over a file of old newspapers the other day, 
 I observed the name of Winfield Scott attached to a long 
 communication, by which I was reminded of a duty that I 
 had long neglected to discharge. Having been solicited by 
 letters from different states of the Union, as also from press- 
 ing personal applications from individuals of high standing 
 in community, to give an expose of my political sentiments 
 with a view of placing my name on the list of candidates 
 for the office of President of the United States, I have re- 
 luctantly come to the conclusion to gratify those at least 
 who have expressed so much solicitude on the subject, and 
 also to give to each and all of my fellow-citizens an oppor- 
 tunity to judge of the fitness of the man who may be des- 
 tined to preside over their common interests. In performing 
 this duty, I shall take but a bird's-eye view of the different 
 duties devolving on a Chief Magistrate of the Union, but on 
 all points show my hand sufficiently plain that all may 
 know where to find me, except on that part in which a 
 national currency is connected, that being a subject which 
 interests community more than any other, and to do it jus- 
 tice, facts, with bearings and effects, are required to be stated, 
 that results may be definitively calculated on. To respond 
 to all the questions and inquiries that have been propounded 
 to me separately, would require more time and labor than 
 I could possibly devote ; and therefore shall I be compelled to 
 adopt the same method of General Scott, who has been 
 brought out in the same way that I am now coming, to wit, 
 the " circular form." Upon reflection I have often thought it 
 a matter of astonishment that either General Scott or myself 
 should have been so hard pressed upon this subject. He, though 
 enveloped with military glory, for having performed duty 
 
during the last war, (though no more to his credit than 
 hundreds of others engaged in the same service,) renowned 
 for his high standing and assumed lofty bearing ; for having 
 long since endeavoured to become Commander in Chief to 
 the prejudice of others ; for having gone to Florida and an- 
 nihilated the Indians ; for his chivalry in having attempted 
 to get in collision with men of the highest talents and worth 
 in the country, that his name might be emblazoned in news- 
 paper paragraphs, and his fame for courage established ; yet, 
 after all this, one squint at his countenance is sufficient to 
 dispel every thought of his greatness, and make one's sides 
 shake with the idea of his name ever having been used for 
 that of President of the United States ; for no great man's 
 face perhaps was ever looked upon, that presented stronger 
 indications of nothingness than his. For myself, who am I, 
 that so much interest should have been manifested to be- 
 stow upon me the greatest honors in the gift of a great, 
 free, and independent people 1 From trifles, however, revolu- 
 tions have been effected : so w T ith me it is known, and 
 doubtless has had great influence upon the public mind, that 
 I was born in the same month and on the same day of the 
 month that General Washington was. So of course while he 
 lived our birth-days always happened on the same day ; and 
 since his death the day has always been observed with re- 
 joicings, probably as much or more in honor of General 
 Washington's memory as from respect to myself. Be that as 
 it may, one important consideration presents itself in this 
 case : whatever honors the country may hereafter feel itself 
 bound to confer on my birth-day on account of services which 
 I may render it, no extra expenses need ever be incurred, 
 connected as it is with Washington's ; for while our repub- 
 lican form of government lasts, the 22d day of February 
 will be honored with military parades and festivals. There 
 are a number of other remarkable coincidences between 
 General Washington and myself: the manner in which we 
 were brought up, the extent and sameness of our education, 
 the habits of our living, all seem to be as much the same as 
 our birth-flay. Another remarkable coincidence, — between 
 General Harrison and myself: when young we both studied 
 physic, and before either of us learnt as much as we might 
 
have done we both quit. Another, with General Jackson: 
 the Genera], before he was elected President, was strongly 
 impressed with his incompetency to discharge the duties of the 
 office, and so precisely it is with myself. Yet another, and I 
 close the chapter of coincidences. Martin Van Buren has 
 always known, since he has been a politician, that when a 
 man had not merits' to place himself high in office, it was 
 necessary to use means by which the object could be effect- 
 ed ; therefore, to plnce himself in the Presidential Chair, he 
 found the position could not be obtained except by mount- 
 ing the back of Richard M. Johnson, and borrowing the 
 mantle of Andrew Jackson. Thus oveishadowed, with John- 
 son to rest on as a foundation, Martin rode triumphantly into 
 the place of his highest aspirations. I intend mounting the 
 back of the strongest political war-horse that is a candidate 
 for the Presidential Chair, borrow the mantle of honest 
 John Tyler, and the result may easily be calculated on. 
 All these circumstances combining must have a powerful in- 
 fluence in aiding my friends to consummate their wishes, and 
 will doubtless tend to dishearten those of General Scott. 
 But as I wish to see all men succeed in their wishes, if hon- 
 orably obtained, without being effected at the expense of 
 others, so I shall carefully abstain from saying or doing any 
 thins: that mi^httend to give ura bra£e to General Scott, as 
 I am perfectly aware that any deviation from this course 
 might subject me to the General's ire, and induce him to 
 pay me the same compliment that he once did my old friend 
 DeWitt Clinton, who very properly reminded General Scott 
 on that occasion that it would be more regular, first to set- 
 tle some business he had on hand with General Jackson ; 
 but from the press of public duty, or some other cause un- 
 known to myself, General Scott it is said never got time to 
 attend to his business with General Jackson ; so the compli- 
 ment paid to Governor Clinton by General Scott passed by 
 like the idle wind, and no one was benefited or injured by 
 the occurrence. It was thought however by many at the 
 time, that if the situation i >f Governor Clinton had been such 
 as to have enabled him to have reciprocated General 
 Scott's politeness, the compliment never would have been 
 tendered. As General Scott and myself have been brought 
 
 1* 
 
out before our fellow-citizens as candidates for the next Pre- 
 sidency, under circumstances precisely the same, I will say 
 with the General, " the scope of the inquiries is a flattering 
 proof of the interest some of my countrymen take in the 
 opinions that I have formed, on certain great principles of 
 abiding importance to the success of our system of govern- 
 ment; and as I have nothing to conceal, if nothing of value to 
 communicate. . . ." Here I must differ with the General, and 
 instead of saying, " if nothing of value to communicate," I 
 would say, and much of value to communicate ; because I 
 will, by plain arithmetical calculations, show that from six 
 to eight millions of dollars may be annually saved to the 
 people of the United States collectively, and perhaps double 
 that amount to the mercantile part of community. To show 
 the correctness of my position, I will at once enter into de- 
 tails upon fiscal agency, that subject which has caused so 
 much labor in vain in and about the city of Washington 
 for the last two years, and left the country to writhe under 
 the withering influences of jarring contentions. The impor-' 
 tance of a uniform, sound, and unchangeable paper currency 
 throughout the United States, to facilitate exchanges from 
 one extreme of the Union to another, and obviate the ne- 
 cessity and expense of transporting specie, is admitted by 
 every man wto has a practical knowledge of mercantile 
 transactions. A plan to effect this, as yet, has never been 
 devised, that Congress have approved, except by the charter 
 of a United States Bank, which by many of our most able 
 and sound statesmen is considered not only unconstitutional, 
 but calculated to sap the liberties of our country, and place 
 the government under the control and influence of its un- 
 hallowed institutions. Admitting then these views of the 
 subject to be correct, how important would it be to the gov- 
 ernment and every individual in the community, if a plan could 
 be adopted by which the former could be carried into effect 
 and the latter obviated ; particularly so, if in addition to 
 this a sum equal to six or eight millions of dollars would 
 annually grow out of the operation, to be distributed among 
 the different States for internal improvements, the increase 
 and promotion of common education, and other laudable 
 purposes, and in its tendency bind and perpetuate the union 
 
of our country. What subject could be presented to the con- 
 sideration of an American citizen, that would create feelings 
 deeper or more interesting in their nature, in which worldly 
 concerns were connected % Having no object in view other 
 than showing the feasibility of putting the above designs in 
 practical operation, let us first inquire what amount of 
 paper money would be necessary to establish a uniform cur- 
 rency throughout the United States. This amount would 
 doubtless be calculated variously by different calculators : 
 seventy-five to one hundred millions would be sufficient. 
 The interest on seventy-five millions, the smallest sum named, 
 at six per cent, would annually amount to four million five 
 hundred thousand dollars. The money or bills to be raised 
 should be done by having the United States issue Treasury 
 Notes to an amount that might be fixed on ; the Treasury 
 Notes so issued should be distributed to the different States 
 in proportion to their representation in Congress, their wants 
 or their abilities to fulfil the conditions of a law which Con- 
 gress might pass for the issuing of the notes, and the re- 
 quirements that would be made of each State on their re- 
 ceiving such amount or part of such amount as might be 
 allotted to them. The notes should be issued of different de- 
 nominations, the same as Bank Notes, from fives or tens up 
 to one thousand dollars. Each State should be entitled to 
 receive of the Treasury Notes issued in proportion to their 
 representation in Congress, provided it fulfilled the conditions 
 above alluded to, which conditions should be based upon the 
 following principles :— The United States issuing these notes, 
 of course would be responsible to individuals holding them, 
 and each State should be bound to the, United States for 
 such amount as it might receive : for instance, the State of 
 New York might receive or want for the accommodation of 
 its increasing business twelve million five hundred thousand 
 dollars. Then, on receiving such amount or part of amount, 
 the State should become bound to the United States by an 
 enactment or law of the Legislature of the State, authoriz- 
 ing the arrangement or contract for receiving the Treasury 
 Notes of the United States. The Treasury Notes so received 
 by each Slate, should be under the control of the State so 
 receiving them, and each State to enjoy and have for its 
 
8 
 
 own benefit and use all the profits to be realized from dis- 
 counting notes of hand, or other paper. Each State might 
 establish as many depots as the Legislatures of each might 
 think proper for the promotion of public good. The notes 
 should be a lawful tender for the payment of all custom 
 bonds, and for all notes or bills discounted or deposited for 
 collection, in any one of the said Treasury depots — this 
 would ensure the par value of the Treasury Notes equal to 
 silver or gold, and would be preferred by every travelling 
 man ; and in a few years they might have equal celebrity 
 throughout the world, particularly so where the stars and 
 stripes of our nation were seen to wave for purposes of trade 
 and commerce. Each state before commencing business 
 should have deposited in their vaults in specie one tenth of 
 the amount of the Treasury Notes received ; the second year 
 they should have one and a half tenths, and the third year 
 they should have two tenths, and never after a less amount 
 on hand. These treasury depots should be the depositories 
 of the United States surplus funds; and for any balances 
 due the United States from a State, it should be the duty of 
 such State to place the amount of such balance, without 
 charge, wherever the treasurer of the United States should 
 direct. Thus much for this skeleton of a plan, the impor- 
 tance of which will doubtless be estimated in a more favor- 
 able point of view by farmers, mecr anics, and honest mer- 
 chants, than it will by stock speculators. : But to place the 
 subject in its true light let it be brought to our own doors, 
 and calculate its advantages and disadvantages — then we 
 will bring the subject home by applying the results of its 
 operations to the State of New York : and suppose, as has 
 been suggested, that the State of New York received twelve 
 millions five hundred thousand dollars ; deduct from which 
 one million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars for the 
 specie to be deposited, would leave eleven million two 
 hundred and fifty thousand dollars ; to this sum might be 
 added six millions two hundred and fifty thousand dollars, 
 as a fair average of government and individual deposits, 
 which would leave seventeen millions five hundred thousand 
 dollars to the State for discounting; as I would permit each 
 depot to discount or loan to the amount of the Treasury 
 
Notes received, with the addition of this fair average of de- 
 posits. The interest of seventeen millions five hundred thou- 
 sand dollars, at six per centum, would give a yearly income 
 of one million and fifty thousand dollars. Deduct from this 
 sum fifty thousand dollars for losses and expenses, and the 
 nett anual gain to the State would be one million of dol- 
 lars. Take the profits of the two first years, and place the 
 specie in the vaults of the depots ; at the expiration of that 
 time the two-tenths would be about added, making the 
 amount required for specie deposits without any cost or in- 
 convenience to the State. Calculating the State of New 
 York to receive one-sixth part of the benefits of an opera- 
 tion of this kind, it would then give to the whole United 
 States an annual income of six millions of dollars — in twenty 
 years it would amount to the enormous sum of one hundred 
 and twenty millions of dollars. With a part of this amount 
 how many rail-roads and canals already commenced could 
 be carried through and completed ! with a small portion 
 how many drooping colleges could be raised to the most 
 flourishing condition! But enough under any circumstances 
 should be reserved that common schools might be extended 
 to the remotest parts of our populated country, and the 
 poorest child in community be ensured a good common 
 education, with free access to the Bible. Without some sys- 
 tem or plan of this kind is adopted to check the rapacity 
 that has been exhibited to get State Charters for Banking 
 privileges, and the corrupt means used to obtain them, the 
 blessings bequeathed us by our forefathers, of liberty, and 
 the enjoyments of equal rights, must soon cease ; for the 
 most powerful weapon that can be placed in the llano's of 
 man to enslave his fellow-man is money. In a political 
 point of view no system or plan could be devised that would 
 be so powerful in its operation to cement and perpetuate 
 the union of these United States; the consciences of our 
 National Legislators need no more be put to rack to in- 
 corporate a United States Bank, or to make appropriations 
 for internal improvements; a substitute would be provided 
 for both without doing either, and the moneys which have 
 been appropriated to be distributed to the different States, 
 originating from the sales of public lands, would, if continued, 
 
10 
 
 amount in the course of a few years to as great an amount 
 as the Treasury Notes that might be issued, and not a State 
 in the Union have to pay one cent for its capital, or for the 
 advantages that would result from it ; both would be clear 
 gain. But by way of compromise let the United States keep, 
 as a collateral security for the Treasury Notes issued, the 
 proceeds of the sales of the public lands until the amount 
 shall equal the amount of the Treasury Notes issued, and 
 then let each State in the Union be dissolved from its respon- 
 sibilities to the United States ; this would also relieve Con- 
 gress from again agitating the question of the United States 
 assuming State debts, and issuing stocks or other securities 
 to the amount of two hundred millions of dollars. In a pecu- 
 niary point of view other and greater advantages would be 
 realized, than the income of what has been calculated on to 
 arise from discounts ; shaving shops would be closed, money 
 changers would become extinct, State Banks would not dis- 
 count to a greater extent than their capitals warranted : if a 
 merchant or other individual wanted to place funds in any 
 State of the Union, he would only have to get a certificate 
 of deposit from the Treasury depot where he was, and have 
 it placed to his credit in any city or town in the United 
 States where a Treasury depot was established ; and in this 
 there would not be a particle of risk and no greater expense 
 than the postage of a letter. Let a national currency once 
 be established on such principles, and the Treasury Notes 
 would be of the same value as eagles or half eagles ; they 
 would neither increase or diminish from what they purported 
 to be — all the profits arising would go into the pockets of 
 our own people, the poor man would receive the same bene- 
 fits as the rich, the hearts of poor mothers would be made 
 glad for the blessings it would bestow upon their children in 
 aiding to educate them, while the merchants would save 
 the millions they are paying to Shy locks to enable them to 
 place funds at different points of the Union. Make a fiscal 
 agent by chartering a United States Bank, you benefit no 
 one but the American and European capitalists, who would 
 take up the stock and pocket the profits, except the advan- 
 tages that might result from lessoning the rates of exchanges 
 and regulating the currency of the country, so far as might 
 
11 
 
 tend to render facilities to the mercantile and travelling part 
 of community ; fall back upon the Sub-Treasury system ami 
 you help no one, but injure all (safe-keepers excepted) ; that 
 plan carried out, locks up the surplus revenue of the country 
 in specie, and provides no means to aid, sustain, or beneiit 
 mercantile operations, by providing a fiscal agency, which is 
 the duty of government to do. 
 
 Nothing is now wanted but for Congress to lay the 
 foundation, by passing a law authorizing the issuing of the 
 Treasury Notes, by distributing them as has been suggested, 
 with proper restrictions and provisions; and there probably 
 would not be a state in the Union but would cheerfully ac- 
 cept the offers made them : if so, a new order of things 
 would arise, and as respects banks and banking, the country, 
 the whole country, would settle down upon an equality in 
 quietness and peace. To lessen the inconvenience that might 
 arise in procuring specie to commence operations with, 
 twenty-five millions of Treasury Notes might be issued the 
 first year, and increased to the same amount annually until 
 one hundred millions w r ere issued ; then the income, in ratio 
 to the calculations that have been made on profits to arise, 
 would annually yield eight millions of dollars. Having now 
 shown as I think pretty conclusively the ease and safety of 
 establishing a national currency with its benefits resulting 
 the next important point will be to show how to keep it; 
 and this may be summed up in three words, prudence, in- 
 dustry, and economy, all of which are required either in cut- 
 ting or keeping. Without adhering to these three words no 
 individual or nation can expect to prosper. With an indi- 
 vidual, expenses should be less than income ; with a nation, 
 imports should be less than exports, specie excepted, with a 
 tariff sufficient to pay the expenses of government, and protect 
 the manufacturing and agricultural interests of the country. 
 The United States possesses the raw materials, and her people 
 are competent to produce all that is necessary for the com- 
 forts of man, and in peace erect fortifications and prepare 
 materials to be ready to meet an enemy in time of war. 
 Nothing but the protecting arm of Congress is now wanted 
 to make us what we profess to be (if we are not), a free and 
 independent people. Let commercial treaties be negociated 
 
12 
 
 with foreign powers, that a reciprocity of duties may h 
 effected ; tariffs permanently established, that manufacturer! 
 and merchants may know what to depend on; let the post 
 age on letters be lessened, that people may write for plea 
 sure as well as on business, and thereby increase the revenu 
 of the Post Office department. As respects the judiciary 
 shall say little, not having, like General Scott, " long con 
 tinued the study of elementary law." — In appointing oi 
 nominating men to office, I should be " mighty clear" o 
 selecting such men as have disgraced the head of our Cu I 
 torn House department, since the days of Jonathan Thorr n 
 son, and that rule should apply to every section of the Unk 
 not even the letter of a Roman Catholic Bishop sho j 
 induce me to swerve. — I am in favor of one President 
 term, without any extension of time ; exceptions, howevif: 
 might be made to this rule under the circumstances 
 which Mr. Tyler is now situated. — " Agency of the Pj 
 sident in legislation," "leading measures of the extra Cc 
 gress, " " secret or oath-bound societies, " will all be left 
 the special care of General Scott. " Finally, I am asked, i 
 nominated as a candidate for the Presidency, w r ould you 
 accept the nomination V I answer, that I think no me I 
 should seek or intrigue to become President of the Unitt 
 States farther than by obeying and fulfilling the duti 
 enjoined on him by the ten commandments ; after which, 1. 
 a majority of his fellow-citizens should call him to the sta- 
 tion, under such circumstances he should not refuse to serve. 
 I shall now close with what I consider the duties of a Pre- 
 sident of the United States — first and last, let him discharg 
 its duties in conformity to the oath which he takes on enter 
 ing into office, and those duties are defined in a few words : 
 Support the Constitution, and see the laws executed. — 
 " Hoping that you w r ho have done me the honor to invite 
 this general reply, may, with the millions, be enabled in a 
 year or so to fix on some other citizen as your candidate 
 more worthy, and therefore more likely to conciliate the 
 majority of popular suffrages," 
 
 I remain, gentlemen, 
 
 your friend, and fellow-citizen, 
 
 JOHANNES PINDARUS, 
 
 
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